“Pausanias est un homme qui ne manque ni de bon sens ni de
bonne foi, mais qui croit ou au moins voudrait croire à ses dieux.”
—Champagny.
LONDON: GEORGE BELL AND SONS,
YORK STREET, COVENT GARDEN.
1886.
CHISWICK PRESS:—C. WHITTINGHAM AND CO., TOOKS COURT,
CHANCERY LANE.
Of Pausanias personally we know very little, but that he
lived during the Reign of the Antonines, and travelled
all round Greece, and wrote his famous Tour round Greece,
or Description of Greece, in 10 Books, describing what he
had seen and heard. His chief merit is his showing to us
the state of the works of art still remaining in his day in
the Greek cities, which have since been swept away by the
various invasions that have devastated that once happy
land. “When Pausanias travelled through Greece, during
the age of the Antonines, about 1690 years ago, he found
every city teeming with life and refinement; every Temple
a Museum of Art; and every spot hallowed by some tradition
which contributed to its preservation. The ruthless
destruction of these works of art, in subsequent ages, has
reduced them to a small number; and the Traveller now
pauses, with a melancholy interest, to reflect upon the
objects described by Pausanias, but which no longer
exist.”[1]
Pausanias’ Description of Greece is also full of various
information on many topics. It is for example a mine of
Mythology. For its various matter it has been happily
compared to a “County History.” There is often a quiet
vein of humour in Pausanias, who seems to have been
almost equally a believer in Providence and in Homer.
I have translated from Schubart’s Text in the Teubner
Series, (1875), but have taken the liberty always, where
the text seemed hopeless, to adopt a reading that seemed
preferable from any other source. I have constantly had
before me the valuable edition of Siebelis, (Lipsiæ, 1827),
to whom I am much indebted, especially for his Illustrations,
still veracity obliges me to state that occasionally he
too gives one reason to remember the famous lines of a
well-known Rector of Welwyn in the Eighteenth Century.
“The commentators each dark passage shun,
And hold their farthing candle to the Sun.”
In the Index it is hardly necessary to state that I owe
much to Schubart.
Cambridge, May, 1886.
FOOTNOTES: — CONTENTS.
[1] George Scharf, Esq., F.S.A. 1859. Wordsworth’s Greece, p. 1.
On the mainland of Greece, facing the islands called the
Cyclades and the Ægean sea, the promontory of
Sunium stands out on Attic soil: and there is a harbour
for any one coasting along the headland, and a temple of
Athene of Sunium on the summit of the height. And as
one sails on is Laurium, where the Athenians formerly had
silver mines, and a desert island of no great size called after
Patroclus; for he had built a wall in it and laid a palisade,
when he sailed as admiral in the Egyptian triremes, which
Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, sent to punish the Athenians,
Antigonus, the son of Demetrius, in person making a raid
into their territory with a land force and ravaging it, and
the fleet simultaneously hemming them in by sea. Now the
Piræus was a township in ancient times, but was not a port
until Themistocles ruled the Athenians; but their port was
Phalerum, (for here the sea is nearest to Athens), and they
say that it was from thence that Menestheus sailed with
the ships to Troy, and before him Theseus to exact vengeance
from Minos for the death of Androgeos. But when
Themistocles was in power, because the Piræus appeared to
him to be more convenient as a harbour, and it was certainly
better to have three harbours than one as at Phalerum,
he made this the port. And even up to my time
there were stations for ships, and at the largest of the three
harbours the tomb of Themistocles; for they say that the
Athenians repented of their conduct to him, and that his
relatives exhumed his remains and brought them home
from Magnesia. Certain it is that the sons of Themistocles
returned from exile, and hung up a painting of Themistocles
in the Parthenon. Now of all the things in the Piræus
best worth seeing is the temple of Athene and Zeus; both
their statues are of gold, and Zeus has a sceptre and Victory,
while Athene is armed with a spear. Here, too, is a painting
by Arcesilaus of Leosthenes and his sons, that famous
hero who at the head of the Athenians and all the Greeks
defeated the Macedonians in battle in Bœotia, and again
beyond Thermopylæ, and drove them into Lamia over
against Mount Œta and shut them up there. And it is in
the long portico, where those near the sea have their
market, (for there is another market for those more inland),
and in the back of the portico near the sea are statues of
Zeus and Demos, the design of Leochares. And near the
sea is a temple erected to Aphrodite by Conon, after his
victory over the Lacedæmonian fleet off Cnidus in the
peninsula of Caria. For Aphrodite is the tutelary saint of
the men of Cnidus, and they have several temples of the
goddess; the most ancient celebrates her as Doritis, the
next in date as Acræa, and latest of all that which everybody
else calls Athene of Cnidus, but the Cnidians themselves
call it Athene of the Fair Voyage.
The Athenians have also another harbour at Munychia,
and a temple of Artemis of Munychia, and another at
Phalerum, as has been stated by me before, and near it a
temple of Demeter. Here too is a temple of Sciradian
Athene, and of Zeus at a little distance, and altars of gods
called unknown, and of heroes, and of the children of
Theseus and Phalerus; for this Phalerus, the Athenians
say, sailed with Jason to Colchis. There is also an altar
of Androgeos the son of Minos, though it is only called
altar of a hero, but those who take pains to know more
accurately than others their country’s antiquities are well
aware that it is the altar of Androgeos. And twenty
stades[2] further is the promontory Colias; when the fleet of
the Persians was destroyed the tide dashed the wrecks
against it. There is here also a statue of Aphrodite of
Colias and the goddesses who are called Genetyllides. I
am of opinion that the Phocian goddesses in Ionia, that
they call by the name of Gennaides, are the same as these
at Colias called Genetyllides. And there is on the road to
Athens from Phalerum a temple of Hera without doors or
roof; they say that Mardonius, the son of Gobryas, burnt
it. But the statue there now is (as they say) the work of
Alcamenes; this, indeed, the Persian cannot have touched.
CHAPTER II.
As one enters into the city there is a monument of
Antiope the Amazon. Pindar says that this Antiope
was carried off by Pirithous and Theseus, but the account
by Hegias of Trœzen is as follows: that Hercules besieging
Themiscyra near the river Thermodon could not take
it; but that Antiope being enamoured of Theseus, (who was
besieging the place with Hercules), handed the place over
to him. This is the account Hegias has given. But the
Athenians say that, when the Amazons came, Antiope was
shot by Molpadia with an arrow, and that Molpadia was
slain by Theseus. There is a monument also to Molpadia
among the Athenians. And as one ascends from the
Piræus there are remains of the walls which Conon re-erected
after the sea-fight off Cnidus; for those which
Themistocles had built after the defeat of the Persians had
been pulled down during the rule of The Thirty Tyrants, as
they were called. And along the way the most notable
tombs are those of Menander the son of Diopeithes, and a
cenotaph of Euripides without the body. For Euripides was
buried in Macedonia, having gone to the court of King
Archelaus; and the manner of his death, for it has been
told by many, let it be as they say. Poets even in those
days lived with kings and earlier still, for when Polycrates
was tyrant at Samos Anacreon lived at his court, and
Æschylus and Simonides journeyed to Syracuse to the
court of Hiero; and to Dionysius, who was afterwards
tyrant in Sicily, went Philoxenus; and to Antigonus, king
of the Macedonians, went Antagoras of Rhodes and Aratus
of Soli. On the other hand Hesiod and Homer either did
not get the chance of living at kings’ courts, or of their
own accord didn’t value it, the former because he lived in
the country and shrank from travelling, and the latter,
having gone on his travels to very distant parts, depreciated
pecuniary assistance from the powerful in comparison with
the glory he had amongst most men, for from him too we
have the description of Demodocus’ being at the court
of Alcinous, and that Agamemnon left a poet with his
wife. There is also a tomb not far from the gates, with
the statue of a soldier standing near a horse; who the
soldier is I don’t know, but Praxiteles modelled both the
horse and the soldier.
As one enters into the city there is a building for the
getting ready of processions, which they conduct some
annually, some at various intervals. And near is the
temple of Demeter, and the statues in it are her and her
daughter and Iacchus with a torch; and it is written on
the wall in Attic letters that they are the production of
Praxiteles. And not far from this temple is Poseidon on
horseback, in the act of hurling his spear at the giant
Polybotes, in respect to whom there is a story among the
Coans as to the promontory of Chelone; but the inscription
of our days assigns the statue to another and not to
Poseidon. And there are porticoes from the gates to the
Ceramicus, and in front of them brazen statues of women
and men who have obtained some celebrity. And one of the
porticoes has not only shrines of the gods, but also what is
called the gymnasium of Hermes; and there is in it the
house of Polytion, in which they say the most notable of
the Athenians imitated the Eleusinian mysteries. But in
my time it was consecrated to Dionysus. And this Dionysus
they call Melpomenos for the same reason that they
call Apollo Musagetes. Here are statues of Pæonian Athene
and Zeus and Mnemosyne and the Muses, and Apollo (the
votive offering and work of Eubulides), and Acratus a satellite
of Dionysus: his face alone is worked in the wall. And
next to the shrine of Dionysus is a room with statues of
earthenware, Amphictyon the king of the Athenians feasting
Dionysus and all the other gods. Here too is Pegasus
Eleutherensis, who introduced Dionysus to the Athenians;
and he was assisted by the oracle at Delphi, which foretold
that the god would come and settle there in the days of
Icarius. And this is the way Amphictyon got the kingdom.
They say that Actæus was first king of what is now
Attica; and on his death Cecrops succeeded to the kingdom
having married Actæus’ daughter, and he had three
daughters, Erse, and Aglaurus, and Pandrosus, and one
son, Erysichthon. He never reigned over the Athenians,
for he chanced to die in his father’s lifetime, and the kingdom
of Cecrops fell to Cranaus, the foremost of the Athenians
in power and influence. And they say that Cranaus
had among other daughters Atthis; from her they named
the country Attica, which was before called Actæa. And
Amphictyon rose up in insurrection against Cranaus,
although he was married to his daughter, and deposed him
from the kingdom; but was himself afterwards ejected by
Erichthonius and his fellow conspirators. And they say that
Erichthonius had no mortal father, but that his parents
were Hephæstus and Mother Earth.
CHAPTER III.
Now the place Ceramicus gets its name from the hero
Ceramus, he too reputed to be the son of Dionysus
and Ariadne; and the first portico on the right is called the
royal portico, for there the king sits during his yearly office
which is called kingdom. On the roof of this portico are
statues of earthenware, Theseus hurling Sciron into the sea,
and Aurora carrying off Cephalus, who, being most handsome,
was, they say, carried off by enamoured Aurora, and
his son was Phaethon. And he made him sacristan of the
temple. All this has been told by others, and by Hesiod
in his poem about women. And near the portico are
statues of Conon and his son Timotheus, and Evagoras, the
king of the Cyprians, who got the Phœnician triremes
given to Conon by King Artaxerxes; and he acted as an
Athenian and one who had ancestral connection with
Salamis, for his pedigree went up to Teucer and the daughter
of Cinyras. Here too are statues of Zeus, surnamed Eleutherius,
and the Emperor Adrian, a benefactor to all the
people he ruled over, and especially to the city of the Athenians.
And the portico built behind has paintings of the
so-called twelve gods. And Democracy and Demos and
Theseus are painted on the wall beyond. The painting
represents Theseus restoring to the Athenians political
equality. The popular belief has prevailed almost universally
that Theseus played into the hands of the people, and
that from his time they remained under a democratical
government, till Pisistratus rose up and became tyrant.
There are other untrue traditions current among the mass
of mankind, who have no research and take for gospel all
they heard as children in the choruses and tragedies. One
such tradition is that Theseus himself was king, and that
after the death of Menestheus his descendants continued
kings even to the fourth generation. But if I had a fancy
for genealogies, I should certainly have enumerated all the
kings from Melanthus to Cleidicus the son of Æsimidas
as well as these.
Here too is painted the action of the Athenians at Mantinea,
who were sent to aid the Lacedæmonians. Xenophon
and others have written the history of the entire war,
the occupation of Cadmeia, and the slaughter of the Lacedæmonians
at Leuctra, and how the Bœotians made a raid
into the Peloponnese, and of the help that came to the
Lacedæmonians from the Athenians. And in the picture
is the cavalry charge, the most noted officers in which
were on the Athenian side Gryllus, the son of Xenophon,
and in the Bœotian cavalry Epaminondas the Theban.
These paintings were painted for the Athenians by Euphranor,
and in the temple hard by he represented Apollo
under the name Patrous. And in front of the temple
Leochares represented another Apollo, and Calamis the
Apollo who is called Averter of Evil. And they say the
god got this name by stopping from his oracle at Delphi
the noisome pestilence, that smote them at the same time as
the Peloponnesian war. There is also a temple to the Mother
of the Gods wrought by Phidias, and next to it a council chamber
for those who are called The Five Hundred, who
are appointed annually. And in the council chamber
are erected statues to Zeus the Counsellor, and to Apollo
(the artistic design of Pisias), and to Demos (the work of
Lyson). And the legislators were painted by the Caunian
Protogenes, but Olbiades painted Callippus, who led the
Athenians to Thermopylæ to prevent the invasion of the
Galati into Greece.
CHAPTER IV.
Now these Galati inhabit the remotest parts of Europe,
near a mighty sea, not navigable where they live: it
has tides and breakers and sea monsters quite unlike those
in any other sea: and through their territory flows the
river Eridanus, by whose banks people think the daughters
of the sun lament the fate of their brother Phaethon. And
it is only of late that the name Galati has prevailed among
them: for originally they were called Celts both by themselves
and by all other nations. And an army gathered
together by them marched towards the Ionian Sea, and
dispossessed all the nations of Illyria and all that dwelt
between them and the Macedonians, and even the Macedonians
themselves, and overran Thessaly. And when they
got near to Thermopylæ, most of the Greeks did not interfere
with their onward march, remembering how badly
handled they had formerly been by Alexander and Philip,
and how subsequently Antipater and Cassander had nearly
ruined Greece; so that, on account of their weakness, they
did not consider it disgraceful individually that a general
defence should be abandoned. But the Athenians, although
they had suffered more than any other of the Greeks during
the long Macedonian war, and had had great losses in
battles, yet resolved to go forth to Thermopylæ with those
of the Greeks who volunteered, having chosen this Callippus
as their General. And having occupied the narrowest
pass they endeavoured to bar the passage of the barbarians
into Greece. But the Celts having discovered the same
defile by which Ephialtes the Trachinian had formerly
conducted the Persians, and having routed those of the
Phocians who were posted there in battle array, crossed
Mount Œta unbeknown to the Greeks. Then it was that
the Athenians displayed themselves to the Greeks as most
worthy, by their brave defence against the barbarians, being
taken both in front and flank. But those suffered most
that were in their ships, inasmuch as the Lamiac Gulf was
full of mud near Thermopylæ; the explanation is, as it
seems to me, that here warm springs have their outlet into
the sea. Here therefore they suffered much. For, having
taken on board their comrades, they were obliged to sail
over mud in vessels heavy with men and armour. Thus
did the Athenians endeavour to save the Greeks in the
manner I have described. But the Galati having got inside
Pylæ, and not caring to take the other fortified towns, were
most anxious to plunder the treasures of the god at Delphi.
And the people of Delphi, and those of the Phocians who
dwelt in the cities round Parnassus, drew up in battle array
against them. A contingency of the Ætolians also arrived:
and you must know that at that era the Ætolians were
eminent for manly vigour. And when the armies engaged
not only did lightnings dismay the Galati, and fragments
of rock coming down on them from Parnassus, but three
mighty warriors pressed them hard, two, they say, came
from the Hyperboreans, Hyperochus and Amadocus, and
the third was Pyrrhus, the son of Achilles. And in consequence
of this aid the Delphians offer sacrifice to Pyrrhus,
though before they held his tomb in dishonour as that of
an enemy. But the greater part of the Galati having
crossed into Asia Minor in their ships, ravaged its maritime
parts. And some time afterwards the inhabitants of Pergamum,
which in old times was called Teuthrania, drove
the Galati from the sea into the region now called Galatia.
They lived in the region east of the river Sangarius, having
captured Ancyra, a city of the Phrygians which Midas the
son of Gordias had formerly built. And the anchor which
Midas found was still, even in my time, in the temple of
Zeus, and the well shown which was called Midas’ well:
which Midas, they say, poured wine into that he might
capture Silenus. As well as Ancyra they captured Pessinus
near the mountain Agdistis, where they say Atte was
buried. And the people of Pergamum have spoils of the
Galati, and there is a painting of their action with the
Galati. And the region which the people of Pergamum
inhabit was in old times, they say, sacred to the Cabiri.
And they claim to be Arcadians who crossed over with
Telephus into Asia Minor. Of their other wars, if they
fought any, the fame has not universally spread: but three
most notable exploits have been performed by them, their
gaining dominion over the southern part of Asia Minor, and
their expulsion of the Galati from thence, and their venture
under Telephus against the forces of Agamemnon, when
the Greeks, unable to find Ilium, ravaged the Mysian plain,
thinking it was Trojan territory. But I return to where
I made my digression from.
CHAPTER V.
Near the council chamber of The Five Hundred is the
room called the Rotunda, and here the Prytanes sacrifice,
and there are some silver statues not very large. And
higher up are some statues of the heroes, from whom the
tribes of the Athenians in later times got their names.
And who made the tribes ten instead of four, and changed
their names from the old ones, has been told by Herodotus.
And of the heroes who gave their names to the tribes,
(Eponymus is the name they give them), are Hippothoon,
the son of Poseidon by Alope the daughter of Cercyon,
and Antiochus, one of the sons of Hercules by Meda the
daughter of Phylas, and the third Ajax, the son of Telamon;
and of the Athenians Leo, who is said to have devoted all
his daughters for the public weal at the bidding of the
oracle. Erechtheus also is among the Eponymi, who conquered
the Eleusinians in battle, and slew their commander
Immaradus, the son of Eumolpus; also Ægius, and Œneus
the illegitimate son of Pandion, and of the sons of Theseus
Acamas. And what Cecrops and Pandion they hold in
honour, (for I saw their statues too among the Eponymi),
I do not know, for there were two of each; the first Cecrops,
that was king, married the daughter of Actæus, and the
other, who settled at Eubœa, was the son of Erechtheus, the
grandson of Pandion and the great grandson of Erichthonius,
and the two Pandion kings were the son of Erichthonius
and the son of Cecrops the younger. The latter
was deposed from his kingdom by the Metionidæ, and when
he fled to Megara, the daughter of whose king he had
married, his sons were banished with him. And it is said
that Pandion died there of illness, and his tomb is near the
sea in Megara, on the rock that is called the rock of Athene
the Diver. But his sons returned from exile at Megara,
and expelled the Metionidæ, and Ægeus, being the eldest,
had the sovereignty over the Athenians. Pandion also
reared daughters, but not with good fortune, nor had they
any sons to avenge him. And yet for the love of power he
had made affinity with the king of Thrace. But man has
no power to escape what is willed by the Deity. They say
that Tereus (though married to Procne) dishonoured Philomela,
not acting according to the law of the Greeks: and,
having still further murdered the damsel, he compelled the
women to punish him. There is also another statue erected
to Pandion in the Acropolis, well worth seeing. These are
the ancient Eponymi of the Athenians. And after these
they have as Eponymi Attalus the Mysian, and Ptolemy
the Egyptian, and, in my time, the Emperor Adrian, who
worshipped the gods more religiously than anyone, and who
contributed most to the individual happiness of his subjects.
And he never willingly undertook any war, only he
punished the revolt of the Hebrews who live beyond the
Syrians. And as to the temples of the gods, part of which
he originally built, and part of which he adorned with
votive offerings and decorations, or of the gifts which he
gave to the Greek cities and to those of the barbarians who
asked for them, all these good deeds of his are written up
at Athens, in the temple common to all the gods.
CHAPTER VI.
As to the actions of Attalus and Ptolemy, not only are
they become more ancient from the progress of time,
so that the fame of them no longer remains, but also those
who lived with those kings in former days neglected to
register their exploits. I thought it well therefore to
record whatever works they did, and how it was that the
government of Egypt and of the Mysi, and of the neighbouring
nations, fell to their fathers. Ptolemy, the Macedonians
think, was really the son of Philip the son of
Amyntas, (but putatively the son of Lagus), for his mother,
they say, was pregnant when she was given to Lagus to
wife by Philip. And they say that Ptolemy not only distinguished
himself brilliantly in Asia Minor, but, when
danger befel Alexander at Oxydracæ, he of all his companions
was foremost to bring him aid. And upon the
death of Alexander, he it was who mainly resisted those
who wished to give all the dominions of Alexander to
Aridæus the son of Philip, and he again was responsible
for the different nationalities being divided into kingdoms.
And he himself crossed into Egypt and slew Cleomenes,
whom Alexander had made satrap of Egypt, thinking him
friendly to Perdiccas and therefore not loyal to himself, and
persuaded those of the Macedonians who were appointed to
carry the dead body of Alexander to Ægæ to hand it over
to him, and buried him at Memphis with the customary
Macedonian rites; but, feeling sure that Perdiccas would go
to war with him, he filled Egypt with garrisons. And Perdiccas,
to give a specious colour to his expedition, led about
with him Aridæus the son of Philip, and the lad Alexander,
the son of Alexander by Roxana the daughter of
Oxyartes, but really was plotting to take away the kingdom
of Egypt from Ptolemy. But having been thrust out
of Egypt, and consequently losing his former prestige as
a general, and having incurred odium among the Macedonians
on other grounds, he was assassinated by his bodyguard.
The death of Perdiccas roused Ptolemy to immediate
action: simultaneously he seized Syria and Phœnicia,
welcomed Seleucus the son of Antiochus, a fugitive who
had been driven into exile by Antigonus, and made preparations
to take the field in person against Antigonus. And
Cassander the son of Antipater, and Lysimachus king of
Thrace, he persuaded to join him in the war, saying that
the exile of Seleucus and the aggrandisement of Antigonus
was a common danger to all of them. Now Antigonus for
a time went on with his preparations, but by no means
courted war. But when he heard that Ptolemy had gone to
Libya to put down a revolt of the people of Cyrene, forthwith
he took Syria and Phœnicia by a coup-de-main, and, handing
them over to his son Demetrius, a boy in years a man in
intellect, returned to the Hellespont. But before getting
there, on hearing that Demetrius had been beaten in battle
by Ptolemy, he led his army back again. But Demetrius, so
far from yielding ground altogether to Ptolemy, planned an
ambush and cut to pieces a few of the Egyptians. And
now, upon Antigonus’ coming up, Ptolemy did not wait for
him, but retired into Egypt. And when the winter was
over Demetrius sailed to Cyprus and beat Menelaus, Ptolemy’s
satrap, in a naval engagement, and then Ptolemy
himself, as he tried to force his way through. And he fled
into Egypt and was blockaded both by land and sea by
Antigonus and Demetrius. But Ptolemy, although in great
straits, yet preserved his kingdom by stationing himself
with his army at Pelusium on the qui vive, and by keeping
the enemy from the river with his fleet. And Antigonus
had no further hope that he could take Egypt in the present
state of affairs, so he despatched Demetrius to the Rhodians
with a large army and ships, hoping that, if he could get
possession of Rhodes, he could use it as his base against
the Egyptians. But not only did the Rhodians exhibit
great daring and ingenuity against their besiegers, but also
Ptolemy himself to the utmost of his power assisted them
in the war. And Antigonus, though unsuccessful with
Rhodes and Egypt, ventured not long afterwards to fight
against Lysimachus and Cassander and the army of Seleucus,
and lost the greater part of his forces, and himself
died mainly from being worn out by the length of the war
against Eumenes. And of the kings that put down the
power of Antigonus I think the most unscrupulous was
Cassander, who, having preserved his rule over the Macedonians
only owing to Antigonus, went and fought
against a man that had been his benefactor. And after
the death of Antigonus, Ptolemy again took Syria and
Cyprus, and restored Pyrrhus to Thesprotian Epirus. And
when Cyrene revolted, Magas the son of Berenice, who was
at this time the wife of Ptolemy, took it in the fifth
year after the revolt. Now if this Ptolemy was really the
son of Philip the son of Amyntas, it will be clear that he
inherited this madness for women from his father, who,
though married to Eurydice, the daughter of Antipater,
and having children by her, yet fell in love with Berenice,
(whom Antipater had sent into Egypt as a companion to
Eurydice), and so enamoured was he of her that he had
children by her, and when his end was near willed to reign
over Egypt Ptolemy, (from whom the Athenians name one
tribe), his son by Berenice and not by Eurydice.
CHAPTER VII.
This Ptolemy being enamoured of Arsinoe, his sister on
both sides, married her, doing what was by no means
usual among the Macedonians, but not uncommon among
his Egyptian subjects. And next he slew his brother Argæus
plotting against him, as was said. And he brought
the corpse of Alexander from Memphis. And he slew also
another brother, the son of Eurydice, observing that he was
trying to make the Cyprians revolt. And Magas the uterine
brother of Ptolemy, (being the son of Berenice and one
Philip, a Macedonian but one of the common people and
otherwise unknown), who had been chosen by his mother
to be governor of Cyrene, at this time persuaded the people
of Cyrene to revolt from Ptolemy and marched with an
army for Egypt. And Ptolemy, having guarded the approaches,
awaited the arrival of the men of Cyrene; but
Magas having had news brought him on the road that the
Marmaridæ had revolted from him, (now the Marmaridæ
are a tribe of Libyan Nomads), endeavoured to get back to
Cyrene at once. And Ptolemy, intending to follow him,
was prevented by the following reason. Among some of
his defensive operations against Magas, he had invited in
some foreign mercenaries, and among others some 4,000
Galati; but finding that they were plotting to make themselves
masters of Egypt, he sent them down to the Nile to
a desert island. And here they perished, partly by one
another’s sword, partly by famine. And Magas being
the husband of Apame, the daughter of Antiochus the son
of Seleucus, persuaded Antiochus to violate the conditions
which his father Seleucus had made with Ptolemy,
and to lead an army into Egypt. But as he was
preparing to do so, Ptolemy sent into all parts of Antichus’
dominions guerilla troops to ravage the country
where the defenders were weak, and more formidable bodies
he checked with his army, so that Antiochus had no longer
the chance to invade Egypt. I have previously described
how this Ptolemy sent a fleet to aid the Athenians against
Antigonus and the Macedonians; but, indeed, the Athenians
derived no great benefit from it. Now his sons were
not by Arsinoe his sister, but by the daughter of Lysimachus,
for although he was married to his sister and lived
with her, she pre-deceased him and was childless, and the
district Arsinoites is named after her.
CHAPTER VIII.
Our subject now demands that we should relate the
doings of Attalus, for he is also one of the Athenian
Eponymi. A Macedonian by name Docimus, one of Antigonus’
generals, who afterwards gave himself and his
fortune into the hands of Lysimachus, had a Paphlagonian
eunuch called Philetærus. Now all the circumstances of
Philetærus’ revolt from Lysimachus, and how he invited
in Seleucus, shall be narrated by me in my account of
Lysimachus. But this Attalus was the son of Attalus, and
nephew of Philetærus, and got the kingdom from Eumenes
his cousin handing it over to him. And this is the greatest
of his exploits, that he compelled the Galati to leave the
coast and go inland to Galatia, the country which they
now inhabit.
And next to the statues of the Eponymi are images of
the gods, Amphiaraus and Peace with Wealth as a boy in
her arms. Here, too, are statues in bronze of Lycurgus
the son of Lycophron, and of Callias who negotiated peace,
as most of the Athenians say, between the Greeks and
Artaxerxes the son of Xerxes. Here, too, is Demosthenes,
whom the Athenians drove into exile to Calauria, the island
near Trœzen, and after having recalled him drove him into
exile a second time after the defeat at Lamia. And when
Demosthenes went into exile the second time, he crossed
over again to Calauria, where he died by taking poison.
And he was the only exile who was not handed over to Antipater
and the Macedonians by Archias. Now this Archias,
who was a native of Thurii, acted very inhumanly. All who
had opposed the Macedonians before the disaster which befel
the Greeks in Thessaly, Archias handed over to Antipater
for punishment. Now this was the end of Demosthenes’
excessive affection for the Athenians. And it seems to me
deserving of record, that a man who had been cruelly exiled
for his policy, and had yet believed in the democracy, came
to a bad end.
And near the statue of Demosthenes is the temple of
Ares, where are two images of Aphrodite, and one of Ares
designed by Alcamenes, and one of Athene designed by a
Parian by name Locrus. Here too is an image of Enyo
by the sons of Praxiteles. And round the temple are
statues of Hercules, and Theseus, and Apollo with his long
hair in a fillet: and statues of Calades, who was a legislator
of the Athenians according to tradition, and of Pindar,
who amongst other honour obtained this statue from the
Athenians because he praised them in an Ode. And at no
great distance are statues of Harmodius and Aristogiton,
the murderers of Hipparchus: the motive and manner of
this murder has been told by others. And of these statues
some are by Critias, but the oldest ones by Antenor. And
although Xerxes when he captured Athens, (the Athenians
having left the city), took them off as booty, Antiochus sent
them back afterwards to the Athenians.
And in the theatre, which they call Odeum, there are
statues, in the entrance, of the Egyptian kings. Their
names are all Ptolemy alike, but each has another distinguishing
name also. Thus they call one Philometor, and
another Philadelphus, and the son of Lagus Soter, a name
the Rhodians gave him. Philadelphus is the one whom
I have before made mention of as one of the Eponymi.
And near him is also a statue of his sister Arsinoe.
CHAPTER IX.
Now the Ptolemy called Philometor is the eighth in
descent from Ptolemy the son of Lagus, and he got
his name in irony; for none of these kings that we know
of was so hated by their mother as he was; for though he
was the eldest of her sons she would not allow them to call
him to the kingdom, but got him banished to Cyprus by
his father previously. Now of this dislike of Cleopatra to
her son they allege other motives, but especially this one,
that she thought Alexander, the younger of her sons, would
be more obsequious to her. And therefore she urged the
Egyptians to choose Alexander for their king. And when
the people opposed her in this, she sent Alexander to
Cyprus, nominally as general, but really because she wished
through him to make herself more formidable to Philometor.
And at last having mutilated those of the eunuchs
whom she thought most friendly, she brought
them before the populace, and pretended that she was
plotted against by Philometor, and that the eunuchs had
been treated in that shameful manner by him. And the
Alexandrians were eager to kill Philometor, but, as he got
on shipboard and escaped them, they made Alexander king
on his return from Cyprus. But Cleopatra was punished
eventually for her getting Philometor banished by being
slain by Alexander, whom she had got appointed king over
the Egyptians. And the crime being detected, and Alexander
fleeing from fear of the citizens, Philometor quietly
returned from exile and a second time held Egypt, and
warred against the Thebans who had revolted. And having
reduced them in the third year after the revolt, he punished
them so severely that there was no vestige left them of
their ancient prosperity, which had reached such a pitch
that they excelled in wealth the wealthiest of the Greeks,
even the treasures of the temple at Delphi and the Orchomenians.
And Philometor not long after meeting the
common fate, the Athenians who had been well treated by
him in many respects that I need not enumerate, erected a
brazen statue both of him and Berenice, his only legitimate
child. And next to the Egyptian kings are statues of Philip
and his son Alexander. They performed greater exploits
than to be mere appendages to an account of something
else. To the other Egyptian kings gifts were given as
being of real merit and benefactors, but to Philip and
Alexander more, from the flattery of the community towards
them, for they also honoured Lysimachus by a statue, not so
much out of good will as thinking him useful under existing
circumstances.
Now this Lysimachus was by birth a Macedonian and
the armour-bearer of Alexander, whom Alexander once in
anger shut up in a building with a lion and found him victorious
over the beast. In all other respects he continued
to admire him, and held him in honour as among the foremost
of the Macedonians. And after Alexander’s death
Lysimachus ruled over those Thracians who were contiguous
to the Macedonians, over whom Alexander had ruled,
and still earlier Philip. And these would be no very great
portion of Thrace. Now no nations are more populous
than all the Thracians, except the Celts, if one compares
one race with another; and that is why none of the Romans
ever subdued all Thrace at an earlier period. But all
Thrace is now subject to the Romans, and as much of the
Celtic land as they think useless from the excessive cold
and inferiority of the soil has been purposely overlooked by
them, but the valuable parts they stick to. Now Lysimachus
at this period fought with the Odrysæ first of all
his neighbours, and next went on an expedition against
Dromichetes and the Getæ. And fighting with men not
inexperienced in war, and in number far superior, he
himself getting into the greatest danger, fled for his life;
and his son Agathocles, now first accompanying his father
on campaign, was captured by the Getæ. And Lysimachus
after this, being unfortunate in battles and being
greatly concerned at the capture of his son, made a peace
with Dromichetes, abandoning to Getes his possessions
across the Ister, and giving him his daughter in marriage,
more of necessity than choice. But some say that it was
not Agathocles who was captured, but Lysimachus himself,
and that he was ransomed by Agathocles negotiating with
Getes on his account. And when he returned he brought
with him for Agathocles a wife in Lysandra, the daughter
of Ptolemy Lagus and Eurydice. And he crossed over into
Asia Minor in his fleet, and destroyed the rule of Antigonus.
And he built the present city of the Ephesians near
the sea, bringing into it as settlers Lebedians and Colophonians,
after destroying their cities, so that Phœnix, the
Iambic writer, laments the capture of Colophon. Hermesianax,
the Elegiac writer, could not have lived, it seems
to me, up to this date; for else he would surely have
written an elegy over the capture of Colophon. Lysimachus
also waged war against Pyrrhus the son of Æacides.
And watching for his departure from Epirus, as indeed he
was wandering most of his time, he ravaged all the rest of
Epirus, and even meddled with the tombs of the kings. I
can scarce believe it, but Hieronymus of Cardia has recorded
that Lysimachus took up the tombs of the dead and strewed
the bones about. But this Hieronymus has the reputation
even on other grounds of having written with hostility against
all the kings except Antigonus, and of not having been altogether
just even to him. And in this account of the tombs in
Epirus he clearly must have invented the calumny, that a
Macedonian would interfere with the tombs of the dead. And
besides it appears that Lysimachus did not know that the
people of Epirus were not only the ancestors of Pyrrhus
but also of Alexander; for Alexander was not only a native
of Epirus, but on his mother’s side one of the Æacidæ.
And the subsequent alliance between Pyrrhus and Lysimachus
proves that if they did fight together there was no
irreconcilable animosity between them. But perhaps Hieronymus
had other causes of complaint against Lysimachus
besides the chief one that he destroyed the city of Cardia,
and built instead of it Lysimachia on the Isthmus of the
Thracian Chersonese.
CHAPTER X.
Now as long as Aridæus, and after him Cassander
and his sons, ruled, there was friendship between
Lysimachus and the Macedonians; but when the kingdom
came to Demetrius the son of Antigonus, then at once
Lysimachus thought war would be waged against him by
Demetrius, and preferred to take the initiative himself,
knowing that it was a family tradition with Demetrius to
wish to be grasping something, and at the same time observing
that he had come to Macedonia on being sent for
by Alexander the son of Cassander, and on his arrival had
killed Alexander and taken in his stead the kingdom of the
Macedonians. For these reasons he fought with Demetrius
at Amphipolis and was within an ace of being ejected from
Thrace, but through the help of Pyrrhus he retained Thrace
and afterwards ruled the Nestians and Macedonians also.
But the greater part of Macedonia Pyrrhus kept for himself,
coming with a force from Epirus and being useful to Lysimachus
at that time. But when Demetrius crossed over
into Asia Minor and fought with Seleucus, as long as the
fortunes of Demetrius lasted the alliance between Pyrrhus
and Lysimachus remained unbroken; but when Demetrius
got into the power of Seleucus the friendship was dissolved,
and Lysimachus fought with Antigonus, the son of Demetrius,
and with Pyrrhus himself, and was easily victorious
and got Macedonia and compelled Pyrrhus to return to
Epirus. Now many misfortunes are wont to come on men
through love. For Lysimachus being already advanced in
age, and being reputed fortunate in respect to his offspring,
and although his son Agathocles had children by Lysandra,
yet married Arsinoe Lysandra’s sister. And it is said that
this Arsinoe, fearing for her children that after the death
of Lysimachus they would be in the hands of Agathocles,
for these reasons conspired against Agathocles. And some
writers have alleged that Arsinoe was violently in love
with Agathocles, but being disappointed in this plotted
his death. And they say that afterwards Lysimachus
came to know of the awful doings of his wife, when it
was too late to be of any service to him, being entirely
deprived of his friends. For when Lysimachus permitted
Arsinoe to put Agathocles to death, Lysandra fled to
Seleucus, taking with her her sons and brothers, and in
consequence of what had happened they fled for refuge
to Ptolemy. And these fugitives to the court of Seleucus
were accompanied by Alexander also, the son of
Lysimachus by his wife Odrysiades. And they, having
got to Babylon, besought Seleucus to go to war with
Lysimachus; and Philetærus at the same time, who had
had all the money of Lysimachus entrusted to him, indignant
at the death of Agathocles and thinking the conduct
of Arsinoe suspicious, occupied Pergamum beyond the river
Caicus, and sent an envoy and offered himself and his
money to Seleucus. And Lysimachus, learning all this,
crossed into Asia Minor forthwith, and himself began the
war, and encountering Seleucus was badly beaten and himself
killed. And Alexander, who was his son by his wife
Odrysiades, after much entreaty to Lysandra recovered
his corpse, and subsequently conveyed it to the Chersonese
and buried it there, where even now his tomb is to be seen,
between the village Cardia and Pactye. Such was the fate
of Lysimachus.
CHAPTER XI.
The Athenians also have a statue of Pyrrhus. This
Pyrrhus was only related to Alexander by ancestry.
For Pyrrhus was the son of Æacides the son of Arybbas,
whereas Alexander was the son of Olympias the daughter
of Neoptolemus. Now, Neoptolemus and Arybbas had the
same father, Alcetas the son of Tharypus. And from
Tharypus to Pyrrhus, the son of Achilles, are fifteen generations.
For he first, after the capture of Ilium, neglected,
returning home to Thessaly, and removed to Epirus and
dwelt there in accordance with the oracles of Helenus.
And he had no son by Hermione, but by Andromache he
had Molossus and Pielus and the youngest Pergamus.
And Helenus also had a son Cestrinus by Andromache,
whom he married after the death of Pyrrhus at Delphi.
And when Helenus died having handed over the kingdom
to Molossus the son of Pyrrhus, Cestrinus with the
Epirotes who volunteered to go with him occupied the
region across the river Thyamis, and Pergamus, crossing
into Asia Minor, killed Arius the king of Teuthrania in single
combat for the sovereignty of the country, and gave the
city his own name, which it now has. There is also to this
day a temple of Andromache, who accompanied him, in the
city. But Pielus remained at home in Epirus, and it was to
him and not to Molossus that Pyrrhus the son of Æacides
and his fathers traced up their ancestry. Now up to the
days of Alcetas the son of Tharypus Epirus was under one
king; but the sons of Alcetas after some quarrelling
changed the government to an equal share for each, and
remained loyal to that agreement; and afterwards Alexander
the son of Neoptolemus died in Lucania, and Olympias
returned to Epirus from fear of Antipater, and
Æacides, the son of Arybbas, in all respects remained loyal
to Olympias, and even joined her in fighting against
Aridæus and the Macedonians, though the people of Epirus
were unwilling to enter into it. But as Olympias, when
she conquered, had acted infamously in connection with
the death of Aridæus, and far more so to the Macedonians,
and consequently was thought afterwards to have only met
with her deserts from Cassander, the Epirotes would not
receive Æacides for a time owing to their hostility against
Olympias; and when he obtained pardon from them some
time after Cassander again prevented his return to Epirus.
And a battle being fought between Philip (the brother of
Cassander) and Æacides at Œnidæ, Æacides was wounded
and died no long time after. And the people of Epirus
made Alcetas king, the son of Arybbas and elder brother
of Æacides, a man on previous occasions of ungovernable
temper, and for that very reason banished by his father.
And now on his arrival he immediately so madly raged
against the people of Epirus, that they rose up against him
by night and killed him and his sons. And when they had
killed him they brought back from exile Pyrrhus the son
of Æacides. And immediately on his arrival Cassander
marched against him, as being young and not firmly established
in the sovereignty. But Pyrrhus, on the invasion of
the Macedonians, went to Egypt to Ptolemy the son of
Lagus; and Ptolemy gave him as wife the uterine sister of
his own children, and restored him with a force of Egyptians.
And Pyrrhus, on becoming king, attacked the
Corcyræans first of the Greeks, seeing that the island of
Corcyra lay opposite to his own territory, and not wishing
it to be a base for operations against him. And after the
capture of Corcyra all the defeats he met with fighting
against Lysimachus, and how after he had driven Demetrius
out of Macedonia he ruled there until he in turn was ejected
by Lysimachus,—all these, the most important events
at that time in Pyrrhus’ life, have been already narrated
by me in connection with Lysimachus. And we know of
no Greek before Pyrrhus that warred with the Romans.
For there is no record of any engagement between Æneas
and Diomede and the Argives with him; and the Athenians,
who were very ambitious and desired to reduce all Italy,
were prevented by the disaster at Syracuse from attacking
the Romans; and Alexander the son of Neoptolemus, of
the same race as Pyrrhus but older in age, was prevented
by his death in Lucania from coming to blows with the
Romans.
CHAPTER XII.
So Pyrrhus is the first that crossed the Ionian Sea from
Greece to fight against the Romans. And he crossed
at the invitation of the people of Tarentum, who had
had earlier than this a war of long standing with the
Romans: and being unable to resist them by themselves,
(and they had already done services to Pyrrhus, for they
had aided him with their fleet when he was warring against
Corcyra), their envoys won Pyrrhus over, giving him to
understand that it would be for the happiness of all Greece,
and that it would not be honourable for him to leave them
in the lurch, inasmuch as they were friends and on the
present occasion suppliants. And as the envoys urged
these things, the remembrance of the capture of Ilium
came to Pyrrhus, and he hoped the same would happen to
him: for he, a descendant of Achilles, would be warring
against colonies of Trojans. And as the idea pleased him,
(and he was not the man to loiter at anything he had a
mind for), he forthwith equipped men-of-war and transports
and got ready cavalry and infantry to take with him. Now,
there are some books written by men not remarkable for historical
power still extant, called Commentaries of Events.
As often as I read them I am inclined to marvel, not only
at the daring of Pyrrhus which he displayed in action, but
also at the forethought which he always exhibited. On this
occasion he crossed over into Italy in his ships unbeknown
to the Romans, and his arrival was unknown to them until,
(an attack being made by them upon the people of Tarentum),
he first showed himself at the head of his army, and,
attacking them contrary to their expectation, threw them
into confusion as was only likely. And, knowing full well
that he was not a match for the Romans in fighting,
he contrived to let loose elephants upon them. Now Alexander
was the first European who had elephants, after the
conquest of Porus and India: and on his death other
European kings had them, and Antigonus a very large
quantity of them: and the elephants of Pyrrhus were captured
by him in the battle with Demetrius. And now on
their appearance a panic seized the Romans, who thought
they were something superhuman. For the use of ivory
indeed all nations have clearly known from the earliest
times; but the animals themselves, until the Macedonians
crossed into Asia, no nations had seen at all except the
Indians and Libyans and the adjacent nations. And Homer
proves this, who has represented the beds and houses of the
wealthier of the kings as decked with ivory, but has made
no mention whatever of the elephant. And if he had seen
or heard of them he would, I think, have recorded them
rather than the battle of the Pygmies and cranes. Pyrrhus
was also invited into Sicily by an embassy of Syracusans.
For the Carthaginians used to cross over and take the
Greek cities in Sicily, and Syracuse the only one left they
were blockading and besieging. And Pyrrhus, hearing this
from the envoys, left Tarentum and the Italians that dwelt
on the headland, and crossed over into Sicily and compelled
the Carthaginians to raise the siege. And, having overweening
self-confidence, he was elated to fight on sea against
the Carthaginians, (who were the greatest maritime nation
of all the barbarians of that day, having been originally
Tyrians and Phœnicians), with the natives of Epirus only,
who even after the capture of Ilium were most of them
unacquainted with the sea, and knew not the use of salt.
As that line of Homer, in the “Odyssey,” bears me out:
“Men who know not the sea, nor eat food seasoned with salt.”[3]
CHAPTER XIII.
Then Pyrrhus, after his defeat, sailed for Tarentum
with the remnant of his fleet. There his fortunes suffered
great reverses, and he contrived his flight in the
following manner, (for he knew that the Romans would not
let him go scot-free). On his return from Sicily he first
sent letters everywhere to Asia Minor and Antigonus, asking
for soldiers from some of the kings and for money
from others, and for both from Antigonus. And when
the messengers returned and their letters were given to
him, he called together a council of the chief men of
Epirus and Tarentum, and read none of the letters which
he had with him but merely said that aid would come.
And quickly a report spread among the Romans, that the
Macedonians and other tribes of Asia Minor were going
to come over to the help of Pyrrhus. So the Romans
when they heard this remained quiet, and Pyrrhus under
the shelter of the next night crossed over to the mountains
which they call Ceraunia. And after this reverse
in Italy he remained quiet with his forces for some time,
and then proclaimed war against Antigonus, bringing
other charges against him but mainly because he had
failed to bring reinforcements to Italy. And having beaten
Antigonus’ own troops, and the foreign contingent with
him of the Galati, he pursued them to the maritime cities,
and became master of Upper Macedonia and Thessaly.
And the greatness of the battle and the magnitude of
Pyrrhus’ victory are shown by the arms of the Galati hung
up in the temple of Athene Itonia between Pheræ and Larissa,
and the inscription on them is as follows:
“Molossian Pyrrhus hung up these shields of the brave
Galati to Itonian Athene, when he had destroyed all the
host of Antigonus. No great wonder. The Æacidæ are
warriors now as formerly.”
The shields of the Galati he put here, but those of the
Macedonians he hung up to Zeus of the Macedonians at
Dodona. And the following is the inscription on them:
“These formerly ravaged the wealthy Asian territory,
These also brought slavery to the Greeks;
But now hang up on the pillars in the house of Zeus
The spoils snatched from boasting Macedonia.”
But Pyrrhus was prevented from overthrowing the Macedonians
entirely, though he came within an ace of it, and
was only too ready always to seize whatever was at his feet,
by Cleonymus. Now this Cleonymus, who had persuaded
Pyrrhus to leave Macedonia and come to the Peloponnese,
although a Lacedæmonian led a hostile force into the territory
of the Lacedæmonians, for the reason which I shall
give after his pedigree. Pausanias that led the Greeks at
Platæa had a son Pleistoanax, and he a son Pausanias, and
he a son Cleombrotus, who fought against Epaminondas and
the Thebans, and was killed at Leuctra. And Cleombrotus
had two sons Agesipolis and Cleomenes, and the former
dying childless Cleomenes had the kingdom. And he had
two sons, the elder Acrotatus and the younger Cleonymus.
And Acrotatus dying first and after him Cleomenes, there
was a dispute who should be king between Acrotatus’ son,
Areus, and Cleonymus. And Cleonymus, determined to
get the kingdom whether or no, called in Pyrrhus into the
country. And the Lacedæmonians before Leuctra had met
with no reverse, so that they would not admit they could
be conquered by a land army: for in the case of Leonidas
they said his followers were not sufficient to completely
destroy the Persians, and as for the exploit of Demosthenes
and the Athenians at the island of Sphacteria, they
said that was a fluke of war and not a genuine victory.
But after their first reverse in Bœotia, they had a second
severe one with Antipater and the Macedonians: and thirdly
the war with Demetrius came on the land as an unexpected
evil. And when fourthly Pyrrhus invaded them, when
they saw the enemy’s army, they drew up in battle array
together with their allies from Argos and Messene. And
Pyrrhus conquered and was within an ace of taking Sparta
at the first assault; but after having ravaged their territory
and got much booty he rested for awhile. And the
Spartans prepared for a siege, Sparta even before in the war
with Demetrius having been fortified by deep trenches and
strong palisades, and in the weakest parts by special works.
And during this time and the long Laconian war Antigonus
having fortified the towns of the Macedonians pressed
into the Peloponnese, perceiving that Pyrrhus, if he should
subdue Sparta and most of the Peloponnese, would not go
into Epirus, but into Macedonia again and to the war sure to
come there. And when Antigonus was intending to move
his army from Argos into Spartan territory, Pyrrhus himself
had arrived at Argos. And, being victorious, he followed
the fugitives and entered the city with them, and, as was
likely, his army dispersed into all quarters of the city. And
as they were fighting in the temples and houses and alleys
and in all parts of the city promiscuously, Pyrrhus was left
all alone and got wounded in the head. They say Pyrrhus
was killed by a tile thrown by a woman: but the Argives say
it was not a woman that slew him, but Demeter in the form
of a woman. This is the account which the Argives themselves
give of the death of Pyrrhus; this is also what Lyceas,
the expounder of his country’s usages, has written in his
verses. And on the spot where Pyrrhus died was erected a
temple to Demeter in accordance with the oracle of the god:
and in it was Pyrrhus buried. I am astonished that of all
those who were called Æacidæ their end happened in the
same supernatural manner, since Homer says Achilles was
slain by Alexander the son of Priam and by Apollo; and
Pyrrhus, the son of Achilles, was ordered to be slain by the
Pythian oracle at Delphi; and this son of Æacides met his
fate as has been recorded by the Argives and sung by
Lyceas. And yet this is different to the account given by
Hieronymus of Cardia: for one that lives with a king must
needs write history like a courtier. And if Philistus,
hoping for a return to Syracuse, was justified in concealing
the most flagitious acts of Dionysius, then Hieronymus, I
ween, had good excuse for writing to please Antigonus.
Such was the end of the glory of Epirus.
CHAPTER XIV.
And as one enters the Odeum at Athens, there is a Dionysus
and other things worth seeing. And near is a
spring called the Nine Springs constructed so by Pisistratus:
for there are wells all over the city but this is the only
spring. And two temples have been built over the spring,
one to Demeter and the other to Proserpine; in one of them
is a statue to Triptolemus, about whom I will record the
traditions, omitting what is said about Deiope. Now the
Argives are those of the Greeks who chiefly dispute with
the Athenians their rival claims to antiquity, and assert
that they have received gifts from the gods, just as among
the barbarians the Egyptians have similar disputes with
the Phrygians. The story goes then that when Demeter
came to Argos Pelasgus received her into his house, and
that Chrysanthis, knowing of the rape of Proserpine, informed
her of it: and afterwards Trochilus the initiating
priest fled they say from Argos in consequence of the
hatred of Agenor, and came to Attica, and there married a
wife from Eleusis, and had children by her, Eubules and
Triptolemus. This is the account of the Argives. But
the Athenians and neighbouring tribes know that Triptolemus,
the son of Celeus, was the first who sowed corn in the
fields. And it is sung by Musæus, (if indeed the lines are
by Musæus), that Triptolemus was the son of Ocean and
Earth, and it is sung by Orpheus, (if these lines again are
by Orpheus, which I doubt), that Dysaules was the father
of Eubules and Triptolemus, and that Demeter taught them
how to sow corn because they had given her information
about the rape of her daughter. But the Athenian Chœrilus,
in the play called “Alope,” says that Cercyon and Triptolemus
were brothers, that their mother was a daughter of
Amphictyon, and that the father of Triptolemus was Rharus,
and the father of Cercyon Poseidon. And as I was intending
to go further into the account, and narrate all things
appertaining to the temple at Athens called the Eleusinium,
a vision in the night checked me: but what it is lawful for
me to write for everybody, to this I will turn. In front of
this temple, where is also a statue of Triptolemus, there is
a brazen bull being led to sacrifice, and Epimenides the
Gnossian is pourtrayed in a sitting posture, who is recorded
to have gone into a field and entered into a cave and slept
there, and woke not from that sleep till forty years had
rolled by, and afterwards wrote epic poems and visited
Athens and other cities. And Thales, who stopped the
plague at Lacedæmon, was no relation of his, nor of the
same city as Epimenides: for the latter was a Gnossian,
whereas Thales is declared to have been a Gortynian by the
Colyphonian Polymnastus, who wrote a poem on him for
the Lacedæmonians. And a little further is the temple of
Euclea, (Fair Fame), a votive offering for the victory over
the Persians at Marathon. And I think the Athenians
prided themselves not a little on this victory: Æschylus, at
any rate, on his death-bed, remembered none of his other
exploits, though he was so remarkable as a Dramatist and
had fought both at Artemisium and Salamis: and he wrote
in the Poem he then composed his own name and the name
of his city, and that he had as witnesses of his prowess the
grove at Marathon and the Persians who landed there.
And beyond the Ceramicus and the portico called The
Royal Portico is a temple of Hephæstus, and that a
statue of Athene was placed in it I was not at all surprised
at when I remembered the story about Erichthonius.
But seeing that the statue of Athene had grey eyes, I
found that this was a legend of the Libyans, who record
that she was the daughter of Poseidon and the Tritonian
Marsh, and that therefore her eyes were grey as those of
Poseidon. And near is a temple of Celestial Aphrodite,
who was first worshipped by the Assyrians, and after them
by the Paphians of Cyprus, and by the Phœnicians who
dwell at Ascalon in Palestine. And from the Phœnicians
the people of Cythera learned her worship. And among
the Athenians her worship was instituted by Ægeus, thinking
that he had no children, (for he had none then), and
that his sisters were unfortunate, owing to the wrath of the
Celestial One. And her statue is still among us of Parian
stone, the design of Phidias. And the Athenians have a
township of the Athmoneans, who say that Porphyrion, who
reigned even before Actæus, erected among them a temple
to the Celestial Aphrodite. But the traditions of townships
and the dwellers in cities are widely different.
CHAPTER XV.
And as one goes into the portico, which they call The
Painted Chamber from the paintings, there is a brazen
statue of Hermes of the Market-Place, and a gate near, and
by it is a trophy of the Athenians who overcame Plistarchus
in a cavalry engagement, who, being the brother of
Cassander, had brought his cavalry and a foreign force
against them. Now, this portico has first the Athenians
drawn up in battle array, at Œnoe in Argive territory,
against the Lacedæmonians: and it is painted not in the
height of the action, nor when the time had come for the
display of reckless valour in the heady fight, but at the
commencement of the engagement, and when they were
just coming to blows. And in the middle of the walls are
painted the Athenians and Theseus fighting with the Amazons.
Now these are the only women as it seems from
whom reverses in war did not take away a relish for danger;
for after the capture of Themiscyra by Hercules, and later
on after the destruction of the army which they sent against
Athens, they yet went to Ilium and fought with the Athenians
and other Greeks. And next to the Amazons you
may see painted the Greeks at the capture of Ilium, and
the kings gathered together on account of Ajax’s violence
to Cassandra: and the painting has Ajax himself, and
Cassandra among the other captive women. And at the
end of the painting are the Greeks that fought at Marathon,
of the Bœotians the Platæans, and all the Attic contingent
are marching against the barbarians. And in this part of
the painting the valour is equal on both sides, but in the
middle of the battle the barbarians are fleeing and pushing
one another into the marsh. And at the end of this painting
are the Phœnician ships, and the Greeks slaying the
barbarians who are trying to get on board. Here too is a
painting of the hero Marathon from whom the plain is
named, and Theseus in the guise of putting out to sea, and
Athene and Hercules: for by the people of Marathon first,
as they themselves allege, was Hercules considered a god.
And of the combatants there stand out most plainly in the
painting Callimachus, who was chosen by the Athenians as
Polemarch, and Miltiades, one of the generals, and the hero
who was called Echetlus, of whom I shall make mention
hereafter. Here also are fixed up brazen shields, and these
have an inscription that they are from the Scionæans and
their allies, and others smeared over with pitch, that neither
time nor rust should hurt them, are said to have belonged
to the Lacedæmonians who were captured in the island of
Sphacteria.
CHAPTER XVI.
And before the portico are brazen statues of Solon, the
Athenian legislator, and a little further Seleucus, to
whom came beforehand clear indications of his future prosperity.
For when he started from Macedonia with Alexander,
as he was sacrificing to Zeus at Pella, the wood laid
on the altar moved to the statue of the god of its own
accord, and burst into a blaze without fire. And on the
death of Alexander Seleucus, fearing the arrival of Antigonus
at Babylon, fled to Ptolemy the son of Lagus, but
returned some time after to Babylon, and on his return defeated
the army of Antigonus and slew Antigonus himself,
and afterwards captured Demetrius, the son of Antigonus,
who came against him with an army. And as all these
things succeeded with him, and not long after the power
of Lysimachus collapsed, he handed over all his power in
Asia Minor to his son Antiochus, and himself hurried into
Macedonia, and took with him an army of Greeks and barbarians.
But Ptolemy the brother of Lysandra, who had
fled to Seleucus from Lysimachus, and who was generally
speaking a very bold and daring fellow and on that account
called Lightning, when the army of Seleucus reached
Lysimachia privately slew Seleucus, and, allowing the
other kings to take Seleucus’ money, became king of Macedonia,
until venturing first of all the kings we know to
fight against the Galati, he was killed by the barbarians,
and Antigonus the son of Demetrius recovered the kingdom.
And Seleucus, I am persuaded, was an especially upright
king, pious and religious. I infer this partly because he restored
to the Milesians at Branchidæ the brazen Apollo, that
had been carried away to Ecbatana in Persia by Xerxes;
and partly because, when he built Seleucia on the river Tigris
and introduced Babylonians to dwell there, he destroyed
neither the wall of Babylon nor the temple of Bel, but
allowed the Chaldæans to dwell in its vicinity.
CHAPTER XVII.
And the Athenians have in the market-place among
other things not universally notable an altar of Mercy,
to whom, though most useful of all the gods to the life of
man and its vicissitudes, the Athenians alone of all the
Greeks assign honours. And not only is philanthropy
more regarded among them; but they also exhibit more
piety to the gods than others. For they have also an altar
to Shame, and Rumour, and Energy. And it is clear that
those people who have a larger share of piety than others
have also a larger share of good fortune. And in the gymnasium
of the market-place, which is not far off and is
called after Ptolemy because he established it, are Hermæ
in stone worth seeing, and a brazen statue of Ptolemy;
and the Libyan Juba is here, and Chrysippus of Soli.
And near the gymnasium is a temple of Theseus, where
are paintings of the Athenians fighting against the Amazons.
And this war has also been represented on the shield
of Athene, and on the base of Olympian Zeus. And in the
temple of Theseus is also painted the fight between the
Centaurs and Lapithæ. Theseus is represented as just
having slain a Centaur, but with all the rest in the picture
the fight seems to be on equal terms. But the painting on
the third wall is not clear to those who do not know the
story, partly as the painting has faded from age, partly
because Micon has not pourtrayed the whole story. When
Minos took Theseus and the rest of the band of boys to
Crete, he was enamoured of Peribœa, and when Theseus
was very opposed to this, he in his rage among other sarcasms
that he hurled against him said that he was not the
son of Poseidon, for if he threw the ring which he chanced
to be wearing into the sea he could not get it again, Minos
is said at once to have thrown the ring into the sea when
he had said this. And they say that Theseus jumped into
the sea and came up with the ring and a golden crown, the
gift of Amphitrite. And as to the death of Theseus many
varying accounts have been given. For they say that he
was once bound by Pluto until he was liberated by Hercules.
But the most credible account I have heard is that
Theseus having invaded Thesprotia, intending to carry off
the wife of the king of the country, lost the greater part of
his army, and himself and Pirithous were taken prisoners,
(for Pirithous also came on the expedition marriage-hunting),
and confined by the king of Thesprotia at Cichyrus.
Now among other things worth seeing in Thesprotia are
the temple of Zeus at Dodona, and a beech-tree sacred to
the god. And near Cichyrus there is a marsh called
Acherusia and the river Acheron, and there too flows
Cocytus with most unpleasant stream. And I fancy that
Homer, having seen these, ventured to introduce them in his
account of the rivers of Hades, and to borrow his names
from these rivers in Thesprotia. However that may be,
Theseus being detained there, the sons of Tyndarus led an
expedition to Aphidna, and captured it, and restored Menestheus
to the kingdom. And Menestheus paid no attention
to the sons of Theseus, who had gone to Eubœa for shelter
to Elephenor; but as to Theseus himself, thinking he would
be a dangerous adversary if ever he returned from Thesprotia,
he coaxed the people so that if Theseus ever returned
he would be sent back again. Accordingly Theseus
was sent to Crete to Deucalion, and being carried out of
his way by storms to the island Scyrus, the Scyrians gave
him a brilliant reception, both for the splendour of his race
and the renown of his exploits; and it was owing to this
that Lycomedes planned his death. And the shrine of
Theseus at Athens was after the time that the Persians
were at Marathon, for it was Miltiades’ son, Cimon, that
drove out the inhabitants of Scyrus to revenge the hero’s
death, and that conveyed his bones to Athens.
CHAPTER XVIII.
Now the temple of the Dioscuri is ancient; they are
designed standing, and their sons seated on horseback.
Here too is a painting by Polygnotus of the marriage
of the daughters of Leucippus, and by Micon of the Argonauts
who sailed with Jason to Colchi: in this painting
Acastus and his horses stand out remarkably well. And
above the temple of the Dioscuri is the grove of Aglaurus,
to whom and to her sisters Erse and Pandrosus they say
Athene gave Erichthonius, after putting him in a chest
and forbidding them to pry into the contents. Pandrosus
they say obeyed, but the other two opened the chest, and
went mad when they saw Erichthonius, and threw themselves
down the Acropolis at the very steepest place. It was on that
very spot that the Persians landed, and slew those Athenians
who thought they understood the oracle better than Themistocles,
and fortified the Acropolis with wooden palisades.
And next is the Prytaneum, where the laws of Solon are
written up, and where are images of the goddesses Peace
and Vesta, and among other statues one to Autolycus the
pancratiast; for Miltiades and Themistocles have been removed
for a Roman and a Thracian! As one goes thence
to the lower parts of the city is the temple of Serapis, whose
worship the Athenians introduced to please Ptolemy. Of
the Egyptian temples to Serapis the most famous is that
at Alexandria, but the oldest is that at Memphis, into which
strangers may not enter, nor even priests except during
the ritual in connection with Apis. And not far from
the temple of Serapis is the place where they say Pirithous
and Theseus agreed to go to Lacedæmon, and afterwards
to Thesprotia. And next is a temple erected to Ilithyia,
who they say came from the Hyperborean regions to
assist Leto in her travail-throes, and of whom other
nations learnt from the people of Delos, who sacrifice to
her and sing at her altar the Hymn of Olen. But the
Cretans consider her to have been born at Amnisus in
Gnossian territory, and to have been the daughter of Hera.
And among the Athenians alone her statues are draped to
the bottom of her feet. Two of her statues the women
said were Cretan and votive offerings of Phædra, while the
oldest was brought by Erysichthon from Delos.
And before going into the temple of Olympian Zeus—which
Adrian the Roman Emperor built, and in which he
placed that remarkable statue of Olympian Zeus (larger
than any works of art except the Colossuses at Rhodes
and Rome); it is in ivory and gold, and elegant if you
consider the size—are two statues of Adrian in Thasian
stone, and two in Egyptian stone: and brazen statues
in front of the pillars of what the Athenians call their
colonial cities. The whole circuit of the temple is about
four stades, and is full of statues; for from each city is a
statue of the Emperor Adrian, and the Athenians outdid
them by the very fine colossal statue of the Emperor
which they erected at the back of the temple. And in the
temple precincts is an ancient statue of Zeus in brass
and a shrine of Cronos and Rhea, and a grove to Earth
by the title of Olympian. Here there is about a cubit’s
subsidence of soil, and they say that after Deucalion’s flood
the water came in and escaped there, and they knead every
year a cake of barley meal with honey and throw it into
the cavity. And there is on a pillar a statue of Isocrates,
who left behind him 3 notable examples, his industry
(for though he lived to the age of 98 he never left off
taking pupils), his wisdom (for all his life he kept aloof
from politics and public business), and his love of liberty
(for after the news of the battle of Chæronea he pined
away and died of voluntary starvation). And there are
some Persians in stone holding up a brazen tripod, both
themselves and the tripod fine works of art. And they
say that Deucalion built the old temple of Olympian Zeus,
bringing as evidence that Deucalion lived at Athens his
tomb not far from this very temple. Adrian erected also
at Athens a temple of Hera and Pan-Hellenian Zeus, and
a temple for all the gods in common. But the most remarkable
things are 100 pillars wrought in Phrygian stone, and
the walls in the porticoes corresponding. And there is a room
here with a roof of gold and alabaster stone, adorned also
with statues and paintings: and books are stored up in it.
And there is a gymnasium called the Adrian gymnasium:
and here too are 100 pillars of stone from Libyan quarries.
CHAPTER XIX.
And next to the temple of Olympian Zeus is a statue
of Pythian Apollo, as also a temple of Delphian Apollo.
And they say that, when this temple was completed except
the roof, Theseus came to the city incognito. And having
a long garment down to his feet and his hair being
elegantly plaited, when he came near this temple, those
who were building the roof asked him jeeringly why a
maiden ripe for marriage was wandering about alone.
And his only answer was, it is said, unyoking the oxen
from the waggon which stood by, and throwing it in the
air higher than the roof they were building. And with
respect to the place that they call The Gardens, and the
temple of Aphrodite, there is no account given by the
Athenians, nor in respect to the statue of Aphrodite which
stands next the temple, and is square like the Hermæ, and
the inscription declares that Celestial Aphrodite is the oldest
of those that are called Fates. The statue of Aphrodite
in The Gardens is the work of Alcamenes, and is among
the few things at Athens best worth seeing. There is also
a temple of Hercules called Cynosarges: (i.e., of the white
dog); the history of the white dog may be learnt by those
who have read the oracle. And there are altars to Hercules
and Hebe, (the daughter of Zeus), who, they think,
was married to Hercules. There is also an altar of Alcmene
and Iolaus, who was associated with Hercules in
most of his Labours. And the Lyceum gets its name
from Lycus the son of Pandion, but is now as of old
considered a temple of Apollo, for Apollo was here called
Lyceus originally. And it is also said that the natives of
Termilæ, where Lycus went when he fled from Ægeus, are
called Lycians from the same Lycus. And behind the
Lyceum is the tomb of Nisus who was king of Megara
and slain by Minos, and the Athenians brought his corpse
here and buried it. About this Nisus there is a story that
he had purple hair, and that the oracle said he would die if
it was shorn off. And when the Cretans came into the
land, they took all the other cities of Megaris by storm, but
had to blockade Nisæa, into which Nisus had fled for refuge.
And here they say the daughter of Nisus, who was enamoured
of Minos, cut off her father’s locks. This is the
story. Now the rivers of Attica are the Ilissus and the
Eridanus that flows into it, having the same name as the
Celtic Eridanus. The Ilissus is the river where they say
Orithyia was playing when carried off by the North Wind,
who married her, and because of his affinity with the
Athenians aided them and destroyed many of the barbarians’
ships. And the Athenians think the Ilissus
sacred to several gods, and there is an altar also on its
banks to the Muses. The place is also shewn where the
Peloponnesians slew Codrus, the son of Melanthus, the
king of Athens. After you cross the Ilissus is a place
called Agræ, and a temple of Artemis Agrotera, (The
Huntress), for here they say Artemis first hunted on her
arrival from Delos: accordingly her statue has a bow.
And what is hardly credible to hear, but wonderful to
see, is a stadium of white marble; one can easily conjecture
its size in the following manner. Above the Ilissus is
a hill, and this stadium extends from the river to the
hill in a crescent-shaped form. It was built by Herodes
an Athenian, and most of the Pentelican quarry was used
in its construction.
CHAPTER XX.
Now there is a way from the Prytaneum called The
Tripods, so called from some large temples of the gods
there and some brazen tripods in them, which contain
many works of art especially worthy of mention. For
there is a Satyr on which Praxiteles is said to have prided
himself very much: and when Phryne once asked which
was the finest of his works, they say that he offered to give
it her like a lover, but would not say which he thought his
finest work. A servant of Phryne at this moment ran up,
and said that most of Praxiteles’ works were destroyed by
a sudden fire that had seized the building where they were,
but that they were not all burnt. Praxiteles at once rushed
out of doors, and said he had nothing to show for all his
labour, if the flames had consumed his Satyr and Cupid.
Phryne then bade him stay and be of good cheer, for he
had suffered no such loss, but it was only her artifice to
make him confess which were his finest works. She then
selected the Cupid. And in the neighbouring temple is
a boy Satyr handing a cup to Dionysus. And there is
a painting by Thymilus of Cupid standing near Dionysus.
But the most ancient temple of Dionysus is at the
theatre. And inside the sacred precincts are two shrines
of Dionysus and two statues of him, one by Eleuthereus,
and one by Alcamenes in ivory and gold. There is a
painting also of Dionysus taking Hephæstus to Heaven.
And this is the story the Greeks tell. Hera exposed
Hephæstus on his birth, and he nursing up his grievance
against her sent her as a gift a golden seat with invisible
bonds, so that when she sat in it she was a prisoner, and
Hephæstus would not obey any of the gods, and Dionysus,
whose relations with Hephæstus were always good, made
him drunk and took him to Heaven. There are paintings
also of Pentheus and Lycurgus paying the penalty for
their insults to Dionysus, and of Ariadne asleep, Theseus
putting out to sea, and Dionysus coming to carry
her off. And there is near the temple of Dionysus and
the theatre a work of art, said to have been designed
in imitation of Xerxes’ tent. It is a copy, for the
original one was burnt by Sulla the Roman general when
he took Athens. And this is how the war came about.
Mithridates was king of the barbarians in the neighbourhood
of the Euxine Sea. Now his pretext for fighting against
the Romans, and how he crossed into Asia, and the
cities he reduced by war or won over by diplomacy, let
those who wish to know the whole history of Mithridates
concern themselves about all this: I shall merely relate the
circumstances attending the capture of Athens. There was
an Athenian called Aristion, whom Mithridates employed
as ambassador to the Greek States: he persuaded the Athenians
to prefer the friendship of Mithridates to that of the
Romans. However he persuaded only the democracy and
the fiercer spirits, for as to the more respectable Athenians
they of their own accord joined the Romans. And in the
battle that ensued the Romans were easily victorious, and
pursued Aristion and the fleeing Athenians to the city,
and Archelaus and the barbarians to the Piræus. Now
Archelaus was the general of Mithridates, whom before this
the Magnesians who inhabit Sipylus wounded, as he was
ravaging their territory, and killed many of the barbarians.
So Athens was blockaded, and Taxilus another general of
Mithridates happened to be investing Elatea in the Phocian
district, but when tidings of this came to him he withdrew
his forces into Attica. And the Roman general learning
this left part of his army to continue the siege of Athens,
but himself went with the greater part of his force to encounter
Taxilus in Bœotia. And the third day after news
came to both the Roman camps, to Sulla that the walls at
Athens had been carried, and to the force besieging Athens
that Taxilus had been defeated at Chæronea. And when
Sulla returned to Attica, he shut up in the Ceramicus all
his Athenian adversaries, and ordered them to be decimated
by lot. And Sulla’s rage against the Athenians not
a whit relaxing, some of them secretly went to Delphi:
and when they enquired if it was absolutely fated that
Athens should be destroyed, the Pythian priestess gave
them an oracular response about the bladder.[4] And Sulla
after this had the same complaint with which I learn Pherecydes
the Syrian was visited. And the conduct of Sulla
to most of the Athenians was more savage than one would
have expected from a Roman: but I do not consider this
the cause of his malady, but the wrath of Zeus the God
of Suppliants, because when Aristion fled for refuge to the
temple of Athene he tore him away and put him to death.
Athens being thus injured by the war with the Romans
flourished again when Adrian was Emperor.
CHAPTER XXI.
Now the Athenians have statues in the theatre of their
tragic and comic dramatists, mostly mediocrities, for
except Menander there is no Comedian of first-rate powers,
and Euripides and Sophocles are the great lights of Tragedy.
And the story goes that after the death of Sophocles the
Lacedæmonians made an incursion into Attica, and their
leader saw in a dream Dionysus standing by him, and bidding
him honour the new Siren with all the honours paid
to the dead: and the dream seemed manifestly to refer to
Sophocles and his plays. And even now the Athenians are
wont to compare the persuasiveness of his poetry and discourses
to a Siren’s song. And the statue of Æschylus
was I think completed long after his death, and subsequently
to the painting which exhibits the action at Marathon.
And Æschylus used to tell the story that when he
was quite a lad, he slept in a field watching the grapes, and
Dionysus appeared to him and bade him write tragedy: and
when it was day, he wished to obey the god, and found it
most easy work. This was his own account. And on the
South Wall, which looks from the Acropolis to the theatre,
is the golden head of Medusa the Gorgon, with her ægis.
And at the top of the theatre there is a crevice in the rocks
up to the Acropolis: and there is a tripod also here. On
it are pourtrayed Apollo and Artemis carrying off the sons
of Niobe. I myself saw this Niobe when I ascended the
mountain Sipylus: the rock and ravine at near view convey
neither the idea of a woman, nor a woman mourning, but
at a distance you may fancy to yourself that you see a
woman all tears and with dejected mien.
As you go from the theatre to the Acropolis is the
tomb of Calus. This Calus, his sister’s son and art-pupil,
Dædalus murdered and fled to Crete: and afterwards escaped
into Sicily to Cocalus. And the temple of Æsculapius,
in regard to the statues of the god and his sons and
also the paintings, is well worth seeing. And there is in it
a spring, in which they say Halirrhothius the son of Poseidon
was drowned by Ares for having seduced his daughter,
and this was the first case of trial for murder. Here too
among other things is a Sarmatic coat of mail: anyone
looking at it will say that the Sarmatians come not a whit
behind the Greeks in the arts. For they have neither iron
that they can dig nor do they import it, for they have less
idea of barter than any of the barbarians in those parts.
This deficiency they meet by the following invention. On
their spears they have bone points instead of iron, and
bows and arrows of cornel wood, and bone points to their
arrows: and they throw lassoes at the enemy they meet in
battle, and gallop away and upset them when they are entangled
in these lassoes. And they make their coats of mail
in the following manner. Everyone rears a great many
mares, being as they are a nomadic tribe, the land not
being divided into private allotments, and indeed growing
nothing but forest timber. These mares they use not only
for war, and sacrifice to the gods of the country, but also
for food. And after getting together a collection of hoofs
they clean them and cut them in two, and make of them
something like dragons’ scales. And whoever has not seen
a dragon has at any rate seen a pine nut still green: anyone
therefore comparing the state of the hoof to the incisions
apparent on pine nuts would get a good idea of what I mean.
These they perforate, and having sewn them together with
ligaments of horses and oxen make them into coats of mail
no less handsome and strong than Greek coats of mail: for
indeed whether they are struck point-blank or shot at they
are proof. But linen coats of mail are not equally useful
for combatants, for they admit the keen thrust of steel, but
are some protection to hunters, for the teeth of lions and
panthers break off against them. And you may see linen
coats of mail hung up in other temples and in the Gryneum,
where is a most beautiful grove of Apollo, where the trees
both cultivated and wild please equally both nose and eye.
CHAPTER XXII.
Next to the temple of Æsculapius as you go to the
Acropolis is the temple of Themis. And before it is
the sepulchre of Hippolytus. His death they say came to
him in consequence of the curses of his father. But the story
of the guilty love of Phædra, and the bold forwardness of
her nurse, is well known even to any barbarians who know
Greek. There is also a tomb of Hippolytus among the
Træzenians, and their legend is as follows. When Theseus
intended to marry Phædra, not wishing if he had children
by her that Hippolytus should either be their subject or
king, he sent him to Pittheus, to be brought up at Træzen
and to be king there. And some time after Pallas and his
sons revolted against Theseus, and he having slain them
went to Træzen to be purified of the murder, and there
Phædra first saw Hippolytus, and became desperately
enamoured of him, and (being unsuccessful in her suit)
contrived his death. And the people of Træzen have a
myrtle whose leaves are perforated throughout, and they
say it did not grow like that originally, but was the work
of Phædra which she performed in her love-sickness with
her hairpin. And Theseus established the worship of the
Pandemian Aphrodite and of Persuasion, when he combined
the Athenians into one city from several townships. Their
old statues did not exist in my time: but those in my time
were by no mean artists. There is also a temple to Earth,
the Rearer of Children, and to Demeter as Chloe. The
meaning of these names may be learnt from the priests by
enquirers. To the Acropolis there is only one approach:
it allows of no other, being everywhere precipitous and
walled off. The vestibules have a roof of white marble,
and even now are remarkable both for their beauty and
size. As to the statues of the horsemen I cannot say
with precision, whether they are the sons of Xenophon,
or merely put there for decoration. On the right of the
vestibules is the shrine of Wingless Victory. From
it the sea is visible, and there Ægeus drowned himself as
they say. For the ship which took his sons to Crete had
black sails, but Theseus told his father, (for he knew there
was some peril in attacking the Minotaur), that he would
have white sails, if he should sail back a conqueror. But
he forgot this promise in his loss of Ariadne. And Ægeus
seeing the ship with black sails, thinking his son was dead,
threw himself in and was drowned. And the Athenians
have a hero-chapel to his memory. And on the left of
the vestibules is a building with paintings: and among
those that time has not destroyed are Diomede and Odysseus,
the one taking away Philoctetes’ bow in Lemnos, the
other taking the Palladium from Ilium. Among other paintings
here is Ægisthus being slain by Orestes, and Pylades
slaying the sons of Nauplius that came to Ægisthus’ aid.
And Polyxena about to have her throat cut near the tomb
of Achilles. Homer did well not to mention this savage
act. He also appears to me to have done well, in his account
of the capture of Scyrus by Achilles, to have said
not a word about what others relate, of Achilles having
lived at Scyrus among the maidens, which Polygnotus
has painted; who has also painted Odysseus suddenly
making his appearance as Nausicaa and her maids were
bathing in the river, just as Homer has described it. And
among other paintings is Alcibiades, and there are traces in
the painting of the victory of his horses at Nemea. There
too is Perseus sailing to Seriphus, carrying to Polydectes
the head of Medusa. But I am not willing to tell the story
of Medusa under ‘Attica.’ And, among other paintings, to
pass over the lad carrying the waterpots, and the wrestler
painted by Timænetus, is one of Musæus. I have read
verses in which it is recorded that Musæus could fly as
a gift of Boreas, but it seems to me that Onomacritus
wrote the lines, and there is nothing certainly of Musæus’
composition except the Hymn to Demeter written for
the Lycomidæ. And at the entrance to the Acropolis is a
Hermes, whom they call Propylæus, and the Graces, which
they say were the work of Socrates the son of Sophroniscus,
whom the Pythian priestess testified to have been the
wisest of men, a thing which was not said to Anacharsis,
though he went to Delphi on purpose.
CHAPTER XXIII.
Now the Greeks among other things say that they had
the seven wise men. And among these they include
the Lesbian tyrant and Periander the son of Cypselus:
and yet Pisistratus and his son Hippias were far more
humane and wise than Periander, both in war and in all
that appertained to citizen life, until Hippias because of
the death of Hipparchus acted with great cruelty, especially
to a woman called Leæna, (Lioness). For after the death
of Hipparchus, (I speak now of what has never before been
recorded in history, but yet is generally believed by the
Athenians), Hippias tortured her to death, knowing that
she had been Aristogiton’s mistress, and thinking that
she could not have been ignorant of the plot against Hipparchus.
In return for this, when the Pisistratidæ had
been deposed from the kingdom, a brazen lioness was
erected by the Athenians to her memory, and near her a
statue of Aphrodite, which they say was a votive offering
of Callias, designed by Calamis.
And next is a brazen statue of Diitrephes pierced with
arrows. This Diitrephes, among other things which the
Athenians record, led back the Thracian mercenaries who
came too late, for Demosthenes had already sailed for Syracuse.
And when he got to the Euripus near Chalcis, and
opposite Mycalessus in Bœotia, he landed and took Mycalessus:
and the Thracians slew not only the fighting
men, but also the women and children. And this proves
what I say, that all the cities of the Bœotians, whom the
Thebans had dispossessed, were inhabited in my time by
those who had fled at their capture. Therefore if the
barbarians had not landed and slain all the Mycalessians,
those that were left would afterwards have repeopled
the city. A very wonderful fact about this
statue of Diitrephes is that it was pierced with arrows,
seeing that it was not customary for any Greeks but the
Cretans to shoot with the bow. For we know that the
Opuntian Locrians were so armed as early as the Persian
war, for Homer described them as coming to Ilium with
bows and slings. But the use of bows did not long remain
even with the Malienses: and I think that they did not use
them before the days of Philoctetes, and soon afterwards
ceased to use them. And next to Diitrephes, (I shall not
mention the more obscure images), are some statues of goddesses,
as Hygiea, (Health), who they say was the daughter
of Æsculapius, and Athene by the same name of Hygiea.
And there is a small stone such as a little man can sit on,
on which they say Silenus rested, when Dionysus came to
the land. Silenus is the name they give to all old Satyrs.
About the Satyrs I have conversed with many, wishing to
know all about them. And Euphemus a Carian told me
that sailing once on a time to Italy he was driven out
of his course by the winds, and carried to a distant sea,
where people no longer sail. And he said that here were
many desert islands, some inhabited by wild men: and at
these islands the sailors did not like to land, as they had
landed there before and had experience of the natives, but
they were obliged on that occasion. These islands he said
were called by the sailors Satyr-islands, the dwellers in
them were red-haired, and had tails at their loins not much
smaller than horses. When they perceived the sailors they
ran down to the ship, spoke not a word, but began to handle
the women on board. At last the sailors in dire alarm
landed a barbarian woman on the island: and the Satyrs
treated her in such a way as we will not venture to describe.
I noticed other statues in the Acropolis, as the boy in
brass with a laver in his hand by Lycius the son of
Myron, and Perseus having slain Medusa by Myron. And
there is a temple of Brauronian Artemis, the statue the
design of Praxiteles, but the goddess gets her name from
Brauron. And the ancient statue is at Brauron, called
Tauric Artemis. And a brazen model of the Wooden
Horse is here, and that this construction of Epeus was a
design to break down the walls, every one knows who does
not consider the Phrygians plainly fatuous. And tradition
says of that Horse that it had inside it the bravest of the
Greeks, and this model in brass corresponds in every particular,
and Menestheus and Teucer are peeping out of it,
as well as the sons of Theseus. And of the statues next
the Horse, Critias executed that of Epicharinus training to
run in heavy armour. And Œnobius did a kindness to
Thucydides the son of Olorus. For he passed a decree that
Thucydides should be recalled from exile to Athens, and
as he was treacherously murdered on his return, he has
a tomb not far from the Melitian gates. As to Hermolycus
the Pancratiast, and Phormio the son of Asopichus,
as others have written about them I pass them by:
only I have this little bit more to say about Phormio. He
being one of the noblest of the Athenians, and illustrious
from the renown of his ancestors, was heavily in debt.
He went therefore to the Pæanian township, and had his
maintenance there until the Athenians chose him as
Admiral. He however declined on the score that he
owed money, and that he would have no influence with
the sailors till he had paid it. Accordingly the Athenians
paid his debts, for they would have him as Admiral.
CHAPTER XXIV.
Here too is Athene pourtrayed striking Marsyas the
Silenus, because he would take up her flutes, when
the goddess wished them thrown away. Besides those which
I have mentioned is the legendary fight between Theseus
and the Minotaur, a man or a beast according to different
accounts. Certainly many more wonderful monsters than
this have been born of woman even in our times. Here
too is Phrixus the son of Athamas, who was carried to
Colchi by the ram. He has just sacrificed the ram to some
god, (if one might conjecture to the god who is called
Laphystius among the Orchomenians), and having cut off
the thighs according to the Greek custom, he is looking
at them burning on the altar. And next, among other
statues, is one of Hercules throttling snakes according to
the tradition. And there is Athene springing out of
the head of Zeus. And there also is a bull, the votive
offering of the council of the Areopagus. Why they offered
it is not known, but one might make many guesses if one
liked. I have said before that the Athenians more than
any other Greeks have a zeal for religion. For they first
called Athene the worker, they first worshipped the mutilated
Hermæ, and in their temple along with these they
have a God of the Zealous. And whoever prefers modern
works of real art to the antique, may look at the following.
There is a man with a helmet on, the work of Cleœtas,
and his nails are modelled in silver. Here is also a
statue of Earth supplicating to Zeus for rain, either wanting
showers for the Athenians, or a drought impending on
all Greece. Here too is Timotheus, the son of Conon, and
Conon himself. Here too are cruel Procne and her son
Itys, by Alcamenes. Here too is Athene represented
showing the olive tree, and Poseidon showing water.
And there is a statue by Leochares of Zeus the Guardian
of the city, in recording whose customary rites I do not
record the reasons assigned for them. They put barley on
the altar of this Zeus Guardian of the city, and do not
watch it: and the ox kept and fattened up for the sacrifice
eats the corn when it approaches the altar. And they call
one of the priests Ox-killer, and he after throwing the axe
at the ox runs away, for that is the usage: and (as if they
did not know who had done the deed) they bring the axe
into court as defendant. They perform the rites in the
way indicated.
And as regards the temple which they call the Parthenon,
as you enter it everything pourtrayed on the gables relates
to the birth of Athene, and behind is depicted the contest
between Poseidon and Athene for the soil of Attica. And
this work of art is in ivory and gold. In the middle of
her helmet is an image of the Sphinx—about whom I shall
give an account when I come to Bœotia—and on each side
of the helmet are griffins worked. These griffins, says
Aristæus the Proconnesian in his poems, fought with the
Arimaspians beyond the Issedones for the gold of the
soil which the griffins guarded. And the Arimaspians
were all one-eyed men from their birth, and the griffins
were beasts like lions, with wings and mouth like an
eagle. Let so much suffice for these griffins. But the
statue of Athene is full length, with a tunic reaching to her
feet, and on her breast is the head of Medusa worked in
ivory, and in one hand she has a Victory four cubits high,
in the other hand a spear, and at her feet a shield, and near
the spear a dragon which perhaps is Erichthonius. And on
the base of the statue is a representation of the birth of
Pandora, the first woman according to Hesiod and other
poets, for before her there was no race of women. Here
too I remember to have seen the only statue here of the
Emperor Adrian, and at the entrance one of Iphicrates
the celebrated Athenian general.
And outside the temple is a brazen Apollo said to be
by Phidias: and they call it Apollo Averter of Locusts,
because when the locusts destroyed the land the god said
he would drive them out of the country. And they
know that he did so, but they don’t say how. I myself
know of locusts having been thrice destroyed on Mount
Sipylus, but not in the same way, for some were driven
away by a violent wind that fell on them, and others by a
strong blight that came on them after showers, and others
were frozen to death by a sudden frost. All this came
under my own notice.
CHAPTER XXV.
There are also in the Acropolis at Athens statues of
Pericles the son of Xanthippus and Xanthippus himself,
who fought against the Persians at Mycale. The
statue of Pericles stands by itself, but near that of
Xanthippus is Anacreon of Teos, the first after Lesbian
Sappho who wrote erotic poetry mainly: his appearance
is that of a man singing in liquor. And near are statues
by Dinomenes of Io the daughter of Inachus, and Callisto
the daughter of Lycaon, both of whom had precisely
similar fates, the love of Zeus and the hatred of Hera,
Io being changed into a cow, and Callisto into a she-bear.
And on the southern wall Attalus has pourtrayed
the legendary battle of the giants, who formerly inhabited
Thrace and the isthmus of Pallene, and the contest between
the Amazons and the Athenians, and the action at
Marathon against the Persians, and the slaughter of the
Galati in Mysia, each painting two cubits in size. There
too is Olympiodorus, illustrious for the greatness of his
exploits, notably at that period when he infused spirit
in men who had been continually baffled, and on that
account had not a single hope for the future. For the disaster
at Chæronea was a beginning of sorrows for all the
Greeks, and made slaves alike of those who were absent from
it, and of those who fought at it against the Macedonians.
Most of the Greek cities Philip captured, and though he
made a treaty with the Athenians nominally, he really hurt
them most, robbing them of their islands, and putting down
their naval supremacy. And for some time they were
quiet, during the reign of Philip and afterwards of Alexander,
but when Alexander was dead and the Macedonians
chose Aridæus as his successor, though the whole power
fell to Antipater, then the Athenians thought it no longer
endurable that Greece should be for all time under Macedonia,
but themselves took up arms and urged others to do
the same. And the cities of the Peloponnesians which
joined them were Argos, Epidaurus, Sicyon, Trœzen,
Elis, Phlius, Messene, and outside the Peloponnese the
Locrians, the Phocians, the Thessalians, the Carystians, and
those Acarnanians who ranked with the Ætolians. But the
Bœotians who inhabited the Theban territory which had
been stripped of Thebans, fearing that the Athenians
would eject them from Thebes, not only refused to join the
confederate cities but did all they could to further the interests
of the Macedonians. Now the confederate cities were
led each by their own general, but the Athenian Leosthenes
was chosen generalissimo, partly from his city’s renown,
partly from his own reputation for experience in war.
He had besides done good service to all the Greeks. For
when Alexander wished to settle in Persia all of those who
had served for pay with Darius and the satraps, Leosthenes
was beforehand with him and conveyed them back to
Europe in his ships. And now too, after having displayed
more brilliant exploits than they expected, he infused dejection
in all men by his death, and that was the chief reason
of their failure. For a Macedonian garrison occupied first
Munychia, and afterwards the Piræus and the long walls.
And after the death of Antipater Olympias crossed over
from Epirus and ruled for some time, after putting Aridæus
to death, but not long after she was besieged by Cassander,
and betrayed by the multitude. And when Cassander was
king, (I shall only concern myself with Athenian matters),
he captured Fort Panactus in Attica and Salamis, and
got Demetrius the son of Phanostratus, (who had his
father’s repute for wisdom), appointed king over the
Athenians. He was however, deposed by Demetrius the
son of Antigonus, a young man well disposed to the Greeks:
but Cassander, (who had a deadly hatred against the Athenians),
won over Lachares, who had up to this time been
the leader of the democracy, and persuaded him to plot to
be king: and of all the kings we know of he was most
savage to men and most reckless to the gods. But
Demetrius the son of Antigonus, though he had not been
on the best of terms with the Athenian democracy, yet was
successful in putting down the power of Lachares. And
when the town was taken Lachares fled into Bœotia. But as
he had taken the golden shields from the Acropolis, and had
stripped the statue of Athene of all the ornaments that
were removable, he was supposed to be very rich, and was
killed for his money’s sake by the people of Corone. And
Demetrius the son of Antigonus, having freed the Athenians
from the yoke of Lachares, did not immediately after
the flight of Lachares give up to them the Piræus, but
after being victorious in war with them put a garrison
in the town, and fortified what is called the Museum.
Now the Museum is within the old town walls, on a hill
opposite the Acropolis, where they say that Musæus sang,
and died of old age, and was buried. And on the same
place afterwards a tomb was erected to a Syrian. This
hill Demetrius fortified.
CHAPTER XXVI.
Some time after a few remembered the fame of their
ancestors, and when they considered what a change
had come over the glory of Athens, they elected Olympiodorus
as their general. And he led against the Macedonians
old men and lads alike, hoping that by zeal rather
than strength their fortunes in war would be retrieved.
And when the Macedonians came out against him he conquered
them in battle, and when they fled to the Museum
he took it. So Athens was delivered from the Macedonians.
And of the Athenians that distinguished themselves
so as to deserve special mention, Leocritus the
son of Protarchus is said to have displayed most bravery
in action. For he was the first to scale the wall and leap
into the Museum: and as he fell in the fight, among other
honours conferred on him by the Athenians, they dedicated
his shield to Zeus Eleutherius, writing on it his name
and his valour. And this is the greatest feat of Olympiodorus,
though he also recovered the Piræus and Munychia:
and when the Macedonians invaded Eleusis he collected a
band of Eleusinians and defeated them. And before this,
when Cassander intended to make a raid into Attica, he
sailed to Ætolia and persuaded the Ætolians to give their
help, and this alliance was the chief reason why they
escaped war with Cassander. And Olympiodorus has
honours at Athens in the Acropolis and Prytaneum, and a
painting at Eleusis. And the Phocians who dwell at Elatea
have erected a brazen statue to him at Delphi, because he
also helped them when they revolted from Cassander.
And next the statue of Olympiodorus is a brazen image
of Artemis called Leucophryene, and it was erected to her
by the sons of Themistocles: for the Magnesians, over whom
Themistocles ruled, having received that post from the
king, worship Artemis Leucophryene. But I must get on
with my subject, as I have all Greece to deal with. Endœus
was an Athenian by race, and the pupil of Dædalus,
and accompanied Dædalus to Crete, when he fled there on
account of his murder of Calus. The statue of Athene
sitting is by him, with the inscription that Callias dedicated
it and Endœus designed it.
There is also a building called the Erechtheum: and in
the vestibule is an altar of Supreme Zeus, where they offer
no living sacrifice, but cakes without the usual libation of
wine. And as you enter there are three altars, one to
Poseidon, (on which they also sacrifice to Erechtheus
according to the oracle,) one to the hero Butes, and the
third to Hephæstus. And on the walls are paintings of
the family of Butes. The building is a double one, and
inside there is sea water in a well. And this is no great
marvel, for even those who live in inland parts have such
wells, as notably the Aphrodisienses in Caria. But this
well is represented as having a roar as of the sea when the
South wind blows. And in the rock is the figure of a
trident. And this is said to have been Poseidon’s proof
in regard to the territory Athene disputed with him.
Sacred to Athene is all the rest of Athens, and similarly
all Attica: for although they worship different gods in
different townships, none the less do they honour Athene
generally. And the most sacred of all is the statue of
Athene in what is now called the Acropolis, but was then
called the Polis (city), which was universally worshipped
many years before the various townships formed one city:
and the rumour about it is that it fell from heaven. As to
this I shall not give an opinion, whether it was so or not.
And Callimachus made a golden lamp for the goddess. And
when they fill this lamp with oil it lasts for a whole year,
although it burns continually night and day. And the
wick is of a particular kind of cotton flax, the only kind
imperishable by fire. And above the lamp is a palmtree
of brass reaching to the roof and carrying off the smoke.
And Callimachus the maker of this lamp, although he
comes behind the first artificers, yet was remarkable for ingenuity,
and was the first who perforated stone, and got
the name of Art-critic, whether his own appellation or given
him by others.
CHAPTER XXVII.
In the temple of Athene Polias is a Hermes of wood,
(said to be a votive offering of Cecrops,) almost hidden
by myrtle leaves. And of the antique votive offerings
worthy of record, is a folding chair the work of Dædalus, and
spoils taken from the Persians, as a coat of mail of Masistius,
who commanded the cavalry at Platæa, and a scimetar said
to have belonged to Mardonius. Masistius we know was
killed by the Athenian cavalry: but as Mardonius fought
against the Lacedæmonians and was killed by a Spartan,
they could not have got it at first hand, nor is it likely that
the Lacedæmonians would have allowed the Athenians to
carry off such a trophy. And about the olive they have
nothing else to tell but that the goddess used it as a
proof of her right to the country when it was contested
by Poseidon. And they record also that this olive was burnt
when the Persians set fire to Athens, but though burnt it
grew the same day two cubits. And next to the temple of
Athene is the temple of Pandrosus; who was the only one
of the three sisters who didn’t peep into the forbidden
chest. Now the things I most marvelled at are not universally
known. I will therefore write of them as they
occur to me. Two maidens live not far from the temple of
Athene Polias, and the Athenians call them the carriers of
the holy things: for a certain time they live with the goddess,
but when her festival comes they act in the following
way by night. Putting upon their heads what the priestess
of Athene gives them to carry, (neither she nor they know
what these things are,) these maidens descend, by a natural
underground passage, from an enclosure in the city sacred
to Aphrodite of the Gardens. In the sanctuary below they
deposit what they carry, and bring back something else
closely wrapped up. And these maidens they henceforth
dismiss, and other two they elect instead of them for the
Acropolis. And near the temple of Athene is an old
woman, about a cubit in size, well-modelled, with an inscription
saying that she is the handmaid Lysimache, and
there are large brazen statues of two men standing apart
as for a fight: the one they call Erechtheus and the other
Eumolpus. And yet all that know Athenian Antiquities
are aware that it was Eumolpus’ son, Immaradus, that was
slain by Erechtheus. And at the base are statues of
Tolmides’ prophet, and Tolmides himself, who was the
Athenian Admiral, and did great damage especially
to the maritime region of the Peloponnesians, and burnt
the dockyards of the Lacedæmonians at Gythium, and took
BϾ in the neighbouring country, and the island of Cytherus,
and made a descent on Sicyonia, and, when the
Sicyonians fought against him as he was ravaging their
land, routed them and pursued them up to the city. And
afterwards when he returned to Athens, he conducted
colonies of the Athenians to Eubœa and Naxos, and attacked
the Bœotians with a land force: and, having laid
waste most of the country, and taken Chæronea after a
siege, when he got to Haliartia was himself killed in battle
and his whole army defeated. Such I learnt were the
fortunes of Tolmides. And there are old statues of Athene:
they are entire but rather grimy, and too weak to bear a
knock, for fire passed upon them when Xerxes found the
city bare of fighting men, as they had all gone to man the
fleet. There is also a representation of a boar-hunt, (about
which I know nothing for certain unless it is the Calydonian
boar,) and of the fight between Cycnus and Hercules.
This Cycnus they say killed among others the
Thracian Lycus in a prize fight: but was himself slain by
Hercules near the river Peneus.
Of the legends that they tell at Trœzen about Theseus
one is that Hercules, visiting Pittheus at Trœzen, threw
down during dinner his lion’s skin, and that several Trœzenian
lads came into the room with Theseus, who was
seven years of age at most. They say that all the other
boys when they saw the lion’s skin fled helter skelter, but
Theseus not being afraid kept his ground, and plucked an
axe from one of the servants, and began to attack it fiercely,
thinking the skin was a live lion. This is the first Trœzenian
legend about him. And the next is that Ægeus put
his boots and sword under a stone as means of identifying
his son, and then sailed away to Athens, and Theseus when
he was eighteen lifted the stone and removed what Ægeus
had left there. And this legend is worked in bronze,
all but the stone, in the Acropolis. They have also delineated
another exploit of Theseus. This is the legend.
A bull was ravaging the Cretan territory both elsewhere
and by the river Tethris. In ancient times it appears
wild beasts were more formidable to men, as the Nemean
and Parnasian lions, and dragons in many parts of Greece,
and boars at Calydon and Erymanthus and Crommyon in
Corinth, of whom it was said that some sprang out of the
ground, and others were sacred to the gods, and others
sent for the punishment of human beings. And this bull
the Cretans say Poseidon sent into their land, because
Minos, who was master of the Grecian sea, held Poseidon
in no greater honour than any other god. And they say
that this bull crossed over from Crete to the Peloponnese,
and that one of the twelve Labours of Hercules was to
fetch it to Eurystheus. And when it was afterwards let
go on the Argive plain, it fled through the Isthmus of
Corinth, and into Attica to the township of Marathon, and
killed several people whom it met, and among them Androgeos
the son of Minos. And Minos sailed to Athens, (for he
could not be persuaded that the Athenians had had no
hand in the death of Androgeos,) and did great damage,
until it was covenanted to send annually seven maidens
and seven boys to Crete to the Minotaur, who was fabled
to live in the Labyrinth at Gnossus. As to the bull that
had got to Marathon, it is said to have been driven by
Theseus into the Acropolis, and sacrificed to Athene. And
the township of Marathon has a representation of it.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
Why they erected a brazen statue to Cylon, although
he plotted for the sovereignty, I cannot clearly tell.
But I conjecture the reason was that he was very handsome
in person and not unknown to fame, as he had won
the victory at Olympia in the double course, and it was his
good fortune to wed the daughter of Theagenes the king
of Megara. And besides those I have mentioned there are
two works of art especially famous, made out of Athenian
spoil, a brazen statue of Athene, the work of Phidias, made
out of spoil taken from the Persians who landed at Marathon:
(the battle of the Lapithæ with the Centaurs, and
all the other things represented on her shield, are said to
have been carved by Mys, but Parrhasius is said to have
drawn for Mys the outline of these and of his other works.)
The spearpoint of this Athene, and the plume of her helmet,
are visible from Sunium as you sail in. And there is a
brazen chariot made out of spoil of the Bœotians and Chalcidians
in Eubœa. And there are two other votive offerings,
a statue of Pericles the son of Xanthippus, and, (one
of the finest works of Phidias,) a statue of Athene, called
the Lemnian Athene because an offering from the people
of Lemnos. The walls of the Acropolis, (except what
Cimon the son of Miltiades built,) are said to have been
drawn out by Pelasgians who formerly lived under the
Acropolis. Their names were Agrolas and Hyperbius.
When I made enquiries who they were, all that I could
learn of them was that they were originally Sicilians, who
had emigrated to Acarnania.
As you descend, not into the lower part of the city but
only below the Propylæa, there is a well of water, and near
it a temple of Apollo in a cave. Here they think Apollo
had an amour with Creusa the daughter of Erechtheus.
And as to Pan, they say that Philippides, (who was sent
as a messenger to Lacedæmon when the Persians landed),
reported that the Lacedæmonians were deferring their
march: for it was their custom not to go out on a campaign
till the moon was at its full. But he said that he had met
with Pan near the Parthenian forest, and he had said that
he was friendly to the Athenians, and would come and help
them at Marathon. Pan has been honoured therefore for
this message. Here is also the Areopagus, so called because
Ares was first tried here. I have before stated how
and why he slew Halirrhothius. And they say that subsequently
Orestes was tried here for the murder of his
mother. And there is an altar of Athene Area, which
Orestes erected when he escaped punishment. And the
two white stones, on which both defendants and plaintiffs
stand in this court, are respectively called Rigour-of-the-law
and Impudence.
And not far off is the temple of the Goddesses whom the
Athenians call The Venerable Ones, but Hesiod in his
Theogony calls them the Erinnyes. And Æschylus first
represented them with snakes twined in their hair: but in
the statues here, either of these or of any other infernal
gods, there is nothing horrible. Here are statues of Pluto
and Hermes and Earth. Here all that have been acquitted
before the Areopagus offer their sacrifices, besides foreigners
and citizens occasionally. Within the precincts is also
the tomb of Œdipus. After many enquiries I found that
his bones had been brought there from Thebes: for I could
not credit Sophocles’ account about the death of Œdipus,
since Homer records that Mecisteus went to Thebes after
the death of Œdipus and was a competitor in the funeral
games held in his honour there.[5]
The Athenians have other Courts of Law, but not so
famous as the Areopagus. One they call Parabystum and
another Trigonum, [that is Crush and Triangle,] the
former being in a low part of the city and crowds of litigants
in very trumpery cases frequenting it, the other gets
its name from its shape. And the Courts called Froggy and
Scarlet preserve their names to this day from their colours.
But the largest Court, which has also the greatest number
of litigants, is called Heliæa. Murder-cases are taken in
the Court they call the Palladium, where are also tried cases
of manslaughter. And that Demophon was the first person
tried here no one disputes: but why he was tried is debated.
They say that Diomede, sailing home after the capture of
Ilium, put into Phalerum one dark night, and the Argives
landed as on hostile soil, not knowing in the dark that
it was Attica. Thereupon they say Demophon rushed
up, being ignorant that the men in the ships were Argives,
and slew several of them, and went off with the Palladium
which he took from them, and an Athenian not recognized
in the melée was knocked down and trodden underfoot
by Demophon’s horse. For this affair Demophon had
to stand his trial, prosecuted some say by the relations of
this Athenian, others say by the Argives generally. And
the Delphinium is the Court for those who plead that they
have committed justifiable homicide, which was the plea of
Theseus when he was acquitted for killing Pallas and his
sons who rose up against him. And before the acquittal of
Theseus every manslayer had to flee for his life, or if he
stayed to suffer the same death as he had inflicted. And
in the Court called the Prytaneum they try iron and
other inanimate things. I imagine the custom originated
when Erechtheus was king of Athens, for then first did
Ox-killer kill an ox at the temple of Zeus Guardian of
the City: and he left the axe there and fled the country,
and the axe was forthwith acquitted after trial, and is
tried annually even nowadays. Other inanimate things
are said to have spontaneously committed justifiable homicide:
the best and most famous illustration of which is
afforded by the scimetar of Cambyses.[6] And there is at
the Piræus near the sea a Court called Phreattys: here fugitives,
if (after they have once escaped) a second charge is
brought against them, make their defence on shipboard to
their hearers on land. Teucer first (the story goes) thus
made his defence before Telamon that he had had no hand
in the death of Ajax. Let this suffice for these matters,
that all who care may know everything about the Athenian
law-courts.
CHAPTER XXIX.
Near the Areopagus is shewn the ship that is made for
the procession at the Panathenæa. And this perhaps
has been outdone. But the ship at Delos is the finest
I have ever heard of, having nine banks of rowers from the
decks.
And the Athenians in the townships, and on the roads
outside the city, have temples of the gods, and tombs of
men and heroes. And not far distant is the Academy, once
belonging to a private man, now a gymnasium. And as you
go down to it are the precincts of Artemis, and statues
of her as Best and Beautifullest: I suppose these titles have
the same reference as the lines of Sappho, another account
about them I know but shall pass over. And there is a
small temple, to which they carry every year on appointed
days the statue of Dionysus Eleuthereusis. So many
temples to the gods are there here. There are also tombs,
first of Thrasybulus the son of Lycus, in all respects one
of the most famous of the Athenians either since his day
or before him. Most of his exploits I shall pass by, but
one thing will be enough to prove my statement. Starting
from Thebes with only sixty men he put down the Thirty
Tyrants, and persuaded the Athenians who were in factions
to be reconciled to one another and live on friendly
terms. His is the first tomb, and near it are the tombs of
Pericles and Chabrias and Phormio. And all the Athenians
have monuments here that died in battle either on land or
sea, except those that fought at Marathon. For those have
tombs on the spot for their valour. But the others lie on
the road to the Academy, and slabs are on their tombs
recording the name and township of each. First come
those whom the Edoni unexpectedly fell upon and slew in
Thrace, when they had made themselves masters of all the
country up to Drabescus: and it is said also that hailstones
fell on them. And among generals are Leagrus, who
had the greatest amount of power committed to him, and
Sophanes of Decelea, who slew the Argive Eurybates,
(who was helping the Æginetans), the victor in five contests
at Nemea. And this is the third army the Athenians
sent out of Greece. For all the Greeks by mutual consent
fought against Priam and the Trojans: but the Athenians
alone sent an army into Sardinia with Iolaus, and again
to Ionia, and the third time to Thrace. And before the
monument is a pillar with a representation of two cavalry
officers fighting, whose names are Melanopus and Macartatus,
who met their death contending against the Lacedæmonians
and Bœotians, at the border of the Eleonian and
Tanagræan territory. And there is the tomb of the Thessalian
cavalry who remembered their ancient friendship to
Athens, when the Peloponnesians under Archidamas first
invaded Attica: they are near the Cretan archers. And again
there are tombs of the Athenians, as of Clisthenes, (who
made the regulations for the tribes which are observed even
now,) and the cavalry who were slain on that day of danger,
when the Thessalians brought aid. Here too are the Cleonæi,
who came with the Argives into Attica: why they came I
shall tell when I come to Argos. Here too is the tomb of
the Athenians who fought with the Æginetans before the
Persian War. And that was I ween a just decree of the
people that, if the Athenians gave a public burial to the
slaves, their names should be written on a pillar. And this
proves that they behaved well to their masters in the wars.
And there are also monuments of other valiant men, who
fell fighting in various places: the most illustrious of those
that fought at Olynthus, and Melesander (who sailed in his
ships up the Mæander in Upper Caria), and those who fell
in the war with Cassander, and those Argives who were
formerly the allies of the Athenians. This alliance came
about (they say) in the following manner. There was an
earthquake at Lacedæmon, and the Helots revolted and
went to Ithome: and when they revolted the Lacedæmonians
sent for aid to the Athenians and others: and they
despatched to them picked men under Cimon the son of
Miltiades. These the Lacedæmonians sent back moved by
suspicion. And the Athenians thought such an outrage
insufferable, and, on their return home again, made an
offensive and defensive alliance with the Argives, who had
always been the enemies of the Lacedæmonians. And afterwards,
when a battle between the Athenians and Bœotians
and Lacedæmonians was on the eve of taking place at
Tanagra, the Argives came to the aid of the Athenians.
And when the Argives were having the better of it, night
came on and took away the certainty of victory, and the
next day the Lacedæmonians won the victory, the Thessalians
having betrayed the Athenians. I ought also to mention
Apollodorus the leader of the mercenaries, who was an
Athenian, but had been sent by Arsites, the satrap of
Phrygia near the Hellespont, and had relieved Perinthia,
when Philip attacked it with an army. He is buried here,
with Eubulus the son of Spintharus, and other men who
although they deserved it did not meet with good fortune;
some fell conspiring against the tyrant Lachares, and others
counselled the seizure of the Piræus when the Macedonians
guarded it, but before they could carry out their plan they
were informed against by their fellow-conspirators and put
to death. Here too are the tombs of those who fell at
Corinth: and it was palpably shewn here (and afterwards
at Leuctra) by the Deity, that those whom the Greeks call
brave were nothing without good fortune, since the Lacedæmonians
who had formerly conquered the Corinthians
and Athenians, and moreover the Argives and Bœotians,
were afterwards so completely routed at Leuctra by the
Bœotians alone. And next to the tombs of those that fell
at Corinth, some elegiac lines testify that the pillar was
erected not only to them, but also to those that died at
Eubœa and Chios, as also to some whom it declares were slain
in the remote parts of the continent of Asia Minor, and
in Sicily. And all the Generals are inscribed on it except
Nicias, and the Platæan soldiers and citizens together.
Nicias was passed over for the following reason: I give
the same account as Philistus, who said that Demosthenes
made conditions of surrender for everybody but himself,
and when he was taken attempted suicide, whereas Nicias
surrendered voluntarily. And so his name was not written
on the pillar, as he was shewn to be a willing captive and
not a man fit for war. On another pillar are the names of
those who fought in Thrace, and at Megara, and when
Alcibiades persuaded the Mantinæans and Eleans to revolt
from the Lacedæmonians, and those who conquered the
Syracusans before Demosthenes came to Sicily. Those also
are buried here who fought the naval engagement at the
Hellespont, and those who fought against the Macedonians
at Chæronea, and those who served with Cleon at Amphipolis,
and those who fell at Delium in the territory of the
Tanagræans, and those whom Leosthenes led to Thessaly,
and those who sailed to Cyprus with Cimon, and those,
thirteen only, who with Olympiodorus drove out the Macedonian
garrison. And the Athenians say that, when the
Romans were fighting against one of their neighbours, they
sent a small force to their aid, and certainly afterwards
there were five Attic triremes present at the sea-fight
between the Romans and Carthaginians. These also have
their tomb here. The exploits of Tolmides and his men,
and the manner of their death, I have already described:
but let any one to whom their memory is dear know that
they too lie buried on this road. They too lie here who on
the same day won under Cimon a glorious victory both
by land and sea. Here too lie Conon and Timotheus, father
and son, second only to Miltiades and Cimon in their brilliant
feats. Here too lie Zeno the son of Mnaseas, and Chrysippus
of Soli, and Nicias the son of Nicomedes, (the best painter
of animals in his day,) and Harmodius and Aristogiton who
murdered Hipparchus the son of Pisistratus, and the orators
Ephialtes, (who did his best to discredit the legislation of
the Areopagus,) and Lycurgus the son of Lycophron. This
Lycurgus put into the public treasury 6,500 talents more
than Pericles the son of Xanthippus got together, and furnished
elaborate apparatus for the processions of Athene,
and golden Victories, and dresses for 100 maidens, and for
war arms and darts, and 400 triremes for naval engagements.
And as for buildings he finished the theatre though
others began it, and during his term of office built docks
at the Piræus, and a gymnasium at the Lyceum. All his
silver and gold work Lachares plundered when he was in
power: but the buildings remain to this day.
CHAPTER XXX.
Before the entrance into the Academy is an altar
of Eros, with the inscription that Charmus was the
first of the Athenians to offer votive offerings to Eros.
And they say that the altar in the city called the altar of
Anteros is the offering of the resident aliens, for Meles an
Athenian, tired of Timagoras, a resident alien who was
enamoured of him, bade him go to the highest part of the
rock and throw himself down. And Timagoras careless of
his life, and wishing in all things to gratify the stripling’s
commands, threw himself down accordingly. But Meles,
when he saw that Timagoras was dead, was so stricken
with remorse, that he threw himself down from the same
rock, and so perished. And in consequence it was ordained
that the resident aliens should worship as a god Anteros,
the avenger of Timagoras. And in the Academy is an
altar of Prometheus, and they run from it to the city with
lighted torches. The game is to keep the torch alight
as they run. And if the torch goes out there is no longer
victory to the first, but the second wins instead. And if
his is out, then the third. And so on. And if the torches
of all go out, then there is no one who can win the
game. There is also an altar of the Muses, and another of
Hermes, and in the interior one of Athene, and another of
Hercules. And there is an olive-tree, which is said to have
been the second that ever was. And not far from the
Academy is the tomb of Plato, to whom the Deity foretold
that he would be most excellent in Philosophy, and foretold
it in the following way. Socrates, the night before Plato
was going to be his pupil, dreamed that a swan flew into
his bosom. Now the swan is a bird that has a fame for
music, for they say that Cycnus [Swan], king of the Ligyans
across the Eridanus in Celtic territory, was fond of music,
and when he died was at Apollo’s desire changed into a
bird. I daresay a musical man reigned over the Ligyans,
but I can hardly believe that a man became a bird. Here
too is seen the tower of Timon, who was the only person
who thought one can be happy in no way except by shunning
one’s kind. There is also shewn here a place called
Colonus, sacred to Poseidon the creator of horses, the first
place in Attica which they say Œdipus came to: this is
however different from the account of Homer, still it is the
account they give. There is also an altar of Poseidon God
of Horses and of Athene Goddess of Horses, and a hero-chapel
of Pirithous and Theseus and Œdipus and Adrastus.
But Poseidon’s grove and temple were burnt by Antigonus,
when he invaded Attica and ravaged it with his army.
CHAPTER XXXI.
Now the small townships of Attica, founded by haphazard,
have the following records. The Alimusii
have a temple to Law-giving Demeter and her daughter
Proserpine; and in Zoster [Belt] by the sea is an altar to
Athene and Apollo and Artemis and Leto. They say that
Leto did not give birth to her children here, but loosed her
belt as if she were going to, and that was why the place got
that name. The Prospaltii also have a temple to Proserpine
and Demeter, and the Anagyrasians have a temple to the
Mother of the Gods. And at Cephalæ Castor and Pollux
are held in highest honour: for they call them the Great
Gods.
And the people of Prasiæ have a temple of Apollo: here
came (they say) the firstfruits of the Hyperboreans, handed
over by them to the Arimaspians, and by the Arimaspians
to the Issedones, and brought thence by the Scythians to
Sinope, and thence carried by the Greeks to Prasiæ, and
by the Athenians to Delos: these firstfruits are hidden
in an ear of wheat, and may be looked at by nobody.
At Prasiæ there is also a monument to Erysichthon, who
died on his passage home, as he sailed back from Delos after
his mission there. That Cranaus the king of the Athenians
was expelled by Amphictyon, though he was his kinsman,
I have before narrated: and they say that when he
fled with his adherents to the Lamprian township he was
killed and buried there: and his tomb is there to this day.
And Ion the son of Xuthus, (for he too dwelt in Attica,
and commanded the Athenians in the war against the
Eleusinians,) has a tomb in the place called Potami.
So far tradition goes. And the Phlyenses have altars to
Dionysus-giving Apollo and Lightgiving Artemis, and to
Dionysus Crowned with flowers, and to the Nymphs of the
River Ismenus, and to Earth whom they call the Great
Goddess: and another temple has altars to Fruitbearing
Demeter, and Zeus the Protector of Property, and Tithronian
Athene, and Proserpine the Firstborn, and to the goddesses
called The Venerable Ones, (i.e. the Eumenides.) And
at Myrrhinus there is a statue to Colænian Artemis. And the
Athmonenses worship Amarynthian Artemis. And when I
enquired of the Interpreters and Experts as to these Goddesses,
I could obtain no accurate information, but I conjecture
as follows. Amarynthus is in Eubœa, and there too
they worship the Amarynthian Artemis. And the Athenians
at her feast bestow as much honour on her as the
Eubœans. In this way I think she got her name among
the Athmonenses, and Colænian Artemis at Myrrhinus from
Colænus. I have written already elsewhere that it is the
opinion of many in the townships that there were kings
at Athens before Cecrops. Now Colænus is the name of a
king who ruled at Athens before Cecrops, according to the
tradition of the people of Myrrhinus. And there is a township
at Acharnæ: the Acharnians worship among other gods
Apollo of the Streets and Hercules. And there is an altar
to Athene Hygiea: they also worship Athene by the name
of Horse-lover, and Dionysus by that of Songster, and Ivy-God,
for they say ivy grew here first.
CHAPTER XXXII.
And the mountains of Attica are Pentelicus, famous
for its stonequarries, and Parnes, which affords good
hunting of wild boars and bears, and Hymettus, which is
the best place for bees next to the territory of the Alazones.
For among the Alazones the bees are so tame that
they live with the people, and go freely about for their food
anywhere, and are not confined in hives: and they make
honey anywhere, and it is so firm and compact that you
cannot separate it from the comb. And on the mountains
of Attica also are statues of the gods. At Pentelicus
there is a statue of Athene, and at Hymettus one of Zeus of
Hymettus: there are altars also to Rainy Zeus, and Apollo
the Fore-seer. And at Parnes there is a brazen statue
of Parnesian Zeus, and an altar to Semalean Zeus. There
is also another altar at Parnes, and they sacrifice on it sometimes
to Zeus the Rainy, sometimes to Zeus the Averter of
Ill. There is also the small mountain called Anchesmus,
and on it the statue of Anchesmian Zeus.
Before I turn to the description of the islands, I will
enter again into the history of the townships. The township
of Marathon is about equidistant from Athens and
Carystus in Eubœa. It was this part of Attica that the
Persians landed at, and were defeated, and lost some of
their ships as they were putting out to sea in retreat. And
in the plain is the tomb of the Athenians, and on it are
pillars with the names of the dead according to their tribes.
And another for the Platæans of Bœotia and their slaves:
for this was the first engagement in which slaves fought.
And there is apart a monument to Miltiades the son of
Cimon, whose death occurred afterwards, when he failed to
capture Paros, and was on that account put on his trial by
the Athenians. Here every night one may hear horses neighing
and men fighting: those who come on purpose to
see the sight suffer for their curiosity, but if they are there
as spectators accidentally the wrath of the gods harms
them not. And the people of Marathon highly honour
those that fell in the battle, calling them heroes, as also
they pay honours to Marathon (from whom the township
gets its name), and Hercules, whom they say they first
of all the Greeks worshipped as a god. And it chanced,
as they say, in the battle that a man of rustic appearance
and dress appeared, who slew many of the Persians
with a ploughshare, and vanished after the fight: and
when the Athenians made enquiry of the oracle, the god
gave no other answer, but bade them honour the hero
Echetlæus. And a trophy of white stone was erected there.
And the Athenians say that they buried the Persians, (it
being a matter of decency to bury in the ground a man’s
corpse,) but I could find no tomb. For there was no mound
nor any other visible trace of burial. So they must have
carried them to some hole and thrown them in pell mell.
And there is at Marathon a fountain called Macaria, and
this is the tradition about it. When Hercules fled from
Eurystheus at Tiryns, he went to his friend Ceyx the king
of Trachis. And when Hercules left mankind Eurystheus
asked for his children, and Ceyx sent them to Athens, pleading
his own weakness, and suggesting that Theseus might
be able to protect them. And coming to Athens as suppliants,
they brought about the first war between the Peloponnesians
and the Athenians, as Theseus would not give them up to
Eurystheus, though he begged hard for them. And they
say that an oracle told the Athenians that one of the children
of Hercules must voluntarily die, or else they would
not get the victory. Hereupon Macaria, the daughter of
Deianira and Hercules, sacrificed herself that the Athenians
might conquer in the war, and the fountain gets its name
from her. And there is at Marathon a lake for the most
part muddy: into it the fugitive Persians fell not knowing
the way, and most of the slaughter happened they say here.
And above the lake are the mangers of the horses of Artaphernes
in stone, and among the rocks vestiges of a tent.
And a river flows from the lake, affording pleasant water
to the herds that come to the lake, but at its outlet into the
sea it is salt and full of sea fish. And at a little distance
from the plain is a mountain of Pan, and a cave well worth
seeing. The entrance to it is narrow, but when you get
well in there are rooms and baths, and what is called Pan’s
herd of goats, rocks very like goats in shape.
CHAPTER XXXIII.
And not far from Marathon is Brauron, where they
say Iphigenia, the daughter of Agamemnon, landed
in her flight from the Tauri, bringing with her the statue
of Artemis, and, having left it here, went on to Athens
and afterwards to Argos. Here is indeed an ancient statue
of Artemis. But those who have the Tauric statue of the
goddess in my opinion, I shall show in another part of my
work. And about sixty stades from Marathon is Rhamnus,
as you go along the shore to Oropus. And there are buildings
near the sea for men, and a little way from the sea on
the cliff is a temple of Nemesis, who is the most implacable
of all the gods to haughty men. And it seems that those
Persians who landed at Marathon met with vengeance
from this goddess: for despising the difficulty of capturing
Athens, they brought Parian marble to make a trophy of,
as if they had already conquered. This marble Phidias made
into a statue of Nemesis, and on the goddess’ head is a
crown with some figures of stags, and some small statues of
Victory: in one hand she has a branch of an apple tree, in
the other a bowl, on which some Ethiopians are carved.
As to these Ethiopians I could not myself conjecture
what they referred to, nor could I accept the account of
those who thought they knew, who say that they were
carved on the bowl because of the river Oceanus: for the
Ethiopians dwelt by it, and Oceanus was Nemesis’ father.
For indeed Oceanus is not a river but a sea, the remotest
sea sailed on by men, and on its shore live the Spaniards and
Celts, and in it is the island of Britain. But the remotest
Ethiopians live beyond Syene by the Red Sea, and are
fisheaters, from which circumstance the gulf near which
they live is called Fish-eater. But the most upright ones[7]
inhabit the city Meroe, and what is called the Ethiopian
plain: these shew the Table of the Sun, but have no sea
or river except the Nile. And there are other Ethiopians
(who live near the Mauri), that extend to the territory of
the Nasamones. For the Nasamones, whom Herodotus
calls the Atlantes, but geographers call Lixitæ, are the
remotest of the Libyans who live near Mount Atlas.
They sow nothing, and live on wild vines. And neither
these Ethiopians nor the Nasamones have any river. For
the water near Mount Atlas, though it flows in three
directions, makes no river, for the sand sucks it all in.
So the Ethiopians live by no river or ocean. And the
water from Mount Atlas is muddy, and at its source
there are crocodiles two cubits long, and when men approach
they dive down into the water. And many have
the idea that this water coming up again out of the sand
makes the river Nile in Egypt. Now Mount Atlas is
so high that its peaks are said to touch the sky, and it
is inaccessible from the water and trees which are everywhere.
The neighbourhood of the Nasamones has been
explored, but we know of no one who has sailed by the
parts near the sea. But let this account suffice. Neither
this statue of Nemesis nor any other of the old statues
of her are delineated with wings, not even the most holy
statues at Smyrna: but in later times people, wishing to
shew this goddess as especially following upon Love, gave
Nemesis wings as well as Love. I shall describe what is
at the base of the statue, only clearing up the following
matter. They say Nemesis was the mother of Helen, but
Leda suckled her and brought her up: but her father
the Greeks generally think was Zeus and not Tyndareus.
Phidias having heard this represented on the base of the
statue Helen being carried by Leda to Nemesis, and Tyndareus
and his sons, and a man called Hippeus with a
horse standing by. There too are Agamemnon and Menelaus,
and Pyrrhus the son of Achilles, the first husband
of Hermione, the daughter of Helen. Orestes was passed
over for the murder of his mother, though Hermione
remained with him all her life and bore him a son. And
next come Epochus, and another young man. I have
heard nothing else of them than that they are the brothers
of Œnoe, who gave her name to the township.
CHAPTER XXXIV.
The land about Oropus between Attica and Tanagra,
which originally belonged to Bœotia, is now Athenian.
The Athenians fought for it continually, but got
no firm hold of it till Philip gave it them after the
capture of Thebes. The city is near the sea and has
played no great part in history: about 12 stades from it
is the temple of Amphiaraus. And it is said that, when
Amphiaraus fled from Thebes, the earth opened and swallowed
up him and his chariot: but it did not they say
happen here but at a place called Harma (Chariot), on the way
from Thebes to Chalcis. And the Oropians first made Amphiaraus
a god, and since all the Greeks have so accounted him.
I can mention others who were once men, who have honours
paid to them as gods, and cities dedicated to them, as
Eleus in the Chersonese to Protesilaus, and Lebadea in
Bœotia to Trophonius: so Amphiaraus has a temple
at Oropus, and a statue in white stone. And the altar
has five divisions: one belongs to Hercules and Zeus and
Pæonian Apollo, and another is dedicated to heroes and
heroes’ wives. And the third belongs to Vesta and Hermes
and Amphiaraus and the sons of Amphilochus: but Alcmæon,
owing to the murder of Eriphyle, has no honour with
Amphiaraus, nor with Amphilochus. And the fourth division
of the altar belongs to Aphrodite and Panacea, and
also to Jason and Hygiea and Pæonian Athene. And the
fifth has been set apart for the Nymphs and Pan, and
the rivers Achelous and Cephisus. And Amphilochus
has also an altar at Athens, and at Mallus in Cilicia an
oracle most veracious even in my day. And the Oropians
have a fountain near the temple, which they call
Amphiaraus’, but they neither sacrifice at it, nor use it for
lustrations or washing their hands. But when any disease
has been cured by means of the oracle, then it is customary
to throw into the fountain some gold or silver coin:
and here they say Amphiaraus became a god. And the
Gnossian Iophon, one of the interpreters of Antiquities,
has preserved some oracular responses of Amphiaraus in
Hexameters, given he says to the Argives who were despatched
to Thebes. These lines had irresistible attraction
for the general public. Now besides those who are
said of old to have been inspired by Apollo, there was
no oracle-giving seer, but there were people good at explaining
dreams, and inspecting the flights of birds and the
entrails of victims. Amphiaraus was I think especially
excellent in divination by dreams: and it is certain when
he became a god that he instituted divination by dreams.
And whoever comes to consult Amphiaraus has first (such
is the custom) to purify himself, that is to sacrifice to
the god. They sacrifice then to all the other gods whose
names are on the altar. And after all these preliminary
rites, they sacrifice a ram, and wrapping themselves up in
its skin go to sleep, and expect divine direction through
a dream.
CHAPTER XXXV.
And the Athenians have various islands not far from
Attica, one called after Patroclus, about which I have
already given an account, and another a little beyond
Sunium, as you sail leaving Attica on the left: here they
say Helen landed after the capture of Ilium, so the Island
is called Helena. And Salamis lies over against Eleusis
and extends towards Megaris. The name Salamis was they
say originally given to this island from Salamis the mother
of Asopus, and afterwards the Æginetans under Telamon
inhabited the island: and Philæus, the son of Eurysaces
and grandson of Ajax, became an Athenian and handed it
over to Athens. And many years afterwards the Athenians
expelled the people of Salamis, condemning them for having
been slack of duty in the war with Cassander, and for
having surrendered their city to the Macedonians more
from choice than compulsion: and Ascetades (who had
been chosen as Governor of Salamis) they condemned to
death, and swore that for all time they would remember
this treason of the people of Salamis. And there are yet
ruins of the market, and a temple of Ajax, and his statue
in ebony. And divine honours are to this day paid by the
Athenians to Ajax and Eurysaces: the latter has also an
altar at Athens. And a stone is shown at Salamis not far
from the harbour: on which they say Telamon sate and
gazed at the vessel in which his sons were sailing away to
Aulis, to join the general expedition of the Greeks against
Ilium. And the natives of Salamis say that after the death
of Ajax a flower first appeared on their island: white and
red, smaller than the lily especially in its petals, with the
same letters on it as the hyacinth.[8] And I have heard the
tradition of the Æolians (who afterwards inhabited Ilium)
as to the controversy about the arms of Achilles, and they
say that after the shipwreck of Odysseus these arms were
washed ashore by the sea near the tomb of Ajax. And
some particulars as to his great size were given me by a
Mysian. He told me that the sea washed his tomb which
was on the seashore, and made entrance to it easy, and he
bade me conjecture the huge size of his body by the following
detail. His kneepans, (which the doctors call mills,)
were the size of the quoits used by any lad practising for
the Pentathlum. I do not wonder at the size of those who
are called Cabares, who, remotest of the Celts, live in a
region thinly peopled from the extreme cold, for their
corpses are not a bit bigger than Egyptian ones. I will now
relate some remarkable cases of dead bodies. Among the
Magnesians at Lethæus one of the citizens, called Protophanes,
was victor on the same day at Olympia in the
pancratium and in the wrestling: some robbers broke into
his tomb, thinking to find something valuable there, and
after them came others to see his corpse: his ribs were not
separated as is usual, but he was all bone from his shoulders
to the lowest ribs, which are called by the doctors false ribs.
And the Milesians have in front of their city the island Lade,
which breaks off into two little islands, one of which is
called Asterius. And they say that Asterius was buried
here, and that he was the son of Anax, and Anax was the
son of Earth: his corpse is two cubits, no less. The following
circumstance also appears to me wonderful. In Upper
Lydia there is a small town called the Gates of Temenus.
Some bones were discovered here, when a piece of cliff
broke off in a storm, in shape like those of a man, but on
account of their size no one would have thought them a
man’s. And forthwith a rumour spread among the populace
that it was the dead body of Geryon the son of Chrysaor,
and that a man’s seat fashioned in stone on the hillside was
his seat. And they called the mountain torrent Oceanus,
and said that people ploughing often turned up horns of
oxen, for the story goes that Geryon bred most excellent
oxen. But when I opposed their theory, and proved to
them that Geryon lived at Gades, and that he has no known
tomb but a tree of various forms, hereupon the Lydian
Antiquarians told the real truth, that it was the dead body
of Hyllus, and that Hyllus was the son of Earth, and gave
his name to the river Hyllus. They said also that Hercules
on account of his former intercourse with Omphale called
his son Hyllus after the same river.
CHAPTER XXXVI.
At Salamis, to return to my subject, there is a temple
of Artemis, and a trophy erected for the victory
which Themistocles the son of Neocles won for the Greeks.
There is also a temple to Cychreus. For when the Athenians
were fighting the naval engagement with the Persians
it is said that a dragon was seen in the Athenian fleet, and
the oracle informed the Athenians that it was the hero
Cychreus. And there is an island facing Salamis called
Psyttalea, on which they say as many as 400 Persians
landed: who after the defeat of Xerxes’ fleet were they
say slain by the Greeks who passed over into Psyttalea.
There is not one statue in the island which is a work of art,
but there are some rude images of Pan made anyhow.
And as you go to Eleusis from Athens, by the way
which the Athenians call the Sacred Way, is the tomb of
Anthemocritus, to whom the Megarians acted most unscrupulously,
inasmuch as they killed him though he came as a
herald, to announce to them that henceforth they were not
to cultivate the sacred land. And for this act of theirs
the wrath of the two goddesses[9] still abides, since they are
the only Greeks that the Emperor Adrian was not able to
aggrandise. And next to the column of Anthemocritus is
the tomb of Molottus, who was chosen as General of the
Athenians when they crossed over into Eubœa to the aid of
Plutarch. And near this is a village called Scirus for the
following reason. When the people of Eleusis were at war
with Erechtheus, a prophet came from Dodona Scirus by
name, who also built at Phalerum the old temple of
Sciradian Athene. And as he fell in battle the Eleusinians
buried him near a mountain torrent, and both the village
and torrent get their name from the hero. And near
is the tomb of Cephisodorus, who was the leader of the
people, and especially opposed Philip the son of Demetrius,
the king of the Macedonians. And Cephisodorus got as
allies for the Athenians the Mysian king Attalus, and the
Egyptian king Ptolemy, and independent nations as the
Ætolians, and islanders as the Rhodians and Cretans. And
as the succours from Egypt and Mysia and Crete came for
the most part too late, and as the Rhodians (fighting by sea
only) could do little harm to heavy-armed soldiers like the
Macedonians, Cephisodorus sailed for Italy with some of
the Athenians, and begged the Romans to aid them. And
they sent them a force and a general, who so reduced Philip
and the Macedonians that eventually Perseus, the son of
Philip, lost his kingdom, and was carried to Italy as a
captive. This Philip was the son of Demetrius: who was
the first of the family who was king of Macedonia, after
slaying Alexander the son of Cassander, as I have before
related.
CHAPTER XXXVII.
And next to the tomb of Cephisodorus are buried Heliodorus
the Aliensian, (you may see a painting of him
in the large temple of Athene): and Themistocles the son
of Poliarchus, the great grandson of the Themistocles that
fought the great sea-fight against Xerxes and the Medes.
All his other descendants except Acestius I shall pass by.
But she the daughter of Xenocles, the son of Sophocles,
the son of Leo, had the good fortune to have all her ancestors
torchbearers even up to her great grandfather Leo, and
in her life she saw first her brother Sophocles a torchbearer,
and after him her husband Themistocles, and after his death
her son Theophrastus. Such was the good fortune she is
said to have had.
And as you go a little further is the grove of the hero
Lacius, who gives his name to a township. There too is
the tomb of Nicocles of Tarentum, who won the greatest
fame of all harpers. There is also an altar to Zephyrus,
and a temple of Demeter and Proserpine: Athene and
Poseidon have joint honours with them. Here they say
Phytalus received Demeter into his house, and the goddess
gave him in return a fig tree. My account is confirmed by
the inscription on Phytalus’ tomb.
“Here Phytalus king-hero once received
Holy Demeter, when she first vouchsafed
The fruit that mortals call the fig: since when
The race of Phytalus has deathless fame.”
And before crossing over the river Cephisus, is the tomb
of Theodorus, one of the best tragic actors of his day. And
there are two statues near the river, Mnesimaches, and his
son cutting off his hair as a votive offering to the Cephisus.
That it was an ancient custom for all the Greeks to cut off
locks of their hair to rivers one would infer from the verses
of Homer, who describes Peleus as vowing to cut off his
hair to the river Spercheus if his son Achilles returned
safe from Troy.[10]
On the other side of the Cephisus is an ancient altar
to Milichian (i.e.mild) Zeus, where Theseus got purified
after slaying the progeny of Phytalus. He had slain other
robbers, and Sinis, who was his relation by Pittheus his
maternal grandfather. And there are the tombs here of
Theodectes the son of Phaselites, and of Mnesitheus. This
last they say was a noted doctor, and dedicated several
statues, and among them one of Iacchus. And by the
roadside is a small temple called the temple of Cyamites
(Bean-man): but I have no certain information, whether
he first sowed beans, or whether they gave the name to
some hero, because it was not lawful to ascribe the invention
of beans to Demeter. And whoever has seen the Eleusinian
mysteries, or has read the Orphic poems, knows what I mean.
And of the tombs that are finest for size and beauty are
two especially, one of a Rhodian who had migrated to
Athens, the other of Pythionice, made by Harpalus a Macedonian,
who had fled from Alexander and sailed to Europe
from Asia, and coming to Athens was arrested by the Athenians,
but escaped by bribing the friends of Alexander and
others, and before this had married Pythionice, whose extraction
I don’t know, but she was a courtesan both at Athens
and Corinth. He was so enamoured of her that, when she
died, he raised this monument to her, the finest of all the
ancient works of art in Greece.
And there is a temple in which are statues of Demeter
and Proserpine and Athene and Apollo: but originally the
temple was built to Apollo alone. For they say that
Cephalus the son of Deioneus went with Amphitryon to the
Teleboæ, and was the first dweller in the island which is
now called from him Cephallenia: and that he fled from
Athens, and lived for some time at Thebes, because he had
murdered his wife Procris. And in the tenth generation
afterwards Chalcinus and Dætus his descendants sailed to
Delphi, and begged of the god permission to return to
Athens: and he ordered them first to sacrifice to Apollo
on the spot where they should see a trireme on land moving.
And when they got to the mountain called Pœcilus a dragon
appeared eagerly running into its hole: and here they sacrificed
to Apollo, and afterwards on their arrival at Athens
the Athenians made them citizens. Next to this is a temple
of Aphrodite, and before it a handsome wall of white stone.
CHAPTER XXXVIII.
Now the channels called Rheti are like rivers only in
their flow, for their water is sea water. And one
might suppose that they flow from the Euripus near Chalcis
underground, falling into a sea with a lower level. These
Rheti are said to be sacred to Proserpine and Demeter, and
their priests only may catch the fish in them. And they
were, as I hear, in old times the boundaries between the
territory of the Eleusinians and Athenians. And the first
inhabitant on the other side of the Rheti was Crocon,
and that district is called to this day the kingdom of
Crocon. This Crocon the Athenians say married Sæsara
the daughter of Celeus. This at least is the tradition of the
occupants of the township of Scambonidæ. Crocon’s tomb
indeed I could not find, but Eumolpus’ tomb the Athenians
and Eubœans both show. This Eumolpus they say came
from Thrace, and was the son of Poseidon and Chione:
and Chione was they say the daughter of Boreas and
Orithyia. Homer has not indeed given us his pedigree,
but he calls him in his poem a noble man. And in the
battle between the people of Eleusis and the Athenians
Erechtheus the king of Athens was slain, and also Immaradus
the son of Eumolpus: and peace was concluded on
these conditions, that the people of Eleusis should be in
all other respects Athenians, but should have the private
management of their Mysteries. And the rites of the two
goddesses, Demeter and Proserpine, were performed by the
daughters of Celeus. Pamphus and Homer alike call them
by the names Diogenea, and Pammerope, and Sæsara. But
on the death of Eumolpus Ceryx the youngest son was the
only one left, who (the heralds say) was not the son of
Eumolpus at all, but the son of Hermes by Aglaurus the
daughter of Cecrops.
There is also a hero-chapel to Hippothoon, from whom a
tribe gets its name, and near it one to Zarex, who is said to
have learnt music of Apollo. But my own idea is that
Zarex was a stranger, a Lacedæmonian who had come into
Attica, and that the city Zarex in Laconia by the sea was
called after him. But if the hero Zarex was a native of
Attica, I know nothing about him. And the river Cephisus
flows near the Eleusinian territory with greater speed than
before: and here is a place called Erineus, where Pluto
they say descended, when he carried off Proserpine. On the
banks of this river Theseus slew the robber Polypemon,
who was surnamed Procrustes. And the Eleusinians have
a temple to Triptolemus, and to Propylæan Artemis, and
to Father Poseidon, and a well called Callichorus, where
the Eleusinian women first danced and sang songs to
the goddess. And the Rharian plain was the first sown
and the first that produced crops according to tradition,
and this is the reason why it is the custom to use barley
from it to make cakes for the sacrifices. Here is shown
Triptolemus’ threshing-floor and altar. But what is inside
the sacred wall I am forbidden by a dream to divulge, for
those who are uninitiated, as they are forbidden sight of
them, so also clearly may not hear of the mysteries. And
the hero Eleusis, from whom the city gets its name, was
according to some the son of Hermes and Daira the daughter
of Oceanus, others make him the son of Ogygus. For
the ancients, when they had no data for their pedigrees,
invented fictitious ones, and especially in the pedigrees of
heroes.
And as you turn from Eleusis to Bœotia the boundary
of Attica is the Platæan district. That was the old boundary
between the Athenians and the people of Eleutheræ.
But when the people of Eleutheræ became Athenians then
Mount Cithæron in Bœotia became the boundary. And
the people of Eleutheræ became Athenians not by compulsion,
but from hatred to the Thebans and a liking
for the Athenian form of government. In this plain too is
a temple of Dionysus, and a statue of the god was removed
thence to Athens long ago: the one at Eleutheræ now is
an imitation of it. And at some distance is a small grotto,
and near it a spring of cold water. And it is said that
Antiope gave birth to twins and left them in this grotto,
and a shepherd finding them near the spring gave them
their first bath in it, having stript them of their swaddling
clothes. And there was still in my day remains of a wall
and buildings at Eleutheræ. This makes it clear that it
was a town built a little above the plain towards Mount
Cithæron.
CHAPTER XXXIX.
And another road leads from Eleusis to Megara: as you
go along this road is a well called the Well of Flowers.
Pamphus records that it was at this well that Demeter sat
in the guise of an old woman after the rape of Proserpine:
and that she was taken thence as an old woman of the
country by the daughters of Celeus to their mother, and
that Metanira entrusted her with the education of her son.
And not far from the well is the temple of Metanira,
and next to it the tombs of those that fell at Thebes. For
Creon, who was at that time the ruler at Thebes (being
Regent for Laodamas the son of Eteocles), would not allow
their relations to bury the dead: and Adrastus having supplicated
Theseus, and a battle having been fought between
the Athenians and Bœotians, when Theseus was the victor,
he conveyed the dead bodies to Eleusis and there buried
them. But the Thebans say that they surrendered the
dead bodies of their own free will, and did not fight on this
question. And next to the tombs of the Argives is the
monument of Alope, who they say was the mother of Hippothoon
by Poseidon, and was in consequence put to death
by her father Cercyon. Now this Cercyon is said in other
respects to have been harsh to strangers, and especially to
those who would not contend with him in wrestling: and
this place was called even in my day Cercyon’s wrestling
ground, at a little distance from the tomb of Alope. And
Cercyon is said to have killed all that wrestled with him
but Theseus. But Theseus wrestled against him cunningly
throw for throw and beat him: for he was the first who
elevated wrestling into a science, and afterwards established
training schools for wrestling: for before the time of Theseus
only size and strength were made use of in wrestling.
Such in my opinion are the most noteworthy among
Athenian traditions or sights. And in my account I have
selected out of a mass of material that only which was important
enough to be considered history.
Next to Eleusis is the district called Megaris: it too belonged
originally to the Athenians, having been bequeathed
to Pandion by (its) king Pylas. Proofs of what I assert
are the tomb of Pandion in that district, and the fact that
Nisus, though he conceded the kingdom of Attica to Ægeus
the head of the family, yet himself was selected to be king
of Megara and the whole district up to Corinth: and even
now the Megarians have a dockyard called Nisæa after
him. And afterwards, when Codrus was king, the Peloponnesians
marched against Athens: and not having any
brilliant success there they went home again, but took
Megara from the Athenians, and gave it to the Corinthians
and others of their allies that wished to dwell in it. Thus
the Megarians changed their customs and dialect and
became Dorians. And they say the city got its name in
the days of Car, the son of Phoroneus, who was king in this
district: in his day they say first temples were built to
Demeter among them, and the inhabitants called them
Halls.[11] This is at any rate the tradition of the Megarians.
But the Bœotians say that Megareus the son of Poseidon
lived at Onchestus, and went with an army of Bœotians to
aid Nisus in his war against Minos, and that he fell in the
battle, and got buried there, and the city which had been
formerly called Nisa, got its name Megara from him.
And years afterwards, in the 12th generation from Car, the
son of Phoroneus, the Megarians say Lelex came from
Egypt and became king, and during his reign the Megarians
were called Leleges. And he had a son Cleson, and a
grandson Pylas, and a great-grandson Sciron, who married
the daughter of Pandion, and afterwards, (Sciron having a
controversy with Nisus the son of Pandion about the sovereignty),
Æacus was arbitrator, and gave his decision that
the kingdom was to belong to Nisus and his descendants,
but the command of the army was to devolve upon Sciron.
And Megareus the son of Poseidon, having married Iphinoe
the daughter of Nisus, succeeded Nisus they say in the
kingdom. But of the Cretan war, and the capture of
the city in the days of King Nisus, they pretend to know
nothing.
CHAPTER XL.
There is in the city a conduit erected by Theagenes,
of whom I mentioned before that he married his
daughter to Cylon an Athenian. This Theagenes when he
was king erected this conduit, well worth seeing for its size
and beauty and the number of its pillars. And the water
that flows into is called after the Sithnidian Nymphs, who,
according to the Megarian tradition, are natives, and one
of them bare a son to Zeus, whose name was Megarus, and
who escaped Deucalion’s flood by getting to the top of Mount
Gerania (Cranemountain), which was not the original name
of the mountain, but was so called because he followed in
his swimming the flight of some cranes by their cry. And
not far from this conduit is an ancient temple, and there
are some statues in it of Roman Emperors, and an image of
Artemis in brass by the name of Saviour. The story goes
that some men in the army of Mardonius who had overrun
Megaris wished to return to Thebes to join Mardonius, but
by the contrivance of Artemis wandered about all night,
and lost their way, and got into the mountainous part
of the country, and, endeavouring to ascertain if the
enemy’s army was about, shot some arrows, and the rock
shot at returned a groan, and they shot again and again
furiously. And at last their arrows were expended in
shooting at their supposed foes. And when day dawned,
and the Megarians really did attack them, (well armed
against men badly armed and now minus ammunition), they
slew most of them. And this is why they put up an image
to Artemis the Saviour. Here too are images of the so-called
12 gods, the production of Praxiteles. He also
made an Artemis of the Strongylii. And next, as you enter
the sacred enclosure of Zeus called the Olympieum, there
is a temple well worth seeing: the statue of Zeus is not
finished in consequence of the war between the Peloponnesians
and the Athenians, in which the Athenians every
year by land and by sea injured the Megarians both publicly
and privately, ravaging their territory, and bringing
them individually to the greatest poverty. And the head
of this statue of Zeus is of ivory and gold, but the other
parts are of clay and earthenware: and they say it was
made by Theocosmus a native, assisted by Phidias. And
above the head of Zeus are the Seasons and the Fates:
it is plain to all that Fate is his servant, and that he orders
the Seasons as is meet. In the back part of the temple
there are some wooden figures only half finished: Theocosmus
intended to finish them when he had adorned the
statue of Zeus with ivory and gold. And in the temple
there is the brazen ram of a trireme, which was they say
taken at Salamis, in the sea fight against the Athenians.
The Athenians do not deny that there was for some time
a defection on the part of Salamis to the Megarians,
but Solon they say by his elegiac verses stirred the
Athenians up, and they fought for it, and eventually retook
it. But the Megarians say that some of their exiles,
called Doryclei, mixed themselves among the inhabitants
and betrayed Salamis to the Athenians. And next to the
enclosure of Zeus, as you ascend the Acropolis still called
the Carian from Car the son of Phoroneus, is the temple
of Nyctelian Dionysus, and the temple of Aphrodite the
Procuress, and the Oracle of Night, and a roofless temple
of dusty Zeus. And statues of Æsculapius and Hygiea,
both the work of Bryaxis. Here too is the sacred Hall of
Demeter: which they say was erected by Car when he was
king.
CHAPTER XLI.
As you descend from the Acropolis in a Northerly direction,
you come to the sepulchre of Alcmene near the
Olympieum. She died they say at Megara on her journey
from Argos to Thebes, and the sons of Hercules had a
dispute, some wishing to take her dead body to Argos,
others to Thebes: for the sons of Hercules by Megara were
buried at Thebes, as also Amphitryon’s sons. But Apollo at
Delphi gave the oracular response that it would be better
for them to bury Alcmena at Megara. From this place
the interpreter of national Antiquities took me to a place
called Rhun (Flow), so called because some water flowed
here from the hills above the city, but Theagenes when he
was king diverted the water into another direction, and
erected here an altar to Achelous. And at no great distance
is the monument of Hyllus the son of Hercules, who
fought in single combat with the Arcadian Echemus, the
son of Aeropus. Who this Echemus was that slew Hyllus I
shall shew in another place, but Hyllus is buried at Megara.
The expedition to the Peloponnese, when Orestes was king,
might rightly be called an expedition of the sons of Hercules.
And not far from the monument of Hyllus is the temple of
Isis, and near it the temple of Apollo and Artemis. This
last they say was built by Alcathous, after he had slain the
lion that was called the lion of Mount Cithæron. This lion
had they say devoured several Megarians and among them
the king’s son Euippus: whose elder brother Timalcus had
been killed by Theseus still earlier, when he went with
Castor and Pollux to the siege of Aphidna. Megareus
therefore promised his daughter in marriage, and the succession
to the kingdom, to whoever should kill the lion of
Mount Cithæron. So Alcathous (the son of Pelops) attacked
the beast and slew him, and, when he became king built
this temple, dedicating it to Huntress Artemis and Hunter
Apollo. This at any rate is the local tradition. But though
I don’t want to contradict the Megarians, I cannot find myself
in agreement with them entirely, for though I quite admit
that the lion of Mount Cithæron was killed by Alcathous,
yet who ever recorded that Timalcus the son of Megareus
went to Aphidna with Castor and Pollux? And how (if he
had gone there) could he have been thought to have been
killed by Theseus, seeing that Alcman in his Ode to Castor
and Pollux, recording how they took Athens, and carried
away captive the mother of Theseus, yet says that Theseus
was away? Pindar also gives a very similar account, and
says that Theseus wished to be connected by marriage with
Castor and Pollux, till he went away to help Pirithous
in his ambitious attempt to wed Proserpine. But whoever
drew up the genealogy plainly knew the simplicity of the
Megarians, since Theseus was the descendant of Pelops. But
indeed the Megarians purposely hide the real state of things,
not wishing to own that their city was captured when Nisus
was king, and that Megareus who succeeded to the kingdom
was the son in law of Nisus, and that Alcathous was the
son in law of Megareus. But it is certain that it was not
till after the death of Nisus, and a revolution at Megara,
that Alcathous came there from Elis. And this is my
proof. He built up the wall anew, when the whole of the
old wall had been demolished by the Cretans. Let this
suffice for Alcathous and the lion, whether he slew the lion
on Mount Cithæron or somewhere else, before he erected the
temple to Huntress Artemis and Hunter Apollo.
As you descend from this temple is the hero-chapel of
Pandion, who, as I have already shewn, was buried at what
is called the rock of Athene the Diver. He has also divine
honours paid to him at Megara. And near the hero-chapel
of Pandion is the monument of Hippolyta. This
is the Megarian tradition about her. When the Amazons,
on account of Antiope, made an expedition against the
Athenians, they were beaten by Theseus, and most of them
(it so happened) fell in battle, but Hippolyta (the sister
of Antiope), who was at that time leader of the Amazons,
fled to Megara with the remnant of them, and there, having
been unsuccessful with her army, and dejected at the present
state of things, and still more despondent about getting
safe home again to Themiscyra, died of grief and was
buried. And the device on her tomb is an Amazon’s shield.
And not far distant is the tomb of Tereus, who married
Procne the daughter of Pandion. Tereus was king (according
to the Megarian tradition) of Pagæ in Megaris,
but in my opinion (and there are still extant proofs of what
I state) he was king of Daulis N.W. of Chæronea: for
most of what is now called Hellas was inhabited in old
time by barbarians. And his subjects would no longer obey
Tereus after his vile conduct to Philomela, and after the
murder of Itys by Procne and Philomela. And he committed
suicide at Megara, and they forthwith piled up a
tomb for him, and offer sacrifices to him annually, using
pebbles in the sacrifice instead of barley. And they say the
hoopoe was first seen here. And Procne and Philomela
went to Athens, and lamenting what they had suffered and
done melted away in tears: and the tradition that they
were changed into a nightingale and swallow is, I fancy,
simply that these birds have a sorrowful and melancholy
note.
CHAPTER XLII.
There is also another citadel at Megara that gets its
name from Alcathous. As one goes up to it, there is on
the right hand a monument of Megareus, who started from
Onchestus to aid the Megarians in the Cretan War. There
is also shown an altar of the gods called Prodromi: and
they say that Alcathous first sacrificed to them when he
was commencing to build his wall. And near this altar
is a stone, on which they say Apollo put his harp down,
while he assisted Alcathous in building the wall. And the
following fact proves that the Megarians were numbered
among the Athenians: Peribœa the daughter of Alcathous
was certainly sent by him to Crete with Theseus in
connection with the tribute. And Apollo, as the Megarians
say, assisted him in building the wall, and laid his harp
down on the stone: and if one chances to hit it with a
pebble, it sounds like a harp being played. This inspired
great wonder in me, but not so much as the Colossus in
Egypt. At Thebes in Egypt, when you cross the Nile, at a
place called the Pipes (Syringes), there is a seated statue
that has a musical sound, most people call it Memnon: for
he they say went from Ethiopia to Egypt and even to Susa.
But the Thebans say it was a statue not of Memnon, but
Phamenophes a Theban, and I have heard people say it
was Sesostris. This statue Cambyses cut in two: and now
the head to the middle of the body lies on the ground, but
the lower part remains in a sitting posture, and every morning
at sunrise resounds with melody, and the sound it most
resembles is that of a harp or lyre with a chord broken.
And the Megarians have a council chamber, which was
once as they say the tomb of Timalcus, who, as I said a little
time back, was killed by Theseus. And on the hill where
the citadel stands is a temple of Athene, and a brazen
statue of the goddess, except the hands and the toes, which
as well as the face are of ivory. And there is another
temple here of Athene called Victory, and another of her
as Aiantis. As regards the latter, all mention of it is
passed over by the interpreters of curiosities at Megara,
but I will write my own ideas. Telamon the son of Æacus
married Peribœa the daughter of Alcathous. I imagine
then that Aias, having succeeded to the kingdom of Alcathous,
made this statue of Athene Aiantis.
The old temple of Apollo was made of brick: but
afterwards the Emperor Adrian built it of white stone.
The statues called Apollo Pythius and Apollo Decataphorus
are very like Egyptian statues, but the one they
call Archegetes is like Æginetan handiwork. And all alike
are made of ebony. I heard a Cyprian, a cunning herbalist,
say that the ebony has neither leaves nor fruit, and that it
is never seen exposed to the sun, but its roots are underground,
and the Ethiopians dig them up, and there are
men among them who know how to find it. There is also
a temple of Law-giving Demeter. And as you go down
from thence is the tomb of Callipolis the son of Alcathous.
Alcathous had also an elder son called Ischepolis,
whom his father sent to assist Meleager in Ætolia
against the Calydonian boar. And when he was killed
Callipolis heard the news first in this place: and he ran
to the citadel, where his father was sacrificing to Apollo, and
threw down the wood from the altar. And Alcathous, not
having yet heard the news about Ischepolis, was vexed with
Callipolis for his irreverence, and in his wrath killed him
instantaneously by striking him on the head with one of
the pieces of wood he had thrown down from the altar.
On the road to the Prytaneum there is a hero-chapel of
Ino, and a cornice of stone round it. Some olive-trees also
grow there. The Megarians are the only Greeks that say that
the dead body of Ino was cast on the shore of Megaris, and
that Cleso and Tauropolis, the daughters of Cleso and
granddaughters of Lelex, found it and buried it. And they
say that Ino was called by them first Leucothea, and they
sacrifice to her every year.
CHAPTER XLIII.
They also lay claim to the possession of a mortuary-chapel
of Iphigenia, for she too they say died at Megara.
But I have heard a different account of Iphigenia
from the Arcadians, and I know that Hesiod in his Catalogue
of Women describes Iphigenia as not dying, but
being changed into Hecate by the will of Artemis. And
Herodotus[12] wrote not dissimilarly to this, that the Tauric
people in Scythia after shipwreck sacrifice to a virgin,
who is they say Iphigenia the daughter of Agamemnon.
Adrastus also has divine honours among the Megarians:
he too they say died among them (when he was leading
the army back after the capture of Thebes), of old age and
sorrow for the death of Ægialeus. And Agamemnon erected
an altar to Artemis at Megara, when he went to Calchas,
a native of the place, to persuade him to join the expedition
to Ilium. And in the Prytaneum they say Euippus
the son of Megareus was buried, and also Ischepolis the son
of Alcathous. And there is a rock near the Prytaneum
called The Calling Rock, because Demeter (if there is any
truth in the tale), when she wandered about seeking her
daughter, called out for her here. And the Megarian
women still perform a kind of mimic representation of
this. And the Megarians have tombs in the city: one
they erected for those who fell fighting against the Medes,
the other, called Æsymnian, is a monument to heroes. For
when Hyperion, the last king of Megara, the son of Agamemnon,
was killed by Sandion on account of his greed and
haughtiness, they chose no longer to be under kingly government,
but to have chief magistrates annually chosen, so
as to be under one another’s authority by turn. Then it
was that Æsymnus, second to none of the Megarians in fame
and influence, went to Apollo at Delphi, and asked how they
were to have prosperity. And the god among other things
told them they would fare well if they deliberated on affairs
with the majority. Thinking these words had reference to
the dead, they built here a council chamber, that the tomb
of the heroes might be inside their council chamber. As
you go from thence to the hero-chapel of Alcathous, which
the Megarians now use as a Record Office, there are two
tombs, one they say of Pyrgo, the wife of Alcathous
before he married Euæchma the daughter of Megareus, the
other of Iphinoe the daughter of Alcathous, who they say
died unmarried. At her tomb it is the custom of maidens
before marriage to pour libations, and sacrifice some of their
long hair, as the maidens of Delos used to do to Hecaerge and
Opis. And near the entrance to the temple of Dionysus
are the tombs of Astycratea and Manto, the daughters of
Polyidus, (the son of Cœranus, the son of Abas, the son of
Melampus,) who went to Megara, and purged Alcathous for
the murder of his son Callipolis. And Polyidus also built the
temple of Dionysus, and erected a statue of the god veiled
in my day except the face: that is visible. And a Satyr is
near Dionysus, the work of Praxiteles in Parian marble.
And this they call Tutelary Dionysus, and another they call
Dionysus Dasyllius (the Vine-ripener), and this statue they
say was erected by Euchenor the son of Cœranus the son of
Polyidus. And next to the temple of Dionysus is the shrine
of Aphrodite, and a statue of the goddess in ivory, under the
title Praxis (Action). This is the oldest statue in the
shrine. And Persuasion and another goddess whom they
call Consolation are by Praxiteles: and by Scopas Love and
Desire and Yearning, each statue expressing the particular
shade of meaning marked by the words. And near the
shrine of Aphrodite is the temple of Chance: this too is by
Praxiteles. And in the neighbouring temple Lysippus has
made the Muses and a brazen Zeus.
The Megarians also have the tomb of Corœbus: the
verses about him I shall relate here though they are also
Argive intelligence. In the days when Crotopus was king
in Argos, his daughter Psamathe they say had a child by
Apollo, and being greatly afraid of her father knowing it
exposed the child. And some sheep dogs of Crotopus lit
upon the child and killed it, and Apollo sent upon the city
Punishment, a monster who took children away from their
mothers (they say), till Corœbus killed it to ingratiate himself
with the Argives. And after killing it, as a second
plague came on them and vexed them sore, Corœbus of
his own accord went to Delphi, and offered to submit to
the punishment of the god for killing Punishment. The
Pythian priestess forbade Corœbus to return to Argos,
but told him to carry a tripod from the temple, and wherever
the tripod should fall, there he was to build a temple
to Apollo and himself dwell. And the tripod slipt out of
his hand and fell (without his contrivance) on the mountain
Gerania, and there he built the village Tripodisci. And
his tomb is in the market-place at Megara: and there
are some elegiac verses on it that relate to Psamathe and
Corœbus himself, and a representation on the tomb of
Corœbus killing Punishment. These statues are the oldest
Greek ones in stone that I have myself seen.
CHAPTER XLIV.
Next Corœbus is buried Orsippus, who, though the
athletes according to olden custom had girdles round
their loins, ran naked at Olympia in the race and won the
prize. And they say that he afterwards as general cut off
a slice of his neighbours’ territory. But I think at
Olympia he dropped his girdle on purpose, knowing that
it is easier for a man to run naked than with a girdle on.
And as you descend from the market-place by the way called
Straight, there is on the right hand a temple of Protecting
Apollo: you can find it by turning a little out of the way.
And there is in it a statue of Apollo well worth seeing, and
an Artemis and Leto, and other statues, and Leto and her
sons by Praxiteles. And there is in the ancient gymnasium,
near the gates called Nymphades, a stone in shape
like a small pyramid. This they call Apollo Carinus, and
there is here a temple to Ilithyia also. Such are the notable
things the city contains. And as you descend to the dockyard,
which is still called Nisæa, is a temple of Demeter the
Wool-bearer. Several explanations are given of this title,
among them that those who first reared sheep in this
country gave her that name. And one would conjecture
that the roof had fallen from the temple by the lapse of time.
There is here also a citadel called Nisæa. And as you descend
from it there is near the sea a monument of Lelex the king,
who is said to have come from Egypt, and to have been the
son of Poseidon by Libye the daughter of Epaphus. There
is an island too near Nisæa of no great size called Minoa.
Here the navy of the Cretans was moored in the war with
Nisus. And the mountainous part of Megaris is on the
borders of Bœotia, and contains two towns, Pagæ and
Ægosthena. As you go to Pagæ, if you turn a little off
from the regular road, there is shewn the rock which has
arrows fixed in it everywhere, into which the Medes once
shot in the night. At Pagæ too well worth seeing is a
brazen statue of Artemis under the title of Saviour, in size
and shape like the statues of the goddess at Megara.
There is also here a hero-chapel of Ægialeus the son of
Adrastus. He, when the Argives marched against Thebes
the second time, was killed in the first battle at Glisas, and
his relations carried him to Pagæ in Megaris, and buried
him there, and the hero-chapel is still called after his name.
And at Ægosthena is a temple of Melampus the son of
Amythaon, and a man of no great size is carved on a pillar.
And they sacrifice to Melampus and have a festival to him
every year. But they say that he has no prophetic powers
either in dreams or in any other way. And I also heard at
Erenea a village of Megaris, that Autonoe the daughter of
Cadmus, excessively grieving at the death of Actæon, and
the circumstances of it which tradition records, and the
general misfortunes of her father’s house, migrated there
from Thebes: and her tomb is in that village.
And as you go from Megara to Corinth there are several
tombs, and among them that of the Samian flute-player
Telephanes. And they say that this tomb was erected by
Cleopatra, the daughter of Philip the son of Amyntas. And
there is a monument of Car the son of Phoroneus, originally
only a mound of earth, but afterwards in consequence
of the oracle it was beautified with a shell-like stone. And
the Megarians are the only Greeks who possess this peculiar
kind of stone, and many things in their city are made
of it. It is very white, and softer than other stone, and
seashells are everywhere in it. Such is this kind of stone.
And the road, called the Scironian road after Sciron, is so
called because Sciron, when he was commander in chief of
the Megarians, first made it a road for travellers according
to tradition. And the Emperor Adrian made it so wide
and convenient that two chariots could drive abreast.
Now there are traditions about the rocks which project
in the narrow part of the road; with regard to the Molurian
rock, that Ino threw herself into the sea from it with
Melicerta, the younger of her sons: for Learchus the oldest
was killed by his father. Athamas also is said to have acted
in the same way when mad, and to have exhibited ungovernable
rage to Ino and her children, thinking that the
famine which befell the Orchomenians, which also apparently
caused the death of Phrixus, was not the visitation of
God, but a stepmother’s contrivance against them all. So
she to escape him threw herself and her boy Melicerta into
the sea from the Molurian rock. And the boy, being carried
it is said by a dolphin to the Isthmus of Corinth, had
various honours paid to him under the name of Palæmon,
and the Isthmian games were celebrated in his honour.
This Molurian rock they consider sacred to Leucothea
and Palæmon, but the rocks next to it they consider accursed,
because Sciron lived near them, who threw into the
sea all strangers that chanced to come there. And a tortoise
used to swim about near these rocks, so as to devour
those that were thrown in: these sea tortoises are like
land tortoises, except in size and the shape of their feet
which are like those of seals. But the whirligig of time
which brought on Sciron punishment for all this, for he
himself was thrown by Theseus into the same sea. And
on the top of the mountain is a temple to Zeus called
the Remover. They say that Zeus was so called because
when a great drought once happened to the Greeks, and
Æacus in obedience to the oracle prayed to Pan-Hellenian
Zeus at Ægina, he took it away and removed it.
Here are also statues of Aphrodite and Apollo and Pan.
And as you go on a little further is the tomb of Eurystheus.
They say that he fled here from Attica after the battle with
the Heraclidæ, and was killed by Iolaus. As you descend
this road is a temple of Latoan Apollo, and near to it the
boundaries between Megaris and Corinth, where they say
Hyllus the son of Hercules had a single combat with the
Arcadian Echemus.
The Corinthian territory, a part of Argolis, gets its
name from Corinthus, and that he was the son of
Zeus I know of none who seriously assert but most Corinthians,
for Eumelus the son of Amphilytus of the race
called Bacchidæ, who is also said to have been a poet, says
in his History of Corinth (if indeed he is the author of
it), that Ephyre the daughter of Oceanus, dwelt first in
this land, and that afterwards Marathon the son of Epopeus,
the son of Aloeus, the son of the Sun, fled from the lawless
insolence of his father, and took a colony into the maritime
parts of Attica, and when Epopeus was dead returned to
the Peloponnese, and after dividing the kingdom among
his sons went back into Attica, and from his son Sicyon
Asopia got the name of Sicyonia, and Ephyrea got called
Corinth from his son Corinthus.
Now Corinth is inhabited by none of the ancient Corinthians,
but by colonists who were sent there by the Romans.
And this is owing to the Achæan confederacy. For the
Corinthians joined it, and took their part in the war with
the Romans which Critolaus, who had been appointed commander
in chief of the Achæans, brought about, having
persuaded the Achæans and most of the Greeks outside
the Peloponnese to revolt against Rome. And the Romans,
after conquering all the other Greeks in battle,
took away from them their arms, and razed the fortifications
of all the fortified cities: but they destroyed Corinth
under Mummius the General of the Roman army, and they
say it was rebuilt by Julius Cæsar, who instituted the present
form of government at Rome, (the Imperial). Carthage
also was rebuilt in his term of power.
Now the place called Crommyon in the Corinthian territory
is so called from Cromus the son of Poseidon. Here
they say was the haunt of the Phæan boar, and the scene of
Theseus’ legendary exploits against Pityocamptes, (the
Pinebender). As you go forward the famous pine was to
be seen even in my time near the seashore; and there was
an altar to Melicerta there, for it was here they say that
he was conveyed by the dolphin: and Sisyphus, finding him
lying dead on the shore, buried him at the Isthmus, and
established the Isthmian games in honour of him. Now it
is at the head of the Isthmus that the robber Sinis took
two pine-trees and bent them down to the ground: and whoever
he conquered in battle he tied to these pine-trees, and let
the pines go up into the air again: and each of these pines
dragged the poor fellow tied to it, and (neither yielding but
pulling with equal vigour) the victim tied to them was torn
asunder. In this way Sinis himself was killed by Theseus.
For Theseus cleared all the road from Trœzen to Athens of
evildoers, having killed those whom I mentioned before,
and, at Epidaurus the Holy, Periphetes the putative son of
Hephæstus, whose weapon in fighting was a brazen club.
The Isthmus of Corinth extends in one direction to the sea
near Cenchreæ, and in the other to the sea near Lechæum.
This Isthmus makes the Peloponnese a Peninsula. And
whoever attempted to make the Peloponnese an island died
before the completion of a canal across the Isthmus. And
where they began to dig is now plainly visible, but they
didn’t make much progress because of the rock. The Peloponnese
remains therefore what it was by nature main land.
And when Alexander, the son of Philip, wished to make a
canal through Mimas, the work was all but completed. But
the oracle at Delphi forbade the navvies to complete the
work. So difficult is it for man to oppose the divine ordinances.
And the Corinthians are not alone in their boasting
about their country, but it seems to me that the Athenians
even earlier used tall talk in regard to Attica. The
Corinthians say that Poseidon had a controversy with the
Sun about their land, and that Briareus was the Arbitrator,
awarding the Isthmus and all in that direction to
Poseidon, and giving the height above the city to the
Sun. From this time they say the Isthmus belongs to
Poseidon.
The great sights at Corinth are the Theatre, and the
Stadium of white stone. And as you approach the temple
of the god, there are statues of the Athletes who have been
conquerors in the Isthmian games on one side, and on the
other pine-trees planted in a row, mostly in a straight line.
And at the temple, which is not very large, there stand
some Tritons in brass. And there are statues in the porch
two of Poseidon, and one of Amphitrite, and a brazen Sea.
And inside Herod an Athenian placed in our time 4
horses all gold except the hoofs, which are of ivory. And
two golden Tritons are near the horses, ivory below the
waist. And Amphitrite and Poseidon are standing in
a chariot, and their son Palæmon is seated bolt upright
on the dolphin’s back: and these are made of ivory and
gold. And on the middle of the base, on which the chariot
rests, is the Sea supporting the child Aphrodite rising
from it, and on each side are the so-called Nereids, who
have I know altars in other parts of Greece, and some
have temples dedicated to them as Shepherdesses, in places
where Achilles is also honoured. And at Doto among the
Gabali there is a holy temple, where the peplus is still
kept, which the Greeks say Eriphyle took for her son
Alcmæon. And on the base of Poseidon’s statue are in
bas relief the sons of Tyndareus, because they are the
patron saints of ships and sailors. And the other statues
are Calm and Sea, and a horse like a sea-monster below the
waist, and Ino and Bellerophon and Pegasus.
CHAPTER II.
And inside the precincts there is on the left hand a
temple of Palæmon, and some statues in it of Poseidon
and Leucothea and Palæmon himself. And there is also a
crypt, approached by an underground passage, where they
say Palæmon is buried: whatever Corinthian or foreigner
commits perjury here has no chance of escaping punishment.
There is also an ancient temple called the altar of
the Cyclopes, to whom they sacrifice upon it. But the
tombs of Sisyphus and Neleus, (for they say that Neleus
came to Corinth, and died there of some disease, and was
buried near the Isthmus), no one could find from the account
in the poems of Eumelus. As to Neleus they say that his
tomb was not even shewn to Nestor by Sisyphus: for it was
to be unknown to all alike. But that Sisyphus was buried
at the Isthmus, and indeed the very site of his tomb, a
few Corinthians who were his contemporaries know. And
the Isthmian games did not fall into disuse when Corinth
was taken by Mummius, but as long as the city lay desolate,
these games took place at Sicyon, and when the city
was rebuilt the old honour came back to Corinth.
The Corinthian seaports got their names from Leches
and Cenchrias, who were reputed to be the sons of Poseidon
by Pirene the daughter of Achelous: though in Hesiod’s
poem the great EϾ Pirene is said to be the daughter of
Œbalus. And there is at Lechæum a temple and brazen
statue of Poseidon, and as you go to Cenchreæ from the
Isthmus a temple of Artemis, and old wooden statue of the
goddess. And at Cenchreæ there is a shrine of Aphrodite
and her statue in stone, and next it, on the breakwater
near the sea, a brazen statue of Poseidon. And on the
other side of the harbour are temples of Æsculapius and
Isis. And opposite Cenchreæ is the bath of Helen: where
much salt water flows into the sea from the rock, like water
just with the chill off.
As you go up the hill to Corinth there are several
tombs along the wayside, and at the gate is buried Diogenes
of Sinope, whom the Greeks nickname the Cynic.
And in front of the city is a grove of cypress trees called
Craneum. Here is a temple of Bellerophon, and a shrine of
Melænian Aphrodite, and the tomb of Lais, with a lioness
carved on it with a ram in its front paws. And there is
another monument of Lais said to exist in Thessaly: for
she went to Thessaly when she was enamoured of Hippostratus.
She is said to have come originally from Hyccara
in Sicily, and to have been taken prisoner as a child by
Nicias and the Athenians, and to have been sold at Corinth,
and to have outstripped in beauty all the courtesans there,
and so admired was she by the Corinthians that even now
they claim her as a Corinthian.
The notable things in the city are partly the remains
of antiquity still to be seen there, partly works of art more
recent, when Corinth was at the height of all her glory. In the
market-place, for most of the temples are there, is Ephesian
Artemis, and there are two wooden statues of Dionysus
gilt except the faces, which are painted with red paint,
one they call Lysian Dionysus, and the other Dionysus the
Reveller. The tradition about these statues I will record.
Pentheus they say, when he outraged Dionysus, among other
acts of reckless daring actually at last went to Mount
Cithæron to spy the women, and climbed up into a tree to
see what they were doing: and when they detected him,
they forthwith dragged him down, and tore him limb from
limb. And afterwards, so they say at Corinth, the Pythian
Priestess told them to discover that tree and pay it divine
honours. And that is why these statues are made of that
very wood. There is also a Temple of Fortune: her statue
is in a standing posture, in Parian marble. And near it is
a temple to all the gods. And near it is a conduit, and a
brazen Poseidon on it, and a dolphin under Poseidon’s feet
passing the water. And there is a brazen statue of Apollo
called the Clarian, and a statue of Aphrodite by Hermogenes
of Cythera. And both the statues of Hermes are of brass
and in a standing posture, and one of them has a shrine
built for it. And there are three statues of Zeus in the open
air, one has no special title, the second is called Zeus of the
Nether World, and the third Zeus of Highest Heaven.
CHAPTER III.
And in the middle of the market-place is a statue of
Athene in brass: on the base are sculptured effigies of
the Muses. And above the market-place is a temple of Octavia,
the sister of Augustus, who was Emperor of the
Romans after Cæsar, the founder of modern Corinth.
And as you go from the market-place towards Lechæum
there are vestibules, on which are golden chariots, one
with Phaethon in it (the son of the Sun), and the other with
the Sun himself in it. And at a little distance from the
vestibules on the right as you enter is a brazen statue
of Hercules. And next to it is the approach to the well of
Pirene. They say that Pirene became a well from a woman
through the tears she shed, bewailing the death of her
son Cenchrias at the hands of Artemis. And the well
is beautified with white stone, and there are cells like
caves to match, from which the water trickles into that
part of the well which is in the open air, and it has a
sweet taste, and they say that Corinthian brass when hissing
hot is dipped into this water. There is also a statue
of Apollo near Pirene, and some precincts of the god.
There is also a painting of Odysseus taking vengeance on
the suitors.
And as you go straight on for Lechæum, you will see a
brazen Hermes in a sitting posture, and by it a ram, for
Hermes more than any of the gods is thought to watch
over and increase flocks, as indeed Homer has represented
him in the Iliad “The son of Phorbas rich in flocks and
herds, whom Hermes loved most of the Trojans, and increased
his substance.”[13] But the tradition about Hermes
and the ram in the rites of the Great Mother (though I
know it) I purposely pass over. And next to the statue of
Hermes are Poseidon and Leucothea, and Palæmon on the
dolphin’s back. And there are several baths in various
parts of Corinth, some erected at the public expense, and
others by the Emperor Adrian. And the most famous of
them is near the statue of Poseidon. It was erected by
Eurycles a Spartan, who beautified it with various stones,
amongst others by the stone they dig at Croceæ in Laconia.
On the left of the entrance is a statue of Poseidon, and
next to him one of Artemis hunting. And many conduits
have been built in various parts of the city, as there is
abundance of water, as well as the water which the Emperor
Adrian brought from Stymphelus: the handsomest is the
conduit by the statue of Artemis, and on it is a figure of
Bellerophon, and the water flows by the hoof of Pegasus.
As you go from the market-place towards Sicyon, there
is visible on the right of the road a temple and brazen
statue of Apollo, and at a little distance a well called the
well of Glauce: for she threw herself into it, thinking
the water would be an antidote against the poison of
Medea. Above this well is what is called the Odeum.
And near it is the tomb of the sons of Medea, whose
names were Mermerus and Pheres, who are said to have
been stoned by the Corinthians because of the gifts which
they took Glauce. But because their death was violent
and unjust, the children of the Corinthians wasted away
in consequence, until at the oracular response of the god
yearly sacrifices were ordained for them, and a statue
of Panic erected. This statue still remains to our day,
the figure of a woman represented as feeling the greatest
terror. But since the capture of Corinth by the Romans
and the decay of the old Corinthians, the sacrifices are
no longer continued by the new settlers, nor do their
children continue to shear their hair, or wear black raiment.
And Medea when she went to Athens, lived with
Ægeus, but some time after (being detected plotting
against Theseus) she had to fly from Athens also, and
going to the country which was then called Aria, gave
her name to its inhabitants, so that they were called Medes
from her. And the son whom she carried off with her
when she fled to the Arians was they say her son by
Ægeus, and his name was Medus. But Hellanicus calls
him Polyxenus, and says Jason was his father. And
there are poems among the Greeks called Naupactian:
in which Jason is represented as having migrated from
Iolcus to Corcyra after the death of Pelias, and Mermerus
(the elder of his sons) is said to have been torn to pieces
by a lioness, as he was hunting on the mainland opposite:
but about Pheres nothing is recorded. And Cinæthon
the Lacedæmonian, who also wrote Genealogical Poems,
said that Jason had by Medea a son Medeus and a daughter
Eriopis: but of any children more he too has made no
mention. But Eumœlus’ account is that the Sun gave
Asopia to Aloeus, and Ephyræa to Æetes: and Æetes
went to Colchis, and left the kingdom to Bunus the son
of Hermes and Alcidamea, and after Bunus’ death, Epopeus
reigned over the Ephyræans. And when in after
days Corinthus the son of Marathon died childless, the
Corinthians sent for Medea from Iolcus to hand over the
kingdom to her: and it was through her that Jason
became king of Corinth, and Medea had children, by
Jason, but whenever each was born she took it to the
temple of Hera and hid it there, for she thought that by
hiding them they would be immortal: but eventually she
learned that she was wrong in this expectation, and, being
at the same time detected by Jason, he would not forgive
her though she pleaded hard for forgiveness, but sailed away
to Iolcus. Eventually Medea herself went away too, and
handed over the kingdom to Sisyphus. This is the account
I have read.
CHAPTER IV.
And not far from the tomb of Mermerus and Pheres is
the temple of Athene the Bridler: who they say
helped Bellerophon more than any of the gods in various
ways, and gave him Pegasus, after having broken it in and
bridled it herself. Her statue is of wood, but the head and
hands and toes are of white stone. That Bellerophon was
not absolute king at Corinth, but limited in his power by
Prœtus and the Argives I am positive, as every one will be
who has read Homer carefully. And when Bellerophon
migrated into Lycia, the Corinthians seem just the same to
have obeyed those who were in power at Argos or Mycenæ.
And they had no separate commander-in-chief of their own
in the expedition against Troy, but took part in the expedition
only as a contingent with the men of Mycenæ;
and Agamemnon’s other troops. And Sisyphus had as
sons not only Glaucus the father of Bellerophon, but also
Ornytion, and Thersander, and Almus. And Phocus was
the son of Ornytion, though nominally the son of Poseidon.
And he colonized Tithorea in what is now called Phocis,
but Thoas, the younger son of Ornytion, remained at
Corinth. And Demophon was the son of Thoas, Propodas
the son of Demophon, Doridas and Hyanthidas the sons of
Propodas. During the joint reign of Doridas and Hyanthidas
the Dorians led an expedition against Corinth, under
the command of Aletes the son of Hippotas, (the son of
Phylas, the son of Antiochus, the son of Hercules).
Doridas and Hyanthidas handed over the kingdom to
Aletes, and were permitted to remain at Corinth, but the
Corinthian people were expelled, after being beaten in battle
by the Dorians. And Aletes himself and his descendants
reigned for five generations, down to Bacchis the son of
Prumnis, and his descendants the Bacchidæ reigned five
more generations, down to Telestes the son of Aristodemus.
And Telestes was slain by Arieus and Perantas out of
hatred, and there were no longer any kings, but Presidents
elected annually from the Bacchidæ, till Cypselus the son
of Eetion drove out the Bacchidæ, and made himself king.
He was the descendant of Melas the son of Antasus. And
when Melas joined the Dorian expedition against Corinth
from Gonussa beyond Sicyon, Aletes at first according to
the oracle told him to go to other Greeks, but afterwards
disregarded the oracle and took him as associate. Such
is the result of my researches about the kings of the
Corinthians.
Now the temple of Athene the Bridler is near the theatre,
and not far off is a wooden statue of a naked Hercules,
which they say is the work of Dædalus. All the works
of Dædalus are somewhat odd to look at, but there is a
wonderful inspiration about them. And above the theatre
is a temple of Jupiter Capitolinus in the Roman diction,
in Greek it would be Zeus Coryphæus. And not far
from this theatre is an old gymnasium, and a well called
Lerna. And there are pillars round it, and seats to
refresh those who come in in summertime. In this gymnasium
there are shrines of the gods, one of Zeus, one of
Æsculapius: and statues of Æsculapius and Hygiea
(Health) in white stone, and one of Zeus in brass. As
you ascend to Acro-Corinthus, (it is the top of the hill
above the city, Briareus gave it to the Sun, after litigation,
and the Sun, as the Corinthians say, let Aphrodite
have it), there are two temples of Isis, one they call the
Pelagian and the other the Egyptian, and two of Serapis,
one under the name of Canobus. And next them are
altars to the Sun, and a temple of Necessity and Force,
into which it is not customary to enter. Above this is a
temple of the Mother of the Gods, and a stone pillar and
seat. The temples of the Fates and Demeter and Proserpine
have statues rather dim with age. Here too is a
temple of Bunæan Hera, which Bunus the son of Hermes
erected. Hence the goddess got the title Bunæan.
CHAPTER V.
On the ascent to Acro-Corinthus there is also a temple
of Aphrodite: and statues of her in full armour, and
the Sun, and Cupid with a bow. And the fountain behind
the temple is they say the gift of Asopus to Sisyphus: for
he, though he knew that Zeus had carried off Ægina the
daughter of Asopus, refused to tell him unless he would
give him this water on Acro-Corinthus. And Asopus giving
this water he vouchsafed the required information, and for
his information pays the penalty in Hades, if indeed this is
credible. But I have heard people say that this fountain is
Pirene, and that the water in the city flows down from it.
This river Asopus has its rise in the neighbourhood of
Phlius, flows through the Sicyonian district, and has its
outlet in the Corinthian Gulf. And the people of Phlius
say that Asopus’ daughters were Corcyra and Ægina and
Thebe: and that from Corcyra and Ægina the islands
Scheria and Œnone got their present names, and that Thebe
gave its name to Thebes the city of Cadmus. But the
Thebans do not admit this, for they say that Thebe was the
daughter of the Bœotian Asopus, and not the Asopus that
has its rise at Phlius. The Phliasians and Sicyonians say
further about this river that it is foreign and not indigenous,
for Mæander they say flowing down from Celænæ through
Phrygia and Caria, and falling into the sea at Miletus,
travelled to the Peloponnese and made the river Asopus.
And I remember to have heard something of the same
kind from the people of Delos of the river Inopus, which
they say came to them from the Nile. And moreover
there is a tradition that the same Nile is the river
Euphrates, which was lost in a lake and re-emerged as
the Nile in the remote part of Ethiopia. This is what I
heard about the Asopus. As you turn towards the mountains
from Acro-Corinthus is the Teneatic gate, and a
temple of Ilithyia. Now Tenea is about 60 stades from
Corinth. And the people of Tenea say that they are Trojans,
and were carried away captive by the Greeks from Tenedos,
and located here by Agamemnon: and accordingly Apollo
is the god they hold in highest honour.
And as you go from Corinth along the coast in the
direction of Sicyon there is a temple, which was burnt
down, not far from the city on the left hand of the way.
There have been several wars in the neighbourhood of
Corinth, and fire has consumed, as one would indeed expect,
both houses and temples outside the city walls: this
was they say a temple of Apollo, and burnt down by
Pyrrhus the son of Achilles. I have also heard another
account, that the Corinthians erected this temple to Olympian
Zeus, and that it was some accidental fire that burnt
it down. And the people of Sicyon, who are near neighbours
to the Corinthians, say of their region that Ægialeus
the Autochthon first dwelt there, and that what is now
called Ægialus in the Peloponnese was called after him
its king, and that he was founder of Ægialea a city in
the plain: and that the site of the temple of Apollo
was the citadel. And they say that the son of Ægialeus
was Europs, and the son of Europs Telchis, and the
son of Telchis Apis. Now this Apis had grown to such
magnitude before Pelops came to Olympia, that all the land
inside the Isthmus was called after him Apian. And the
son of Apis was Thelxion, and the son of Thelxion was
Ægyrus, and his son was Thurimachus, and the son of
Thurimachus was Leucippus, and Leucippus had no male
children, and only one daughter Chalcinia, who they say
bore a child to Poseidon, who was called Peratus, and
was brought up by Leucippus, and on his death succeeded
to the kingdom as his heir. And the history of Plemnæus
the son of Peratus seems to me most marvellous.
All his children died that his wife bare to him directly
they were born and had uttered the first cry, till Demeter
took compassion on him, and coming to Ægialea as a
stranger to Plemnæus reared his child Orthopolis. And
Orthopolis had a daughter Chrysorthe: she had a child,
supposed to be Apollo’s, called Coronus. And Coronus
had Corax and a younger son Lamedon.
CHAPTER VI.
And Corax dying childless, about this time Epopeus
came from Thessaly and obtained the kingdom. In
his reign first (they say) did a hostile army ever come into
their country, as they had heretofore in all time lived in
peace. And the origin of the war was this. Antiope the
daughter of Nycteus had a great reputation for beauty
among the Greeks, and there was a rumour about her that
she was the daughter of Asopus, the river that forms the
boundary between Thebes and Platæa, and not the daughter
of Nycteus. I know not whether Epopeus asked her in marriage,
or carried her off with more audacious designs from
the beginning. But the Thebans came with an army, and
Nycteus was wounded, and Epopeus too (though he won the
victory). Nycteus though very bad they took back to Thebes,
and, when he was on the point of death, he gave orders
that Lycus his brother should be ruler of the Thebans for
the present: for Nycteus himself was Regent for Labdacus,
(the son of Polydorus, the son of Cadmus), who was still a
child, and now he left the Regency to Lycus. He also
begged Lycus to go with a larger force to Ægialea and
punish Epopeus, and even to illtreat Antiope if he could
get hold of her. And Epopeus at first offered sacrifices for
his victory and built a temple to Athene, and when it was
finished prayed that the goddess would shew by some sign
if it was to her mind, and after the prayer they say oil
trickled in front of the temple. But afterwards Epopeus
chanced to die of his wound which had been originally
neglected, so Lycus had no longer any need of war, for
Lamedon (the son of Coronus) the king after Epopeus gave
Antiope up. And she, as she was being conducted to Thebes,
gave birth to a child on the road near Eleutheræ. And
it is in reference to this event that Asius the son of Amphiptolemus
has written the lines, “Antiope, the daughter of
the deep-eddying river Asopus, bare Zethus and divine
Amphion, being pregnant both by Zeus, and Epopeus
shepherd of his people.”
But Homer[14] has given them a finer pedigree, and says that
they first built Thebes, distinguishing as it seems to me the
lower city from the city built by Cadmus. And King
Lamedon married a wife from Athens, Pheno the daughter
of Clytius: and afterwards, when there was war between
him and Archander and Architeles, the sons of Achæus, he
invited Sicyon from Attica to help him, and gave him his
daughter Zeuxippe in marriage, and when he became king
the region got called after him Sicyonia, and the town
Sicyon instead of Ægialea. And the Sicyonians say that
Sicyon was not the son of Marathon the son of Epopeus, but
the son of Metion the son of Erechtheus. And Asius agrees
with them. But Hesiod has represented Sicyon as the son
of Erechtheus, and Ibycus says he was the son of Pelops.
However Sicyon had a daughter Chthonophyle, who is said
to have had a son Polybus by Hermes: and afterwards Phlias
the son of Dionysus married her, and she had a son Androdamas.
And Polybus gave his daughter Lysianassa to Talaus,
the son of Bias, the king of the Argives: and when Adrastus
fled from Argos he went to Polybus at Sicyon, and after
Polybus’ death he obtained the chief power at Sicyon. But
when Adrastus was restored to Argos, then Ianiscus the
descendant of Clytius, the father in law of Lamedon, came
from Attica and became king, and on his death Phæstus,
who was reputed to be one of the sons of Hercules. And
Phæstus having migrated to Crete in accordance with an
oracle, Zeuxippus, the son of Apollo and the nymph Syllis,
is said to have become king. And after the death of Zeuxippus
Agamemnon led an army against Sicyon and its king
Hippolytus, the son of Rhopalus, the son of Phæstus. And
Hippolytus fearing the invading army agreed to be subject
to Agamemnon and Mycenæ. And this Hippolytus had a
son Lacestades. And Phalces, the son of Temenus, having
seized Sicyon by night in conjunction with the Dorians,
did no harm to Lacestades (as being himself also a descendant
of Hercules), but shared the royal power with
him.
CHAPTER VII.
And the Sicyonians became Dorians after this, and a part
of Argolis. And their city, built by Ægialeus in the
plain, Demetrius the son of Antigonus razed to the ground,
and built the present city on the site of what was in former
times the citadel. And the reason of the low fortunes of
the Sicyonians one could not find out by investigation, but
one would have to be content with what is said by Homer
about Zeus,[15]
“Who hath brought down the pride of many cities.”
And when they were in a far from favourable condition an
earthquake came on them, and made the city almost bare of
men, and robbed them of many works of art. This earthquake
also injured the cities of Caria and Lycia, and the
island of Rhodes suffered especially, insomuch that the
oracle of the Sibyl about Rhodes was fulfilled.
And as you go from Corinth towards Sicyon you come
to the tomb of Messenian Lycus, whoever this Lycus was.
For I find no Messenian Lycus that practised in the
pentathlum, or carried off the prize at Olympia. This
tomb is a mound of earth, and the Sicyonians mostly
bury in the following manner. The body they deposit in
the ground, and over it a stone slab with pillars on the
top, on which are figures, generally like the eagles in the
temples. But they write no epitaph, but simply the name
of the deceased, not even his parentage, and bid the dead
farewell. And next to the tomb of Lycus, when you have
crossed over the Asopus, is on the right hand the temple of
Olympian Zeus, and a little further on, on the left side of
the road, is the tomb of Eupolis the Athenian Comedian.
Further on in the direction of the city is the tomb
of Xenodice, who died in childbirth: it is unlike the
tombs in this part of the country, and has a painting,
which is very fine. A little further is the tomb of the
Sicyonians, who died at Pellene, and Dyme in Achaia, and
at Megalopolis and Sellasia, whose exploits I shall relate
fully later on. And they have near the gate a well in a cave,
which oozes through the roof of the cave, so it is called the
Dripping Well.
And in the present citadel there is a temple to Fortune
Dwelling on the Heights, and next it one to the Dioscuri.
Both these and the statue of Fortune are of wood. And in
the theatre built under the citadel the person represented
on the stage-curtain is, they say, Aratus the son of Clinias.
And next to the theatre is a temple of Dionysus: the
god is fashioned in gold and ivory, and near him some
Bacchantes in white stone. These women they say are
sacred to Dionysus, and full of Bacchic fury. And the
Sicyonians have other statues in a secret place, which
one night in every year they bring to the temple of
Dionysus from the place called Ornament Room, and they
bring them with lighted torches and national Hymns. The
leader of the procession is called Baccheus, this functionary
was appointed by Androdamas the son of Phlias, and the
next in the procession is called Lysius, whom the Theban
Phanes brought from Thebes at the bidding of the Pythian
Priestess. And Phanes came to Sicyon, when Aristomachus
the son of Cleodæus, mistaking the oracle, lost thereby
his return to the Peloponnese. And as you go from the
temple of Dionysus to the market-place there is a shrine of
Artemis Limnæa on the right hand. And that the roof has
fallen in is clear to the spectator. But as to the statue of
the goddess—for there is none now—the people of Sicyon
do not say whether it was carried away to some other place,
or how it was destroyed (if destroyed).
And as you enter the market-place is a temple of Persuasion,
also without a statue. Persuasion is worshipped by
them on the following ground. Apollo and Artemis after
slaying Pytho went to Ægialea to purify themselves.
But being seized with some panic fear in the place which
they now call Fear, they turned aside to Crete to Carmanor,
and a pestilence came upon the people at Ægialea,
and they were ordered by the seers to propitiate Apollo and
Artemis. And they sent 7 lads and 7 maidens to the river
Sythas to supplicate Apollo and Artemis, and persuaded
by them these deities went to what was then the citadel,
and the place they first reached was the temple of Persuasion.
A Pageant of all this goes on to this day. On the
Festival of Apollo the lads go to the river Sythas, and, after
bringing Apollo and Artemis to the temple of Persuasion,
take them back again to the temple of Apollo. And
that temple is in the middle of the present market-place,
and they say it was originally built by Prœtus, because
his daughters got cured of madness here. They say also
that Meleager hung up in this temple the spear with which
he killed the Calydonian boar: here too (they say) are
deposited the flutes of Marsyas: for after his awful death
the river Marsyas carried them to Mæander, and they
turned up again at the Asopus and were landed at Sicyon,
and given to Apollo by a shepherd who found them. Of
these votive offerings there is no vestige: for they were
burnt with the temple. And the temple and statue were
re-erected in my time by Pythocles.
CHAPTER VIII.
The sacred enclosure near the temple of Persuasion,
consecrated to the Roman emperors, was formerly the
house of Cleon the king. For Clisthenes the son of Aristonymus,
the son of Myro, was king of the Sicyonians in
the lower part of the city, but Cleon in what is now the
city (i.e. the upper part). In front of this house is a hero-chapel
to Aratus, who did the greatest exploits of all the
Greeks in his time: and this is what he did. After the
death of Cleon there came on those in authority such
unbridled lust for power, that Euthydemus and Timoclidas
usurped the chief power. These the people afterwards
drove out, and put in their place Clinias the father
of Aratus: and not many years afterwards Abantidas got
the chief power, (after the death of Clinias), and either
exiled Aratus, or Aratus retired of his own free will. However
the men of the country killed Abantidas, and Pascas
his father succeeded him, and Nicocles killed him, and
reigned in his room. Against him came Aratus with some
Sicyonian refugees and mercenaries from Argos, and slipping
by some of the garrison in the darkness (for he made his
attack by night), and forcing others back, got inside the
walls: and (for by now it was day) leading his men to
the tyrant’s house, he made a fierce attack on it. And he
took it by storm with no great difficulty, and Nicocles slipt
out at a back door and fled. And Aratus granted the
Sicyonians isonomy, reconciling them to the refugees, and
giving back to the refugees all their houses and goods that
had been sold, but not without full compensation to former
purchasers. And because all the Greeks were greatly
afraid of the Macedonians and Antigonus (the Regent for
Philip the son of Demetrius), he forced the Sicyonians,
though they were Dorians, into the Achæan league. And
forthwith he was chosen commander in chief by the Achæans,
and he led them against the Locrians that live at Amphissa,
and into the territory of the hostile Ætolians, and ravaged
it. And although Antigonus held Corinth with a Macedonian
garrison, he dismayed them by the suddenness of
his attack, and in a battle defeated and killed many of
them, and among others Persæus the head of the garrison,
who had been a disciple of Zeno (the son of Mnaseas) in
philosophy. And when Aratus had set Corinth free, then
the Epidaurians and the Trœzenians who occupy the coast
of Argolis, and the Megarians beyond the Isthmus, joined
the Achæan league, and Ptolemy also formed an alliance
with them. But the Lacedæmonians and Agis (the son of
Eudamidas) their king were beforehand with them, and
took Pellene by a coup de main, but when Aratus and his
army came up they were beaten in the engagement, and
evacuated Pellene, and returned home again on certain
conditions. And Aratus, as things had prospered so well in
the Peloponnese, thought it monstrous that the Piræus
and Munychia, and moreover Salamis and Sunium, should
be allowed to continue in Macedonian hands, and, as he
did not expect to be able to take them by storm, he persuaded
Diogenes, who was Governor of these Forts, to
surrender them for 150 talents, and of this money he
himself contributed one sixth part for the Athenians. He
also persuaded Aristomachus, who was king at Argos, to
give a democratical form of government to the Argives,
and to join the Achæan league. And he took Mantinea from
the Lacedæmonians. But indeed all things do not answer
according to a man’s wish, since even Aratus was obliged
eventually to become the ally of the Macedonians and
Antigonus. This is how it happened.
CHAPTER IX.
Cleomenes, the son of Leonidas, and grandson of Cleonymus,
when he succeeded to the kingdom in Sparta,
imitated Pausanias in desiring to be an autocrat, and not to
obey the established laws. And as he was more impetuous
than Pausanias, and brave as a lion, he quickly moulded
everything to his will by his sagacity and boldness, and
took off by poison Eurydamidas, the king of the other royal
branch, while quite a lad, and vested the power of the Ephors
in his brother Epiclidas, and having put down the power
of the Senate, he established instead of them The Great
Council of Patronomi (as they were called). And being very
ambitious of greater fortunes, and even the supremacy over
Greece, he attacked the Achæans first, hoping to have them
as allies if he conquered them, and not wishing to give
them the chance to hinder his actions. And he attacked
them and beat them at Dyme above Patræ, Aratus being in
this action the Achæan general, and this defeat it was that
compelled Aratus to invite the aid of Antigonus, being afraid
for the Achæans, and even for the safety of Sicyon. And
Cleomenes having violated his conditions with Antigonus,
(having openly acted against the terms of the treaty in
other respects, and especially by turning out the inhabitants
of Megalopolis,) Antigonus crossed into the Peloponnese,
and in concert with the Achæans attacked Cleomenes at
Sellasia. And the Achæans were victorious, and Sellasia
was enslaved, and Lacedæmon captured. Antigonus and
the Achæans then gave back to the Lacedæmonians their
old Polity: and of Leonidas’s sons, Epiclidas was killed
in battle, and Cleomenes, (who fled to Egypt and received
the greatest honours from Ptolemy), was cast into prison
subsequently for inciting the Egyptians to revolt. And
he escaped out of prison, and caused some trouble at Alexandria:
but at last he was taken and committed suicide.
And the Lacedæmonians, glad to get rid of Cleomenes,
chose to submit to kingly government no longer, but from
thenceforth until now had the republican form of government.
And Antigonus continued friendly to Aratus, as he
had done him many good and splendid services. But
when Philip took the government into his own hands,
because Aratus did not praise his frequent exhibition of
temper to his subjects, and sometimes even checked him in
his outbursts, he murdered him, giving him poison when
he didn’t expect it. And from Ægium, for here fate took
him, they took his body to Sicyon and buried him, and the
hero-chapel Arateum is still called after him. And Philip
acted in just the same way to Euryclides and Micon, who
were Athenians: for them too, (being orators and not unpersuasive
with the people), he took off by poison. But
poison was it seems destined to bring disaster to Philip
himself: for his son Demetrius was poisoned by Perseus, his
youngest brother, and so caused his father’s death by
sorrow. And I have gone out of my way to give this
account, remembering the divine saying of Hesiod, that
he who plots mischief for another brings it first on his
own pate.[16]
And next to the hero-chapel of Aratus is an altar to
Poseidon Isthmius, and rude statues of Milichian Zeus
and Tutelary Artemis. Milichian Zeus is in the shape of
Pyramid, Artemis in that of a Pillar. Here too has been
built a Council Chamber, and a Porch called the Clisthenic
from its builder Clisthenes, who built it out of spoil which
he took in the war against Cirrha, as an ally of the
Amphictyones. And in the part of the market-place which
is in the open air there is a Zeus in brass, the work
of Lysippus, and near it a golden Artemis. And next is
the temple of Lycian (Wolf-god) Apollo, in a very dilapidated
condition. When wolves used to devour the flocks
so that there was no profit in keeping sheep, Apollo pointed
out a certain place where some dry wood lay, and ordered
the bark of this wood and flesh to be laid together before
the wolves. And this bark killed the wolves immediately
they tasted it. This wood is kept stored up in the temple
of the Wolf-god: but what tree it is of none of the Sicyonian
antiquaries know. And next are some brazen statues,
said to be the daughters of Prœtus, but the inscription
has other women’s names. There is also a Hercules in
brass, by Sicyonian Lysippus. And near it is a statue of
Hermes of the Market.
CHAPTER X.
Not far from the market-place in the gymnasium is
a Hercules in stone, the work of Scopas. There
is also elsewhere a temple of Hercules: the precincts of
which they call Pædize, and the temple is in the middle of
the precincts, and in it is an old wooden statue of Hercules
by Laphaes of Phlius. And the sacrifices they are wont
to conduct as follows. They say that Phæstus, when he
went to Sicyon, found that the people there offered victims
to Hercules as a hero, whereas he thought they ought to
sacrifice to him as to a god. And now the Sicyonians sacrifice
lambs and burn their thighs on the altar, and part of
the meat they eat and part they offer as to a hero. And
the first of the days of the Feast which they keep to
Hercules they call Names, and the second Hercules’ Day.
A road leads from here to the temple of Æsculapius.
In the precincts there is on the left hand a double building:
in the outer room is a statue of Sleep, and there
is nothing of it remaining but the head. And the
inner room is dedicated to Carnean Apollo, and none but
the priests may enter it. In the Porch is the huge bone
of a sea-monster, and next it the statue of Dream, and
Sleep, called the Bountiful, lulling a lion to rest. And as
you go up to the temple of Æsculapius, on one side is
a statue of Pan seated, on the other one of Artemis erect.
At the entrance is the god himself (Æsculapius) beardless,
in gold and ivory, the work of Calamis: he has his sceptre
in one hand, and in the other the fruit of the pine-tree.
And they say that the god was brought to them from
Epidaurus by a pair of mules, and that he was like a
dragon, and that he was brought by Nicagora a native of
Sicyon, the mother of Agasicles, and the wife of Echetimus.
There are also some small statues fastened to the ceiling.
The woman seated on the dragon is they say Aristodama
the mother of Aratus, and they consider Aratus the son
of Æsculapius. Such are the notable things to be seen
in these precincts.
And there are other precincts there sacred to Aphrodite:
and in them first is the statue of Antiope. For they say
her sons were born at Sicyon, and this is the connection
with Antiope. Next is the temple of Aphrodite. None
may enter into it but a maiden Sacristan, who must never
marry, and another maiden who performs the annual rites.
This maiden they call bath-carrier. All others alike must
only look at the goddess from the porch and worship her
there. Her figure seated is the design of Canachus a
native of Sicyon, (who also designed the Didymæan Apollo
for the Milesians, and the Ismenian Apollo for the Thebans).
It is in gold and ivory. The goddess wears on her
head a cap, and in one hand holds a poppy, in the other an
apple. And they offer in sacrifice to her the thighs of any
victims but wild boars, all other parts they burn with
juniper wood, and when they burn the thighs they burn
up together with them the leaves of pæderos; which is a
plant that grows in the precincts of the goddess’ temple
in the open air, and grows in no other land, nor in any
other part of Sicyonia. And its leaves are smaller than
the leaves of the beech, but larger than those of the holm
oak, and their shape is that of the oak-leaf, partly black,
partly white like the silvery white of the poplar tree.
And as you go hence to the gymnasium, on the right
is the temple of Pheræan Artemis: the wooden statue
of the goddess was they say brought from Pheræ. Clinias
built this gymnasium, and they educate boys there still.
There is an Artemis also in white stone, carved only down
to the waist, and a Hercules in his lower parts like the
square Hermæ.
CHAPTER XI.
And as you turn from thence to the gate called The
Holy Gate, not far from the gate is a shrine of
Athene, which Epopeus formerly erected, in size and beauty
surpassing those of its time. But time has obscured its
fame. The god struck it with lightning: and now there
remains only the altar, for the lightning did not light on
it. And in front of the altar is the tomb of Epopeus,
and near his tomb are the Gods the Averters of Evil, to
whom they sacrifice (as the Greeks generally) to avert
evil. And they say that Epopeus built the neighbouring
temple to Artemis and Apollo, and Adrastus the one next to
Hera: but no statues remain in either temple. Adrastus
also built behind the temple of Hera two altars, one to
Pan, and one to the Sun God in white stone. And as you
descend to the plain is a temple of Demeter, and they say
Plemnæus built it in gratitude to the goddess for rearing
his son. And at a little distance from the temple of Hera,
which Adrastus built, is the temple of Carnean Apollo.
There are only the pillars of it left, you will find neither
walls nor roof nor anything else there—nor in the temple
of Hera the Guide: which was built by Phalces the son
of Temenus, who said that Hera was his guide on the
way to Sicyon. And as you go from Sicyon on the
straight road to Phlius, about ten stades, and then turn
off to the left, is the grove called Pyræa, and in it a
temple of Demeter Prostasia, and Proserpine. Here the
men have a festival to themselves, and give up what is
called the Nymphon to the women to celebrate their festival
in, and there are statues of Dionysus and Demeter
and Proserpine (showing only their faces) in the Nymphon.
And the road to Titane is sixty stades, and because of its
narrowness it is impassable by a carriage and pair: and
20 stades further you cross the Asopus, and see on the
left a grove of holm-oaks, and a temple of the Goddesses
whom the Athenians call the Venerable, but the Sicyonians
the Eumenides. And every year they keep a feast
to them on one day, sacrificing ewes big with young,
and they are wont to pour libations of honey and milk,
and to use flowers as chaplets. They go through the
same rites on the altar of the Fates in the open air,
in the grove. And as you turn back again to the road, and
cross the Asopus again, you come to a mountain-top,
where the natives say Titan first dwelt, who was the brother
of the Sun, and gave the name Titane to this place.
This Titan seems to me to have been wonderfully clever
in watching the seasons of the year, as when the Sun
fructified and ripened seeds and fruit, and this was why
he was considered the Sun’s brother. And afterwards
Alexanor, the son of Machaon, the son of Æsculapius,
came to Sicyon, and built a temple of Æsculapius at
Titane. A few people dwell there, but for the most part
only the suppliants of the god, and there are within the precincts
some old cypress trees. But it is not possible to learn
of what wood or metal Æsculapius’ statue is made, nor do
they know who made it, though some say Alexanor himself.
The only parts of the statue that are visible are the face and
fingers and toes, for a white woollen tunic and cloak are
thrown round it. And there is a statue of Hygiea somewhat
similar. You can not see it either easily, so hidden is
it by the hair of the women which they shear to the goddess,
and by the folds of a Babylonish garment. And whichever
of these any one wishes to propitiate, he is instructed
to worship Hygiea. Alexanor and Euamerion have also
statues, to the former they offer sacrifices after sunset
as to a hero, but to the latter they sacrifice as to a god.
And (if my conjecture is correct) this Euamerion is called
Telesphorus (according to some oracle) by the people of
Pergamum, but by the people of Epidaurus Acesis. There
is also a wooden statue of Coronis, but not anywhere in the
temple: but when bull or lamb or pig are sacrificed to the
goddess, then they take Coronis to the temple of Athene
and honour her there. Nor are they contented merely
with cutting off the thighs of the victims, but they burn
all the victims whole on the ground except birds, and
these they burn on the altar. On the gable ends are figures
of Hercules, and several Victories. And in the porch
are statues of Dionysus and Hecate and Aphrodite and The
Mother of the Gods and Fortune: these are all in wood,
and one of Gortynian Æsculapius in stone. And people
are afraid to approach the sacred dragons: but if their
food is put at the entrance they give no further trouble.
There is also within the precincts a statue of Granianus,
a native of Sicyon, in brass. He won two victories at
Olympia in the pentathlum, and a third in the stadium,
and two in the double course, which he ran both in armour
and out of armour.
CHAPTER XII.
And at Titane there is also a temple of Athene, into
which they carry the statue of Coronis. And in it is
an old wooden statue of Athene. This too is said to have
been struck by lightning. As you descend from the hill,
for the temple is built on the hill, is the altar of the winds,
on which the priest sacrifices to them one night in every
year. And he performs mysterious rites at four pits, to
tame their violence, chanting, so they say, the incantations
of Medea.
And as you go from Titane to Sicyon, and descend towards
the sea, there is on the left a temple of Hera, with neither
statue nor roof. They say Prœtus the son of Abas built
it. And as you go down to what is called the harbour of
the Sicyonians, and turn to Aristonautæ, the port of the
people of Pellene, there is, a little above the road, on the
left a temple of Poseidon. And as you go on along the
high road you come to the river Helisson, and next the
river Sythas, both rivers flowing into the sea.
Next to Sicyonia is Phliasia. Its chief town Phlius is
40 stades at most distant from Titane, and the road to it
from Sicyon is straight. That the Phliasians have no connection
with the Arcadians is plain from the catalogue of
the Arcadians in Homer’s Iliad, for they are not included
among them. And that they were Argives originally, and
became Dorians after the return of the Heraclidæ to the
Peloponnese, will appear in the course of my narrative. As
I know there are many different traditions about among
the Phliasians, I shall give those which are most generally
accepted among them. The first person who lived in this
land was they say Aras an Autochthon, and he built a city
on that hill which is still in our time called the Arantine
hill, (not very far from another hill, on which the Phliasians
have their citadel and a temple of Hebe.) Here he
built his city, and from him both land and city got called
of old Arantia. It was in his reign that Asopus (said to
be the son of Celusa and Poseidon) found the water of
the river which they still call Asopus from the name of
the person who found it.[17] And the sepulchre of Aras is in
a place called Celeæ, where they say also Dysaules, an
Eleusinian, is buried. And Aras had a son Aoris and a
daughter Aræthyrea, who the Phliasians say were cunning
hunters and brave in war. And, Aræthyrea dying first,
Aoris changed the name of the city into Aræthyrea.
Homer has made mention of it (when recording those who
went with Agamemnon to Ilium) in the line
And I think the tombs of the sons of Aras are on the Arantine
hill. And at their tombs are some remarkable pillars,
and before the rites which they celebrate to Ceres they
look at these tombs, and call Aras and his sons to the libations.
As to Phlias, the third who gave his name to the
land, I cannot at all accept the Argive tradition that he
was the son of Cisus the son of Temenus, for I know that
he was called the son of Dionysus, and was said to have
been one of those who sailed in the Argo. And the lines
of the Rhodian poet bear me out, “Phlias also came with
the men of Aræthyrea, where he dwelt, wealthy through
his sire Dionysus, near the springs of Asopus.” And
Aræthyrea was the mother of Phlias and not Chthonophyle,
for Chthonophyle was his wife and he had Andromedas
by her.
CHAPTER XIII.
By the return of the Heraclidæ all the Peloponnese
was disturbed except Arcadia, for many of the cities
had to take Dorian settlers, and frequent changes of inhabitants
took place. The following were the changes
at Phlius. Rhegnidas a Dorian (the son of Phalces the
son of Temenus) marched against it from Argos and
Sicyon. And some of the Phliasians were content with
his demands, that they should remain in their own land,
that he should be their king, and that the Dorians and
he should have lands assigned to them. But Hippasus
and his party stood out for a vigorous defence, and not
for yielding up to the Dorians their numerous advantages
without a fight. But as the people preferred the
opposite view, Hippasus and those who agreed with him
fled to Samos. And the great grandson of this Hippasus
was Pythagoras, surnamed the Wise: who was the son
of Mnesarchus, the son of Euphron, the son of Hippasus.
This is the account the Phliasians give of their own
history, and in most particulars the Sicyonians bear them
out.
The most notable public sights are as follows. There
is in the citadel at Phlius a cypress grove, and a temple
hoary from old antiquity. The deity to whom the temple
belongs is said by the most ancient of the Phliasians
to have been Ganymeda, but by later ones Hebe: of
whom Homer has made mention in the single combat
between Menelaus and Paris, saying that she was the cupbearer
of the gods, and again in the descent of Odysseus
to Hades he has said that she was the wife of Hercules.
But Olen in his Hymn to Hera says that she was reared
by the Seasons, and was mother of Ares and Hebe. And
among the Phliasians this goddess has various honours and
especially in regard to slaves; for they give them entire
immunity if they come as suppliants here, and when prisoners
are loosed of their fetters they hang them up on
the trees in the grove. And they keep a yearly feast
which they call Ivy-cuttings. But they have no statue in
any secret crypt, nor do they display one openly: and they
have a sacred reason for acting so, for on the left as you go
out there is a temple of Hera with a statue in Parian
marble. And in the citadel there are some precincts sacred
to Demeter, and in them a temple and statue of Demeter
and Persephone, and also a brazen statue of Artemis,
which seemed to me ancient. And as you go down from
the citadel there is on the right a temple and beardless
statue of Æsculapius. Under this temple is a theatre.
And not far from it is a temple of Demeter, and some old
statues of the goddess in a sitting posture.
And in the market-place there is a brazen she-goat,
mostly gilt. It got honours among the Phliasians for
the following reason. The constellation which they call
the She-Goat does continuous harm to vines at its rise.
And that no serious detriment might result from it, they
paid various honours to this brazen goat, and decked its
statue with gold. Here too is a monument of Aristias the
son of Pratinas. The Satyrs carved by Aristias and Pratinas
are reckoned the best carving next to that of Æschylus.
In the back part of the market-place is a house called
by the Phliasians the seer’s house. Into it Amphiaraus
went (so they say) and lay all night in sleep before giving
his oracular responses: and according to their account he
for some time lived there privately and not as a seer.
And since his time the building has been shut up entirely.
And not far off is what is called Omphalus, the centre
of all the Peloponnese, if indeed their account is correct.
Next you come to an ancient temple of Dionysus, and another
of Apollo, and another of Isis. The statue of Dionysus
may be seen by anybody, as also that of Apollo: but
that of Isis may only be seen by the priests. The following
is also a tradition of the Phliasians, that Hercules,
when he returned safe from Libya with the apples of the
Hesperides, went to Phlius for some reason or other, and
when he was living there was visited by Œneus, who was
a connexion by marriage. On his arrival from Ætolia
either he feasted Hercules, or Hercules feasted him. However
this may be, Hercules struck the lad Cyathus, the
cupbearer of Œneus, on the head with one of his fingers,
not being pleased with the drink he offered him: and as
this lad died immediately from the blow, the Phliasians
erected a chapel to his memory. It was built near the
temple of Apollo, and has a stone statue of Cyathus in
the act of handing the cup to Hercules.
CHAPTER XIV.
Now Celeæ is about five stades from Phlius, and they
sacrifice to Demeter there every fourth year and not
annually. Nor is the presiding priest appointed for life,
but a different one is chosen on each occasion, who may
marry if he chooses. In this respect they differ from
the Eleusinian mysteries, though generally speaking, as the
Phliasians themselves admit, their mysteries are an imitation
of those. They say that Dysaules the brother of
Celeus came to their country and established these rites,
when he was driven from Eleusis by Ion the son of
Xuthus, who had been chosen commander in chief by
the Athenians in the war against the people of Eleusis.
This statement of the Phliasians I cannot assent to, that
an Eleusinian should have been conquered in battle and
gone into exile, when before the war was fought out the
matter was submitted to arbitration, and Eumolpus remained
at Eleusis. But it is quite possible that Dysaules
may have gone to Celeæ for some other reason, and not
that which the Phliasians allege. Nor indeed had he, as
it seems to me, any other relation with the Eleusinian
chiefs than as brother of Celeus, for else Homer would
not have passed him over in his Hymn to Demeter:
where in his list of those who were taught the mysteries
by the goddess he ignores Dysaules. These are his lines.
“She shewed Triptolemus, and Diocles tamer of horses,
and powerful Eumolpus, and Celeus leader of the people,
the due performance of her rights and mysteries.”[19] However,
according to the Phliasian tradition, this Dysaules
established the mysteries here, and also gave the name
Celeæ to the place. There is also here as I have said
the tomb of Dysaules, but subsequent to the date of the
tomb of Aras: for according to the Phliasian account
Dysaules came after the days when Aras was king. For
they say Aras was a contemporary of Prometheus the
son of Iapetus, and lived three generations earlier than
Pelasgus the son of Arcas, and those who were called
the Autochthons at Athens. And they say the chariot of
Pelops is attached to the roof of the temple called the
Anactorum. Such are the most important traditions of
the Phliasians.
CHAPTER XV.
On the road from Corinth to Argos you come to the
small town of Cleonæ. Some say Cleone was the
daughter of Pelops, others that she was one of the
daughters of Asopus, the river that flows by Sicyon: however
the town got its name from her. There is a temple
of Athene there, and a statue of the goddess by Scyllis and
Dipœnus, pupils of Dædalus. But some say that Dædalus
took a wife from Gortyns, and that Dipœnus and Scyllis
were his sons by her. At Cleonæ beside this temple is the
tomb of Eurytus and Cteatus, who had gone from Elis to
be spectators of the Isthmian games, and whom Hercules
shot with arrows there, charging them with having fought
against him in the battle with Augeas.
From Cleonæ there are two roads to Argos, one convenient
for rapid walkers and the shorter route, the other
called Tretus (Bored), more convenient for a carriage,
though it too is narrow and has mountains on both sides.
Among these mountains is still shown the lair of the
Nemean lion, for Nemea is only about 15 stades distant.
At Nemea is a temple well worth seeing of Nemean
Zeus, only the roof has tumbled in, and there is no
longer any statue there: but there is a cypress grove near
the temple, where they say that Opheltes, placed on the grass
there by his nurse, was devoured by a dragon. The
Argives also sacrifice to Zeus at Nemea, and select the
priest of Nemean Zeus, and have a contest in running
for men in armour at the winter meeting at Nemea.
Here too is the tomb of Opheltes, and round it a wall
of stones, and altars within the precincts: and there is
a piled up mound of earth as a monument to Lycurgus
the father of Opheltes. And the fountain they call Adrastea,
whether for some other reason or because Adrastus
discovered it. And they say the name Nemea was given
to the place by Nemea the daughter of Asopus. And
above Nemea is the Mountain Apesas, where they say
Perseus sacrificed first to Apesantian Zeus. And as you
go up to Argos by the road called Tretus you will see on the
left hand the ruins of Mycenæ. All Greeks know that
Perseus founded Mycenæ, and I shall relate the circumstances
of the founding, and why the Argives afterwards
dispossessed the old inhabitants. For in what is now
called Argolis they mention no older town, and they say
that Inachus the king gave his name to the river, and
sacrificed to Hera. They also say that Phoroneus was
the first mortal in this land, and that Inachus his father
was not a man but a river: and that he and Cephisus
and Asterion were the arbitrators between Poseidon and
Hera in their dispute about the land: and when they
judged that it was Hera’s, then Poseidon took away all
their water. And this is the reason why neither Inachus
nor any other of these rivers mentioned have any water
except after rain. And in summer their streams are dry
except at Lerna. And Phoroneus the son of Inachus first
gathered men together in communities, who before lived
scattered and solitary: so the city in which they were
first gathered together was called Phoronicum.
CHAPTER XVI.
And Argos his daughter’s son, who reigned after Phoroneus,
gave Argos his own name. And to Argos were
born Pirasus and Phorbas, and to Phorbas Triopas, and to
Triopas Iasus and Agenor. Io the daughter of Iasus went
to Egypt, either as Herodotus tells the story or as the
Greeks tell the story, and Crotopus the son of Agenor had
the rule after Iasus, and the son of Crotopus was Sthenelas.
And Danaus sailed from Egypt against Gelanor the son of
Sthenelas, and expelled from the kingdom the descendants
of Agenor. All the world knows the history, how his
daughters acted to their cousins, and how after his death
Lynceus had the kingdom. And his grandsons, the sons of
Abas, divided the kingdom, Acrisius remained at Argos,
and Prœtus had Heræum and Midea and Tiryns and all the
maritime parts of Argolis: and there are to this day
remains of Prœtus’ palace at Tiryns. And some time
afterwards Acrisius, hearing that Perseus was alive and
a mighty man of valour, retired to Larissa by the river
Peneus. And Perseus, as he wished excessively to see
his mother’s father and greet him with kind words and
deeds, went to him to Larissa. And being in the prime of
life, and rejoicing in the invention of the game of quoits,
he displayed his prowess to all, and by fatality Acrisius
was unintentionally killed by the throw of his quoit. Thus
was the prophecy of the god fulfilled to Acrisius, nor did
his contrivances against his daughter and her son turn
away his fate. But when Perseus returned to Argos, for he
was ashamed of the infamy of this murder of his grandfather,
he persuaded Megapenthes the son of Prœtus to exchange
kingdoms with him, and founded Mycenæ, where the scabbard
of his sword fell off, for he thought this an indication
that he should build a city there. Another tradition
is that when thirsty he took up a fungus from the
ground, and when some water flowed from it he drank it
and was pleased, and called the name of the place Mycenæ
[which means both scabbard and fungus.] Homer indeed in
the Odyssey[20] has recorded the lady Mycene in the following
line,
“Tyro and Alcmene and Mycene adorned with garlands;”
and the poem called the Great EϾ, by Hesiod, represents
her as the daughter of Inachus and the wife of Arestor:
and from her some say the city got its name. But the
tradition of Acusilaus which they also add, that Myceneus
was the son of Sparton, and Sparton the son of Phoroneus,
I could not accept, far less would the Lacedæmonians.
For they have at Amyclæ the image of a woman called
Sparta, and if they heard that Sparton was the son of
Phoroneus they would marvel at once.
Now the Argives destroyed Mycenæ in jealousy. For
though they took no part against the Medes, the people of
Mycenæ sent to Thermopylæ 80 men, who shared in the
glory of the famous 300. This public spirit brought about
their destruction, by provoking the Argives to jealousy. But
there are still some remains of the precincts and the gate,
and there are some lions on it: which were they say executed
by the Cyclopes, who built the wall at Tiryns for Prœtus.
And among the ruins at Mycenæ is a fountain called Perseus’,
and some underground buildings belonging to Atreus
and his sons, where their treasures were. And there is the
tomb of Atreus, and of those whom Ægisthus slew at a banquet
on their return from Ilium with Agamemnon. As to
Cassandra’s tomb the Lacedæmonians of Amyclæ claim
that they have it. And there is the tomb of Agamemnon
there, and that of Eurymedon the charioteer, and the
joint-tomb of Teledamus and Pelops, who were twins of
Cassandra, and were butchered by Ægisthus (while still
babes) after their parents. There is also the tomb of
Electra, who married Pylades, and Orestes gave her away.
And Hellanicus has recorded that Medon and Strophius
were the issue of the marriage. And Clytæmnestra and
Ægisthus were buried a little outside the walls, for they
were thought unworthy to lie within the city, and mingle
their ashes with Agamemnon and those who were murdered
with him.
CHAPTER XVII.
About fifteen stades from Mycenæ on the left is a
temple of Hera. By the road flows the river Eleutherius.
And the priestesses use it for lustrations and
for private sacrifices. And this temple is on the more
level part of Eubœa, for Eubœa is a mountain, and they
say the daughters of the river god Asterion were Eubœa
and Prosymna and Acræa, and that they were nurses of
Hera. And Acræa gave her name to all the mountain
opposite the temple of Hera, and Eubœa to the mountain
near the temple, and Prosymna to the ground below the
temple. And this Asterion flows above the temple of Hera
and falls into a ravine and so disappears. And the flower
called Asterion grows on its banks: they carry this flower
to Hera and plait her crowns of its leaves. The architect
of the temple was they say Eupolemus the Argive: and all
the carved work above the pillars relates partly to the birth
of Zeus and the gods and the battle with the Giants, and
partly to the Trojan war and the capture of Ilium. And
there are some statues in the porch, of the priestesses of
Hera, and of Orestes and other heroes. For they say the
one bearing the inscription that it is the Emperor Augustus
is really Orestes. In the Ante-chapel are some old
statues of The Graces, and on the right hand the bed of
Hera, and a votive offering, the spear which Menelaus took
from Euphorbus at Ilium. And there is a huge statue of
Hera seated on a throne, in gold and ivory, the design of
Polycletus. And she has a crown on her head composed
of Graces and Seasons, and in one hand she has the fruit
of the pomegranate, and in the other her sceptre. As to
the pomegranate let me pass that over, for I am forbid to
speak of it. But as to the cuckoo which sits on the sceptre,
they say that Zeus, when he was enamoured of Hera while
still a maid, changed himself into that bird, and that Hera
chased the supposed cuckoo in sport. This tradition and similar
ones about the gods I do not record because I believe
them, but I record them just the same. And near Hera is
a statue of Hebe said to be by Naucydes, this too in ivory
and gold. And near it on a pillar is an old statue of
Hera. But the oldest statue of Hera was made of wild
pear tree, and was placed at Tiryns by Pirasus the son of
Argus, and the Argives when they took Tiryns conveyed it
to the temple of Hera, and I myself have seen it, a statue
not very large seated. And the votive offerings worthy
of record are a silver altar, with the legendary marriage of
Hebe and Hercules carved upon it, and a peacock of gold
and precious stones, an offering of the Emperor Adrian:
he made this present because the peacock is sacred to Hera.
There is also a golden crown and purple robe, the offerings
of Nero. And there are above this temple the foundations
of an older one and whatever the flames have spared. That
temple was burnt by Chryseis, the priestess of Hera, falling
asleep, and her lamp first setting fire to the decorations. And
Chryseis went to Tegea and supplicated Alean Athene:
and the Argives, although such a misfortune had befallen
them, did not remove the effigy of Chryseis, but it is there to
this day in front of the burnt temple.
CHAPTER XVIII.
And as you go from Mycenæ to Argos there is on the
left hand a hero-chapel of Perseus near the road. He
has honours here from the people in the neighbourhood,
but the greatest honours are paid him at Seriphus, and he
has also a temple among the Athenians, and in it an altar
to Dictys and Clymene, who are called the Saviours of
Perseus. And as you advance on the road to Argos a little
way from this hero-chapel is the tomb of Thyestes on the
right hand: and on it is a ram in stone, for Thyestes
stole the golden sheep, when he seduced his brother’s wife.
And Atreus could not be satisfied with the law of Tit for
Tat, but slaughtered the children of Thyestes and served
them up to him at table. But afterwards I cannot pronounce
decidedly whether Ægisthus began the injury, or whether
it began with the murder of Tantalus the son of Thyestes
by Agamemnon: for they say he married Clytæmnestra as
her first husband having received her from Tyndareus.
And I do not wish to accuse them of wickedness incarnate.
But if the crime of Pelops and the ghost of Myrtilus haunted
the family so ruthlessly, it reminds one of the answer of the
Pythian Priestess to Glaucus the son of Epicydes the Spartan,
when he purposed perjury, that punishment would
come on his descendants.
As you go on a little to the left from the Rams, for so
they call the tomb of Thyestes, is a place called Mysia,
and a temple of Mysian Demeter, so called from a man
called Mysius, who was as the Argives say a host of Demeter.
It has no roof. And in it is a shrine of baked
brick, and images of Proserpine and Pluto and Demeter.
And a little further is the river Inachus, and on the other
side of the river is an altar of the Sun. And you will go
thence to the gate called from the neighbouring temple,
the temple of Ilithyia.
The Argives are the only Greeks I know of who were
divided into three kingdoms. For in the reign of Anaxagoras,
the son of Argos, the son of Megapenthes, a madness
came on the women, they went from their homes and
wandered up and down the country, till Melampus the son
of Amythaon cured them of that complaint, on condition
that he and his brother Bias should share alike with Anaxagoras.
And five kings of Bias’ race reigned for four
generations to Cyanippus the son of Ægialeus, being all
descended from Neleus on the mother’s side, and from
Melampus six generations and six kings to Amphilochus
the son of Amphiaraus. But the native race, the
descendants of Anaxagoras, reigned longer. For Iphis, the
son of Alector, the son of Anaxagoras, left the kingdom to
Sthenelus the son of his brother Capaneus: and Amphilochus
after the capture of Ilium having migrated to what is
now called Amphilochi, and Cyanippus dying childless,
Cylarabes the son of Sthenelus had the kingdom alone.
And he too had no children, and so Orestes the son of Agamemnon
got Argos, as he was a near neighbour, and besides
his hereditary sway had added to his dominions much Arcadian
territory, and as he had also got the kingdom in
Sparta, and had ever ready help in the alliance of the
Phocians. And he was king of the Lacedæmonians at
their own request. For they thought the sons of Tyndareus’
daughters better entitled to the kingdom than Nicostratus
and Megapenthes, the sons of Menelaus by a bondmaid.
And when Orestes died Tisamenus, the son of Orestes by
Hermione the daughter of Menelaus, had the kingdom.
And Penthilus, Orestes’ bastard son by Erigone the daughter
of Ægisthus, is mentioned by Cinæthon in his Verses. It
was in the reign of this Tisamenus that the Heraclidæ returned
to the Peloponnese, viz. Temenus and Cresphontes
the sons of Aristomachus, and, as Aristodemus had died
earlier, his sons came too. And they laid claim to Argos
and its kingdom on it seems to me the justest grounds,
for Tisamenus was a descendant of Pelops, but the Heraclidæ
derived from Perseus. And they represented that
Tyndareus had been turned out by Hippocoon, and they
said that Hercules had slain Hippocoon and his sons, and
had given the country back to Tyndareus. Similarly they
said about Messenia, that it was given to Nestor as a
charge by Hercules when he took Pylos. They turned out
therefore Tisamenus from Lacedæmon and Argos, and the
descendants of Nestor from Messenia, viz. Alcmæon the son of
Sillus the son of Thrasymedes, and Pisistratus the son of
Pisistratus, and the sons of Pæon the son of Antilochus,
and besides them Melanthus the son of Andropompus, the son
of Borus, the son of Penthilus, the son of Periclymenus.
So Tisamenus and his sons went to what is now called Achaia
with his army: and all the other sons of Neleus but Pisistratus,
(for I don’t know to what people he betook himself),
went to Athens, and the Pæonidæ and the Alcmæonidæ
were called after them. Melanthus also had the
kingdom, after driving out Thymœtes, the son of Oxyntas,
who was the last of the descendants of Theseus that
reigned at Athens.
CHAPTER XIX.
As to Cresphontes and the sons of Aristodemus there
is nothing pressing to narrate about them. But
Temenus openly made use of Deiphontes (the son of Antimachus,
the son of Thrasyanor, the son of Ctesippus, the son
of Hercules) as general for his battles instead of his sons, and
made him his associate in all things, and gave him as wife
his daughter Hyrnetho whom he loved more than all his
children, and was suspected of intending to make her and
Deiphontes his heirs in the kingdom. And for these
reasons he was slain by his sons, and Cisus the eldest of
them became king. But the Argives, who had from the
most ancient times loved equality and home rule, reduced
the kingly power so low, that Medon, the son of Cisus,
and his descendants were left the royal title only. And
Meltas the son of Lacedas, the 10th descendant of Medon,
the people sentenced to deprivation of his kingdom altogether.
Of the temples in the city of the Argives the most notable
is that of Lycian (Wolf-God) Apollo. The statue in our day
was the work of an Athenian, Attalus, but originally the
temple and wooden statue was the offering of Danaus. I
think all statues were wooden in those days, and especially
Egyptian ones. Now Danaus built a temple to Apollo the
Wolf-God for the following reason. When he came to
Argos, he and Gelanor the son of Sthenelas were rival competitors
for the kingdom. And many ingratiating words
having been spoken by both of them to the people, and
Gelanor’s speech seeming rather the best, the people,
they say, put off the decision to the next day. And at
break of day a wolf attacked a herd of cattle that were
feeding near the walls, and had a fierce encounter with
the bull, the leader of the herd. And it occurred to
the Argives that Gelanor was like the bull, Danaus like
the wolf, for just as this animal does not live with human
beings so Danaus had not up to that time lived with them.
And as the wolf mastered the bull, so Danaus got the
kingdom. And he thinking that Apollo had sent that
wolf against the herd, built a temple to Apollo the Wolf-God.
In it is the throne of Danaus, and an image of
Biton, the man who carried a bull on his shoulders (as
Lyceas has represented), for, when the Argives were sacrificing
to Zeus at Nemea, Biton took up a bull by sheer strength
and carried it to the altar. And they light the fire close to
this image, and they call it the fire of Phoroneus: for they
do not admit that Prometheus gave fire to men, but they
attribute the invention of fire to Phoroneus. Here also are
wooden statues of Aphrodite and Hermes, the latter the
work of Epeus, and the former the offering of Hypermnestra.
For she, the only one of his daughters who disobeyed his
cruel order, was brought to trial by Danaus, partly because
he thought his own safety compromised by that of Lynceus,
and partly because her not joining with her sisters in their
atrocious deed augmented the disgrace of the contriver of
the deed. And, being acquitted by the Argives, she erected
as a votive offering in this temple a statue of Victorious
Aphrodite. And there is inside the temple a statue of
Ladas, who excelled all his contemporaries in fleetness of
foot, and one of Hermes making a lyre out of a tortoise.
And there is in front of the temple an amphitheatre with a
representation of the fight between the bull and the wolf,
and a maiden throwing a stone at the bull. They think
this maiden represents Artemis. Danaus had all this constructed,
and some pillars near, and wooden statues of Zeus
and Artemis.
Here also are the tombs of Linus the son of Apollo, and
of Psamathe the daughter of Crotopus, and this is that
Linus they say who wrote poetry. I pass him by now
as more meet to be discussed in another place, and as
regards Psamathe I have already given a full account
of her in what I have written about Megara. Next is
a statue of Apollo the Guardian of the Streets, and the
altar of Rainy Zeus, where those who conspired the return
of Polynices to Thebes swore that they would die if unsuccessful
in taking Thebes. As to the sepulchre of Prometheus,
the Argives seem to me to give a less credible
account than the Opuntians, but they stick to their account
all the same.
CHAPTER XX.
And passing by the effigy of Creux the boxer, and the
trophy erected over the Corinthians, you come to the
statue of Milichian Zeus seated, the work of Polycletus in
white stone. I ascertained that the following was the
reason why it was made. When the Lacedæmonians began
the war with the Argives, they continued hostilities till
Philip the son of Amyntas compelled them to remain
within their original boundaries. For during all previous
time the Lacedæmonians never interfered outside the Peloponnese,
but were always cutting a slice off Argolis, or the
Argives, if the Lacedæmonians were engaged in war, would
at such a time make a swoop on their borders. And when
their mutual animosity was at its height, the Argives resolved
to keep a standing army of 1000 picked men,
and their captain was Bryas the Argive, who in other respects
was insolent to the people, and outraged a maiden,
who was being led in procession to her bridegroom’s house,
tearing her away from her escort. But during the night
catching him asleep she blinded Bryas: and being arrested
at daybreak implored protection from the people. As
they would not abandon her to the vengeance of the thousand,
there ensued a fight, and the people were victorious,
and in the heat of victory left not one of the
1000 alive. But afterwards they made expiation for this
shedding of kinsmen’s blood, and erected a statue to Milichian
Zeus. And near are statues in stone of Cleobis and
Bito, who themselves drew the car with their mother in it
to the temple of Hera.[21] And opposite these is the temple
of Nemean Zeus, and in it a brazen statue of the god erect,
the design of Lysippus. And next to it, as you go forward, on
the right hand, is the tomb of Phoroneus: to whom they
still offer victims. And opposite the temple of Nemean
Zeus is a temple of Fortune of most ancient date, since
Palamedes the inventor of dice made a votive offering of
his dice to this temple. And the tomb near they call
that of the Mænad Chorea, who they say with the other
women accompanied Dionysus to Argos, and Perseus being
victorious in the battle slew most of the women: the others
they buried all together, but for her they had a tomb separately,
as she excelled the others in merit. And at a little
distance is a temple of the Seasons. And as you go on
there are some full-length statues of Polynices, the son of
Œdipus, and all the chief warriors that died with him in
battle fighting against Thebes. These men Æschylus has
described as only seven in number, though more must have
come from Argos and Messene and Arcadia. And near
these seven, (for the Argives also follow the description of
Æschylus), are the statues of those that took Thebes,
Ægialeus the son of Adrastus, and Promachus the son of
Parthenopæus the son of Talaus, and Polydorus the son of
Hippomedon, and Thersander, and Alcmæon and Amphilochus
the sons of Amphiaraus, and Diomede and Sthenelus:
also Euryalus the son of Mecisteus, and Adrastus and
Timeas, the sons of Polynices. And not far from these
statues is exhibited the sepulchre of Danaus, and a cenotaph
of the Argives whom fate seized in Ilium or on the journey
home. And there is here also a temple of Zeus Soter, at
a little distance from which is a building where the Argive
women bewail Adonis. And on the right hand of the
entrance a temple has been built to the river Cephisus:
the water of this river they say was not altogether dried
up by Poseidon, but flowed under ground on the site of
the temple. And near the temple of the Cephisus is a
head of the Medusa in stone: this also they say is the work
of the Cyclopes. And the place behind they call to this
day Judgement Hall, because they say that Hypermnestra
was put upon her trial there by Danaus. And not far distant
is a theatre: and in it among other things well worth
seeing is Perilaus the Argive, the son of Alcenor, slaying
Othryades the Spartan. Perilaus before this had had the
good luck to carry off the prize for wrestling in the Nemean
games. And beyond the theatre is a temple of Aphrodite,
in front of which is a statue of Telesilla the poetess on a
pillar: at her feet lie her volumes of poetry, and she herself
is looking at a helmet, which she holds in her hand
and is about to put on her head. This Telesilla was otherwise
remarkable among women, besides being honoured
for her poetic gifts. For when upon the Argives fell
disaster untold at the hands of Cleomenes (the son of
Anaxandrides) and the Lacedæmonians, and most of
them perished in the battle, and when all that fled for
refuge to the grove at Argos perished also, at first coming
out for quarter, but when they found that the promised
quarter was not granted, setting themselves and the grove
on fire together, then Cleomenes led the Lacedæmonians
to an Argos stript of men. Then it was that Telesilla
manned the walls with all the slaves who through youth or
age were reckoned unfit to carry arms, and herself getting
together all the arms which were left in the houses or the
temples, and mustering all the women in the prime of life,
armed them, and drew them up in battle array where she
knew the enemy would approach. And when the Lacedæmonians
came up, and the women so far from being dismayed
at their war cry received their attack stoutly, then
the Lacedæmonians considering that if they killed all the
women their victory would be discreditable, and if they
themselves were beaten their reverse would be disgraceful,
yielded to the women. Now the Pythian Priestess had
foretold this, and Herodotus, whether understanding the
oracle or not, had recorded it as follows.[22] “But when the
female conquering the male shall drive him out and win
fame for the Argives, then shall the god make many of
the Argive women wretched.” These words of the oracle
describe the action of the women.
CHAPTER XXI.
And as you descend from thence and turn to the market-place
you see the tomb of Cerdo, the wife of Phoroneus,
and the temple of Æsculapius. And the temple of
Artemis, under the name Persuasion, was erected also by
Hypermnestra, when she was victorious over her father
in the trial about Lynceus. There is also a brazen statue
of Æneas, and a place called Delta, but why it is called
Delta I purposely pass over, for I didn’t like the explanation.
And in front of it is a temple of Zeus Promoter of
Flight, and near it is the sepulchre of Hypermnestra the
mother of Amphiaraus, and the sepulchre of Hypermnestra
the daughter of Danaus, who lies in the same grave with
Lynceus. And opposite them is the tomb of Talaus the son
of Bias, about whom and his descendants I have spoken
already. And there is a temple of Athene under the name
of Trumpet, which they say Hegeleus built. This Hegeleus
they say was the son of Tyrsenus, who was the son of
Hercules and a Lydian woman, and Tyrsenus was the first
who invented the trumpet, and Hegeleus his son taught the
Dorians who followed Temenus the use of it, and that was
why he called Athene Trumpet. And before the temple of
Athene is they say the tomb of Epimenides: for the Lacedæmonians
when they fought against the Gnossians took
Epimenides alive, but killed him afterwards because he did
not prophesy auspiciously for them, and they say they
brought his remains, and buried them, here. And the
building of white stone, nearly in the middle of the market-place,
is not a trophy over Pyrrhus the king of Epirus,
as the Argives say, but a memorial that his body was burnt
here, inasmuch as elephants and all other things which he
used in battle are represented here. This was the building
for his funeral pyre: but his bones lie in the temple of
Demeter, where in my account of Attica I have shown
that he died. And at the entrance of this temple of
Demeter you may see his brazen shield hanging over the
door.
And not far from the building in the market-place of the
Argives is a mound of earth. They say the head of the
Gorgon Medusa lies under it. To omit fable, it has been
recorded of her that she was the daughter of Phorcus, and
that after the death of her father she ruled over the people
that live near the Tritonian marsh, and used to go out
hunting and led the Libyans in battle, and moreover resisted
with her army the power of Perseus, though picked men
followed him from the Peloponnese, but she was treacherously
slain by night, and Perseus, marvelling at her beauty
even after death, cut her head off and brought it home to
display to the Greeks. But Procles the Carthaginian, the
son of Eucrates, has another account more plausible than
this one. The desert of Libya produces monsters scarce
credible to those that hear of them, and there both wild men
and wild women are born: and Procles said he had seen one
of those wild men that had been taken to Rome. He conjectured
therefore that Medusa was a woman who had
wandered from them, and gone to the Tritonian marsh,
and illtreated the inhabitants till Perseus slew her: and
Athene he thought assisted Perseus in the work, because
the men in the neighbourhood of the Tritonian marsh
were sacred to her. And in Argos close to this monument
of the Gorgon is the tomb of the Gorgon-slayer Perseus.
Why she was called Gorgon is plain to the hearer at once.[23]
They say she was the first woman who ever married a second
husband, for she married one Œbalus, when her husband
Perieres the son of Æolus was dead, with whom she had
lived from her virginity. Previously it was customary for
women to remain widows if their husband died. And before
this tomb is a trophy erected in stone to the Argive
Laphaes, whom, according to the Argive tradition, the
people rose up against and expelled when he was king, and
when he fled to Sparta the Lacedæmonians endeavoured to
restore him, but the Argives being victorious in the battle
slew Laphaes and most of the Lacedæmonians. And not
far from this trophy is the temple of Leto, and a statue of
her by Praxiteles. And the figure near the goddess is the
maiden they call Chloris, who they say was the daughter of
Niobe, and was originally called Melibœa. And when the
children of Amphion and Niobe were slain by Apollo and
Artemis, she alone and Amyclas were saved alive, as they
supplicated Leto. But fear turned Melibœa so pale that
she remained so all the rest of her life, insomuch that her
name was changed from Melibœa into Chloris (pale). This
Chloris and Amyclas the Argives say built the original
temple of Leto. But I myself am of opinion, (for I lean
more than most people to the authority of Homer,) that
none of the children of Niobe survived. The following
line bears me out.
Homer therefore describes the whole family of Amphion
as cut off.
CHAPTER XXII.
Now the temple of Flowery Hera is on the right hand
of the temple of Leto, and in front of it is the tomb of
the women who fell in the fight between the Argives and
Perseus, and had marched with Dionysus from the islands
in the Ægean, and who were called Marines from that circumstance.
And right opposite the sepulchre of those
women is the temple of Demeter, surnamed Pelasgian because
Pelasgus the son of Triopas built it, and at no great
distance from the temple is Pelasgus’ tomb. And beyond
the tomb is a brazen shrine not very large, which contains
old statues of Artemis and Zeus and Athene. Lyceas in his
verses has represented it as a votive offering to Zeus the
Contriver, and said that the Argives who went on the expedition
to Ilium swore here that they would not give over fighting,
till they should either capture Ilium or be killed fighting
there. But others have said that the remains of Tantalus
are in that brazen shrine. I will not dispute that the Tantalus
who was the son of Thyestes or Broteus, (for both
traditions are current), who married Clytæmnestra before
Agamemnon, was buried here. But the Tantalus who was
said to be son of Zeus or Pluto was buried at Sipylus in a
very handsome tomb which I have myself seen. And moreover
there was no necessity for him to flee from Sipylus, as
happened afterwards to Pelops when Ilus the Phrygian
came against him with an army. But let the enquiry proceed
no further. As for the rites which take place at
the neighbouring trench, they say they were instituted by
Nicostratus, a man of those parts. To this day they place
in the trench lighted torches to Proserpine the daughter of
Demeter. There too is a temple of Poseidon under the
name of the Flood-god—for Poseidon flooded most of the
region, because Inachus and the other arbitrators decided
that the land was Hera’s and not his. But Hera afterwards
got Poseidon to draw the water off: and the Argives,
at the place where the stream retired, built a temple to
Poseidon the Flood-god. And as you go a little further is
the tomb of Argos, who was reputed to be the son of Zeus
and Niobe the daughter of Phoroneus: and next is the
temple of the Dioscuri. And there are statues of them and
their sons, Anaxis and Mnasinous, and with them their
mothers Hilaira and Phœbe, in black ebony wood, by
Dipœnus and Scyllis. Even the horses are mostly made of
ebony, though partly of ivory. And near this temple of the
Dioscuri is a temple of Ilithyia, the offering of Helen, when
Theseus went with Pirithous to Thesprotia, and Aphidna
was captured by the Dioscuri, and Helen was taken to Lacedæmon.
For they say she was pregnant by Theseus, and
bare a child in Argos and built this temple to Ilithyia, and
gave the child to Clytæmnestra, who was now the wife of
Agamemnon, and the child afterwards became the wife of
Menelaus. Euphorion the Chalcidian and Alexander the
Pleuronian have mentioned it in their poems, and still
earlier Stesichorus of Himera, and they say like the Argives
that Iphigenia was the daughter of Theseus by Helen.
And beyond the temple of Ilithyia is the temple of Hecate,
and the statue is the work of Scopas. It is of stone and
right opposite are two brazen statues of Hecate, one by
Polycletus, and the other by his brother Naucydes the son
of Mothon. And as you go straight for the gymnasium,
which is called Cylarabis after Cylarabus, the son of
Sthenelus, you come to the tomb of Licymnius the son of
Electryon. Homer says he was slain by Tleptolemus the
son of Hercules, who had to fly from Argos in consequence
of this murder. And, as you turn off a little towards
Cylarabis and the gate in this direction, is the sepulchre of
Sacadas, who was the first who played the Hymn to Apollo
at Delphi on the flute: and it seems the anger of Apollo
against flute-players (which he had in consequence of the
contest with Marsyas the Silenus) was appeased by this
Sacadas. In this gymnasium of Cylarabus is a bust of
Athene Capanea, and they show the tomb of Sthenelus, and
of Cylarabus himself. And not far from this gymnasium
is a monument to the Argives who sailed with the Athenians
to reduce Syracuse and Sicily.
CHAPTER XXIII.
As you go thence on the road called the Hollow Way,
there is on the right hand a temple of Dionysus: the
statue of the god they say came from Eubœa. For when the
Greeks returning from Ilium were shipwrecked at Caphareus,
those of the Argives who contrived to escape to
shore were in evil plight from cold and hunger. But when
they prayed that one of the gods would save them in
their present emergency, immediately as they went forward
they saw a cave of Dionysus, and a statue of the god in the
cave, and some wild goats that had taken refuge from the
cold were huddled together in it. These the Argives killed,
and eat their flesh, and used their skins for clothing. And
when the winter was over, they repaired their vessels and
sailed homewards, and took with them the wooden statue
from the cave, and worship it to this day. And very near
the temple of Dionysus you will see the house of Adrastus,
and at some distance from it the temple of Amphiaraus,
and beyond that the tomb of Eriphyle. And next these is
the shrine of Æsculapius, and close to it the temple of
Bato, who was of the family of Amphiaraus and one of the
Melampodidæ, and was Amphiaraus’ charioteer when he
went out to battle: and when the rout from Thebes came
about, the earth opened and swallowed up Amphiaraus and
the chariot and Bato all together. And as you return from
the Hollow Way you come to the reputed tomb of Hyrnetho.
If it is a cenotaph and merely in memory of her, their
account is probable enough, but if they say that the body
of Hyrnetho lies there I cannot believe them, but let him
believe them who knows nothing about Epidaurus. The
most famous of the temples of Æsculapius at Argos has a
statue still to be seen, Æsculapius seated, in white stone,
and next to him a statue of Hygiea. There are also seated
near them those who designed these statues, Xenophilus
and Strato. That temple was originally built by Sphyrus,
the son of Machaon, and the brother of the Alexanor who
has honours among the Sicyonians at Titane. And the
statue of Pheræan Artemis, (for the Argives worship
Pheræan Artemis as well as the Athenians and Sicyonians,)
was they say brought from Pheræ in Thessaly. But I
cannot agree with the Argives who say that they have at
Argos the tombs of Deianira the daughter of Œneus, and of
Helenus the son of Priam, and that they have the statue of
Athene that was carried away from Ilium, and whose loss
caused its fall. The Palladium, for that is its name, was
certainly carried by Æneas to Italy. As to Deianira, we
know she died at Trachis and not at Argos, and her tomb
is near that of Hercules on Mount Œta. And as to Helenus
the son of Priam, I have already shown that he went with
Pyrrhus the son of Achilles to Epirus, and married Andromache,
and was Regent for the sons of Pyrrhus, and that
Cestrine in Epirus took its name from his son Cestrinus.
Not that the Argive antiquarians are ignorant that all
their traditions are not true, still they utter them: for it is
not easy to get the mass of mankind to change their preconceived
opinions. There are other things at Argos worth
seeing, as the underground building, (in which is the
brazen chamber which Acrisius formerly got constructed
for the safe custody of his daughter, Perilaus deposed and
succeeded him,) and the tomb of Crotopus, and the temple
of Cretan Dionysus. For they say that Dionysus, after he
had warred with Perseus and got friendly again with him,
was highly honoured by the Argives in various respects,
and was given as a special honour this enclosure. And
afterwards it was called the temple of Cretan Dionysus,
because they buried Ariadne here. And Lyceas says that
when the temple was restored an earthenware cinerary urn
was found that contained the ashes of Ariadne: which he
said several Argives had seen. And near this temple of
Dionysus is the temple of Celestial Aphrodite.
CHAPTER XXIV.
And the citadel they call Larissa from the daughter of
Pelasgus, and from two cities of that name in Thessaly,
one on the coast, and one by the river Peneus. And
as you go up to the citadel there is a temple of Hera
Dwelling on the Heights, there is also a temple of Apollo,
which Pythæus, who first came from Delphi, is said to
have erected. The statue is of brass erect, and is called
Apollo of the Ridgeway, for the place is called Ridge.
Oracular responses, for there is an oracle there even to our
day, are given in the following manner. The prophetess is
debarred from marriage: and when a lamb is sacrificed
every month, she tastes of the blood and becomes possessed
by the god. And next to the temple of Apollo of the
Ridgeway is the temple of Athene called Sharp-eyed, the
votive offering of Diomede, because when he was fighting
at Ilium the goddess upon one occasion took a mist from
his eyes.[25] And close by is the race-course where they hold
the games to Nemean Zeus and to Hera. On the left of
the road to the citadel is a monument to the sons of
Ægyptus. Their heads are here apart from their bodies,
for the bodies are at Lerna where the murder of the young
men was perpetrated, and when they were dead their
wives cut their heads off, to show their father their desperate
deed. And on the summit of Larissa is the temple
of Larissæan Zeus, which has no roof to it: and the
statue, which is made of wood, stands no longer on its
base. And there is a temple of Athene well worth seeing.
There are several votive offerings there, and a wooden statue
of Zeus, with the usual two eyes, and a third in the forehead.
This Zeus they say was the tutelary god of Priam
the son of Laomedon, and was placed in his hall in the
open air, and when Ilium was taken by the Greeks, it was
to his altar that Priam fled for refuge. And when they
divided the spoil Sthenelus the son of Capaneus got it, and
placed it here. One might conjecture that the god has
three eyes for the following reason. That he reigns in
heaven is the universal tradition of all mankind. And that
he reigns also under the earth the line of Homer proves,
speaking of him as
“Zeus the lord of the under world, and dread Proserpine.”[26]
And Æschylus the son of Euphorion calls him also Zeus of
the sea. The sculptor therefore whoever he was represented
him with three eyes to denote that the god rules
in these three departments of the universe.
Among the roads from Argos to various parts of the
Peloponnese, is one to Tegea a town in Arcadia. On the
right of this road is the mountain Lycone, full of cypress
trees. And on the top of the mountain is a temple to
Orthian Artemis, and there are statues of Apollo and Leto
and Artemis in white stone; said to be by Polycletus. And
as you go down from the mountain there is on the left of
the road a temple of Artemis. And at a little distance on
the right is the mountain called Chaon. And underneath
it trees are planted, and manifestly here the Erasinus has
its rise: for a while it flows from Stymphalus in Arcadia,
as the Rheti flow from Euripus to Eleusis and so to the
sea. And where the river Erasinus gushes out on the
mountain-side they sacrifice to Dionysus and Pan, and keep
the feast of Dionysus called Medley. And as you return
to the Tegean road, you come to Cenchreæ on the right
of what is called Trochus. Why it was called Cenchreæ
they do not tell us, except the name came from Cenchreus
the son of Pirene. There is here a general tomb of the
Argives who conquered the Lacedæmonians in battle near
Hysiæ. I ascertained that this battle was fought when
Pisistratus was ruler at Athens, and in the 4th year of the
Olympiad in which Eurybotus the Athenian won the prize
in the course. And as you descend to the plain are the
ruins of the town Hysiæ in Argolis, and here they say the
reverse happened to the Lacedæmonians.
CHAPTER XXV.
The road to Mantinea from Argos is not the same as
the road to Tegea, but you start from the gates near
the ridge. And on this road there is a temple with a double
entrance, one facing west, another east. At the east end
is a wooden statue of Aphrodite, at the west one of Ares.
These statues are they say votive offerings of Polynices and
the Argives who were associated with him in his expedition.
And as you go on from thence after crossing the
winter torrent called Ravine you come to Œnoe, which
gets its name (so the Argives say) from Œneus, who was
king in Ætolia, and expelled they say from his kingdom
by the sons of Agrius, and went to Argos to Diomede.
And he helped him somewhat by leading an army into
Calydonia, but he couldn’t he said stay there: but recommended
him if he liked to accompany him to Argos. And
when he went there, he treated him in all respects well, as
one would expect a person to treat his grandfather, and
when he died he buried him here. The place got called
Œnoe by the Argives after him. And above Œnoe is the
Mountain Artemisium, and a temple of Artemis on the top
of the mountain. And on this mountain are the sources
of the Inachus: for it has its rise here, though it flows
underground for some way. There is nothing else to see
here.
And another road from the gates near the Ridge goes to
Lyrceia. This is the place to which Lynceus alone of all
the 50 brothers is said to have escaped, and when he got
there safe, he held up a lighted torch there. For it was no
doubt agreed between Hypermnestra and him that he should
do so as a signal, if he should escape from Danaus and get
to a place of safety. And she also they say kindled another
at Larissa, manifestly to show that she too was in no
danger. And in memory of this the Argives every year
have a torch procession. And in those days the place was
called Lynceia, but afterwards, because Lyrcus an illegitimate
son of Abas lived there, it got the name Lyrceia from
him. There is nothing very notable among the ruins but
the effigy of Lyrcus on a pillar. From Lyrceia to Argos
is about 60 stades, and it is about the same distance
from Lyrceia to Orneæ. Homer has made no mention of
Lyrceia in his catalogue, as the city was already depopulated
at the time of the expedition to Ilium: but Orneæ,
which was still inhabited, Homer[27] has recorded before
Phlius and Sicyon, according to its geographical situation
in Argolis. And it got its name from Orneus the son of
Erechtheus: and this Orneus had a son Peteos, and he had
a son Menestheus, who aided Agamemnon with a force from
Athens to put down the dominion of Priam. From Orneus
then the city got its name, and the Argives afterwards dispossessed
the people of Orneæ; and when they were dispossessed
they were naturalized among the Argives. And
there is at Orneæ a temple of Artemis, and a wooden statue
of the goddess in an erect posture, and another temple to
all the gods in common. And beyond Orneæ are Sicyonia
and Phliasia.
And as you go from Argos to the district of Epidaurus
there is a building on the right hand like a pyramid, with
some Argolic shields worked on it as a design. Here
Prœtus fought with Acrisius for the supremacy, and their
contest was they say drawn, and they had a peace afterwards,
as neither of them could conquer the other. And
they say that they engaged first with shields, and then they
and the army on both sides in full armour. And those
who fell on both sides, as they were fellow citizens and
kinsmen, had one tomb and monument in common. And
as you go on from thence and turn to the right you come
to the ruins of Tiryns. And the Argives dispossessed the
inhabitants of Tiryns, wishing to take them in as settlers to
aggrandize Argos. And they say the hero Tiryns, from
whom the city got its name, was the son of Argus the son
of Zeus. And the walls of the city, which are the only
ruins left, are the work of the Cyclopes made of rude stones,
each stone of so gigantic a size that the smallest of them
could hardly be moved by a pair of mules. And in ancient
times small stones were inserted so as to dovetail in with
the large stones. And as you go down to the sea, are the
chambers of the daughters of Prœtus. And when you
return to the high road you will come to Midea on the left.
They say that Electryon the father of Alcmena was king of
Midea. But now nothing is left of Midea but the site. And
on the direct road to Epidaurus is the village Lessa, and
there is a temple of Athene in it, and a wooden statue very
similar to that in the citadel at Larissa. And above Lessa
is the Mountain Arachnæum, which in old times in the days
of Inachus had the name of Sapyselaton. And there are
altars on it to Zeus and Hera. They sacrifice to these gods
here when there is a deficiency of rain.
CHAPTER XXVI.
And near Lessa is Epidaurus in Argolis, and before you
get to the town itself, you will come to the temple of
Æsculapius. I do not know who dwelt in this place before
Epidaurus came to it: nor could I learn from any of the
people of the neighbourhood anything about his descendants.
But the last king they say before the Dorians came
to the Peloponnese was Pityreus, the descendant of Ion the
son of Xuthus. He they say gave up the land without
fighting for it to Deiphontes and the Argives: and retired
to Athens with his subjects and dwelt there, and Deiphontes
and the Argives who espoused his cause occupied
Epidauria. For there was a split among the Argives at the
death of Temenus, Deiphontes and Hyrnetho being hostile
to the sons of Temenus, and the army with them favouring
Deiphontes and Hyrnetho more than Cisus and his brothers.
Epidaurus, from whom the country got its name, was, as
the people of Elis say, the son of Pelops: but according to
the opinion of the Argives, and the poem of Hesiod called
The Great EϾ, the father of Epidaurus was Argus the
son of Zeus. But the Epidaurians make Epidaurus the
son of Apollo. And the district was generally held sacred
to Æsculapius for the following reason. The Epidaurians
say that Phlegyas came to the Peloponnese on the pretext
of seeing the country, but really to spy out the population,
and see if the number of fighting men was large. For
Phlegyas was the greatest warrior of that day, and, whoever
he attacked, used to carry off their corn and fruit and
booty of all kinds. But when he came to the Peloponnese
his daughter followed him, who though her father knew
it not was with child by Apollo. And when she bore
her child on Epidaurian soil, she exposed it on the
mountain called in our day Titthion, but which was then
called Myrgion. And as he was exposed there one of the
she-goats feeding on the mountain gave him milk, and the
watch-dog of the flock guarded him. And Aresthanas, for
that was the name of the goat-herd, when he found the
number of the goats not tallying and that the dog was also
absent from the flock, went in search everywhere, and
when he saw the child desired to take him away, but when
he got near saw lightning shining from the child, and
thinking there was something divine in all this, as indeed
there was, he turned away. And it was forthwith noised
abroad about the lad both by land and sea that he could
heal sicknesses, and raise the dead. There is also another
tradition told of him, that Coronis, when pregnant with
Æsculapius, lay with Ischys the son of Elatus, and that
she was put to death by Artemis who thus punished her
unfaithfulness to Apollo, and when the funeral pyre was
already lighted Hermes is said to have plucked the child
from the flame. And a third tradition is as it seems to me
the least likely of all, which makes Æsculapius the son of
Arsinoe, the daughter of Leucippus. For when Apollophanes
the Arcadian went to Delphi and enquired of the
god, whether Æsculapius was the son of Arsinoe and a
citizen at Messene, Apollo answered from his oracle, “O
Æsculapius, that art born a great joy to all mortals,
whom lovely Coronis, the daughter of Phlegyas, bare to
me the child of love, at rocky Epidaurus.” This oracular
response shows plainly that Æsculapius was not the son of
Arsinoe, but that Hesiod, or somebody that interpolated
Hesiod, inserted that legend to please the people of Messene.
And this too bears me out that Æsculapius was
born at Epidaurus, that his worship is derived from
thence. For the Athenians call the day on which they
worship Æsculapius Epidauria, and they say the god is
worshipped by them from Epidaurus; and also Archias the
son of Aristæchmus, being healed in Epidauria of a convulsion
that seized him when he was hunting near Pindasus,
introduced the worship of the god at Pergamum.
And from the people of Pergamum it passed in our time
to the people of Smyrna. And at Balagræ amongst the
Cyrenæans the Epidaurian Æsculapius is called Doctor.
And from the Cyrenæans Æsculapius got worshipped in
Labene among the Cretans. And there is this difference
between the Cyrenæan and Epidaurian customs of worshipping
Æsculapius, that the former sacrifice goats,
which is not customary with the latter. And I find that
Æsculapius was considered as a god from the beginning,
and not merely as he got fame as time went on, from other
proofs, and the testimony of Homer in what Agamemnon
says about Machaon,
“Talthybius, call here as quickly as possible Machaon the mortal,
the son of Æsculapius,”
The sacred grove of Æsculapius is walled in on all
sides: nor do any deaths or births take place in the
precincts of the god, just as is the case at the island
Delos. And the sacrifices, whether any native of Epidaurus
or stranger be the sacrificer, they consume in the
precincts. The same I know happens at Titane. And
the statue of Æsculapius is in size half that of Olympian
Zeus at Athens, and is made of ivory and gold: and the
inscription shows that it was by the Parian Thrasymede
the son of Arignotus. The god sits on a seat holding a
staff in one hand, and the other hand he has on a
dragon’s head, and a dog is seated at his feet. And on
the seat are represented the actions of Argive heroes, as
Bellerophon killing the Chimæra, and Perseus with the
head of Medusa. And beyond the temple is a sleeping-place
for suppliants. And a round building has been
built near well worth seeing, of white stone, called the
Rotunda. And in it there is a painting by Pausias of Cupid
throwing away his bow and arrows and taking up a lyre
instead. There is also here a painting of Drunkenness, also
by Pausias, drinking out of a glass bowl. You may see in
the painting the glass bowl and in it a woman’s face reflected.
And six pillars to this day stand in the precincts,
but in old time there were more. On these are recorded
the names of men and women healed by Æsculapius, and
the complaint from which each suffered, and how they were
cured, written in Doric. And apart from the rest is an
ancient pillar, which states that Hippolytus offered 20
horses to the god. And the people of Aricia have a tradition
corresponding to the inscription on this pillar, that,
when Hippolytus died in consequence of the imprecations
of Theseus, Æsculapius restored him to life again: and
when he came to life again, he refused to pardon his
father, and disregarding his entreaties went into Italy to
the people of Aricia, and there became king and built a
temple to Artemis, where in my time the prize for victory
in single combat was to become the priest of the goddess.
But the contest was not for freemen, but for slaves who
had run away from their masters. And the Epidaurians
have a theatre in their temple, especially well worth seeing
in my opinion: for the Roman theatres beat all in the world
in magnificence, and for size the Arcadian theatre at Megalopolis
carries the day: but for beauty of proportion what
architect could compete with Polycletus? And Polycletus
it was that designed this theatre and round building.
And within the grove there is a temple of Artemis, and a
statue of Epione, and a temple of Aphrodite and Themis,
and a stadium, as generally among the Greeks, consisting
of a mound of earth, and a fountain well worth seeing
for its roof and other decoration. And Antonine the
Senator constructed in our days a bath of Æsculapius, and
a temple of the gods they call the Bountiful Gods. He
built also a temple for Hygiea and for Æsculapius and
for Apollo under the title of Egyptian gods. He restored
also Cotys’ porch for the roof had fallen in and it
had all come to ruin as it had been built of unbaked brick.
And the Epidaurians who lived near the temple were especially
unfortunate, for their women might not bear children
under a roof but only in the open air. But Antonine set
this right and erected a building where it was lawful
both to die and bear children. And there are two mountains
above the grove, one called Titthion and the other
Cynortion, and on the latter a temple to Maleatian Apollo.
The building is ancient, but everything else in connection
with the temple, as the reservoir e.g. in which rainwater
is stored up, was put there by Antonine for the benefit of
the Epidaurians.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
Now all kinds of dragons, and especially those which
incline to tawny in colour, are considered sacred
to Æsculapius, and are tame, and the Epidaurian country
alone breeds them. I find similar phenomena in other
countries. Thus Libya alone breeds land crocodiles no
smaller than two cubits, and from India alone come parrots
and other birds. For the great snakes in size as big as 30
cubits, which are produced in India and in Libya, the Epidaurians
say are not dragons but another species altogether.
And as you ascend the mountain called Coryphon there is
an olive tree called Twisted, its having been so moulded by
Hercules’ hand is the origin of the name. I can hardly
believe that he meant this for a boundary for the Asinæi in
Argolis, for as the country on both sides lies waste one
could find no clear boundary here. And on the top of the
mountain Coryphon is the temple of Artemis, which Telesilla
has mentioned in a poem. And as you go down to
the city of the Epidaurians is a place, called Hyrnethium,
full of wild olives that grow there. I shall record the
Epidaurian tradition and the probable truth. Cisus and
the other sons of Temenus knew that they would greatly
vex Deiphontes, if they could by any means get Hyrnetho
from him. Cerynes and Phalces therefore went alone
to Epidaurus: for Argæeus the youngest did not approve
of their plot. And they leaving their travelling carriage
near the walls sent a messenger to their sister, wishing
they said to have a conversation with her. And when
she complied with their invitation, the young men at
once brought various charges against Deiphontes, and
begged her earnestly to return to Argos, making various
promises, and that they would give her in marriage to a
man in every respect better than Deiphontes, to the ruler
of a larger population and a more fertile country. And
Hyrnetho vexed at their words gave them back as good as
they brought, and said that Deiphontes was acceptable to
her as a husband, and that to be Temenus’ son in law was
not to be despised, but they ought to be called rather
Temenus’ murderers than his sons. And they made no
reply to her, but took hold of her, put her into the travelling
carriage, and drove off. And an Epidaurian took the
news to Deiphontes that Cerynes and Phalces had gone off
with Hyrnetho against her will. And he came to the rescue
with all speed, and the Epidaurians when they heard what
the matter was came to the rescue with him. And Deiphontes
when he came up with Cerynes shot at him and
killed him with an arrow, but as Phalces was close to
Hyrnetho he did not dare to shoot at him, lest he should
miss him and kill her, but he closed with him and endeavoured
to get her away. But Phalces resisting and pulling
Hyrnetho too violently killed her, for she was pregnant.
And he perceiving what he had done to his sister, drove
the travelling carriage at full speed, hastening to be off
before the Epidaurians could come up: and Deiphontes
with his sons (for he had had by Hyrnetho Antimenes and
Xanthippus and Argeus, and one daughter Orsobia, who
afterwards married Pamphylus the son of Ægimius), took
the dead body of Hyrnetho and conveyed it to the place
which is now called Hyrnethium. And they built a
chapel to her memory and paid her other honours, and
with regard to the olive trees that grow in her grove, or
any other trees there, it is an established custom that
no one should break pieces of them off and carry them
away, nor use them for any purpose, but leave them intact
as sacred to Hyrnetho. And not far from the city is the
sepulchre of Melissa, who was the wife of Periander the
son of Cypselus, and the sepulchre of Proclees the father
of Melissa. And he was king at Epidaurus, as his son in
law Periander was at Corinth.
CHAPTER XXIX.
Epidaurus has the following things most worthy of
record. There is a temple of Æsculapius, and statues
of Æsculapius and Epione, who they say was his wife.
These are in the open air, and are of Parian marble. And
there are temples of Dionysus and Artemis, the latter as a
Huntress. There is a temple also built to Aphrodite: and
near the harbour on the cliff jutting out into the sea is they
say one of Hera. And the Athene in the citadel, a wooden
statue well worth seeing, they call Cissæan Athene.
The Æginetans inhabit the island opposite Epidauria.
And they say there were no inhabitants there originally,
but Zeus having taken Ægina the daughter of Asopus
there to that desert island, it was called Ægina after her
instead of its old name Œnone, and when Æacus was
grown up he asked of Zeus for settlers, and then they say
that Zeus produced men from the soil. And they can tell
of no king reigning there but Æacus, for we know of none
of the sons of Æacus continuing there, for Peleus and Telamon
had to flee for the murder of Phocus, and the sons of
Phocus again dwelt near Parnassus in what is now called
Phocis. And the name Phocis was given to the district
when Phocus of the family of Ornytion first came to it.
In the days of this Phocus the country near Tithorea and
Parnassus was called Phocis: but in the days of Æacus
the name Phocis included everybody from Minyæ near
Orchomenus to Scarphea in Locris. And Peleus’ sons
were kings in Epirus, and of Telamon’s sons the family of
Ajax was rather obscure (as he lived in a retired way
privately), except Miltiades, who led the Athenians at
Marathon, and his son Cimon, both of whom were exceedingly
illustrious. And the descendants of Teucer were
kings of Cyprus down to Evagoras. And according to the
poet Asius Phocus’ sons were Panopeus and Crisus: and
the son of Panopeus was Epeus, who according to Homer
was the contriver of the wooden horse, and the grandson of
Crisus was Pylades, the son of Strophius, the son of Crisus
by Anaxibia the daughter of Agamemnon. Such is the
pedigree of the so-called Æacidæ, but they branched off
from the beginning into other directions. And in after
time a part of the Argives that had occupied Epidaurus
with Deiphontes crossed over to Ægina, and, mixing
among the old settlers at Ægina, introduced into the island
the Doric language and manners. And the Æginetans
became a great power, so that they were even a greater
naval power than the Athenians, and in the Persian War
furnished the greatest number of vessels next to the
Athenians, but their prosperity did not last, for they were
turned out of Ægina by the Athenians, and went and
dwelt at Thyrea in Argolis, which the Lacedæmonians gave
them. They recovered Ægina indeed, when the Athenian
triremes were captured at the Hellespont, but never regained
their former wealth and power. Of all the Greek
islands Ægina is the most difficult of access. For there
are rocks under the sea all round it, and sunken reefs.
And they say that Æacus contrived this on purpose from
fear of pirates, and that he might not be exposed to
enemies. And near the chief harbour is a temple of
Aphrodite, and in the most conspicuous part of the city
what is called the Hall of Æacus, a square court of
white stone: at the entrance of which are statues of the
envoys who were sent by the Greeks to Æacus. All
give the same account of this as the Æginetans. A
drought for some time afflicted Greece, and there was no
rain either beyond the Isthmus or in the Peloponnese,
until they sent messengers to Delphi, to enquire the cause,
and at the same time to beg to be rid of the evil. The
Pythian Priestess told them to propitiate Zeus, and that,
if he was to listen to them, Æacus must be the suppliant.
Accordingly they sent envoys from every city to beg
Æacus to do so. And he offered sacrifices and prayers to
Pan-Hellenian Zeus and caused rain to come on the earth:
and the Æginetans made these effigies of all the envoys
that had come to him. And within the precincts are some
olive trees planted a long time ago, and an altar not much
higher than the ground, which it is secretly whispered is
a memorial of Æacus. And near the Hall of Æacus is
the tomb of Phocus, a mound of earth with a base in the
shape of a circle, and on it is a rough stone: and when
Telamon and Peleus invited Phocus to the contest of the
pentathlum, and it was Peleus’ turn to throw the stone,
which served them for a quoit, he purposely threw it at
Phocus and hit him. And in this they gratified their mother,
for they were the sons of Endeis the daughter of Sciron,
and Phocus was the son of her sister Thetis, if the Greeks
speak the truth. And Pylades appears to me for this
reason, and not merely in friendship to Orestes, to have
contrived the death of Neoptolemus. But when Phocus
was struck by the quoit and fell down dead, then the sons
of Endeis got on board ship and fled. And Telamon later
on sent a messenger, and endeavoured to clear himself of
having contrived the death of Phocus. But Æacus would
not let him land on the island, but bade him if he liked
pile up a mole in the sea and make his defence there.
Accordingly he sailed to the harbour called Secret, and by
night produced a mole, which remains to this day. And
being pronounced guilty of the death of Phocus he sailed
back again to Salamis. And not far from this harbour
Secret is a theatre well worth seeing, in size and workmanship
very similar to the one at Epidaurus. And behind it
is built one side of a stadium, upholding the theatre and
serving as a prop for it.
CHAPTER XXX.
And near one another are temples of Apollo, and Artemis,
and Dionysus. The wooden statue of Apollo is
naked and of native art, but Artemis and Dionysus are
draped, and Dionysus is represented with a beard. But
the temple of Æsculapius is on the other side and not here,
and the statue of stone, seated. And of all the gods the
people of Ægina honour Hecate most, and celebrate her
rites annually, saying that Orpheus the Thracian introduced
those rites. And within the precincts is a temple,
containing a wooden statue of Hecate by Myron, with only
one head and one body. Alcamenes as it seems to me was
the first who made the statue of Hecate with three heads and
three bodies which the Athenians call Hecate Epipurgidia:
it stands near the temple of Wingless Victory. And in
Ægina as you go to the mountain of Pan-Hellenian Zeus is
the temple of Aphæa, about whom Pindar wrote an ode for
the Æginetans. And the Cretans say, (for her worship
is indigenous among them too), that Eubulus was the son
of that Carmanor who purged Apollo of the murder of
Python, and that Britomartis was the daughter of Zeus
by Carme the daughter of Eubulus: and that she rejoiced
in races and hunting, and was a very great friend of
Artemis. And fleeing from Minos, who was enamoured of
her, she threw herself into some nets set for catching
fish. Artemis made her a goddess, and she is worshipped
not only by the Cretans but also by the Æginetans, who
say that Britomartis was seen in their island. And she is
called Aphæa in Ægina, but Dictynna in Crete. And the
mountain Pan-Hellenium has nothing of note but the
temple of Zeus, which they say Æacus erected. As to
what concerns Auxesia and Lamia, how there was no
rain at Epidaurus, and how after receiving olive trees from
Athens they made wooden statues according to the bidding
of the oracle, and how the Epidaurians did not pay
to the Athenians their charge for the Æginetans having
these statues, and how the Athenians who crossed over to
Ægina to exact payment perished, all this has been told
accurately and circumstantially by Herodotus. I do not
therefore care to write again what has been so well told before,
but this much I may say that I have seen the statues
and sacrificed to them as they are accustomed to sacrifice at
Eleusis.
Let so much suffice for Ægina, and Æacus and his exploits.
And next to Epidauria come the people of Trœzen,
who are proud of their country if any people are. And
they say that Orus was a native of their country. To me
however the name Orus seems decidedly Egyptian and not
at all Greek. However they say he was their king, and
that the country was called Oræa after him, and Althepus
the son of Poseidon by Leis the daughter of Orus, succeeding
to Orus, called the country Althepia. When he
was king they say that Athene and Poseidon had a dispute
about the country, and resolved to hold it in common,
for so Zeus ordered them to do. And so they worship
Athene under the names Polias and Sthenias, and Poseidon
under the name of king. And so their ancient coins have
on them a trident and the head of Athene. And next to
Althepus Saron was king, who they say built the temple
to Saronian Artemis near the sea where it was muddy
on the surface, insomuch that it was called the Phœbæan
marsh. And it chanced that Saron, who was very fond
of hunting, was pursuing a stag and followed it to the
sea as it fled. And it swam further and further from the
land, and Saron continued to follow it up, till in his impetuosity
he got out to open sea, and, as he was by now
tired, and the waves were too much for him, he was
drowned. And his dead body was cast on shore on the
Phœbæan marsh, and they buried him in the grove of
Artemis, and they call the sea here after him the Saronian
marsh instead of the Phœbæan. The names of the kings
that followed him they do not know till Hyperes and
Anthas, who they say were the sons of Poseidon by
Alcyone the daughter of Atlas, and built the cities in that
country called Hyperea and Anthea. And Aetius the son
of Anthas, succeeding his father and uncle in the kingdom,
called one of these two cities Poseidonias. And
when Trœzen and Pittheus joined Aetius, there were three
kings instead of one, and the sons of Pelops were the
stronger. And this proves it. After the death of Trœzen
Pittheus joined together Hyperea and Anthea, and combined
the inhabitants into one city, which he called Trœzen
from the name of his brother. And many years afterwards
the descendants of Aetius, the son of Anthas, were sent on a
colony from Trœzen, and colonized Halicarnassus in Caria,
and Myndus. And the sons of Trœzen, Anaphlystus and
Sphettus, migrated to Attica, and gave their names to two
townships. And as regards Theseus the son of Pittheus’
daughter I do not write to people who know all the history.
But I must narrate thus much. When the Heraclidæ returned
to the Peloponnese the people of Trœzen received as
colonists the Dorians from Argos, having been formerly
subject to the Argives. And Homer in his catalogue says
that they were under the rule of Diomede. Diomede at
least and Euryalus the son of Mecisteus, who were Regents
for Cyanippus the son of Ægialeus, led the Argives to
Troy. But Sthenelus, as I have shown before, was of more
illustrious birth, being of the family of the Anaxagoridæ,
and the kingdom of the Argives was more his by right.
Such are all the historical details about Trœzen, except a
list of the cities which are said to have been colonized
from Trœzen. I will now describe the contents of the
temples and other notable things in Trœzen.
CHAPTER XXXI.
In the market-place is a temple, and statues, of Artemis
the Saviour. And it is said that Theseus built it and
called her Saviour, when he returned from Crete after
having killed Asterion the son of Minos. This seems to
me to have been the most notable of all his exploits, not
so much because Asterion excelled in bravery all who were
killed by Theseus, but because he escaped the hidden
snares of the labyrinth, and all this makes it clear that
Theseus and his companions were saved by providence. In
this temple are altars of the gods said to rule in the lower
world: and they say that Semele was brought here from
Hades by Dionysus, and that Hercules brought Cerberus
here from Hades. But I do not think that Semele died
at all, as she was the wife of Zeus: and as to Cerberus I
shall elsewhere tell what I think.
And behind the temple there is a monument of Pittheus,
and three seats are on it of white stone: and Pittheus and
two others with him are said to be giving sentence on these
seats. And at no great distance is a temple of the Muses,
built they say by Ardalus, the son of Hephæstus: who they
think discovered the use of the flute, and so they call the
Muses Ardalian after him. Here they say Pittheus taught
the art of language, and I have myself read a book
written by Pittheus, that was given me by an Epidaurian.
And not far from, the temple of the Muses is an
ancient altar, erected as they say also by Ardalus. And
they sacrifice on it to the Muses and Sleep, saying that
Sleep is the god most friendly to the Muses. And near
the theatre is a temple of Lycean Artemis, which Hippolytus
built. Why the goddess was so called I could not find
from the antiquarians, but it seems to me it was either because
Hippolytus drove out the wolves that ravaged
Trœzen and the neighbourhood, or that it was a title of
Artemis among the Amazons, of whom his mother was
one. Or there may be some other explanation which I
do not know. And the stone in front of the temple called
the holy stone was they say the stone on which formerly
the 9 men of Trœzen cleared Orestes of the murder of
his mother. And not far from the temple of Lycean
Artemis are altars at no great distance from one another.
The first of them is one of Dionysus, called Saviour in
accordance with some oracle, and the second is called
Themidon, Pittheus dedicated it they say. And they very
likely built an altar to the Sun the Liberator when they
escaped the slavery of Xerxes and the Persians. And they
say Pittheus built the temple of Thearian Apollo, which is
the oldest of all I know. There is indeed an old temple
of Athene among the Phocians in Ionia, which Harpagus
the Persian burnt, old also is the temple of Pythian Apollo
among the Samians, but far later are both than this one at
Trœzen. And the statue of the god is still to be seen, the
votive offering of Auliscus, and the design of Hermon of
Trœzen, who also made wooden statues of the Dioscuri.
And there are also in the porch in the market-place stone
statues of the women and children whom the Athenians
committed to the charge of the people of Trœzen, when
they resolved to leave Athens, and not to encounter the
attack of the Mede with a land force. And they are said
to have put here statues not of all those women, for they
are not many here, but only of those who were especially
remarkable for merit. And there is a building in front of
the temple of Apollo, called the tent of Orestes. For
before he was cleared of his mother’s blood, none of the
people of Trœzen would receive him in their houses: but
they put him here and gradually cleared him and fed him
here, till the expiatory rites were completed. And to this
day the descendants of those that cleared him feast here on
appointed days. And the expiations having been buried
not far from this tent, they say a laurel sprang up from
them, which is still to be seen in front of the tent. And
they say that Orestes among other purgations used water
from Hippocrene. For the people of Trœzen have a well
called Hippocrene, and the tradition about it is the same
as the Bœotian tradition. For they too say that water
sprang up from the ground when Pegasus touched the
ground with his hoof, and that Bellerophon came to
Trœzen to ask for Æthra as his wife from Pittheus, but it
so chanced that before the marriage came off he fled from
Corinth.
And there is here a statue of Hermes called Polygius,
and they say Hercules offered his club to it, and the club
was of wild olive, and, (believe it who will,) sprouted in
the earth and grew, and is now a tree, for Hercules they
say discovered the wild olive in the Saronian marsh and
cut a club of it. There is also a temple of Zeus Soter,
built they say by King Aetius the son of Anthas. And
they call their river Chrysorrhoe (golden stream), for when
there was a drought in the land and no rain for nine
years, and all other water they say dried up, this Chrysorrhoe
continued to flow as usual.
CHAPTER XXXII.
And Hippolytus the son of Theseus has precincts and
a temple in them and ancient statue. Diomede they
say erected all these, and was the first to sacrifice to
Hippolytus: and the people of Trœzen have a priest of
Hippolytus who serves for life, and they have yearly
sacrifices, and the following custom. Every maiden cuts
off a lock of her hair before marriage, and takes it and
offers it at this temple. And they don’t represent Hippolytus
as having died through being torn in pieces by his
horses, nor do they point out his tomb if they know it:
but they try to make out that Hippolytus is called in
heaven the Charioteer, and has this honour from the gods.
And within his precincts is the temple of Apollo Epibaterius,
the votive offering of Diomede when he escaped the
storm which fell on the Greeks as they were returning from
Ilium: they say also that Diomede first established the
Pythian games in honour of Apollo. And as to Lamia
and Auxesia (for they also have their share of honour)
the people of Trœzen do not give the same account as the
Epidaurians and Æginetans, but say that they were virgins
who came from Crete, and in a general commotion in the
city were stoned by one of the rival factions, and they
have a festival to them called Stonethrowing. And in
another part of the precincts is what is called Hippolytus’
race-course, and overlooking it a temple of Peeping Aphrodite:
where, when Hippolytus was training, Phædra would
gaze at him in her love. Here too grows the myrtle with
the leaves pricked, as I described before: for when Phædra
was in despair and found no relief for her love-pains, she
wreaked her agony on the leaves of the myrtle. And
Phædra’s tomb is here, not very far from the monument of
Hippolytus, or that myrtle tree. And there is a statue of
Æsculapius by Timotheus, but the people of Trœzen say it
is not Æsculapius but Hippolytus. I saw also the house of
Hippolytus, and in front of it is what is called the Well of
Hercules, the water (as the people of Trœzen say) which
Hercules discovered. And in the citadel there is a temple
of Athene Sthenias, the wooden statue of the goddess is
by Callon of Ægina; who was the pupil of Tectæus and
Angelion, who designed the statue of Apollo at Delos; and
they were pupils of Dipœnus and Scyllis. And as you go
down from thence you come to the temple of Pan the
Deliverer, for he shewed dreams to the chief people of the
Trœzenians which brought about deliverance from the
plague, which pressed so hard on the Athenians. And in
the environs of Trœzen you will see a temple of Isis, and
above it one of Aphrodite of the Height: the temple
the Halicarnassians built for Trœzen their mother city;
but the statue of Isis was a votive offering of the people of
Trœzen.
As you go along the mountains to Hermione you see the
source of the river Hyllicus, which was originally called
Taurius, and a rock called Theseus’ rock, which used in
former times to be called the altar of Sthenian Zeus, but
had its name changed to Theseus’ rock because Theseus
found under it the shoes and sword of Ægeus. And near
this rock is the temple of Bridal Aphrodite, which was
built by Theseus when he married Helen. And outside the
walls is a temple of Fruit-giving Poseidon: for they say
that Poseidon in wrath threatened to make their land
fruitless, by casting brine on the seeds and roots of their
plants, till mollified by their sacrifices and prayers he sent
brine on their land no longer. And above the temple of
Poseidon is Law-giving Demeter, which was built they
say by Althepus. And as you descend to the harbour
near what is called Celenderis, is the place which they call
Natal-place, because they say Theseus was born there. And
in front of this place is a temple of Ares on the spot where
Theseus conquered the Amazons in battle: they must have
been some of that band who fought in Attica with Theseus
and the Athenians. And as you go towards the Psiphæan
sea there is a wild olive tree called twisted Rhachus. The
people of Trœzen give that name to every kind of olive
that bears no fruit, whether its general name is
κοτινός,
or φυλίας,
or ἔλαιος.
And they call it twisted because,
the reins catching in it, the chariot of Hippolytus got overturned.
And at no great distance from this is the temple
of Saronian Artemis, about which I have already given an
account. But this much more shall be stated, that they
keep an annual feast called Saronia to Artemis.
CHAPTER XXXIII.
Of the islands near Trœzen one is so close to the mainland,
that you can wade over to it at low water. It
was called Sphæria in former days, and Sacred for the
following reason. It contains the tomb of Sphærus, who
they say was the charioteer of Pelops. He had a dream from
Athene, that Æthra crossed over into the island with offerings
for the dead, and when she crossed over there ’tis said
that Poseidon had an intrigue with her. Accordingly
Æthra built a temple here to Injurious Athene, and called
the island Sacred instead of Sphæria: she also imposed the
custom on the maidens of Trœzen that they should before
marriage dedicate their maiden-girdle to Injurious Athene.
And they say the island Calaurea was in ancient days
sacred to Apollo, when Delphi belonged to Poseidon, it is
also said that they exchanged these places with one another.
And they produce in support of their statement the following
oracle,
“It is all one whether you dwell at Delos or Calaurea
At sacred Pytho or the wind-swept Tænarus.”
There is also at Calaurea a sacred temple to Poseidon, and
the priestess is a maiden till the period for marriage. And
within the precincts is the tomb of Demosthenes. Fortune
seems to have shown especial malignity to Demosthenes
as earlier to Homer, since Homer was not only blind but
overwhelmed by such poverty that he was a strolling beggar
on every soil, and Demosthenes in his old age had to taste
the bitterness of exile, and came to a violent end. Much
has been said about Demosthenes by others and by himself,
by which it is clear that he had no share in the money
which Harpalus brought from Asia, but what was said
afterwards I will relate. Harpalus, after having fled from
Athens and crossed over with the fleet to Crete, was murdered
not long afterwards by some of his attendant slaves:
but some say he was treacherously murdered by the Macedonian
Pausanias. And the dispenser of the money fled
to Rhodes, and was arrested by Philoxenus the Macedonian,
who had also demanded the extradition of Harpalus from
the Athenians. And getting this lad he cross-questioned
him, until he obtained full intelligence of those who had
had any money from Harpalus: and when he ascertained
their names he sent letters to Athens. Although in those
letters he enumerated the names of those who had had any
money from Harpalus, and the precise sum which each of
them had, he made no mention whatever of Demosthenes,
though he was most bitterly hated by Alexander, and
although Philoxenus himself was privately his enemy.
Demosthenes had honours paid to him in other parts of
Greece also as well as by the inhabitants of Calaurea.
CHAPTER XXXIV.
In the Trœzenian district there is an isthmus jutting
out some way into the sea, and on it has been built a
small town near the sea called Methana. And there is a
temple of Isis there, and a statue in the market-place of
Hermes, and another of Hercules. And at the distance
of about 30 stades from this small town are some warm
baths. And they say that water first appeared there when
Antigonus, the son of Demetrius, was King of the Macedonians,
and water did not first appear, but fire bubbled up
from the ground, and when this burnt itself out then water
began to flow, which bubbles up even to this day warm and
very salt. And if one bathes here the water is not cold
near the shore, but if you go well out to sea swimming is
dangerous, for there are many kinds of sea-monsters and
especially sea dogs. But the most wonderful thing at
Methana I will now record. The South West Wind when
the vines are growing blows upon them from the Saronic
Gulf, and scorches them up. And when the wind is still
sweeping down on them, two men take a cock with white
feathers only, and tear it in half, and run round the vines in
different directions, each with half the cock, and when they
come back to the place where they started, they bury it
there. This is their invention and contrivance against the
South West Wind. The little islands, which lie just off the
coast, 9 in number, they call the islands of Pelops, and
they say when it rains rain never comes on one of them.
Whether this is so I do not know, but the people about
Methana say so, and I have heard of people trying to avert
hail by sacrifices and incantations. Methana then is an
Isthmus in the Peloponnese: and inside the Trœzenian
Isthmus is the neighbouring town of Hermione. And the
people of Hermione say that the founder of the old city
was one Hermion the son of Europs. And this Europs,
who was certainly the son of Phoroneus, was said by Herophanes
of Trœzen to be illegitimate, on the ground that the
kingdom of Argos would not have come to Argus the
daughter’s son of Phoroneus, had Phoroneus had a legitimate
son. But, even if Europs was legitimate and died
before Phoroneus, I know very well that a son of his would
not have been considered equal to Niobe’s son, who was
reckoned to be the son of Zeus. And afterwards Dorians
from Argos colonized Hermione, but amicably I think, for
had there been a war it would have been mentioned by the
Argives.
And there is a road to Hermione from Trœzen along the
rock which was formerly called the altar of Zeus Sthenius,
but after Theseus removed the shoes and sword of Ægeus,
it was called Theseus’ rock. As you go by this rock on the
mountain side, you come to the temple of Apollo called The
God of the Plane-Trees, and the hamlet is called Ilei, and in it
are temples of Demeter and her daughter Proserpine. And
near the sea, on the border of the territory of Hermione, is
a temple of Demeter under the title Thermasia. And at
the distance of about eighty stades is the promontory called
Scyllæum from Scylla, the daughter of Nisus. For after
Minos took Nisæa and Megara through her treason, he
refused to marry her though he had promised, and even
ordered the Cretans to throw her overboard, and the tide
washed her dead body on to this promontory. And they
exhibit no tomb of her, for they say that her body was
neglected, and carried away by sea birds bit by bit. And
as you sail from Scyllæum in the direction of the city is
another promontory called Bucephala, and next to it 3
islands, of which the first is Haliusa, which affords a convenient
harbour for ships to ride at anchor, and next is
Pityusa, and the third they call Aristeræ. And as you
coast along by these islands, there is another promontory
called Colyergia jutting out from the mainland, and next it
an island called Tricrana, and a mountain Buporthmus
jutting out into the sea from the Peloponnese. And at
Buporthmus is a temple of Demeter and Proserpine, and
also one of Athene under the title Promachorma. And in
front of Buporthmus lies an island called Aperopia. And
at no great distance from Aperopia is another island called
Hydrea. And the shore on the mainland opposite these
islands extends in a crescent shape, and is rocky from the
easterly direction close to the sea as far as the temple of
Poseidon, but slopes at the westerly end of the bay, where
it has its harbours. The length of this rocky headland is
about seven stades, and the breadth in the broadest part
about three stades or a little more. Here was the old town
of Hermione. And even now there are several temples
there, one of Poseidon at the commencement of the headland,
and as you go from the sea to the heights a temple of
Athene, and near it some remains of a race-course, where
they say the sons of Tyndareus used to practise. There is
also another small temple of Athene, but the roof has fallen
in. And there is a temple to the Sun, and another to the
Graces, and another to Serapis and Isis. And there is a
circle of huge unhewn stones, and inside this circle they
perform the sacred rites of Demeter. Such are the objects
to be seen at the old town of Hermione. But the new town
is at about four stades’ distance from the promontory on
which there is the temple of Poseidon, and it lies on a
gentle slope as you ascend the hill called Pron, for that is
its name. There is a wall all round Hermione. And it
has various objects of interest, but what I select as most
worthy of record are the temple of Marine Aphrodite and
Aphrodite of the Harbour, and a statue of white stone of
huge size, and a work of art. And there is another temple
of Aphrodite, which has other honours from the people of
Hermione and this special one, that maidens or widows
intending to marry must all sacrifice here before their
marriage. And Thermasian Demeter has two temples, one
on the borders of Trœzen as I have before said, and one
in new Hermione.
CHAPTER XXXV.
And next is a temple of Dionysus Melanægis, in whose
honour they have a musical contest every year, and
give prizes for diving and rowing. And there is a temple
of Artemis under the name of Iphigenia, and a statue
of Poseidon in bronze with one foot on a dolphin. And
as you proceed to the temple of Vesta, you find no statue,
but an altar on which they sacrifice to Vesta. And there
are three temples and three statues of Apollo: one has
no title, the second is called Pythæan Apollo, and the
third Apollo of the Borders. The name Pythæan they borrowed
from the Argives: for Telesilla says that to their
country first of all the Greeks came Pythæus the son of
Apollo. But why they call the god Apollo of the Borders
I cannot precisely tell, but I conjecture that having
obtained victory either by war or litigation in reference to
the borders, they honoured for this Apollo of the Borders.
And the temple of Fortune is they say the latest one that
the people of Hermione have, the statue is colossal in
Parian marble. And they have two wells, one an old one
into which the water flows by a hidden channel, but it
would never grow dry, not even if all the population were
to come and drink of it: and another dug in our day, and
the name of the place from which the water flows into it is
Meadow. But the temple most worthy of notice is that of
Demeter on the Pron. This temple the people of Hermione
say was built by Clymenus, the son of Phoroneus, and by
Chthonia the sister of Clymenus. And the Argives say,
when Demeter came to Argolis, that Atheras and Mysius
offered the goddess hospitality, but Colontas would neither
receive her into his house, nor pay her any other attention:
and in this he acted very much against the wish of his
daughter Chthonia. And Colontas they say for this conduct
was burnt house and all, but Chthonia was conveyed
to Hermione by Demeter, and built the temple there to
Demeter. And Demeter is called Chthonia there, and the
annual festival held in her honour in the season of summer
is called Chthonia too. And they keep the festival in this
wise. The priests of the gods and all the town authorities
for the year lead the procession, and the women and
men follow. It is customary for boys too to honour the
goddess by a procession, in which they take part clothed
in white, and with garlands on their heads plaited of the
flower which they call here cosmosandalum, but which seems
to me from size and colour to resemble the hyacinth, it has
also on its petals the same mournful letters. And the procession
is followed by some people who lead a full grown
heifer from the herd, tightly bound with ropes and curvetting
wildly. Some drag this heifer to the temple and unfasten
the ropes so as to let it inside, while others keep the doors
open till they see the heifer inside, and then shut them.
And four old women are waiting inside, and they finish the
heifer. For whoever can get the chance cuts its throat
with a sickle. And afterwards the doors are opened, and
those who have this duty drive up a second, third, and even
fourth heifer. The women finish them all off in the same
way, and then this fresh wonder is added to the sacrifice:
on whichever side the first heifer falls all must fall. This
is the way in which the sacrifice is performed by the people
of Hermione. And in front of the temple there are a few
statues of women who have been priestesses of Demeter,
and as you enter in there are seats on which the old women
sit, waiting for each heifer to be driven in, and there are
some statues not very old of Athene and Demeter. But the
special object of their worship neither have I seen nor any
man, whether stranger or native of Hermione. These old
women only know what it is.
There is also another temple: and there are statues all
round it. This temple is opposite the temple of Chthonia,
and is called the temple of Clymenus, to whom they sacrifice
here. I don’t think Clymenus is the name of an Argive
that came to Hermione, but the title of a god who according
to the tradition was a king in the infernal regions.
Hard by is another temple and statue of Ares. On the
right of the temple of Chthonia is a porch, called by
the natives Echo, as a man’s slightest whisper is repeated
thrice. And behind the temple of Chthonia are some places
which the people of Hermione call, one Clymenus’ place,
and another Pluto’s place, and a third the Acherusian
marsh. They are all fenced in with a wall of stone: and
in Clymenus’ place there is a hole in the ground, through
which Hercules brought up Cerberus according to the
tradition of the people of Hermione. And near the gate
from which the road leads straight to Mases, is a temple
of Ilithyia within the walls. They propitiate the goddess
Ilithyia in various ways every day with sacrifices and
incense, and to her are most of the votive offerings given,
but her statue no one may look at except her priestesses.
CHAPTER XXXVI.
About seven stades on the high road to Mases, as you
turn to the left, is the road to Halice. Halice in our
days is deserted, but it was formerly inhabited, and is mentioned
on the pillars of the Epidaurians, which record the
cures wrought by Æsculapius. I know of nothing else
worthy of record, either of the place or its population.
And the road that leads to it passes between Pron and
another mountain that in old times was called Thornax.
But because of the legendary change of Zeus into the
cuckoo they say its name was changed to Coccygium
(Cuckoo-mountain). And there are temples on the tops
of both these mountains, one of Zeus on the top of Coccygium,
and one of Hera on the top of Pron. That at
Coccygium is at the end of the mountain, and it has neither
doors nor roof, nor any statue in it, and it was said to be
Apollo’s temple. And near it is a road to Mases as you
take the turn to the right. And Mases was a town in old
times, as Homer has mentioned it in his catalogue of the
Argives, and the people of Hermione use it as their port
now. And from Mases there is a road on the right to the
promontory called Struthus, and it is about 250 stades
from this promontory along the mountain passes to what is
called Philanorium and to Bolei. Bolei consists of layers
of unhewn stones. And another place which they call
Didymi is 20 stades from Bolei. At Didymi there is a
temple of Apollo, and another of Poseidon, and another of
Demeter: and their statues are erect, in white stone.
As you go from thence you come to the district of the
Argives formerly called Asinæa from its chief town Asine,
the ruins of which are near the sea. And when the Lacedæmonians
under their king Nicander, the son of Charillus,
the son of Polydectes, the son of Eunomus, the son of Prytanis,
the son of Eurypon, invaded Argolis with an army, the
people of Asine joined them, and ravaged with them the
territory of the Argives. But when the Lacedæmonian
force went home again, then the Argives and their king
Eratus marched against Asine. And for some time the
people of Asine defended their walls, and slew several of
the most valiant of the Argives and among them Lysistratus,
but when their walls were carried, then they put
their wives and children on shipboard and left the town,
and the Argives razed it to the ground, and added it to their
territory, but they left the temple of Apollo standing, and
it is now to be seen, and they buried Lysistratus near it.
Now the sea at Lerna[29] is about 40 stades from Argos.
And as you go down to Lerna you first come to the river
Erasinus, which flows into the Phrixus, and the Phrixus into
the sea between Temenium and Lerna. And as you turn
from the Erasinus about 8 stades to the left there is a
temple of the Dioscuri called the Kings: and their statues
are of wood just like those in the city. And as you turn to
the right you cross the Erasinus, and come to the river
Chimarrus. And near it is a circle of stones, and here (so
the story goes) Pluto, after the Rape of Proserpine the
daughter of Demeter, descended to his supposed underground
realms. Now Lerna is, as I have previously said, by
the sea, and they have rites here to Demeter of Lerna.
And there is a sacred grove beginning at the mountain
which they call Pontinus. And this mountain Pontinus
does not let the rain flow off, but absorbs it. Though the
river Pontinus does indeed flow from it. And on the top
of the mountain is the temple of Saitian Athene, only ruins
now, and the foundations of the house of Hippomedon,
who accompanied Polynices the son of Œdipus in his
attempt against Thebes.
CHAPTER XXXVII.
And the grove of plane-trees beginning at this mountain
extends most of the way to the sea, bounded on
one side by the river Pontinus, and on the other by the
river Amymone, which gets its name from the daughter of
Danaus. And inside the grove are statues of Demeter
Prosymne and Dionysus, and the statue of Demeter is
seated and not a large one. These are of stone: but in
another temple there is a wooden one of Dionysus the
Saviour seated; and a stone statue of Aphrodite near the
sea, which they say was a votive offering of the daughters
of Danaus, and Danaus himself erected the temple of
Athene near the Pontinus. And they say that Philhammon
was the founder of the rites at Lerna. The traditions
about these mysteries are manifestly not very ancient.
And what I have heard was written on a heart made of
orichalcum; this Arriphon could not have got from Philhammon,
for Arriphon was a native of Triconium in
Ætolia, and held in most repute of all the Lycians in our
time, and a clever fellow at finding out what nobody before
knew, and who no doubt found this out for himself. The
verses and all the prose mixed up with the verses were in
Doric: but before the return of the Heraclidæ to the
Peloponnese the Argives used the same dialect as the
Athenians. And in the days of Philhammon I do not
believe that even the name of Dorians was known throughout
all Greece. This proves my case.
And near the source of the Amymone grows a plane-tree,
under which they say the hydra was reared. I believe that
this beast was larger in size than other water-snakes, and
that its poison was so venomous that Hercules dipped the
points of his arrows in its gall, but I cannot help thinking
it had only one head and not more. But Pisander of
Camirus, that the beast might appear more formidable and
so add lustre to his poem, described it as having many
heads. I have seen also the well of Amphiaraus and the
Alcyonian marsh, by which the Argives say Dionysus
descended to Hades to fetch up Semele, for Polymnus
shewed him the descent. There is indeed no end to the
depth of the Alcyonian marsh, nor do I know of any man
who by any device ever got to the bottom of it, since
even Nero, though he got and fastened together ropes
many stades long, and put a piece of lead and other
apparatus for sounding at the end, never could arrive at
an accurate knowledge of its depth. I have also heard
that though the water of the marsh, as you would infer
from looking at it, is calm and quiet, if anyone ventures
to swim in it, it is sure to drag him down and suck
him underneath to the bottom. The circuit of the lake is
not large, only about a third of a stade, and on its banks
are grass and reeds. But the nightly rites which take
place near it annually I am not permitted to write for
public reading.
CHAPTER XXXVIII.
And as you go from Lerna to Temenium—now Temenium
belongs to the Argives, and gets its name from
Temenus the son of Aristomachus: for he occupied and
fortified the place, when he fought with the Dorians against
Tisamenus and the Achæans from this base—the river
Phrixus has its outlet into the sea, and there is a temple of
Poseidon at Temenium and another of Aphrodite, and
there is a monument of Temenus which is honoured by the
Dorians at Argos. And about 50 stades I should say
from Temenium is Nauplia, deserted in our day, it was
founded by Nauplius who is reputed to have been the son
of Poseidon and Amymone. And there are still some remains
of walls at Nauplia, and a temple of Poseidon and
a harbour, and a well called Canathus: in which the
Argives say Hera bathes every year and becomes a virgin
again. This is a tradition in connection with the secret
rites which they perform to Hera. And the traditions of the
people of Nauplia about the ass, that by gnawing twigs off
the vine it makes the produce more abundant, (and consequently
they have an ass carved on the rock as having
taught the art of pruning vines), I pass over deeming them
unworthy of mention. There is also another road going
from Lerna by the seaside to a place which they call Genesium:
and near the sea close to Genesium there is a small
temple of Poseidon. And close to this is another place
called Landing-place: for according to tradition this was
the first place in Argolis where Danaus and his sons landed.
And as you go on from thence is a place called Anigræa,
on a road narrow and difficult of access. It is on the left
hand and extends to the sea, and is a good soil for trees
especially olive trees. And as you go up to the mainland
there is a place called Thyrea, where 300 picked men of the
Argives fought with 300 picked men of the Lacedæmonians
for the possession of the land. And as they were all killed
except one Spartan and two Argives, the tombs of those
that fell in the action were piled up here, but the Lacedæmonians
afterwards got a firm footing at the place, as they
fought in full force with the Argives, and enjoyed it themselves
for a time, and afterwards gave it to the Æginetans
who had been driven out of Ægina by the Athenians. And
in my day the Argives inhabited the district of Thyrea,
and they say that they recovered it justly by conquest.
Next to that burial-ground you come to Athene, where
those Æginetans dwelt, and another village Neris, and a
third Eua, the largest of the three villages, and Polemocrates
has a temple in it. He was the son of Machaon, and
brother of Alexanor, and he heals the people here, and has
divine honours from the inhabitants. And beyond these
villages extends Mount Parnon, which is the boundary
between the Lacedæmonians and Argives and people of
Tegea. And some stone Hermæ stand as border stones to
mark the boundaries, and the place gets its name from
them. And there is a river called Tanaus, the only river
which flows from Mount Parnon. It flows through Argive
territory into the Thyreatic gulf.
[28] Iliad, iv. 193, 194. Is Pausanias nodding here?
[29]Qu. “Now Lerna by the sea” (ἡ κατὰ Θάλασσαν Λέρνα). Cf. a
little below.
BOOK III.—LACONIA. — CHAPTER I.
Next to the Hermæ comes Laconia on the West. And
according to the Lacedæmonian tradition Lelex the
autochthon first reigned in this land, and the people over
whom he ruled were called after him Leleges. And Lelex’
sons were Myles and a younger son Polycaon. Where
Polycaon went to and why I shall relate elsewhere. But
on the death of Myles his son Eurotas succeeded him in
the kingdom. He diverted to the sea by a canal all the
stagnant water that filled the plain, and as it flowed to the
sea in mighty volume and became a noble river, he called it
the Eurotas. As he had no male children he left the
kingdom to Lacedæmon, whose mother was Taygete, (who
gave her name to the mountain Taygetus), and reputed
father Zeus. And Lacedæmon married Sparta the daughter
of Eurotas, and when he succeeded to the kingdom he first
gave the country and inhabitants his own name, and then
built and gave his wife’s name to the city Sparta, which is
so called even to our day. And Amyclas his son, wishing
also himself to leave a memorial behind him, built the little
town Amyclæ in Laconia. And of his sons Hyacinthus,
the youngest and most handsome, died in his father’s lifetime,
and there is a monument of him at Amyclæ close to
the statue of Apollo. And on the death of Amyclas the
succession devolved upon Argalus his eldest son, and after
the death of Argalus upon Cynortas. And Cynortas had a
son called Œbalus. He married Gorgophone the daughter
of Perseus from Argos, and had a son Tyndareus, with
whom Hippocoon contended for the kingdom, claiming it on
the ground of seniority. And Icarius and his party espousing
Hippocoon’s cause, he far exceeded Tyndareus in power,
and compelled him to retire from fear to Pellene, according
to the Lacedæmonian account. But the account of the
Messenians is that Tyndareus fled to Aphareus in Messenia,
and that Aphareus was the son of Perieres and the uterine
brother of Tyndareus: and they say he dwelt at Thalamæ
in Messenia, and had sons born to him there. And some
time afterwards he was restored by Hercules and recovered
his kingdom. And his sons reigned after him, as well as
his son-in-law Menelaus the son of Atreus, and Orestes the
husband of Hermione the daughter of Menelaus. But
when the Heraclidæ returned in the reign of Tisamenus the
son of Orestes, one party in Messene and Argos made
Temenus king, and another section Cresphontes. And in
Lacedæmon as Aristodemus had twins there were two royal
houses, and they say this was in accordance with the oracle
at Delphi. And they say that Aristodemus died at Delphi
before the Dorians returned to the Peloponnese. Some
indeed, magnifying their own history, say that Aristodemus
was shot with arrows by Apollo, because he had not gone
to the oracle, but consulted Hercules whom he chanced to
meet first, as to how the Dorians should return to the Peloponnese.
But the truer account is that the sons of Pylades
and Electra, who were cousins of Tisamenus the son of
Orestes, murdered Aristodemus. The names of his two
sons were Procles and Eurysthenes, who though they were
twins were in most respects very unlike one another. But
though they hated one another very cordially, yet they
jointly combined with Theras, the son of Autesion, their
Argive mother’s brother, and their Regent, in establishing
a colony at the island which was then called Calliste,
Theras hoping that the descendants of Membliarus
would abandon the kingdom of their own free will, as in
fact they did, reckoning that Theras’ pedigree went up to
Cadmus, whereas they were only descendants of Membliarus,
a private individual whom Cadmus left in the
island as leader of the colonists. And Theras gave his own
name to the island instead of Calliste, and the people of
Thera even now yearly offer victims to him as their founder.
And Procles and Eurysthenes vied with one another in
their zeal for carrying out the wishes of Theras, but in all
other respects were at variance together. Not that, even if
they had been one in heart and mind, I could have put all
their descendants into one common pedigree, as cousin with
cousin, and cousins’ children, with cousins’ children, and so
on, that to the latest posterity they should arithmetically
dovetail in with one another. I shall therefore pursue the
history of each family separately, and not mix up the two
together in one account.
CHAPTER II.
Eurysthenes, the eldest of the sons of Aristodemus,
had a son Agis they say: (and from him they
call the descendants of Eurysthenes Agidæ). During his
reign, when Patreus the son of Preugenes founded the city
in Achaia called to this day Patræ after him, the Lacedæmonians
took part in that colony. They cooperated also
with Grais, the son of Echelas, the son of Penthilus, the son
of Orestes, who was sailing with a fleet to make a colony
somewhere or other. And he indeed was destined to
occupy the country between Ionia and Mysia, which is in
our day called Æolis: his grandfather Penthilus had
already occupied Lesbos, the island opposite this mainland.
And during the reign of Echestratus the son of Agis at
Sparta the Lacedæmonians expelled all the Cynurians that
were in their prime, alleging as their excuse that robbers
from Cynuria ravaged Argolis, and the Argives were their
kinsmen, and that the Cynurians themselves made open
incursions into Argolis. If tradition speaks true the Cynurians
were originally Argives, and they say their founder
was Cynurus the son of Perseus. And not many years
afterwards Labotas the son of Echestratus was king at
Sparta. This Labotas, as we are told by Herodotus in his
account of Crœsus, had during his minority the famous
legislator Lycurgus as his Regent, only Herodotus calls
him Leobotes instead of Labotas. In his days first did
the Lacedæmonians make war against the Argives, and
they alleged as their reasons for declaring war that the
Argives when they invaded Cynuria took a slice of Lacedæmonian
territory, and tried to stir up their neighbouring
subjects to revolt. In this war they say nothing very
notable was done on either side: and those of this family
who succeeded one another as kings, viz. Doryssus the son
of Labotas and Agesilaus the son of Doryssus, both died at
no great interval after one another. And it was when Agesilaus
was king that Lycurgus legislated for the Lacedæmonians,
and some say that he derived his laws from Crete,
others that he was instructed by the Oracle at Delphi.
And the Cretans say that their laws come from Minos, who
received divine assistance in codifying them. And it seems
to me that Homer has hinted as much in the following lines
about the legislation of Minos, “There too is Gnossus, the
great city where Minos reigned nine years, the bosom-friend
of great Zeus.”[30] But of Lycurgus I shall have
more to say hereafter. And the son of Agesilaus was
Archelaus. In his reign the Lacedæmonians conquered in
war and enslaved one of the neighbouring cities called
Ægys, suspecting that the people of it had an understanding
with the Arcadians. And Charillus, the king of the
other family, assisted Archelaus against Ægys, and his
own separate doings as leader of the Lacedæmonians I
shall relate later on when I come to the so-called Eurypontidæ.
And the son of Archelaus was Teleclus. In
his reign the Lacedæmonians took in war the neighbouring
cities of Amyclæ and Pharis and Geranthræ, which
were then in the possession of the Achæans, and razed
them to the ground. The inhabitants however of Pharis
and Geranthræ, being terrified at the approach of the
Dorians, agreed to evacuate the Peloponnese upon conditions:
but the people of Amyclæ they could not drive out
at first assault, but only after a long siege and the greatest
exhibition of valour. And the Dorians themselves shewed
this by erecting a trophy after the conquest of Amyclæ, as
thinking that conquest no small feather in their cap. And
not long after all this Teleclus was killed by the Messenians
in the temple of Artemis in the town of Limnæ, on
the borders between Laconia and Messenia. And after the
death of Teleclus Alcamenes his son succeeded him, and
during his reign the Lacedæmonians sent to Crete Charmidas
the son of Euthys, one of the most famous men in
Sparta, who put down the insurrection at Crete, and persuaded
the Cretans to abandon the cities which were inland
and in other respects weak, and to inhabit instead those
which were conveniently situated on the coast. The Lacedæmonians
also depopulated Helos, a city by the sea in the
possession of the Achæans, and defeated the Argives who
came to the help of the people of Helos.
CHAPTER III.
And after the death of Alcamenes Polydorus his son succeeded
to the kingdom, and the Lacedæmonians sent
a colony into Italy to Croton, and to the Locrians at the promontory
Zephyrium: and the war that was called the war
with Messene was at its height when Polydorus was king.
The Lacedæmonians and Messenians give different reasons
for this war. Their different accounts, and the progress
of the war, will be set forth by me in their turn: but thus
much will I record at present that Theopompus the son of
Nicander had the greatest hand in the first war with the
Messenians, being the king of the other house. And after
the end of the war, when Messenia was already conquered
by the Lacedæmonians, and Polydorus was in good repute
at Sparta, and popular with the Lacedæmonians and especially
with the populace, for he exhibited no violence either
in word or deed to anyone, and in legal cases tempered
justice with mercy, when in short he had a brilliant fame
throughout all Greece, he was murdered by Polemarchus a
man of no mean family in Lacedæmon, but hotheaded, as
indeed he shewed by this murder. And after his death
Polydorus received many notable honours from the Lacedæmonians.
Polemarchus also had a monument at Sparta,
whether being judged to have been a good man previously,
or that his relatives buried him privately. During the reign
of Eurycrates the son of Polydorus the Messenians patiently
endured the Lacedæmonian yoke, nor was any revolution
attempted by the Argive people, but in the days of Anaxander
the son of Eurycrates—for fate was already driving
the Messenians out of all the Peloponnese—the Messenians
revolted from the Lacedæmonians, and fought against them
for some time, but were eventually conquered, and evacuated
the Peloponnese upon conditions of war. And the remnant
of them became slaves on Lacedæmonian soil, except those
who inhabited the maritime towns. All the circumstances
of this war and revolt of the Messenians I have no need to
recount in detail in the present part of my history. And
Anaxander had a son Eurycrates, and this second Eurycrates
a son Leo. During their reigns the Lacedæmonians met with
the greatest reverses in fighting against the people of Tegea.
And in the reign of Anaxandrides the son of Leo they overcame
the people of Tegea, and in the following way. A
Lacedæmonian by name Lichas came to Tegea at a time
when Lacedæmon and Tegea were at peace together. And
on Lichas’ arrival they made a search for the bones of
Orestes, and the Spartans sought for them in accordance
with an oracle. And Lichas discovered that they were
lying in the shop of a blacksmith, and he discovered it in
this way: all that he saw in the blacksmith’s shop he compared
with the oracle at Delphi, thus he compared the
blacksmith’s bellows to the winds, because they produce a
strong wind, the hammer was the blow, that which resists
the blow was the anvil, and that which was a source of woe
to man he naturally referred to iron, for people already
began to use iron in battle, for the god would have spoken of
brass as a source of woe to man in the days of the heroes.
And just as this oracle was given to the Lacedæmonians
about the bones of Orestes, so afterwards the Athenians
were similarly instructed by the oracle to bring Theseus’
bones to Athens from Scyrus, for otherwise Scyrus could
not be taken. And Cimon the son of Miltiades discovered
the bones of Theseus, he too by ingenuity, and not long
after he took Scyrus. That in the days of the heroes all
arms alike were brass is borne witness to by Homer in the
lines which refer to the axe of Pisander and the arrow of
Meriones. And I have further confirmation of what I
assert in the spear of Achilles which is stored up in the
temple of Athene at Phaselis, and the sword of Memnon in
the temple of Æsculapius at Nicomedia, the former has its
tip and handle of brass, and, the latter is of brass throughout.
This we know to be the case. And Anaxandrides
the son of Leo was the only Lacedæmonian that had two
wives together and two households. For his first wife,
excellent in other respects, had no children, and when the
ephors bade him divorce her, he would not consent to this
altogether, but only so far as to take a second wife as well.
And the second wife bare a son Cleomenes, and the first
wife, though so long barren, after the birth of Cleomenes
bare Dorieus, and Leonidas, and Cleombrotus. And after
the death of Anaxandrides, the Lacedæmonians though
they thought Dorieus the better man both in council and
war, reluctantly rejected him, and gave the kingdom to
Cleomenes according to their law of primogeniture.
CHAPTER IV.
And Dorieus, as he would not remain at Lacedæmon
subject to Cleomenes, was sent to form a colony. And
Cleomenes commenced his reign by an inroad into Argolis,
gathering together an army of Lacedæmonians and allies.
And when the Argives came out to meet him armed for
battle, he conquered them, and when they were routed
about 5,000 of them fled into a neighbouring grove, which
was sacred to Argus the son of Niobe. And Cleomenes, who
often had a touch of the mad, ordered the Helots to set this
grove on fire, and the grove was entirely consumed, and all
these fugitives in it. He also marched his army against
Athens, and at first, by freeing the Athenians from the yoke
of the sons of Pisistratus, got for himself good fame among
the Lacedæmonians and all the Greeks, but afterwards in
his favour to an Athenian called Isagoras, tried to get for
him the dominion over the Athenians. But failing in this
expectation, and the Athenians fighting stoutly for their
freedom, he ravaged various parts of their territory, and
they say laid waste a place called Orgas, sacred to the gods
at Eleusis. He also went to Ægina, and arrested the leading
men there for their support to the Medes, as they had
persuaded the citizens to supply King Darius the son of
Hystaspes with earth and water. And while Cleomenes was
staying at Ægina, Demaratus the king of the other family
was calumniating him to the multitude at Lacedæmon. And
Cleomenes on his return from Ægina contrived to get Demaratus
ejected from the kingdom, and bribed the priestess
at Delphi to utter as oracular responses to the Lacedæmonians
about Demaratus whatever he told her, and also
instigated Leotychides, one of the royal house and same
family as Demaratus, to be a rival claimant for the kingdom.
And Leotychides caught at some words, which
Aristo formerly had foolishly thrown out against Demaratus
at his birth, saying that he was not his son. And when the
Lacedæmonians took this question about Demaratus, as
they took all their questions, to the oracle at Delphi, the
priestess gave them as replies whatever Cleomenes had told
her. Demaratus therefore was deposed from his kingdom
by the hatred of Cleomenes and not on just grounds. And
Cleomenes after this died in a fit of madness, for he seized
his sword, and stabbed himself, and hacked his body about
all over. The Argives say he came to this bad end as a
judgment for his conduct to the 5,000 fugitives in the
grove, the Athenians say it was because he ravaged Orgas,
and the Delphians because he bribed the priestess at
Delphi to tell falsehoods about Demaratus. Now there
are other cases of vengeance coming from heroes and gods
as on Cleomenes, for Protesilaus who is honoured at Eleus,
a hero not a whit more illustrious than Argus, privately
punished the Persian Artayctes, and the Megarians who
had dared to till the holy land could never get pardon from
the gods of Eleusis. Nor do I know of anyone that ever
dared to tamper with the oracle but Cleomenes alone.
And as Cleomenes had no male children the kingdom devolved
upon Leonidas the son of Anaxandrides, the brother
of Dorieus on both sides. It was in his reign that Xerxes
led his army into Greece, and Leonidas with his 300 Lacedæmonians
met him at Thermopylæ. There have been many
wars between the Greeks and barbarians, but those can easily
be counted wherein the valour of one man mainly contributed
to glorious victory, as the valour of Achilles in the war
against Ilium, and that of Miltiades in the action at Marathon.
But indeed in my opinion the heroism of Leonidas
excelled all the great deeds of former times. For Xerxes, the
most sagacious and renowned of all the kings that ruled over
the Medes and Persians, would have been prevented, at the
narrow pass of Thermopylæ, by the handful of men that
Leonidas had with him, from seeing Greece at all, and from
afterwards burning Athens, had it not been for a certain
Trachinian who led round by a pass on Mount Œta the army
of Hydarnes so as to fall on the Greek flank, and, when
Leonidas was conquered in this way, the barbarians passed
into Greece over his dead body. And Pausanias the son of
Cleombrotus was not king after Leonidas, but was Regent
for Plistarchus Leonidas’ son during his minority, and he led
the Lacedæmonians to Platæa and afterwards passed over to
the Hellespont with a fleet. I especially admire the conduct
of Pausanias to the Coan lady, who was the daughter of a
man of no mean note among the Coans, viz. of Hegetorides
the son of Antagoras, and against her will the concubine of
Pharandates the son of Teaspis, a Persian: and when Mardonius
fell in the battle at Platæa, and the barbarians were
annihilated, Pausanias sent this lady home to Cos, with the
ornaments and all other apparel that the Persian had given
her. Moreover he would not suffer the dead body of Mardonius
to be outraged, though the Æginetan Lampon
urged it.
CHAPTER V.
Plistarchus the son of Leonidas died soon after
succeeding to the kingdom, and Plistoanax the son of
Pausanias, the hero of Platæa, succeeded him. And
Plistoanax was succeeded by his son Pausanias. This is
that Pausanias who led an army into Attica, ostensibly
against Thrasybulus and the Athenians, but really to establish
the dominion of the Thirty Tyrants who had been set
over Athens by Lysander. And he conquered in an engagement
the Athenians who guarded the Piræus, but directly
after the battle he took his army off home again, not to
bring upon Sparta the most shameful disgrace of establishing
the power of unholy men. And when he returned from
Athens with nothing to show for his battle, his enemies
brought him to trial. Now a king of the Lacedæmonians
is tried by a court composed of twenty-eight Seniors, and
the Ephors, and the King of the other family. Fourteen
of the Seniors and Agis, the King of the other family, condemned
Pausanias, the rest of the Court acquitted him.
And no long time after the Lacedæmonians gathering together
an army against Thebes, the reason for which war
we shall relate in our account about Agesilaus, Lysander
marched into Phocis, and, having mustered the Phocians in
full force, lost no time in advancing into Bœotia, and
making an attack upon the fortified town Haliartus, which
would not revolt from Thebes. Some Thebans however
and Athenians had secretly entered the town, and they
making a sally and drawing up in battle array, Lysander
and several of the Lacedæmonians fell. And Pausanias,
who had been collecting forces from Tegea and the rest of
Arcadia, came too late to take part in the fight, and when
he got to Bœotia and heard of the death of Lysander and
the defeat of his army, he nevertheless marched his army
to Thebes, intending to renew the fight there. But when
he got there he found the Thebans drawn up in battle
array against him, and it was also reported that Thrasybulus
was coming up with an Athenian force; accordingly,
fearing to be taken between two fires, he made a treaty
with the Thebans, and buried those who had fallen in the
sally from Haliartus. This conduct of his did not please
the Lacedæmonians, but I praise his determination for the
following reason. Well knowing that reverses always found
the Lacedæmonians surrounded by a swarm of enemies,
what happened after Thermopylæ and in the island of
Sphacteria made him afraid of causing a third disaster.
But as the citizens accused him of slowness in getting
to Bœotia he did not care to stand a second trial, but the
people of Tegea received him as a suppliant at the temple
of Alean Athene. This temple was from time immemorial
venerated throughout the Peloponnese, and afforded safety
to all suppliants, as was shewn by the Lacedæmonians to
Pausanias, and earlier still to Leotychides, and by the
Argives to Chrysis, who all took sanctuary here, and were
not demanded up. And after the voluntary exile of Pausanias,
his sons Agesipolis and Cleombrotus being quite young,
Aristodemus the next of kin was appointed Regent: and the
success of the Lacedæmonians at Corinth was owing to his
generalship. And when Agesipolis came of age and took
over the kingdom, his first war was against the Argives.
And as he was leading his army from Tegea into Argolis,
the Argives sent an envoy to negotiate peace with him on
the old conditions established among all Dorians. But he
not only declined these proposals, but advanced with his
army and ravaged Argolis. And there was an earthquake,
but not even then would Agesipolis draw off his forces,
though these tokens of Poseidon’s displeasure frightened
the Lacedæmonians especially, [and also the Athenians.]
And Agesipolis was now encamped under the walls of
Argos, and the earthquakes ceased not, and some of the
soldiers died struck by lightning, and others were dismayed
by the thunder. So at last he returned from
Argolis sorely against his will, and led an expedition against
the Olynthians, and having been successful in battle, and
taken most of the other cities in Chalcidice, and hoping to
take Olynthus also, he was carried off by a sudden disease
and died.
CHAPTER VI.
And Agesipolis having died childless, the succession devolved
upon Cleombrotus, under whom the Lacedæmonians
fought against the Bœotians at Leuctra, and
Cleombrotus, exposing himself too freely, fell at the commencement
of the action. Somehow or other the Deity
seems to like to remove the General first in great reverses,
as from the Athenians he removed Hippocrates (the son of
Ariphron) their General at Delium, and later on Leosthenes
their General in Thessaly.
The elder son of Cleombrotus, Agesipolis, did nothing
worthy of record, and Cleomenes the younger succeeded
after his brother’s death. And he had two sons, of
whom the eldest Acrotatus died before his father, and
when later on the younger Cleomenes died, there was a
dispute who should be king between Cleonymus the son of
Cleomenes and Areus the son of Acrotatus. The Senate
decided that to Areus the son of Acrotatus and not to
Cleonymus belonged the hereditary office. And Cleonymus
got mightily enraged at being ejected from the kingdom,
though the Ephors endeavoured to induce him by various
honours, and by making him commander-in-chief of the
army, not to be an enemy to his country. But in spite of
this he eventually injured his country in various ways, and
even went so far as to invite in Pyrrhus the grandson of
Æacus.
And during the reign of Areus the son of Acrotatus,
Antigonus the son of Demetrius made an expedition against
Athens both by land and sea. And an Egyptian fleet
under Patroclus came to the aid of the Athenians, and the
Lacedæmonians came out in full force with Areus the king
at their head. And Antigonus having closely invested
Athens, and barring the Athenian allies from every approach
to the city, Patroclus sent messengers and begged
the Lacedæmonians and Areus to begin the battle against
Antigonus, and when they began he said he would fall on
the rear of the Macedonians, for it was not reasonable that
his force should attack the Macedonians first, being Egyptians
and sailors. Then the Lacedæmonians were eager to
bear the brunt of the battle, being animated by their friendship
to the Athenians, and the desire to do something that
posterity would not willingly forget. But Areus, as their
provisions had been consumed, led his army home again.
For he thought it sheer madness not to husband their resources,
but lavish them all on strangers. And Athens
holding out for a very long time, Antigonus made peace
on conditions that he might have a garrison at the Museum.
And some time after Antigonus himself withdrew the
garrison there. And Areus had a son Acrotatus, and he
had a son Areus, who was only 8 when he fell sick and
died. And as now Leonidas was the only male left of the
family of Eurysthenes, though quite an old man, the Lacedæmonians
made him king. And it so chanced that
Lysander, a descendant of Lysander the son of Aristocritus,
especially disliked Leonidas. He associated with himself
Cleombrotus, the son in law of Leonidas, and having won
him over brought against Leonidas various charges, and the
oath he had sworn to Cleonymus his father while quite a
boy that he would destroy Sparta. So Leonidas was
deposed from the kingdom, and Cleombrotus reigned in
his room. And if Leonidas had given way to temper,
and (like Demaratus the son of Aristo) had gone and
joined the king of Macedonia or the king of Egypt, he
would have got no advantage from the subsequent repentance
of the Spartans. But as it was when the citizens
exiled him he went to Arcadia, and from thence not many
years afterwards the Lacedæmonians recalled him, and
made him king the second time. And all that Cleomenes
the son of Leonidas did, and all his boldness and bravery,
and how the Spartan kings came to an end with him, I
have previously recorded in connection with Aratus of
Sicyon. Nor did I omit the details of Cleomenes’ death in
Egypt.
CHAPTER VII.
Of the family of Eurysthenes then, called the Agiadæ,
Cleomenes the son of Leonidas was the last king at
Sparta: but as to the other branch this is what I have
heard. Procles the son of Aristodemus had a son called
Sous, whose son Eurypon attained such glory that the
family were called Eurypontidæ from him, though till his
time they were called Proclidæ. And Eurypon had a son
Prytanis, and it was in his days that animosity broke out
between the Lacedæmonians and Argives, and even earlier
than this quarrel they fought with the Cynurians, but
during the succeeding generations, when Eunomus the son
of Prytanis and Polydectes the son of Eunomus were kings,
Sparta continued at peace. But Charillus the son of Polydectes
ravaged the Argive territory, and made a raid into
Argolis, and under his leadership the Spartans went out
to Tegea, when the Lacedæmonians hoped to take Tegea
and slice the district off from Arcadia, following a beguiling
oracle. And after the death of Charillus Nicander his
son succeeded to the kingdom, and it was in his reign that
the Messenians killed Teleclus the king of the other family
in the temple of Artemis Limnas. And Nicander invaded
Argolis with an army, and ravaged most of the country.
And the Asinæans having taken part with the Lacedæmonians
in this expedition, not long afterwards paid the
penalty to the Argives in the destruction of their country
and their own exile. And Theopompus the son of
Nicander, who was king after his father, I shall make
mention of when I come to the history of Messenia.
During his reign came on the contest for Thyrea between
the Lacedæmonians and Argives. Theopompus himself
took no part in this, partly from old age, but still more
from sorrow at the death of his son Archidamus. Not
that Archidamus died childless, for he left a son Zeuxidamus,
who was succeeded in the kingdom by his son
Anaxidamus. It was in his reign that the Messenians
evacuated the Peloponnese, having been a second time
conquered in war by the Spartans. And Anaxidamus
had a son Archidamus, and he had a son Agesicles: and
both of them had the good fortune to spend all their life in
peace and without wars. And Aristo the son of Agesicles
having married a girl who they say was the most shameless
of all the girls in Lacedæmon, but in appearance the
most beautiful girl next to Helen, had by her a son Demaratus
seven months after marriage. And as he was sitting
with the ephors in council a servant came and told
him of the birth of his son. And Aristo, forgetting the
lines in the Iliad[31] about the birth of Eurystheus, or
perhaps not knowing them, said it couldn’t be his child
from the time. He was sorry afterwards for these words
which he had spoken. And when Demaratus was king
and in other respects in good repute at Sparta, and had
cooperated with Cleomenes in freeing the Athenians from
the Pisistratidæ, this thoughtless word of Aristo, and the
hatred of Cleomenes deprived him of the kingdom. And
he went to Persia to king Darius, and they say his descendants
continued for a long time in Asia. And Leotychides,
who became king in his place, shared with the
Athenians and their General Xanthippus, the son of
Ariphron, in the action at Mycale, and also marched into
Thessaly against the Aleuadæ. And though he might have
reduced all Thessaly, as he was victorious in every battle,
he allowed the Aleuadæ to buy him off. And being impeached
at Lacedæmon he went voluntarily into exile to
escape trial, and became a suppliant at Tegea at the temple
of Alean Athene there, and as his son Zeuxidamus had
previously died of some illness, his grandson Archidamus
succeeded him, on his departure to Tegea. This Archidamus
injured the Athenian territory excessively, invading
Attica every year, and whenever he invaded it he went
through all the country ravaging it, and also captured
after a siege the town of Platæa which was friendly to the
Athenians. Not that Platæa had ever stirred up strife
between the Peloponnesians and Athenians, but as far as
in its power lay had made them both keep the peace. But
Sthenelaidas, one of the Ephors, a man of great power at
Lacedæmon, was mainly the cause of the war at that time.
And this war shook Greece, which was previously in a
flourishing condition, to its foundation, and afterwards
Philip the son of Amyntas reduced it completely, when it
was already rotten and altogether unsound.
CHAPTER VIII.
And on the death of Archidamus, Agis the elder of his
sons being of age succeeded, and not Agesilaus.
And Archidamus had also a daughter called Cynisca, who
was most ambitious in regard to the races at Olympia,
and was the first woman who trained horses, and the first
woman who won the prize at Olympia, though after her
several women, especially Lacedæmonian ones, won the
prize at Olympia, though none came up to her fame in
these contests. But the Spartans seem to me to admire
least of all men the glory that proceeds from poetry, for
except an epigram on Cynisca composed by some one or
other, and still earlier one on Pausanias, composed by
Simonides, inscribed on the tripod erected at Delphi, there
is no record made by any poet on any of the Lacedæmonian
kings. And in the reign of Agis, the son of Archidamus,
the Lacedæmonians brought other charges against the
people of Elis, but were especially annoyed at their being
shut out of the contest at Olympia, and the privileges of the
temple there. They therefore sent an envoy with an ultimatum
to the people of Elis, bidding them allow the people of
Lepreum, and all other resident aliens who were subject to
them, to live according to their own laws. And the people
of Elis making reply that, when they saw the subject cities
of Sparta free, they would immediately set their own free,
the Lacedæmonians under King Agis at once invaded
Elis. On that occasion the army retired in consequence of
an earthquake, when they had advanced as far as Olympia
and the River Alpheus, but next year Agis wasted the
country and carried off much booty. And Xenias a man
of Elis, who was privately friendly to Agis and publicly a
champion of the Lacedæmonians, conspired against the
populace with the men who were wealthy, but before Agis
and the army could come up and cooperate with them
Thrasydæus, who was at this time the leader of the populace
at Elis, conquered Xenias and his faction in battle and
drove them from the city. And when Agis led his
army home again, he left Lysistratus the Spartan with a
portion of his force, and the refugees from Elis, to cooperate
with the men of Lepreum in ravaging the district.
And in the third year of the war the Lacedæmonians and
Agis made preparations to invade Elis: but the people
of Elis and Thrasydæus, who had been reduced by the
war to the greatest extremity, made a convention to give
liberty to their subject cities, and to raze the fortifications
of their town, and to allow the Lacedæmonians to
sacrifice to the god at Olympia and to contend in the
games. After this Agis kept continually attacking Attica,
and fortified Decelea as a constant menace to the Athenians:
and after the Athenian fleet was destroyed at
Ægos-potamoi, Lysander the son of Aristocritus and Agis
violated the solemn oaths which the Lacedæmonians and
Athenians had mutually sworn to observe, and at their
own responsibility, and not at the bidding of the Spartan
community, made an agreement with their allies to cut off
Athens root and branch. These were the most notable
exploits of Agis in war. And the hastiness of speech of
Aristo about the legitimacy of his son Demaratus Agis also
imitated in regard to his son Leotychides, for some evil
genius put it into his head in the hearing of the Ephors to
say that he did not think he was his son. He repented
however of his speech afterwards, for when he was carried
home sick from Arcadia and had got to Heræa, he solemnly
declared before a multitude of witnesses that he did verily
believe that Leotychides was his son, and conjured them
with entreaties and tears to report what he had said to the
Lacedæmonians. But after his death Agesilaus drove
Leotychides from the kingdom, reminding the Lacedæmonians
of Agis’ former speech, though the Arcadians
came from Heræa, and bare witness what they had heard
about Leotychides from Agis on his death-bed. And the
variance between Agesilaus and Leotychides was heightened
by the oracle at Delphi, which ran as follows:—
“Sparta, beware, although thou art so great,
Of having king o’er thee lame of one leg.
For unexpected woes shall then prevail,
And mortal-slaying wave of troublous war.”
Leotychides said that this oracle referred to Agesilaus, for
he limped on one leg, but Agesilaus said it referred to
Leotychides’ not being the legitimate son of Agis. And
the Lacedæmonians did not avail themselves of their privilege
to refer the question to Delphi: but Lysander, the son
of Aristocritus, seems to have prevailed upon the people to
unanimously choose Agesilaus.
CHAPTER IX.
So Agesilaus the son of Archidamus was king, and the
Lacedæmonians resolved to cross over into Asia with
their fleet to capture Artaxerxes the son of Darius: for
they had learnt from several people in authority, and especially
from Lysander, that it was not Artaxerxes that had
helped them in the war against the Athenians, but Cyrus
who had supplied them with money for their ships. And
Agesilaus, after being instructed to convey the expedition
to Asia as commander of the land forces, sent round
the Peloponnese to all the Greeks except at Argos and
outside the Isthmus urging them to join him as allies.
The Corinthians for their part, although they had been
most eager to take part in the expedition to Asia, yet, when
their temple of Olympian Zeus was suddenly consumed by
fire, took it as an evil omen, and remained at home sorely
against their will. And the Athenians urged, as pretext
for refusing their aid, the strain of the Peloponnesian war
and the city’s need of recovery from the plague: but their
having learnt from envoys that Conon the son of Timotheus
had gone to the great king, was their main motive. And
Aristomenidas was sent as ambassador to Thebes, the father
of Agesilaus’ mother, who was intimate with the Thebans,
and had been one of the judges who, at the capture of
Platæa, had condemned the garrison to be put to the
sword. The Thebans however cried off like the Athenians,
declining their aid. And Agesilaus, when his own
army and that of the allied forces was mustered and his
fleet ready to sail, went to Aulis to sacrifice to Artemis,
because it was there that Agamemnon had propitiated the
goddess when he led the expedition to Troy. And Agesilaus
considered himself king of a more flourishing state
than Agamemnon, and that like him he was leading all
Greece, but the success would be more glorious, the happiness
greater, to conquer the great King Artaxerxes, and
to be master of Persia, than to overthrow the kingdom
of Priam. But as he was sacrificing some Thebans attacked
him, and threw the thigh-bones of the victims
that were burning off the altar, and drove him out of
the temple. And Agesilaus was grieved at the non-completion
of the sacrifice, but none the less he crossed
over to Asia Minor and marched for Sardis. Now Lydia
was at this period the greatest province in Lower Asia
Minor, and Sardis was the principal city for wealth and
luxury, and it was the chief residence of the satrap by the
sea, as Susa was the chief residence of the great king.
And fighting a battle with Tissaphernes, the satrap of
Ionia, in the plain near the river Hermus, Agesilaus defeated
the Persian cavalry and infantry, though Tissaphernes’
army was the largest since the expedition of
Xerxes against Athens, and earlier still the expedition of
Darius against the Scythians. And the Lacedæmonians,
delighted at the success of Agesilaus by land, readily made
him leader of the fleet also. And he put Pisander his
wife’s brother, a very stout soldier by land, in command
of the triremes. But some god must have grudged his
bringing things to a happy conclusion. For when Artaxerxes
heard of the victorious progress of Agesilaus, and
how he kept pushing on with his army, not content with
what he had already gained, he condemned Tissaphernes
to death, although he had in former times done him signal
service, and gave his satrapy to Tithraustes, a longheaded
fellow and very able man, who greatly disliked the Lacedæmonians.
Directly he arrived at Sardis, he forthwith
devised means to compel the Lacedæmonians to recall their
army from Asia Minor. So he sent Timocrates a native of
Rhodes into Greece with money, bidding him stir up war
against the Lacedæmonians in Greece. And those who
received Timocrates’ money were it is said Cylon and Sodamas
among the Argives, and at Thebes Androclides and
Ismenias and Amphithemis: and the Athenians Cephalus
and Epicrates had a share, and the Corinthians with Argive
proclivities as Polyanthes and Timolaus. But the war was
openly commenced by the Locrians of Amphissa. For the
Locrians had some land which was debated between them
and the Phocians, from this land the Phocians, at the instigation
of the Thebans and Ismenias, cut the ripe corn and
drove off cattle. The Phocians also invaded Locris in full
force, and ravaged the territory. Then the Locrians invited
in the Thebans as their allies, and laid Phocis waste.
And the Phocians went to Lacedæmon and inveighed
against the Thebans, and recounted all that they had suffered
at their hands. And the Lacedæmonians determined
to declare war against the Thebans, and among other
charges which they brought against them was their insult
at Aulis to the sacrifice of Agesilaus. And the Athenians,
having heard of the intention of the Lacedæmonians, sent
to Sparta, begging them not to war against Thebes, but to
submit their differences to arbitration. And the Lacedæmonians
angrily dismissed the embassy. And what
happened subsequently, viz. the expedition of the Lacedæmonians
and the death of Lysander, has been told by
me in reference to Pausanias. And what is known to
history as the Corinthian war began with this march into
Bœotia of the Lacedæmonians, and grew into a big war,
and compelled Agesilaus to bring his army home from
Asia Minor. And when he had crossed over in his ships
from Abydos to Sestos, and marched into Thessaly through
Thrace, the Thessalians attempted to bar his way to ingratiate
themselves with the Thebans, partly also in consequence
of their long standing friendship with Athens.
And Agesilaus having routed their cavalry marched through
Thessaly, and then through Bœotia, having conquered the
Thebans and their allies at Coronea. And when the Bœotians
were routed, some of them fled to the temple of
Athene Itonia: and though Agesilaus was wounded in the
battle, he did not for all that violate their sanctuary.
CHAPTER X.
And not long afterwards those Corinthians who had
been exiled for their Lacedæmonian proclivities established
the Isthmian games. But those who were at this
time in Corinth remained there from fear of Agesilaus, but
when he broke up his camp and returned to Sparta, then
they also joined the Argives at the Isthmian games. And
Agesilaus came again to Corinth with an army: and, as the
festival of Hyacinthus was coming on, he sent home the
natives of Amyclæ, to go and perform the customary rites
to Apollo and Hyacinthus. This detachment were attacked
on the road and cut to pieces by the Athenians under
Iphicrates. Agesilaus also marched into Ætolia to help
the Ætolians who were hard pressed by the Acarnanians,
and compelled the Acarnanians to bring the war to an
end, when they had all but taken Calydon and the other
fortified towns in Ætolia. And some time afterwards he
sailed to Egypt, to the aid of the Egyptians who had revolted
from the great king: and many memorable exploits
did he in Egypt. And he died on the passage home, for
he was now quite an old man. And the Lacedæmonians,
when they got his dead body, buried it with greater honours
than they had shewn to any of their kings.
And during the reign of Archidamus, the son of Agesilaus,
the Phocians seized the temple of Apollo at Delphi.
Offers of mercenary aid came privately to the Thebans to
fight against the Phocians, and publicly from the Lacedæmonians
and Athenians, the latter remembering the old
kindnesses they had received from the Phocians, and the
Lacedæmonians under pretext of friendship, but really as I
think in hostility to the Thebans. And Theopompus, the
son of Damasistratus, said that Archidamus also had a
share of the money at Delphi, and that also Dinichas, his
wife, had received a bribe from the authorities of the
Phocians, and that all this made Archidamus more willing
to bring the Phocians aid. I do not praise receiving
sacred money, and assisting men who made havoc of the
most famous of oracles. But this much I can praise. The
Phocians intended to kill all the young men at Delphi, and
to sell the women and children into slavery, and to raze
the city to its foundations: all this Archidamus successfully
deprecated. And he afterwards crossed over into
Italy, to assist the people of Tarentum in a war with their
barbarian neighbours: and he was slain there by the barbarians,
and his dead body failed to find a tomb through
the wrath of Apollo. And Agis, the elder son of this
Archidamus, met his death fighting against the Macedonians
and Antipater. During the reign of Eudamidas the
younger one the Lacedæmonians enjoyed peace. All about
his son Agis, and his grandson Eurydamidas, I have already
related in my account of Sicyonia.
Next to the Hermæ[32] is a place full of oak trees, and the
name of it Scotitas (dark place) was not derived from the
thickness of the foliage, but from Zeus surnamed Scotitas,
whose temple is about 10 stades as you turn off the road
to the left. And when you have returned to the road, and
gone forward a little, and turned again to the left, there is
a statue and trophy of Hercules: Hercules erected the
trophy it is said after killing Hippocoon and his sons.
And a third turn from the high road to the right leads to
Caryæ and the temple of Artemis. For Caryæ is sacred to
Artemis and the Nymphs, and there is a statue of Artemis
of Caryæ in the open air, and here the Lacedæmonian
maidens have a festival every year, and hold their national
dances. And as you return to the high road and go
straight on you come to the ruins of Sellasia, which place
(as I have mentioned before) the Achæans reduced to
slavery, when they had conquered in battle the Lacedæmonians
and their king Cleomenes the son of Leonidas.
And at Thornax, which you next come to, is a statue of
Pythæan Apollo, very similar to the one at Amyclæ, which
I shall describe when I come to Amyclæ. But the one at
Amyclæ is more famous than the Lacedæmonian one, for
the gold which Crœsus the Lydian sent to Pythæan Apollo
was used to adorn it.
CHAPTER XI.
On going forward from Thornax, you come to the city
which was originally called Sparta, but afterwards
Lacedæmon, which was once the name of the whole district.
And according to my rule which I laid down in my
account about Attica, not to give everything in detail but
to select what was most worthy of account, so I shall deal
in my account of Sparta: for I determined from the outset
to pick out the most remarkable of the particulars which
tradition hands down. From this determination I shall
on no occasion deviate. At Sparta there is a handsome
market-place, and a council chamber for the Senate, and
public buildings in the market-place for the Ephors and
guardians of the laws, and for those who are called the
Bidiæi. The Senate is the most powerful governing body
in Sparta, but all these others take part in the government:
and the ephors and the Bidiæi are each five in
number, and are appointed to preside over the games of
the young men in the Platanistas and elsewhere, and the
Ephors manage all other important matters, and furnish
one of their number as the Eponymus, who like the magistrates
of the same name at Athens presides over the rest.
But the most notable thing in the market-place is what
they call the Persian Portico, built of the spoils taken from
the Medes: and in time they have brought it to its present
size and magnificence. And there are on the pillars statues
in white stone of Mardonius, the son of Gobryas, and other
Persians. There is also a statue of Artemisia, the daughter
of Lygdamis, who was Queen of Halicarnassus: and who
they say of her own accord joined Xerxes in the expedition
against Greece, and displayed great valour in the sea fight
at Salamis. And there are two temples in the market-place,
one to Cæsar, who was the first of the Romans that
aimed at Autocracy, and established the present régime,
and the other to Augustus his adopted son, who confirmed
the Autocratic rule, and advanced further in consideration
and power even than Cæsar had done. His name Augustus
has the same signification as the Greek Sebastus. At the
altar of Augustus they exhibit a brazen statue of Agias,
who they say foretold Lysander that he would capture all
the Athenian fleet at Ægos-potamoi but ten triremes: they
got off safe to Cyprus, but the Lacedæmonians took all the
rest and their crews. This Agias was the son of Agelochus,
the son of Tisamenus. This last was a native of Elis
of the family of the Iamidæ, who was told by the oracle
that he should win the prize in 5 most notable contests.
So he trained for the pentathlum at Olympia, and came off
the ground unvictorious in that, though he won the prize
in two out of the five, for he beat Hieronymus of Andros
in running and leaping. But having been beaten by him
in wrestling, and losing the victory, he interpreted the
oracle to mean that he would win five victories in war.
And the Lacedæmonians, who were not ignorant of what
the Pythian priestess had foretold Tisamenus, persuaded
him to leave Elis, and carry out the oracle for the benefit
of the Spartans. And Tisamenus had his five victories, first
at Platæa against the Persians, and secondly at Tegea in a
battle between the Lacedæmonians and the people of Tegea
and the Argives. And next at Dipæa against all the
Arcadians but the Mantinæans: (Dipæa is a small town
of the Arcadians near Mænalia.) And the fourth victory
was at Ithome against the Helots that had revolted in the
Isthmus. However all the Helots did not revolt, but only
the Messenian portion who had separated themselves from
the original Helots. But I shall enter into all this more
fully hereafter. After this victory the Lacedæmonians,
listening to Tisamenus and the oracle at Delphi, allowed
the rebels to go away on conditions. And the fifth victory
was at Tanagra in a battle against the Argives and Athenians.
Such is the account I heard about Tisamenus.
And the Spartans have in their market-place statues of
Pythæan Apollo, and Artemis, and Leto. And this place
is called Dance-ground because during the Festival of
Gymnopædia,[33] (and there is no feast more popular among
the Lacedæmonians,) the boys have dances here in honour
of Apollo. And at no great distance are temples of Earth,
and Market Zeus, and Market Athene, and Poseidon whom
they call Asphalius, and Apollo again, and Hera. There is
also a huge statue of a man to represent the People of
Sparta. And the Destinies have a temple at Sparta, near
to which is the tomb of Orestes the son of Agamemnon:
for they say his bones were brought from Tegea and buried
here in accordance with the oracle. And near the tomb of
Orestes is an effigy of Polydorus the son of Alcamenes,
whom of all their kings they so extolled that the government
seal all their public documents with Polydorus’
image. There is also a Market Hermes carrying a little
Dionysus, and some antiquities called Ephorea, and among
them memorials of Epimenides the Cretan, and of Aphareus
the son of Perieres. And I think the Lacedæmonian
account of Epimenides truer than the Argive one. Here
also are statues of the Destinies, and some other statues.
There is also a Hospitable Zeus and a Hospitable Athene.
CHAPTER XII.
As you go from the market-place on the road which they
call Apheta (starting-place), you come to what is
called Booneta, (Ox-purchased). I must first explain the
name of the road. They say that Icarius proposed a race
for the suitors of Penelope, and that Odysseus won the
prize is clear, and they started they say at the road called
Apheta. And I think Icarius imitated Danaus in proposing
this contest. For this was Danaus’ plan in regard to his
daughters; as no one would marry any of them because
of their atrocious crime, Danaus made it known that he
would marry his daughters to any one who should select
them for their beauty without requiring wedding-presents,
but when only a few came to apply he established a race,
and the winner might take his pick of the girls, and the
second the next, and so on to the last in the race: and
the girls still remaining had to wait for a second batch of
suitors and a second race. And what the Lacedæmonians
call Booneta on this road, was formerly the house of king
Polydorus: and after Polydorus’ death they bought it of
his widow for some oxen. For as yet there was no coinage
either in silver or gold, but in primitive fashion they gave in
barter oxen and slaves, and silver or gold in the lump. And
mariners to India tell us the Indians give in exchange for
Greek commodities various wares, but do not understand
the use of money, and that though they have plenty of
gold and silver. And opposite the public Hall of the
Bidiæi is the temple of Athene, and Odysseus is said to
have put there the statue of the goddess, and called it
Celeuthea, when he outran the suitors of Penelope. And
he built three temples of Celeuthea at some distance
from one another. And along the road called Apheta
there are hero-chapels of Iops, who is supposed to have
been a contemporary of Lelex or Myles, and of Amphiaraus
the son of Œcles, (and this last they think the
sons of Tyndareus erected as Amphiaraus was their uncle),
and also one of Lelex himself. And not far from these is
the shrine of Tænarian Apollo, for that is his title, and at
no great distance a statue of Athene, which they say was a
votive offering of those who migrated to Italy and Tarentum.
And the place which is called Hellenium is so called
because those of the Hellenes (Greeks), who strove to
prevent Xerxes’ passing into Europe, deliberated in this
place how they should resist him. But another tradition
says that it was here that those who went to Ilium to
oblige Menelaus deliberated on the best plan for sailing to
Troy, and exacting punishment of Paris for the rape of
Helen. And near Hellenium they exhibit the tomb of
Talthybius: as do also the people of Ægæ in Achaia in their
market-place, who also claim the tomb of Talthybius as
being with them. And the wrath of this Talthybius for
the murder of the envoys, who were sent by King Darius
to Greece to ask for earth and water, was publicly manifested
to the Lacedæmonians, but on the Athenians was
visited privately, and mainly on the house of one man,
Miltiades the son of Cimon, for he was the person responsible
for getting the envoys that came to Attica put to death by
the Athenians. And the Lacedæmonians have an altar of
Apollo Acritas, and a temple of Earth called Gaseptum, and
above it is Apollo Maleates. And at the end of the road
Apheta, and very near the walls, is the temple of Dictynna,
and the royal tombs of the Eurypontidæ. And near Hellenium
is the temple of Arsinoe, the daughter of Leucippus,
and the sister of the wives of Polydeuces and Castor. And
at what is called Garrison there is a temple of Artemis,
and as you go on a little further there is a monument
erected to the prophets from Elis who are called Iamidæ.
And there is a temple of Maro and Alpheus, who, of the
Lacedæmonians that fought at Thermopylæ, seem to have
been reckoned most valiant next to Leonidas. And the
temple of Victory-giving Zeus was erected by the Dorians,
after a victory over the people of Amyclæ and the other
Achæans, who at this time occupied Laconia. And the temple
of the great Mother is honoured especially. And next to
it are hero-chapels of Theseus, and the Arcadian Aulon, and
the son of Tlesimenes: some say that Tlesimenes was the
brother, others the son, of Parthenopæus the son of Melanion.
And there is another outlet from the market-place, where
is built the place called Scias, where even now they hold
meetings. This Scias was they say built by the Samian
Theodorus, who was the first discoverer of fusing, and
making statues, in iron. Here the Lacedæmonians hung
up the harp of Milesian Timotheus, censuring him for
adding four chords in harpistry to the old Seven. And
near Scias there is a round building (in which are statues
of Olympian Zeus and Olympian Aphrodite) constructed
they say by Epimenides, of whom they give a different
account to that of the Argives, since they say that the
Argives never fought with the Gnossians.
CHAPTER XIII.
Not far from Scias is the tomb of Cynortas the son of
Amyclas, and the monument of Castor, and a temple
to him over it. Castor and Pollux were not they say
reckoned gods till the fortieth year after the battle between
Idas and Lynceus, whose tombs are exhibited at Scias,
though a more probable tradition states that they were
buried in Messenia. But the misfortunes of the Messenians,
and the long time they were away from the Peloponnese,
have made many of their old traditions unknown to posterity,
and since they do not themselves know them for
certain, any one who chooses can doubt. Right opposite
the temple of Olympian Aphrodite the Lacedæmonians have
a temple of Saviour Proserpine, erected some say by the
Thracian Orpheus, others say by Abaris who came from
the Hyperboreans. And Carneus, whom they surname
Œcetes, had honours in Sparta even before the return of
the Heraclidæ, and a statue was erected to him in the
house of Crius, the son of Theocles the prophet. As the
daughter of this Crius was drawing water, some Dorian
spies met her and had a conversation with her, and went
to Crius, and learnt of him the way to capture Sparta.
And the worship of Carnean Apollo was established among
all the Dorians by Carnus, an Acarnanian by race and the
prophet of Apollo: and when he was slain by Hippotes the
son of Phylas the heavy wrath of Apollo fell upon the
camp of the Dorians, and Hippotes had to flee for this
murder, and the Dorians determined to propitiate the
Acarnanian prophet by sacred rites. But indeed it is not
this Carnean Œcetes, but the son of the prophet Crius
that was honoured while the Achæans still held Sparta.
It has indeed been written by Praxilla in her verses that
Carneus was the son of Europa, and that Apollo and Leto
brought him up. But there is another tradition recorded
of him, that the Greeks cut down on Trojan Ida some
cornel trees that grew in the grove of Apollo to make the
Wooden Horse: and when they learnt of the anger of the
god against them for this sacrilege, they propitiated him
with sacrifices and called him Carnean Apollo from these
cornel trees, transposing the letter ρ according to ancient
custom.[34]
And not far from Carnean Apollo is the statue of Aphetæus:
where they say the suitors of Penelope started for
their race. And there is a place which has porticoes forming
a square, where nicknacks in old times used to be sold: at
this place is an altar of Ambulian Zeus and Ambulian
Athene, and also of Ambulian Castor and Pollux. And
right opposite is what is called Colona (Hill), and a temple
of Zeus of Colona, and near it the grove of the hero, who
they say showed Dionysus the way to Sparta. And the
women called Dionysiades and Leucippides sacrifice to this
hero before they sacrifice to the god himself. But the other
eleven women, whom they also call Dionysiades, have a race
specially appointed for them: this custom came from Delphi.
And not far from the temple of Dionysus is that of Zeus
Euanemus, and on the right of this is the hero chapel of
Pleuron. On the mother’s side the sons of Tyndareus were
descended from Pleuron, for Areus says in his poems that
Thestius, the father of Leda, was the son of Agenor and
grandson of Pleuron. And not far from this hero chapel is
a hill, and on the hill is a temple of Argive Hera, erected
they say by Eurydice the daughter of Lacedæmon, and the
wife of Acrisius the son of Abas. And the temple of
Hyperchirian Hera was built according to the oracle, when
the Eurotas overflowed a considerable part of the country.
And the old wooden statue they call that of Aphrodite Hera,
and when a daughter is married it is customary for mothers
to sacrifice to that goddess. And on the road to the right
of this hill is an effigy of Etœmocles. He and his father
Hipposthenes won prizes for wrestling at Olympia, the
father on eleven occasions, the son on twelve.
CHAPTER XIV.
As you go westwards from the market-place is the
cenotaph of Brasidas the son of Tellis, and at no
great distance a theatre in white stone well worth seeing.
And opposite the theatre are the tombs of Pausanias the
General at Platæa, and of Leonidas: and every year they
have speeches over them, and a contest in which none but
Spartans may compete. The remains of Leonidas were 40
years after his death removed from Thermopylæ by Pausanias,
and there is a pillar with the names and pedigree
of those who fought against the Medes at Thermopylæ.
And there is in Sparta a place called Theomelida, where
are the tombs of the kings descended from Agis, and at no
great distance is what is called the Lounge of the Crotani;
who belong to the Pitanatæ. And not far from this
Lounge is the temple of Æsculapius, called the temple
among the tombs of the descendants of Agis. And as you
go on you come to the tomb of Tænarus, from whom they
say the promontory Tænarum gets its name. And there
are temples of Hippocurian Poseidon and Æginetan Artemis.
And as you retrace your steps to the Lounge is the
temple of Artemis Issora, they also call her Limnæa, though
she is not called Artemis but Britomartis by the Cretans, but
about her I shall speak when I come to Ægina. And very
near the tombs of the descendants of Agis you will see a
pillar, and inscribed on it are the victories which Chionis a
Lacedæmonian carried off in the course, and others which
he won at Olympia. For there he had seven victories,
four in the course, and three in the double course. The
shield race at the end of the sports was not then instituted.
Chionis also took part they say with Theræan Battus
in founding Cyrene, and in ejecting the neighbouring
Libyans. And they allege the following as the reason why
the temple of Thetis was built. When they were fighting
against the Messenians who had revolted, and their king
Anaxander invaded Messenia and took captive some women,
and among them Cleo the priestess of Thetis, Anaxander’s
wife Leandris begged Cleo of her husband, and she found
Cleo in possession of a wooden statue of Thetis, and joined
her in building a temple to the goddess: and Leandris
built this according to the pattern which she saw in a
dream: and the old wooden statue of Thetis they keep in
a private place. And the Lacedæmonians say they were
taught to worship Demeter Chthonia by Orpheus, but I
am of opinion that the temple at Hermion taught them this
worship of Demeter Chthonia. The Spartans have also a
very recent temple of Serapis, and another of Olympian
Zeus.
And the Lacedæmonians give the name Dromus to the
place where it is customary still for the young men to
practise in running. As you go to this Dromus from the
tomb of the descendants of Agis you see on the left hand
the sepulchre of Eumedes, who was the son of Hippocoon,
and an old statue of Hercules, to whom the Spartan youths
called Sphærei sacrifice. This name is given to the lads
who are just growing to manhood.[35] There are also gymnasiums
in Dromus, one the offering of the Spartan
Eurycles. And outside Dromus, and opposite the statue
of Hercules, is a house which now belongs to a private
person, but was of old the house of Menelaus. And
as you go on from Dromus you come to the temples of
Castor and Pollux, and the Graces, and Ilithyia, and
Carnean Apollo, and Sovereign Artemis. And on the right
of Dromus is a temple of Æsculapius surnamed Agnitas
(Willowy), because the god’s statue is made of willow, of
the same kind as that called rhamnus: and at no great
distance is a trophy, which they say Polydeuces put up
after his victory over Lynceus. And this confirms in my
opinion the probability that the sons of Aphareus were
not buried at Sparta. Near the beginning of Dromus are
Castor and Pollux of the Startingpoint, and as you go a
little way further is the hero-chapel of Alco, who they say
was the son of Hippocoon. And next to the hero-chapel of
Alco is the temple of Poseidon whom they surname Domatites.
And there is a place called Platanistas from the
plane-trees which grow high and continuous round it. And
this place, where it is customary for the young men to have
their fights, is surrounded by water as an island is by the
sea, and you enter it by bridges. On one side of these
bridges is a statue of Hercules, and on the other one of
Lycurgus, who not only legislated for the state generally
but even for the fights of the youths. And the youths have
the following customs also. They sacrifice before their
fights in the temple of Phœbus, which is outside the city
and not very far from Therapne. Here each division of
the young men sacrifice a puppy dog to Enyalius,[36] deeming
the most valiant of domesticated animals a suitable victim
to the most valiant of the gods. And I know no other
Greeks who are accustomed to sacrifice puppy dogs except
the Colophonians, who sacrifice a black puppy to Enodius.
The sacrifices both of the Colophonians and also of these
young men at Lacedæmon take place by night. And after
their sacrifice the young men pit together tame boars to
fight, whichever boar gets the victory, the party to which
it belongs are generally victorious at Platanistas. This
is what they do in the temple of Phœbus: and on the next
day a little before noon they cross the bridges to Platanistas.
And the approach for each division is appointed
by lot the night before. And they fight with hands and
feet, and bite and tear one another’s eyes out. So they
fight, and violently attack one another full tilt, and push
one another into the water.
CHAPTER XV.
Near Platanistas there is a hero-chapel of Cynisca, the
daughter of Archidamus king of Sparta: she was
the first woman who trained horses, and the first woman
who won the chariot-race at Olympia. And behind the
portico near Platanistas are several other hero-chapels, one
of Alcimus, and another of Enaræphorus, and at no great
distance one of Dorceus, and above this one of Sebrus.
These they say were sons of Hippocoon. And from Dorceus
they call the fountain near the hero-chapel Dorcea, and
from Sebrus they call the place Sebrium. And on the
right of Sebrium is the sepulchre of Alcman, the sweetness
of whose poems was not injured by the Lacedæmonian
dialect, though it is the least euphonious. And there are
temples of Helen and Hercules, hers near the tomb of
Alcman, and his very near the walls with a statue in it of
Hercules armed: Hercules was so represented in the statue
they say because of his fight against Hippocoon and his
sons. The animosity of Hercules against the family of
Hippocoon originated they say in that, after killing Iphitus,
when he came to Sparta to clear himself, they refused to
clear him. The following matter also contributed to the
beginning of strife. Œonus a lad, and nephew of Hercules,
for he was the son of Alcmena’s brother, accompanied
Hercules to Sparta, and as he was going round and looking
at the city, when he was opposite the house of Hippocoon,
a watch dog jumped out on him, and Œonus chanced to
throw a stone and hit the dog. Then the sons of Hippocoon
ran out, and struck Œonus with clubs till they had killed
him. At this Hercules was furious against Hippocoon and
his sons, and immediately (so angry was he) attacked them.
For the moment he retired as he was wounded, but afterwards
he brought others with him to Sparta to avenge
himself on Hippocoon and his sons for the murder of
Œonus. And the sepulchre of Œonus was erected near the
temple of Hercules. And as you go eastwards from Dromus
there is a path on the right hand to the temple of Athene
under the title of Exactor of due punishment. For when
Hercules took on Hippocoon and his sons adequate vengeance
for what they had done, he built this temple to
Athene under the title of Exactor of due punishment, for
the old race of men called revenge punishment.[37] And there
is another temple of Athene as you go on another road from
Dromus, erected they say by Theras the son of Autesion,
the son of Tisamenus, the son of Thersander, when he sent
a colony to the island which is now called Thera after him,
but was of old called Calliste. And hard by is the temple
of Hipposthenes who carried off most of the wrestling prizes,
and whom they worship according to the oracle, as if they
were awarding honours to Poseidon. And right opposite
this temple is Enyalius in fetters, an old statue. And the
opinion of the Lacedæmonians about this statue and about
that of the Athenians called Wingless Victory is the same,
viz. that Enyalius will never depart from the Lacedæmonians
as being fettered, just as Victory will always remain
with the Athenians because she has no wings to fly away.
Athens and Lacedæmon have erected these statues on
similar principles and with a similar belief. And at Sparta
there is a Lounge called the Painted Lounge, and various
hero-chapels near it, as of Cadmus the son of Agenor, and
his descendants, Œolycus the son of Theras, and Ægeus the
son of Œolycus. And they say these hero-chapels were
built by Mæsis, Læas, and Europas, who are said to have
been the sons of Hyræsus and grandsons of Ægeus. And
they built also a hero-chapel to Amphilochus, because their
ancestor Tisamenus was the son of Demonassa, the sister of
Amphilochus. And the Lacedæmonians are the only Greeks
with whom it is customary to call Hera Goateater and
to sacrifice goats to her. And Hercules they say built
a temple and sacrificed goats to her first, because when
he was fighting against Hippocoon and his sons he met with
no obstacle from Hera, though he thought the goddess
opposed him on all other occasions. And they say he
sacrificed goats to her as being in difficulty about getting
any other victims. And not far from the theatre is the
temple of Tutelary Poseidon and hero-chapels of Cleodæus
the son of Hyllus, and of Œbalus. And the most notable of
the Spartan temples of Æsculapius is at Booneta, on the
left of which is the hero-chapel of Teleclus, of whom I
shall give an account when I come to Messenia. And
when you have gone forward a little further there is a hill
not very high, and on it an old temple and wooden statue
of Aphrodite in full armour. This is the only temple I
know which has an upper story built above it, and in this
upper story is a shrine of Aphrodite under the title of The
Shapely, the goddess is seated with a veil on and fetters on
her feet. They say Tyndareus added the fetters, symbolising
by those bonds the bonds of love, that unite men
so powerfully to women. For as to the other tradition,
that Tyndareus punished the goddess by fetters, because
he thought his daughters’ disgrace had come from the
goddess, this I don’t at all accept: for it would have been
altogether childish to make a small figure of cedar-wood
and call it Aphrodite, and then think in punishing it one
was punishing the goddess!
CHAPTER XVI.
And hard by is the temple of Hilaira and Phœbe, who
the writer of the Cyprian poems says were the
daughters of Apollo. And their priestesses are maidens,
called also Leucippides as well as the goddesses. One of
their statues was touched up by a priestess of the goddesses,
who with an art not unknown in our days put a new face
on the old statue, but a dream prevented her treating the
other statue in the same way. Here is hung up an egg,
fastened to the roof by fillets; they say it is the egg which
Leda is said to have laid. And every year the women
weave a coat for Apollo at Amyclæ, and they call the place
where they weave it Coat. Near the temple is a house
which they say the sons of Tyndareus originally lived in,
but afterwards Phormio a Spartan got possession of it.
To him Castor and Pollux came as strangers, they said
they had come from Cyrene and desired to lodge at his
house, and asked for a chamber, (with which they were
greatly pleased), as long as they should remain at Sparta.
But he bade them go to some other house where they
might like to dwell, he could not give them that chamber,
for it was the apartment of his daughter a maiden. And
the next day maiden and her attendants had all vanished,
but statues of Castor and Pollux were found in the
chamber, and a table with some assa-fœtida on it. Such
at least is the tradition.
And as you go to the gates from the place called Coat
there is a hero-chapel of Chilo, who was accounted one of
the seven wise men, and of an Athenian hero who accompanied
Dorieus, the son of Anaxandrides, on the expedition
to colonize Sicily. And they put in at Eryx thinking that
district belonged to the descendants of Hercules, and not
to barbarians who really held it. For there is a tradition
that Eryx and Hercules wrestled on the following conditions,
that if Hercules conquered the land of Eryx should
be his, but if Eryx conquered the oxen of Geryon, (which
Hercules was then driving,) should be his, for these oxen
had swum across to Sicily from the promontory at Scylla,[38]
and Hercules had crossed over after them to find them, and
Eryx should have them if he came off victor. But the
good will of the gods did not speed Dorieus the son of
Anaxandrides as it had done Hercules, for Hercules killed
Eryx, but the people of Segeste nearly annihilated Dorieus
and his army. And the Lacedæmonians have built a
temple to their legislator Lycurgus as to a god. And
behind this temple is the tomb of Eucosmus, the son of
Lycurgus, near the altar of Lathria and Anaxandra, who
were twins, (and the sons of Aristodemus who married
them were also twins), and the daughters of Thersander
the son of Agamedidas, the king of the Cleestonæans, and
the great grandson of Ctesippus the son of Hercules. And
right opposite the temple are the tombs of Theopompus the
son of Nicander, and Eurybiades, who fought against the
Medes in the Lacedæmonian gallies at Artemisium and
Salamis. And hard-by is what is called the hero-chapel
of Astrabacus.
And the place called Limnæum is the temple of Orthian
Artemis. The wooden statue of the goddess is they say
the very one which Orestes and Iphigenia formerly stole
from the Tauric Chersonese. And the Lacedæmonians say
it was brought to their country when Orestes was king
there. And their account seems to me more probable than
the account of the Athenians. For why should Iphigenia
have left the statue at Brauron? And when the Athenians
were preparing to leave the place, would they not have put
it on board ship? And so great still is the fame of Tauric
Artemis, that the Cappadocians who live near the Euxine
claim that the statue was theirs, and the Lydians who
have a temple of Anaitian Artemis make the same claim.
But it appears it was neglected by the Athenians and
became a prey to the Medes: for it was carried from
Brauron to Susa, and afterwards the Syrians of Laodicea
received it from Seleucus and still have it. And the
following facts plainly prove to me that the Orthian
Artemis at Lacedæmon is the same wooden statue which
was taken from the barbarians: that Astrabacus and
Alopecus, (the sons of Irbus, the son of Amphisthenes, the
son of Amphicles, the son of Agis), when they found the
statue immediately went mad; and also that the Limnatæ
among the Spartans, and the people of Cynosura, Mesoa,
and Pitane, who were sacrificing to Artemis, had a quarrel
and even went so far as to kill one another, and after
many were killed at the altar a pestilence destroyed the
rest. And after that an oracle bade them sprinkle human
blood over the altar. And instead of a person drawn by
lot being sacrificed, Lycurgus changed it to flogging the
young men there, and so the altar got sprinkled with
human blood. And the priestess stands by during the
operation, holding the wooden statue, which is generally
light from its smallness, but if the scourgers spare any
young man at all in his flogging either on account of his
beauty or rank, then this wooden statue in the priestess’
hand becomes heavy and no longer easy to hold, and she
makes complaint of the scourgers and says it is so heavy
owing to them. So innate is it with this statue, in consequence
of the sacrifices at the Tauric Chersonese, to
delight in human blood. And they not only call the
goddess Orthia, but also Bound-with-willow-twigs, because
the statue was found in a willow bush, and the willows
so tenaciously twined round it that they kept it in an
upright posture.
CHAPTER XVII.
And not far from that of Orthian Artemis is the temple
of Ilithyia: this temple they say was built, and
Ilithyia accounted a goddess, in obedience to the oracle at
Delphi. And the Lacedæmonians have no citadel rising to
a notable height, as the Cadmea at Thebes, or Larissa
among the Argives: but as there are several hills in the
city the highest of these is called the citadel. Here is
erected a temple of Athene called Poliuchus and Chalciœcus.
And this temple began to be built they say by
Tyndareus: and after his death his sons wished to finish
the building, and they had an opportunity in the spoils
from Aphidna. But as they too died before the conclusion
of the work, the Lacedæmonians many years afterwards
completed the temple, and made a statue of Athene in brass.
And the artificer was Gitiadas a native of Sparta, who also
composed Doric poems and a hymn to the goddess. Many
too of the Labours of Hercules are delineated in brass, and
many of his successes on his own account, and several of
the actions of Castor and Pollux, and their carrying off
the daughters of Leucippus, and Hephæstus freeing his
mother from her bonds. I have given an explanation of
all these before, and the legends about them, in my account
of Attica. There too are the Nymphs giving Perseus, as
he is starting for Libya and Medusa, the invisible cap,
and the sandals with which he could fly through the air.
There too are representations of the birth of Athene, and
of Amphitrite, and Poseidon, which are the largest and as
it seems to me finest works of art.
There is also another temple there of Athene the Worker.
At the South Porch there is also a temple of Zeus called
the Arranger, and the tomb of Tyndareus in front of it.
And the West Porch has two Eagles and two Victories
to correspond, the votive offering of Lysander, and a
record of his two famous exploits, the one near Ephesus
when he defeated Antiochus, the pilot of Alcibiades, and the
Athenian gallies, and the other at Ægos-potamoi where he
crushed the Athenian navy. And at the left of Athene
Chalciœcus they have built a temple of the Muses, because
the Lacedæmonians do not go out to battle to the sound of
the trumpet, but to the music of flutes and lyre and harp.
And behind Athene Chalciœcus is the temple of Martial
Aphrodite. Her wooden statues are as old as any among
the Greeks.
And on the right of Athene Chalciœcus is a statue of
Supreme Zeus, the most ancient of all brass statues, for
it is not carved in one piece, but forged piece by piece
and deftly welded together, and studs keep it together
from falling to pieces. The artificer was they say Clearchus
a man of Rhegium, who some say was the pupil of Dipœnus
and Scyllis, others say of Dædalus. And at what is called
the Scenoma there is a figure of a woman, the Lacedæmonians
say it is Euryleonis, who won the prize at Olympia
with a pair of horses.
And near the altar of Athene Chalciœcus are erected
two figures of Pausanias the General at Platæa. His fate
I shall not relate to people who know it, for what I have
written before is quite sufficient. I shall merely therefore
state what I heard from a man of Byzantium, that Pausanias
was detected plotting, and was the only one of those that
took sanctuary with Athene Chalciœcus that did not get
indemnity, and that for no other reason than that he could
not clear himself of the guilt of murder. For when he
was at the Hellespont in command of the allied fleet, he got
enamoured of a Byzantian maiden called Cleonice, and at
nightfall a detachment of his men brought her to him.
And Pausanias had fallen asleep, and when this maiden
came into the room she knocked down inadvertently the
light that was burning, and the noise woke him. And
Pausanias, whose conscience smote him for having betrayed
Greece, and who was therefore always in a state of nervous
alarm and panic, was beside himself and stabbed the maiden
with a scimetar. This guilt Pausanias could not clear
himself from, though he endeavoured in every way to
propitiate Zeus the Acquitter, and even went to Phigalia
in Arcadia to the necromancers, but he paid to Cleonice
and the deity the fit penalty. And the Lacedæmonians
at the bidding of the oracle made brazen statues for the
god Epidotes, and otherwise honoured him, because he it
was who in the case of Pausanias turned aside the wrath
of Zeus the god of Suppliants.
CHAPTER XVIII.
Near the two figures of Pausanias is a statue of Youth-prolonging
Aphrodite, made at the bidding of an
oracle, and statues of Sleep and Death. People have
reckoned them to be brothers according to Homer’s lines
in the Iliad.[39] And on the way to Alpium as it is called
you come to the temple of Athene the Eye-preserver,
erected they say by Lycurgus who had one of his eyes
knocked out by Alcander, because he did not find Lycurgus’
legislation agreeable. And he took refuge at this
place, and the Lacedæmonians prevented his losing his
remaining eye, so he built a temple to Athene the Eye-preserver.
And as you go on from thence you come to the
temple of Ammon. The Lacedæmonians seem from time
immemorial to have used his oracle in Libya most of all the
Greeks. And it is said that, when Lysander was besieging
Aphytis in Pallene, Ammon appeared to him by night, and
told him it would be better for him and Lacedæmon to
raise the siege. And accordingly he did so, and induced the
Lacedæmonians to honour the god even more than before.
And the people of Aphytis honour Ammon as much as the
Ammonians themselves in Libya. And the following is
the tradition about Cnagian Artemis. Cnageus they say
was a native of Sparta, and went on the expedition against
Aphidna with Castor and Pollux, and was taken prisoner
in the battle and sold into slavery in Crete, and was slave
at the temple of Artemis in Crete, and in course of time
ran off with the priestess who also took with her the image
of the goddess. This is why they call her Cnagian Artemis.
But I cannot help thinking this Cnageus must have gone
to Crete in some other way, and not as the Lacedæmonians
say, for I do not think a battle was fought at Aphidna, as
Theseus was detained in Thesprotia, and the Athenians
were not unanimous for him, but inclined rather to Menestheus.
Not but that, if a contest took place, one might
readily believe that prisoners were taken by the conquerors,
especially as it was a decisive victory, for Aphidna was
captured. Let this suffice for the subject.
On the road from Sparta to Amyclæ you come to the
river Tiasa. Tiasa was they think the daughter of Eurotas,
and near the river is a temple of the Graces Phaenna and
Clete, whom Alcman has celebrated. And they think that
Lacedæmon erected this temple to the Graces and gave
them these names. The things worth seeing at Amyclæ are
the statue of Ænetus on a pillar (he won all the prizes in
the pentathlum, and died they say directly after being
crowned for his victory at Olympia,) and some brazen
tripods, three[40] of which are older they say than the
Messenian War. Under the first of these is a statue of
Aphrodite, under the second one of Artemis, both the design
and work of Gitiadas. And the third is by Callon of Ægina,
and under it is a statue of Proserpine the daughter of
Demeter. And the Parian Aristander has represented a
woman with a lyre to signify Sparta no doubt, and Polycletus
the Argive has represented Aphrodite called the
Aphrodite near Amyclæan Apollo. These 3 tripods are
bigger than any of the rest, and were dedicated in consequence
of the victory at Ægos-potamoi. And Bathycles
the Magnesian, who made the throne of Amyclæan Apollo,
also carved some of the Graces on the throne and a statue of
Artemis Leucophryene. Who he learnt his art from, or
in whose reign he made this throne I pass by, but I have
seen it and will describe it. Before and behind it are two
Graces and two Seasons, on the left is the Hydra and
Typhos, and on the right the Tritons. But to narrate
every detail of this work of art would tire my readers, to
make therefore a short summary, since most are well
known, Poseidon and Zeus are carrying off Taygetes, the
daughter of Atlas, and her sister Alcyone. There also is
Atlas delineated, and the combat between Hercules and
Cycnus, and the fight of the Centaurs with Pholus. There
too is the Minotaur represented by Bathycles (I know not
why) as fettered and led alive by Theseus. And there is a
dance of Phæacians on the throne, and Demodocus is
singing. There too is Perseus’ victory over Medusa. And
not to mention the contest of Hercules with the giant
Thurius, and of Tyndareus with Eurytus, there is the rape
of the daughters of Leucippus. And there is Hermes
carrying to heaven Dionysus as a boy, and Athene taking
Hercules to dwell among the gods. And there is Peleus
handing over Achilles for his education to Chiron, who is
said to have been his tutor. And there is Cephalus carried
off by Aurora for his beauty. And there are the gods
bringing their gifts at the wedding of Harmony. There
too is the single combat between Achilles and Memnon, and
Hercules slaying Diomede, King of Thrace, and Nessus by
the river Evenus, and Hermes bringing up the goddesses
to Paris for the trial of beauty, and Adrastus and Tydeus
stopping the fight between Amphiarus and Lycurgus the
son of Pronax. And Hera is gazing at Io already changed
into a heifer, and Athene is running away from the pursuit
of Hephæstus. There too is Hercules fighting with the
hydra, and bringing up Cerberus from Hades. There too
are Anaxis and Mnasinous each of them on horseback, and
Megapenthes, the son of Menelaus, and Nicostratus both on
one horse. And there is Bellerophon killing the Chimæra
in Lycia, and Hercules driving off the cattle of Geryon.
And on each side of the upper portions of the throne are
Castor and Pollux on horseback: under their horses are
some Sphinxes and some wild beasts running above, on
Castor’s side a leopard, but near Pollux a lioness. And at
the very top of the throne is a company of the Magnesians
who assisted Bathycles in this work of art. And if you go
under the throne to see its interior parts where the Tritons
are, there is the boar of Calydon, and Hercules slaying the
sons of Actor, and Calais and Zetes driving away the
Harpies from Phineus, and Pirithous and Theseus carrying
off Helen, and Hercules throttling the Nemean lion. And
there are Apollo and Artemis transfixing Tityus. And
there is the contest of Hercules with the Centaur Oreus,
and of Theseus with the Minotaur, and the wrestling of
Hercules with Achelous, and Hera bound by Hephæstus as
the story goes, and the games established by Acastus in
memory of his father, and what we read in the Odyssey
about Menelaus and the Egyptian Proteus. Lastly there
is Admetus yoking to his chariot a boar and a lion, and the
Trojans making their offerings at the grave of Hector.
CHAPTER XIX.
As to the seat for the god on this throne, it is not
one continuous surface but has several partitions with
intervals between them. The largest partition is in the
middle, where there is a statue about 30 cubits high I conjecture,
for no one has taken its measure. And this is not
by Bathycles but an ancient and inartistic production, for
except the face toes and hands it resembles a brazen pillar.
There is a helmet on its head, and a lance and bow in its
hands. And the base of the statue is like an altar, and
they say Hyacinthus is buried there, and at the festival of
Hyacinthus, before they sacrifice to Apollo, they make offerings
to Hyacinthus on this altar through a brazen door which
is on the left of the altar. And carved upon this altar are
effigies of Biris and Amphitrite and Poseidon, and Zeus
and Hermes talking together, and near them Dionysus and
Semele, and near Semele Ino. On this altar too are effigies
of Demeter and Proserpine and Pluto, the Destinies and
the Seasons, Aphrodite and Athene and Artemis; and they
are carrying to heaven Hyacinthus and his sister Polybœa
who they say died a virgin. Hyacinthus has a small beard,
and Nicias the son of Nicomedes has represented him as
very handsome, hinting at the love of Apollo for him.
There is also a representation of Hercules being taken to
heaven by Athene and the other gods; as also effigies of
the daughters of Thestius and the Muses and the Seasons.
As to the Zephyr, and the story of Hyacinth having been
accidentally slain by Apollo, and the legends about the
flower Hyacinth, the traditions may possibly be baseless,
but let them stand.
Amyclæ was destroyed by the Dorians, and is now only
a village, which contains a temple and statue of Alexandra
well worth seeing, (by Alexandra the people of Amyclæ
mean Cassandra the daughter of Priam).
There is here also an effigy of Clytæmnestra, and a statue
of Agamemnon, and his supposed tomb. And Amyclæan
Apollo and Dionysus are the chief gods worshipped here,
the latter they call very properly in my opinion Psilax
(Winged). Psila is the Dorian word for wings, and wine
elevates men and lightens their judgment just as wings
elevate birds. And such is all that is memorable about
Amyclæ.
Another road from Sparta leads to Therapne. And on
the way is a wooden statue of Athene Alea. And before
you cross the Eurotas a little above the bank stands the
temple of Wealthy Zeus. And when you have crossed the
Eurotas, you come to the temple of Cotylean Æsculapius
built by Hercules, who called Æsculapius Cotylean because
in the first conflict with Hippocoon and his sons he received
a wound on his cotyle or hip. And of all the temples built
on this road, the most ancient is one of Ares, on the
left of the road, and the statue of the god was they say
brought by Castor and Pollux from Colchi. And Theritas
gets its name they say from Thero, who was the nurse of
Ares. And perhaps they got the name Theritas from the
Colchians, for the Greeks know nothing of a nurse of Ares
called Thero. But I cannot but think that the name
Theritas was given to Ares not on account of his nurse,
but because in an engagement with the enemy one must be
mild no longer, but be like the description of Achilles in
Homer, “as a lion he knows savageness.”[41]
Therapne got its name from Therapne, the daughter of
Lelex, and it has a temple of Menelaus, and they say that
Menelaus and Helen were buried here. But the Rhodians
have a different account to that of the Lacedæmonians,
and say that Helen after the death of Menelaus, while
Orestes was still on his travels, was driven away by Nicostratus
and Megapenthes and went to Rhodes, as she was a
connection of Polyxo the wife of Tlepolemus, for Polyxo
was of Argive descent, and being the wife of Tlepolemus
fled with him to Rhodes, and there became Queen, being
left with one fatherless child. This Polyxo they say desired
to avenge on Helen the death of Tlepolemus, and when she
got her in her power sent to her as she was bathing some
attendants dressed like the Furies, and they laid hold of
Helen and hung her on a tree, and for this reason the Rhodians
have a temple to Helen Hung on the Tree. And I will
record the tradition of the people of Croton about Helen,
which is the same as that of the people of Himera. There is
in the Euxine sea, near the mouth of the Ister, an island
sacred to Achilles called Leuce. It is 20 stades in extent,
entirely thick forest and full of beasts domesticated and wild,
and contains a temple and statue of Achilles. They say
Leonymus of Croton was the first that ever sailed to it. For
when there was a war between the people of Croton and
the Locrians in Italy, and the Locrians invited in Ajax the
son of Oileus to aid them because of their kinsmanship to
the Opuntians, Leonymus the general of the Crotonians
attacked that part of the enemy’s army where he was told
that Ajax was stationed, and got wounded in the breast,
and, as he suffered very much from his wound, went to
Delphi. And the Pythian Priestess sent him to the island
Leuce, and told him that Ajax would appear there and heal
his wound. And in process of time getting well he returned
from Leuce, and said that he had seen Achilles, and Ajax
the son of Oileus, and Ajax the son of Telamon, and that
Patroclus and Antilochus were in the company, and that
Helen was married to Achilles and had told him to sail to
Himera, and tell Stesichorus that the loss of his eyesight
was a punishment to him from her. In consequence of
this Stesichorus composed his palinode.
CHAPTER XX.
At Therapne too I saw the fountain Messeis. Some of
the Lacedæmonians say that the fountain called in
our day Polydeucea, and not this one at Therapne, was
called by the ancients Messeis. But the fountain Polydeucea,
and the temple of Polydeuces, are on the right
of the road to Therapne. And not far from Therapne
is a temple of Phœbus, and in it a shrine of Castor and
Polydeuces, and the youths sacrifice here to Enyalius.
And at no great distance is a temple of Poseidon under
the name of the Earth-holder. And as you go on thence
on the road to Taygetus you come to a place they call
Alesiæ (i.e.Mill-town), for they say that Myles the son of
Lelex was the first that discovered the use of mills, and
first ground here. At Alesiæ there is a hero-chapel to
Lacedæmon the son of Taygete. And as you go on from
thence and cross the river Phellias, on the road from
Amyclæ to the sea you come to Pharis, formerly a populous
town in Laconia, and leaving the river Phellias on the
right is the way to Mount Taygetus. And there is in the
plain a shrine of Messapian Zeus. He got this title they
say from one of his priests. As you go thence towards
Mount Taygetus there is a place called Bryseæ, where was
formerly a town, and there is still a temple of Dionysus
and his statue in the open air. But the statue in the temple
only women may look upon: and women only conduct the
ritual in connection with the sacrifices. The highest point
of Mount Taygetus is Taletum above Bryseæ. This they
say is sacred to the Sun, and they sacrifice there to the
Sun horses and other victims, as do also the Persians.
And not far from Taletum is the forest called Evoras, which
supports several wild beasts and especially wild goats. In
fact Mount Taygetus throughout affords excellent goat-hunting
and boar-hunting, and superfine deer-hunting and
bear-hunting. And between Taletum and Evoras is a place
they call Theras, where they say Leto came from the heights
of Taygetus. And there is a temple to Demeter under
the name Eleusinia. Here the Lacedæmonians say Hercules
was hidden by Æsculapius, while he was being cured
of his wound. And there is in it a wooden statue of
Orpheus, the work as they say of the Pelasgi. And I
know that Orphic rites take place here also. Near the sea
is a town called Helus, which Homer has mentioned in his
catalogue of the Lacedæmonians,
‘Those who dwelt at Amyclæ and Helus the city by the sea.’[42]
It was founded by Heleus the youngest son of Perseus, and
the Dorians in after days reduced it by siege. Its inhabitants
were the first slaves of the Lacedæmonian commonalty,
and were the first called Helots from the place of
their birth. Afterwards Helot was the general name the
Dorians gave their slaves, even when they were Messenians,
just as all the Greeks are called Hellenes from Hellas
in Thessaly. From Helus they bring on stated days the
wooden statue of Proserpine, the daughter of Demeter, to
Eleusinium. And 15 stades from Eleusinium is the place
called Lapithæum from a native called Lapithus. It is on
Mount Taygetus, and not far from it is Dereum, where is
a statue of Derean Artemis in the open air, and near it a
fountain which they call Anonus. And next to Dereum,
about 20 stades further on is Harplea, which extends as
far as the plain.
On the road from Sparta to Arcadia there is a statue of
Athene called Parea in the open air, and near it a temple of
Achilles, which it is customary to keep shut. But those of
the youths who intend to contend at Platanistas are wont
to sacrifice there to Achilles before the contest. And the
Spartans say this temple was built for them by Prax, who
was the great grandson of Pergamus, the son of Neoptolemus.
And as you go on you come to the tomb called
The Horse, for Tyndareus sacrificed a horse here and put
an oath to all the suitors of Helen, making them stand by
the horse’s entrails. And the oath was to aid Helen, and
whoever should be chosen for her husband, if they were
wronged. And after putting this oath to them he buried
the remains of the horse here. And at no great distance
there are seven pillars set there after some ancient custom,
I suppose, to represent the seven planets. And on the
road there is a grove of Carnean Apollo called Stemmatius,
and a temple of Mysian Artemis. And the statue of
Modesty, about 30 stades’ distance from Sparta, is the votive
offering of Icarius, said to have been made on the following
occasion. When Icarius gave Penelope in marriage to
Odysseus, he endeavoured to persuade Odysseus to live at
Lacedæmon, but failing in that he begged his daughter to
remain with him, and when she set out for Ithaca followed
the chariot, and besought her earnestly to return. And
Odysseus for a time refused his consent to this, but at last
gave Penelope permission either to accompany him of her
own volition, or to go back to Lacedæmon with her father.
And she they say made no answer, but, as she veiled her
face at this proposal, Icarius perceived that she wished to
go off with Odysseus, and let her go, and dedicated a statue
of Modesty in the very place in the road where they say
Penelope had got to when she veiled herself.
CHAPTER XXI.
And 20 stades further you will come to the Eurotas
which flows very near the road, and to the tomb of
Ladas, who surpassed all his contemporaries in swiftness of
foot. At Olympia he received the prize for the long race,
but I think he was tired out after his victory, for he died
on this spot and was buried above the public road. Another
Ladas, who also was a victor at Olympia but not in the long
race, was they say an Achæan from Ægium, according to
the archives of Elis about the victors at Olympia. And if
you go on you come to the village called Characoma, and
next to it is Pellana, formerly a town, where they say
Tyndareus lived, when he fled from Sparta from Hippocoon
and his sons. And the notable things I have myself
seen there are the temple of Æsculapius and the fountain
Pellanis, into which they say a maiden fell when she was
drawing water, and after she had disappeared her veil was
found in another fountain called Lancea. And about 100
stades from Pellana is a place called Belemina: best off for
water of all Laconia, for not only does the river Eurotas
flow through it, but it has also fountains in abundance.
As you go down to the sea in the direction of Gythium,
you come to the Lacedæmonian village called Croceæ. The
stonequarries here are not one continuous piece of rock,
but stones are dug out of them like river stones, rather
difficult to carve, but when they are carved admirably
adapted to adorn the temples of the gods, and add very
greatly to the beauty of fishponds and ornamental waters.
And in front of the village are statues of the gods, as Zeus of
Croceæ in stone, and at the quarry Castor and Pollux in
brass. And next to Croceæ, as you turn to the right from
the high road to Gythium, you will come to the small town
called Ægiæ. They say Homer mentions it under the
name Augeæ. Here is a marsh which is called Poseidon’s
marsh, and the god has a temple and statue near it. The
natives are afraid however to catch the fish, for they say
that whoever fishes there becomes a fish and ceases to be
a man.
Gythium is about 30 stades from Ægiæ, and is near the
sea, and is inhabited by the Eleutherolacones, whom the
Emperor Augustus liberated from the yoke of slavery imposed
on them by the Lacedæmonians of Sparta. All the
Peloponnese except the Isthmus of Corinth is surrounded
by water: and the maritime parts of Laconia furnish
shell fish from which purple dye is obtained, next in excellence
to the Tyrian purple. And the Eleutherolacones
have 18 cities, first Gythium as you descend from Ægiæ
to the sea, and next Teuthrone, and Las, and Pyrrhichus,
and near Tænarum Cænepolis, and Œtylus, and Leuctra,
and Thalamæ, and Alagonia, and Gerenia: and opposite
Gythium Asopus near the sea, and Acriæ, and Bœæ, and
Zarax, and Epidaurus called Limera, and Brasiæ, and
Geronthræ, and Marius. These are all that remain of what
were once 24 cities of the Eleutherolacones. And the other
six, which I shall also give an account of, are tributary to
Sparta and not independent as those we have just spoken
of. And the people of Gythium assign no mortal as their
founder, but say that Hercules and Apollo, when their contest
for the tripod was over, jointly built their town. In
the market-place they have statues of Apollo and Hercules,
and near them Dionysus. And in a different part of the
town is Carnean Apollo, and a temple of Ammon, and a
brazen statue of Æsculapius; his shrine has no roof to it,
and there is a fountain of the god, and a temple sacred to
Demeter, and a statue of Poseidon the Earth-holder. And
the person that the people of Gythium call the old man,
who they say lives in the sea, is I discovered Nereus, and
this name Homer gave him in the Iliad in the speech of
Thetis, ‘Ye now enter Ocean’s spacious bosom, to visit
the old man of the sea and the homes of our sire.’[43] And
the gates here are called Castorides, and in the citadel there
is a temple and statue of Athene.
CHAPTER XXII.
And about 3 stades from Gythium is the White Stone,
where they say Orestes sat to cure himself of his
madness. In the Doric tongue the stone was called Zeus
Cappotas. And opposite Gythium lies the island Cranae,
where according to Homer Paris first carried off Helen.
Facing this island on the mainland is the temple of Aphrodite
Migonitis, and the whole place is called Migonium.
The temple they say was built by Paris. And Menelaus,
returning home safe 8 years after the capture of Ilium,
placed near the temple of Aphrodite Migonitis statues of
Thetis and Praxidice. There is a mountain too above
Migonium sacred to Dionysus, which they call Larysium:
and here at the commencement of spring they have a feast
to Dionysus, alleging among other reasons for the festival
that they found here a ripe cluster of grapes.
On the left of Gythium about 30 stades’ distance you
will see on the mainland the walls of Trinasus, which
seems to me to have been a fort and not a town. And I
think it got its name from the three small islands which
lie here near the mainland. And about 80 stades from
Trinasus you come to the ruins of Helus, and 30 stades
further to Acriæ a city on the sea, where is a handsome
temple of the Mother of the Gods, and her statue in stone.
And the inhabitants of Acriæ say that this is the oldest of
all the temples of this goddess in the Peloponnese: though
the Magnesians who live north of Sipylus have on a rock
called Coddinus the most ancient statue of the Mother of
the Gods; and the Magnesians say it was made by Broteas
the son of Tantalus. Acriæ once produced a victor at
Olympia in Nicocles, who carried off at two Olympiads five
victories in the chariot race. His tomb is between the
gymnasium and the walls near the harbour. It is about
120 stades from Acriæ to Geronthræ. Geronthræ was
inhabited before the Heraclidæ came to the Peloponnese, and
the inhabitants were driven out by the Dorians of Lacedæmon,
who, when they had driven out the Achæans from
Geronthræ, put in colonists of their own. But Geronthræ
now belongs to the Eleutherolacones. On the road from
Acriæ to Geronthræ there is a village called Palæa, and
at Geronthræ there is a temple and grove of Ares, whose
festival they celebrate annually, when women are forbidden
to enter the grove. And near the market-place are
fountains of drinkable water. And in the citadel there is
a temple of Apollo, and the head of his image in ivory: all
the rest of the image was destroyed by fire when the
old temple was burnt. Another town belonging to the
Eleutherolacones is Marius, 100 stades from Geronthræ.
There is an old temple there common to all the gods, and
round it a grove with fountains, there are also fountains
in the temple of Artemis. Marius indeed has plenty of
water if any place. And above Marius is a village called
Glyptia in the interior of the country. And there is
another village called Selinus about 20 stades from
Geronthræ.
So much for the interior of Laconia from Acriæ. And
the town Asopus on the sea is about 60 stades from Acriæ.
In it is a temple of the Roman Emperors, and inland from
Asopus about 12 stades is a temple of Æsculapius, they
call the god Philolaus there. And the bones that are
honoured in the gymnasium are exceedingly large, but not
too big for a mortal. And there is a temple of Athene
called Cyparissia in the citadel: and at the foot of the citadel
there some ruins of a town called the town of the Paracyparissian
Achæans. There is also in this district a temple
of Æsculapius about 50 stades from Asopus, and they call
the place in which this temple is Hyperteleatum. And
there is a promontory jutting out into the sea about 200
stades from Asopus, which they call Ass’ jawbone. This
promontory has a temple of Athene, without either statue
or roof, said to have been built by Agamemnon. There is
also a monument of Cinadus, who was the pilot of Menelaus’
ship. And next to this promontory is what is called
the Bay of BϾ, and the city BϾ is at the head of the
bay. It was built by Bœus, one of the sons of Hercules
who is said to have peopled it from the three towns Etis,
Aphrodisias, and Sida. Two of these ancient towns are
reputed to have been built by Æneas, when he was fleeing
to Italy and driven into this bay by storms, his daughter
Etias gave her name to Etis, and the third town was they
say called after Sida the daughter of Danaus. Those who
were driven out of these towns enquired where they should
dwell: and the oracle told them that Artemis would shew
them where to dwell. On their starting their journey a
hare sprung in view, this hare they made their guide: and
as it hid in a myrtle tree they built their city on the site of
the myrtle tree, and they still venerate the myrtle tree, and
call Artemis their Saviour. There is also a temple of
Apollo in the market-place of BϾ, and in another part of
the city temples of Æsculapius and Serapis and Isis. The
ruins of the three towns are not more than 7 stades from
BϾ, and on the road you see a stone statue of Hermes
on the left, and among the ruins can trace temples of
Æsculapius and Hygiea.
CHAPTER XXIII.
And Cythera lies opposite BϾ, and to the promontory
of Platanistus—the point where the island is nearest
to the mainland—from the promontory on the mainland
called Ass’ jaw-bone is about 4 stades’ sail. And at Cythera
there is a station for ships called Scandea, and Scandea is
about 10 stades from the town of Cythera as you go along
the cliffs. And the temple of Celestial Aphrodite is the
most holy and most ancient of all the temples the Greeks
have of Aphrodite, and the statue is an old wooden one,
the goddess is in complete armour.
As you sail from BϾ to the promontory of Malea there
is a harbour called Nymphæum, and a statue of Poseidon
erect, and a cave very near the sea, and in it a spring of
fresh water, and many people live in the neighbourhood.
And as you double the promontory of Malea, and sail
about 100 stades, you come to a place called Epidelium on
the borders of BϾ, where is a temple of Apollo. It is
called Epidelium because the wooden statue of Apollo
there now was formerly at Delos. For Delos being formerly
an emporium for the Greeks, and being thought
likely to give security to commerce because of the god,
Menophanes a General of Mithridates, either of his own
insolence or obeying the orders of Mithridates, (for to a
man looking only to lucre divine things come after gain),
seeing that Delos had no fortifications and that the inhabitants
were unarmed, sailed to it and slew all the
resident aliens, and the Delians also, and robbed the merchants
of much money, and carried off all the votive
offerings, and also enslaved the women and children,
and razed Delos to the ground. And during the sack and
plunder one of the barbarians in very wantonness threw
this wooden statue into the sea, and the waves landed it
here at the place called Epidelium in the district of BϾ.
But the fierce wrath of the god failed not to pursue Menophanes
and Mithridates himself, for Menophanes, when he
put to sea again after laying Delos waste, was lain in wait
for by the merchants who had escaped, and his vessel sunk,
and Mithridates subsequently was compelled by the god to
be his own executioner when his power was entirely destroyed,
and he driven hither and thither by the Romans.
And some say that he found a violent death as a favour at
the hands of one of his mercenaries. Such was the end of
these men for their impiety.
And adjacent to the district of BϾ is Epidaurus Limera,
about 200 stades from Epidelium. And they say that it
was colonized and inhabited not by the Lacedæmonians
but by some Epidaurians that lived in Argolis, who, sailing
to Cos to see Æsculapius on public business put in at
Laconia here, and according to visions they had continued
here. And they say that the dragon which they had
brought with them from Epidaurus escaped from the ship
and dived into a hole not far from the sea, and according
to their visions and the wonderful behaviour of their dragon
they determined to dwell there. And at the point where
the dragon dived into a hole they erected altars to Æsculapius,
and some olive trees grow in the vicinity. About
two stades further there is on the right hand some water
called the water of Ino, in size only a small lake, but it
goes very deep into the ground. Into this water on the
festival of Ino they throw barley cakes. If the water
absorbs them it is thought a lucky sign for the person who
throws them in, but if they float on the surface it is judged
a bad sign. The craters at Ætna have the same prophetic
power. For they throw into them gold and silver vessels,
and offerings of all kinds. And if the fire absorbs them
they rejoice at it as a good sign, but if it rejects them they
regard it as a sure sign of misfortune for the person who
has thrown them in. And on the road from BϾ to Epidaurus
Limera there is a temple of Artemis called by the
Epidaurians Limnas. The town is at no great distance
from the sea, and is built on an eminence: and the sights
worth seeing here are the temple of Aphrodite, and a statue
of Æsculapius in stone erect, and a temple of Athene in
the citadel, and in front of the harbour a temple of Zeus
Soter. And into the sea near the town juts out the promontory
Minoa. And the bay is very similar to all the
others in Laconia made by the encroaches of the sea. And
the seashore has pebbles beautiful in shape and of all kinds
of colours.
CHAPTER XXIV.
About 100 stades from Epidaurus Limera is Zarax, in
other respects convenient as a harbour, but especially
ravaged of all the towns of the Eleutherolacones, for
Cleonymus, the son of Cleomenes, the son of Agesipolis,
razed to the ground this alone of the Laconian towns. But
I have elsewhere spoken of Cleonymus. And at Zarax
there is nothing remarkable but a temple of Apollo at the
end of the harbour, and a statue of the god with a lyre.
And as you go along the coast from Zarax about 6 stades,
and then turn and strike into the interior of the country
for about 10 stades, you come to the ruins of Cyphanta,
where is a temple of Æsculapius called Stethæum, and the
statue of the god is of stone. And there is a spring of
cold water bubbling out from the rock. They say Atalanta
was parched with thirst hunting here, and struck the
rock with her lance and the water gushed forth. And
Brasiæ near the sea is the last place which belongs to the
Eleutherolacones here, and it is about 200 stades’ sail
from Cyphanta. And the natives here have traditions
different to all the other Greeks, for they say that Semele
bare a son to Zeus, and that she and her son Dionysus were
spirited away by Cadmus and put into a chest, and this
chest was they say carried by the waves to Brasiæ, and
they say they buried magnificently Semele who was no
longer alive, and reared Dionysus. And in consequence
of this the name of their city, which had been hitherto
called Oreatæ was changed to Brasiæ, because of this landing
from the chest. To this day in fact most people speak
of things cast ashore by the waves as brashed[44] ashore. The
people of Brasiæ say further that Ino came to their land on
her travels, and when she came there wished to be the nurse
of Dionysus. And they show the cave where she reared
Dionysus, and they call the plain Dionysus’ garden. And
there are temples of Æsculapius and Achilles there, and
they have an annual feast to Achilles. And there is a
small promontory at Brasiæ, which slopes gently to the sea,
and there are some brazen statues on it not more than a
foot high with hats on their heads, I know not whether they
are meant for Castor and Pollux or the Corybantes, however
there are three figures, and there is also a statue of
Athene. And on the right of Gythium is Las, ten stades
from the sea, and forty from Gythium. And the town is
now built on the ground between the three mountains
called respectively Ilium and Asia and Cnacadium, but it
was originally on the crest of Asia: and there are still ruins
of the old town, and before the walls a statue of Hercules,
and a trophy over the Macedonians, who were a portion of
Philip’s army when he invaded Laconia, but wandered
from the rest of the army, and ravaged the maritime parts
of the country. And there is among the ruins a temple of
Athene under the title of Asia, erected they say by Castor
and Pollux on their safe return from Colchi, where they
had seen a temple of Athene Asia. I know that they took
part in the expedition with Jason, and that the Colchians
honour Athene Asia I have heard from the people of Las.
And there is a fountain near the new town called from the
colour of its water Galaco (milky), and near the fountain
is a gymnasium, and an ancient statue of Hermes. And
on Mount Ilium there is a temple of Dionysus, and on the
top of the hill one of Æsculapius, and on Cnacadium Carnean
Apollo. And if you go forward about 30 stades from
Carnean Apollo there are at a place called Hypsi, on the
borders of Sparta, temples of Æsculapius and of Daphnean
Artemis. And on a promontory near the sea is the temple
of Artemis Dictynna, whose feast they keep annually. And
on the left of this promontory the river Smenus discharges
itself into the sea. The water is fresh to drink, and rises
on Mount Taygetus, and is not more than five stades
distant from Hypsi. And in the place called Araïnum is
the tomb of Las, and over his tomb a statue. This Las
they say was the founder of the town, and was killed by
Achilles, who they say came to their town to ask Helen in
marriage of Tyndareus. But to speak truth it was Patroclus
that killed Las: for it was he that wooed Helen.
For that Achilles is not represented as one of Helen’s
suitors in the Catalogue of Women, would indeed be no
proof that he did not ask for Helen’s hand: but Homer
has stated very early in the Iliad[45] that Achilles went to
Troy to gratify the sons of Atreus, and not bound by any
oath to Tyndareus, and has represented Antilochus in the
Games saying that he was younger than Odysseus,[46] and has
described Odysseus as discoursing about what he had seen
in Hades and other things, and how he wished to see
Theseus and Pirithous, who were older men than himself,
and we know that Theseus ran away with Helen. So it is
hardly permissible at all to think that Achilles could have
been a suitor of Helen.
CHAPTER XXV.
Not far from the tomb of Las the river called Scyras
falls into the sea; it had no name for a long time
and was called Scyras because Pyrrhus, the son of Achilles,
put in there with his fleet, when he sailed from Scyrus to
marry Hermione. And when you have crossed the river
there is an ancient temple at some distance from an altar
of Zeus. And at forty stades’ distance from the river is
Pyrrhichus in the heart of the country. Some say the
town was so called from Pyrrhus the son of Achilles, others
say Pyrrhichus was the god of the Curetes. There are
some even that say Silenus came from Malea and dwelt
here. That Silenus was brought up at Malea is plain from
these lines of Pindar,[47]
‘The mighty, the dance-loving Silenus,
Reared by the Malea-born husband of Nais.’
That Pyrrhichus was his name has not been told us by
Pindar, but is a tradition of those that live at Malea. And
there is at Pyrrhichus a conduit in the market-place, which
they think they owe to Silenus: and if the conduit were to
fail them they would be short of water. And the temples
at Pyrrhichus are two, one of Artemis the Putter-of-an-end-to-War,
because here the Amazons were stopped from any
further warfare, and one of Apollo Amazonius. Both have
wooden statues, and tradition says they were votive offerings
of the women that came from Thermodon.
As you go towards the sea from Pyrrhichus you come
to Teuthrone, which they say was built by Teuthras an
Athenian. And of all the gods they pay most honour
to Issorian Artemis, and they have a fountain called Naia.
And a hundred and fifty stades from Teuthrone is the
promontory of Tænarum jutting out into the sea, and the
harbours Achilleus and Psamathus. And on the promontory
there is a temple like a cave, and before it a statue
of Poseidon. And some of the Greeks have represented
that it was here that Hercules brought up Cerberus from
the lower world, though there is no underground road
leading up to the cave, nor could one easily believe that
the gods have any underground dwelling, where departed
souls congregate. But Hecatæus the Milesian has a probable
legend, that a dreadful serpent called Cerberus was
reared at Tænarum, and that whoever was bitten by it
was sure to die, so venomous was its bite, and this serpent
was dragged by Hercules to Eurystheus. Homer, who first
spoke of the dog being dragged from Hades by Hercules,
gave him no name, nor complete description as he did of
the Chimæra.[48] But others afterwards called the dog Cerberus,
and said he was like a dog in all respects except that
he had 3 heads, though Homer said no more that he was
the domestic animal called the dog than if he had called a
real serpent the dog of Hades. There are several works of
art at Tænarum, and among others the harper Arion in
brass riding on the dolphin’s back. As to Arion and the
dolphin Herodotus[49] has given the tradition as he heard it
in his history about Lydia. I have myself seen at Poroselene
a dolphin so full of gratitude to a boy, by whom he
had been healed of wounds received from some fishermen,
that he was obedient to his call, and carried him on his
back over the sea whenever he wished. There is also a
fountain at Tænarum, which now presents nothing marvellous,
but in former times they say gave to those who looked
into it the sight of harbours and ships. This peculiarity
of the water was stopped for all time by a woman’s washing
her dirty linen in it.
About 40 stades’ sail from the promontory of Tænarum
is a place called Cænepolis, which was also formerly called
Tænarum. And in it is a chapel of Demeter, and a temple
of Aphrodite near the sea, and a stone statue of the goddess
erect. And 30 stades thence is Thyrides the topmost
peak of Tænarum, and the ruins of the town of Hippola,
and among them the temple of Athene of Hippola,
and at a little distance the town and harbour of Messa. It
is about 150 stades from this harbour to Œtylus. And
the hero from whom Œtylus got its name was originally
from Argos, being the son of Amphianax, the son of Antimachus.
The most notable things to see in Œtylus are
the temple of Serapis, and a wooden statue in the market-place
of Carnean Apollo.
CHAPTER XXVI.
From Œtylus to Thalamæ the distance by road is
about 80 stades, and by the roadside is a temple and
oracle of Ino. They get their oracular responses asleep,
for whatever they want to know the goddess shews them in
dreams. And there are two brazen statues in the open air
part of the temple, one of Pasiphae, and one of the Sun.
What the statue in the temple is made of is not easy to see
from the quantity of the garlands, but they say that it too
is of brass. And fresh water flows from a sacred fount,
called the water of the Moon. Pasiphae indeed is not the
indigenous goddess of the people of Thalamæ.
And about twenty stades from Thalamæ is a place called
Pephnos, by the sea. There is a little island in front of it
not greater than a big rock, which is also called Pephnos,
and the people of Thalamæ say that it was the birthplace
of Castor and Pollux. Alcman also gives us the same
account I know in one of his poems. But they do not say
that they were brought up at Pephnos, for Hermes took
them to Pellana. And in this island there are brazen
statues of Castor and Pollux about a foot high in the open
air. These the sea cannot move from their position,
though in winter time it dashes violently over the rock.
This is indeed wonderful, and the ants there are whiter in
colour than ants generally. The Messenians say that the
island originally belonged to them, so that they claim
Castor and Pollux as theirs rather than as deities of the
Lacedæmonians.
About twenty stades from Pephnos is Leuctra. Why it
was so called I do not know: but if it was from Leucippus
the son of Perieres, as the Messenians say, this will be why
they honour Æsculapius here most of all the gods, as
the son of Arsinoe the daughter of Leucippus. And there is
a statue of Æsculapius in stone, and one of Ino in another
part of the town. There is also a temple and statue of
Cassandra the daughter of Priam, who is called Alexandra
by the people of Leuctra: and there are some wooden
statues of Carnean Apollo, who is worshipped in the same
way as by the Lacedæmonians at Sparta. And in the
citadel there is a temple and statue of Athene. And there
is a temple and grove of Eros, and in winter-time water
flows through the grove: but the leaves that fall from
the trees in autumn could never be carried away by the
water even if it were very plentiful. But what I know happened
in my time at a part of Leuctra near the sea, I will
now relate. The wind fanned a fire in the wood so that it
burnt down most of the trees: and when the spot became
bare, there was a statue of Ithomatan Zeus discovered
which had been erected there. The Messenians say that
this is a proof that Leuctra was originally part of Messenia.
But Ithomatan Zeus might have received honours
from the Lacedæmonians as well, if they originally lived at
Leuctra.
And Cardamyle, which Homer[50] has mentioned in the
promises of gifts made by Agamemnon, is subject to
Sparta, as the Emperor Augustus detached it from Messenia.
It is eight stades from the sea, and sixty from
Leuctra. And not far from the seashore is a grove sacred
to the daughters of Nereus, for the story goes that they
climbed up to this place from the sea to see Pyrrhus the
son of Achilles, when he went off to Sparta to marry Hermione.
In this small town there is a temple of Athene and
Carnean Apollo, whom they worship according to the
Dorian fashion.
And the city called, by Homer[51] Enope, the inhabitants
of which are Messenians though they join the Council of
the Eleutherolacones, is called in our time Gerenia. Some
say Nestor was brought up in this city, others that he fled
here when Pylos was taken by Hercules. Gerenia contains
the tomb and temple of Machaon the son of Æsculapius:
from whom men may have possibly learnt the healing of
diseases. The sacred place they call Rhodon, and the
statue of Machaon is erect in brass. And on its head
is a garland, which the Messenians call ciphos[52] in their
country’s tongue. The writer of the epic poem called
the Little Iliad says that Machaon was killed by Eurypylus
the son of Telephus. That is why (as I myself know)
in the rites in the temple of Æsculapius at Pergamum,
they begin with the Hymns of Telephus, but make no reference
in their singing to Eurypylus, nor will they name
him at all in the temple, because they know he was the
murderer of Machaon. And the tradition is that Nestor
recovered the bones of Machaon. And Podalirius, when
the Greeks were returning after the sack of Ilium, was
carried they say out of his way to Syrnum a place in the
Continent of Caria, and getting there safe built a town
there.
In the Gerenian district is the mountain Calathium, and
on it is a temple of Clæa and a grotto near the temple, with
a narrow entrance: within there are several objects worth
seeing. And from Gerenia to Alagonia in the interior is
about 30 stades, but that town I have already mentioned
amongst the Eleutherolacones. And the sights best worth
seeing there are the temples of Dionysus and Artemis.
The border of Messenia towards Laconia, as fixed by
Augustus, is at Gerenia, and in our time is called the
Chœrian dell. This country, originally without inhabitants,
is described to have been inhabited by the first colonists
in the following manner. After the death of Lelex,
who reigned in what is now called Laconia, but was then
called Lelegia after him, Myles who was the elder of his sons
succeeded him, and Polycaon the younger was only a private
person till he married the Argive Messene, the daughter of
Triopas, the son of Phorbas. But Messene, being full of
pride owing to her father, who was foremost of all the
Greeks in merit and power, did not think it tolerable that
her husband should be a private person. So they gathered
together an army from Argos and Lacedæmon and invaded
this country, and the whole district was called Messene
from her. And several other cities were built, as well as
the place where the royal headquarters were established,
viz. Andania. Before the battle which the Thebans fought
with the Lacedæmonians at Leuctra, and the building of
Messene in our day close to Ithome, I know of no city that
was previously called Messene. My inference is very much
confirmed by Homer. For in the catalogue of those who
went to Ilium, when enumerating Pylos and Arene and
other cities, he mentions no Messene. And in the Odyssey
he shews that by this time the Messenians were a race
and not a city,
However the first rulers of this country were Polycaon
(the son of Lelex) and his wife Messene. Caucon, the
son of Celænus, the son of Phlyus, introduced here from
Eleusis the mysteries of the Great Goddesses. Phlyus was
according to the Athenian tradition the son of Mother
Earth. And this tradition of theirs is confirmed by the
Hymn of Musæus made for the Lycomidæ in honour of
Demeter. And the rites of the Great Goddesses were held
in greater honour many years afterwards, owing to Lycus
the son of Pandion, than in Caucon’s days. And they still
call the place where he purged the initiated the oak coppice
of Lycus. That there is an oak-coppice in this land called
Lycus’ is also borne out by Rhianus the Cretan,
‘By rocky Elæum and beyond the oak-coppice of Lycus.’
And that this Lycus was the son of Pandion is plain by the
inscription on the statue of Methapus. This Methapus
reformed some of the rites. He was an Athenian by
race, an organizer of all sorts of mystic rites. He it
was who established also among the Thebans the rites
of the Cabiri. And he erected near the enclosure of
the Lycomidæ a statue with an inscription which confirms
my account. “I have purified the home and
paths of Hermes and the firstborn daughter of Demeter,
where they say Messene established games to the Great
Goddesses, owing to the son of Caucon, the illustrious
descendant of Phlyus. But I wonder that Lycus the son
of Pandion should establish the sacred rites of Atthis in
venerable Andania.” This inscription shews that Caucon
who came to Messene was the descendant of Phlyus, and
confirms all the other facts about Lycus, and that the
mysteries in ancient times were celebrated at Andania.
And it seems also common sense that Messene would not
establish the mysteries in any other place than where she
and Polycaon lived.
CHAPTER II.
And being very anxious to know accurately who the
sons of Polycaon were by Messene, I perused the poem
called the Great EϾ and the Naupactian poems, and also
all the genealogical information of Cinæthon and Asius.
And yet I did not discover anything in them except
that the Great EϾ say that Polycaon the son of Butes
married Euæchme, the daughter of Hyllus the son of
Hercules, but they make no mention of either Messene
or her husband. But in after time, when none of the descendants
of Polycaon survived, they continued five generations
and no more, they introduced as King Perieres the
son of Æolus. To his court came as the Messenians say
Melaneus, a skilful archer and for that reason thought to
be the son of Apollo, and Perieres assigned to him Carnasium
to dwell in, which was formerly called Œchalia from
the wife of Melaneus. But the Thessalians and Eubœans—for
there are almost always disputed accounts of most Grecian
events—give different accounts. The former say that Eurytium
a place deserted in our days was a city in old times and
called Œchalia: but Creophylus in his Heraclea has written
what corresponds with the account of the Eubœans. And
Hecatæus the Milesian writes that Œchalia is in Scium a
part of Eretria. But the Messenians seem to me to give
the most probable account, especially about the bones of
Eurytus, which I shall touch upon later. And Perieres
had by Gorgophone the daughter of Perseus Aphareus and
Leucippus who, on his death, succeeded their father as
kings of the Messenians, but Aphareus had most power.
During his reign he built the city Arene which got its
name from the daughter of Œbalus, his wife and uterine
sister. For Gorgophone was married to Œbalus, as I have
already mentioned, in my account of Argolis, and also in
my account of Laconia. Aphareus then built the city Arene
in Messenia, and received into his house his cousin Neleus,
the son of Cretheus, the son of Æolus (who was surnamed
Poseidon), when he fled from Pelias at Iolcus, and gave
him the maritime parts of the land, among which were
several other cities besides Pylos, where Neleus dwelt, and
made it his seat of government. And Lycus the son of Pandion
came also to Arene, when he also fled from Athens
from his brother Ægeus. And he taught the mysteries of
the Great Goddesses to Aphareus and his sons and his wife
Arene. And he introduced them into Andania, for Caucon
there initiated Messene. And the elder and more manly of
Aphareus’ children was Idas, and the younger was Lynceus,
of whom Pindar said, believe it who will, that he had
such keen eyesight that he could see through the trunk of
a tree. We do not know of Lynceus having had a son,
but Ides had by Marpessa a daughter Cleopatra, who
married Meleager. And the writer of the Cyprian Poems
says that the wife of Protesilaus, (who when the Greeks
got to the Troad was the first who ventured to land), was
by name Polydora, and he also says that she was the
daughter of Meleager the son of Œneus. If this be correct
then all these three women, beginning with Marpessa, committed
suicide after the death of their husbands.
CHAPTER III.
But when between the sons of Aphareus and Castor and
Pollux (their uncles) a quarrel arose about cattle, and
Lynceus was slain by Pollux, while Idas died smitten with
lightning, the house of Aphareus was entirely deprived of
male offspring, and upon Nestor the son of Neleus devolved
the kingdom of the Messenians, over all whom Idas
reigned over and others besides, except those who followed
the sons of Æsculapius. For they say that the sons of
Æsculapius that went on the expedition to Ilium were
Messenians: for Æsculapius was the son of Arsinoe the
daughter of Leucippus, and not the son of Coronis. And
they call a deserted place in Messenia Tricca, it is mentioned
by Homer in the passage where Nestor is consoling
Machaon, who was wounded with an arrow. He would not
have exhibited such kindness except to a neighbour and
king of the same tribe. They confirm also greatly this
account about the children of Æsculapius by showing
at Gerenia the monument of Machaon, and at Pharæ the
temple of the sons of Machaon.
And after the end of the war against Ilium, and the
death of Nestor after his return home, the expedition of
the Dorians and return of the Heraclidæ two generations
afterwards drove out the descendants of Neleus from
Messenia. And this was as it were the climax of the doings
of Temenus which I have already described. But I will
narrate this much more. When the Dorians assigned
Argos to Temenus, Cresphontes asked of them Messenia,
on the ground that he was older than Aristodemus,
who had just died. But Theras the son of Autesion
vehemently opposed Cresphontes; he was of Theban
ancestry and fifth descendant of Polynices the son of
Œdipus, and at this time Guardian of Aristodemus’
sons, as he was their uncle on the mother’s side, for Aristodemus
had married the daughter of Autesion, whose
name was Argia. But Cresphontes, for he was determined
to have Messenia, begged of Temenus to decide the
question by lots. And Temenus put into a water-pot
which had water in it the lots of Cresphontes and the
sons of Aristodemus separately, so that he whose lot
came up first should have Messenia. Temenus prepared
both the lots, the lot of the sons of Aristodemus he made
of clay dried in the sun, and Cresphontes’ lot of clay that
had been baked in the furnace: and the lot of the sons of
Aristodemus melted, and stuck to the bottom of the water-pot,
so that Cresphontes (for his lot came out) got possession
in this way of Messenia. And the old Messenians
were not turned out by the Dorians, but agreed to Cresphontes
being their king, and to the partition of the land
among the Dorians. And they were brought over to
this compliance by suspicion of their former kings, because
they were Minyæ who had originally sprung from
Iolcus. And the wife of Cresphontes was Merope the
daughter of Cypselus (who was at that time king of the
Arcadians), by whom he had several children and the name
of the youngest was Æpytus. And his palace, where he
himself and his sons meant to live, he built at Stenyclerus:
for in ancient times Perieres and the other kings lived at
Andania, and after Aphareus had built Arene he and his
sons lived there, and in the reign of Nestor and his descendants
the Court lived at Pylos, but Cresphontes changed
the royal residence to Stenyclerus. And, as he chiefly
ingratiated himself with the people, the wealthy classes
rose up in insurrection against him and killed him and
all his sons except Æpytus, who being quite a boy was
brought up by Cypselus, and alone survived of all the
house, and when he grew to man’s estate the Arcadians
restored him to Messene. And the other kings of the
Dorians, the sons of Aristodemus, and Isthmius the son of
Temenus, joined in bringing him back. And when Æpytus
became king he punished his father’s murderers, and all
those who had instigated the crime: and bringing over to
his side by his attentions those who were in high position
among the Messenians, and the populace by gifts, he arrived
at such a pitch of honour that his descendants were called
Æpytidæ instead of Heraclidæ.
And Glaucus the son of Æpytus, who succeeded his
father, in all other respects imitated his father both in
public and private, but far exceeded him in piety. For
when the sacred enclosure of Zeus on the summit of
Ithome did not receive honours among the Dorians, through
the neglect of Polycaon and Messene, Glaucus restored
his worship: and was the first to sacrifice to Machaon the
son of Æsculapius at Gerenia, and awarded such gifts to
Messene the daughter of Triopas as are usually bestowed
on heroes. And Isthmius Glaucus’ son also built a temple
to Gorgasus and Nicomachus at Pharæ. And the son of
Isthmius was Dotadas, who, though Messenia had several
other havens, constructed one at Mothone. And Sybotas
the son of Dotadas decreed that annually the king should
sacrifice by the river Pamisus, and offer victims to Eurytus
the son of Melaneus in Œchalia, before the rites of the
Great Goddesses that are still celebrated in Andania.
CHAPTER IV.
And in the reign of Phintas, the son of Sybotas, the
Messenians first sent to Apollo at Delos sacrifices and
a choir of men. And their processional Hymn to the god
was composed by Eumelus, and these are considered the only
genuine lines of Eumelus. It was during the reign of this
Phintas that a disagreement for the first time came about
between the Lacedæmonians and the Messenians. The
cause is doubtful, but is traditionally as follows. On the
borders of Messenia is a temple of Artemis Limnas, in
which the Messenians and Lacedæmonians were the only
Dorians that had a share. The Lacedæmonians say that
some maidens of theirs who were present at the feast
were violated by some Messenians, and that their king
Teleclus, (the son of Archelaus, the son of Agesilaus, the
son of Doryssus, the son of Labotas, the son of Echestratus,
the son of Agis,) was slain in endeavouring to prevent this
outrage. They also say that the maidens who were violated
put themselves to death from shame. But the Messenian
account is that Teleclus plotted against their persons
of quality that came to the temple, on account of the excellence
of the Messenian soil, and picked out some beardless
Spartans, and, dressing them in female attire and ornaments
like maidens, introduced them armed with daggers among
some of the Messenians who were resting: but the other
Messenians came up to the rescue, and killed the beardless
young men and Teleclus himself. And the Lacedæmonians—for
their king had not contrived all this without
the common consent—knowing that they had begun
the wrong, did not demand vengeance for the murder of
Teleclus. These are the different accounts the two nations
give, let everyone accept the view he prefers.
And a generation afterwards, when Alcamenes the son of
Teleclus was king at Lacedæmon, and the king of the other
family was Theopompus, the son of Nicander, the son of
Charillus, the son of Polydectes, the son of Eunomus, the
son of Prytanis, the son of Eurypon, and Antiochus and
Androcles the sons of Phintas were kings of the Messenians,
strife arose between the Lacedæmonians and Messenians, and
the Lacedæmonians began hostilities, availing themselves, as
they were full of animosity and very warlike, of an adequate
and even specious pretext. But had their disposition been
more peaceable it would have been settled by arbitration.
This is what happened. Polychares a Messenian in other
respects not obscure was a victor at Olympia in the games,
when the people of Elis were celebrating their 4th Olympiad
and competed only in the race in which Polychares was victor.
This man had much cattle and, because he had not sufficient
land to pasture them upon, he handed them over to Euæphnus
a Spartan to feed on his land, on condition that he
should have a share in the produce of the cattle. Now
Euæphnus was a person who preferred unrighteous gains
to acting with integrity, and was generally speaking a wheedling
fellow, so he sold the oxen of Polychares to merchants
who sailed to Laconia, and went himself to Polychares and
reported to him that some pirates had landed on the spot,
and violently robbed him both of cattle and herdsmen.
And while he was deceiving Polychares one of the herdsmen
fled from the merchants, and coming back to Polychares
found Euæphnus with him, and accused him to his master.
And being detected and having no defence, he earnestly
begged for pardon from Polychares and his son: on the
score that, among the elements in human nature whereby
we become unjust almost by compulsion, the love of gain is
the most powerful. And he stated the sum which he had
received for the cattle, and asked Polychares’ son to go
with him and carry it back to his father. And when they
went on their journey and got to Laconia, Euæphnus dared
a deed more unholy than the former, he slew the son of
Polychares. And when Polychares knew of this last misfortune,
he went to Lacedæmon to the kings and Ephors,
and went wailing through the multitude, reckoning up
what he had suffered at the hands of Euæphnus, whom he
had treated as a friend, and trusted more than all the Lacedæmonians.
And when he got no redress, though he went
continually to the authorities, then he went off his head,
and giving way to his anger, and being perfectly reckless
of the consequences, endeavoured to kill every Lacedæmonian
he met.
CHAPTER V.
The Lacedæmonian account is that they went to war
because Polychares was not given up to them, and
because of the murder of Teleclus, and because they
were suspected earlier still of having had a hand in the
villany of Cresphontes about the lots. But the Messenians
contradict what I have already said about Teleclus, and
point to the fact that Æpytus the son of Cresphontes was
restored by the sons of Aristodemus, which they would
never have done had they been at variance with Cresphontes.
And they say that they did not give up Polychares to the
Lacedæmonians for punishment, because neither would
they give up Euæphnus, but they were willing that sentence
should be given by the Argives (who were the kinsmen of
both) at Amphictyonia, or that the case should be submitted
to the Court at Athens called the Areopagus, because that
court seemed from ancient times appointed for murder
cases. They also say that the Lacedæmonians did not go
to war on this account, but in consequence of their ambition
plotted against their land and did various things, alleging
at one time the condition of Arcadia, at another the state
of Argos, for they were never satisfied with slicing off from
time to time the territory of both of those people. And
they were the first to become friends of the barbarian
Crœsus who sent them gifts, at the time when he reduced
to slavery all the Greeks in Asia Minor, and all the Dorians
that dwelt in the mainland of Caria. And they declare
that, when the Phocian leaders plundered the temple at
Delphi, the kings at Sparta and other noblemen privately,
and the Ephors and senators publicly, had a hand in it.
And above all, to shew that the Lacedæmonians would
stick at nothing for lucre, they twitted them with their
alliance with Apollodorus the tyrant of Cassandrea. Why
indeed the Messenians consider this such a bitter taunt, I
cannot now discuss: for except that the courage of the
Messenians and the length of time they fought differed
from the tyranny of Apollodorus, they suffered nearly as
much as the people of Cassandrea. These are the causes
which each nation assign for the war.
And now an embassy of Lacedæmonians came to demand
the extradition of Polychares. The kings of the Messenians
however answered the embassy that after deliberation with
the people they would send an answer to Sparta, and accordingly
after the departure of the embassy they convened the
citizens to a general assembly. And different opinions were
bandied about; Androcles thought they ought to give up
Polychares as having acted impiously and most savagely,
Antiochus took the opposite view, and maintained that it
would be most distressing if Polychares should suffer before
the eyes of Euæphnus, and enumerated the harrowing details
of what his punishment would be. And eventually the
rival parties of Androcles and Antiochus proceeded to such
lengths that they took up arms. However their strife was
not long continued, for the party of Antiochus, being far
superior in numbers, slew Androcles and the most illustrious
of his partizans. And Antiochus being now the only king
sent letters to Sparta, to say that he would submit the
matter to the arbitration of the courts I have mentioned.
But the Lacedæmonians are said to have given no
answer to the bearers of these letters. And not many
months afterwards Antiochus died, and Euphaes his son
succeeded him. And the Lacedæmonians not only sent
no herald to proclaim war with the Messenians, nor
openly renounced friendship with them, but made their
preparations as secretly as possible, and previously bound
themselves by oath that neither for length of war (if
it should not be decided speedily), nor for reverses (if
they should meet with even great ones), would they leave
off till they had won Messenia by the fortune of war.
After taking this oath they made a night-attack on
Amphea, having appointed Alcamenes the son of Teleclus
as their General. Amphea is a small town in Messenia
but near Laconia, situated on a high hill, and well supplied
with water. And in other respects Amphea seemed a very
convenient base for their war. So they captured the town,
the gates being open and no garrison there, and killed all
the Messenians that they took in the town, some even in
their beds, and others as they found them sitting as suppliants
at the temples and altars of the gods, and only a
few escaped. This was the first attack the Lacedæmonians
made upon Messenia, in the second year of the ninth
Olympiad, in which Xenodocus the Messenian was victor in
the race. And at Athens there were not as yet yearly
magistrates appointed by lot: for the descendants of
Melanthus, who were called Medontidæ, had at first much
of their power taken away by the people, and instead of a
kingdom their power became limited, and afterwards their
authority was definitely restricted to ten years. At the time
of the capture of Amphea Æsimides, the son of Æschylus,
was in the fifth year of his government over the Athenians.
CHAPTER VI.
But before I write the history of this war, and the
actions and sufferings entailed by it upon both parties
by Providence, I wish to relate in their order the exploits
of Aristomenes the Messenian hero. For this war between
the Lacedæmonians and their allies and the Messenians
and their mercenaries did not get its name from the attacking
force, as the Persian and Peloponnesian wars, but was
called the Messenian war from the disasters which befell the
Messenians, just as the war at Ilium got called Trojan and
not Grecian, so it was in this war, which Rhianus of Bene and
Myron of Priene have celebrated, the former in poetry, the
latter in prose. Neither of them however have narrated
fully the events of the war from beginning to end, but
Myron has described the capture of Amphea and its consequences
up to the death of Aristodemus, and Rhianus has
not touched at all the commencement of the war, but only
what eventually happened to the Messenians in consequence
of their quarrel with the Lacedæmonians, and he has not
described even the whole of this, but only what took place
after the battle which they fought at what was called the
great trench; and the hero Aristomenes on whose account
only I mentioned Rhianus and Myron, and who was the first
and foremost in bringing the name of Messene to honour,
this hero (I say) has been introduced by Myron into his
history, and by Rhianus into his poem, in which Aristomenes
is as much lauded as Achilles by Homer in the Iliad. As
these two have given such different accounts, I am obliged
to accept one of them and not both together. Rhianus appears
to me to speak more probably about the age of Aristomenes.
But Myron, as one can learn in other particulars
and not least in the history of this Messenian war, does not
with sufficient accuracy test the truth or at least probability
of what he relates. For he states that Aristomenes slew Theopompus,
the king of the Lacedæmonians, a little before the
death of Aristodemus, whereas we know that Theopompus
did not die in battle or in any other way before the end of
the war. And in fact Theopompus concluded the war, as
the elegiac lines of Tyrtæus bear me out,
‘To our king Theopompus god-beloved,
Through whom we took Messene spacious town.’
Aristomenes therefore in my opinion was in the second
Messenian war, and I shall relate in detail all about him
when I come to that part of my subject.
Now the Messenians, when they heard all that had happened
at Amphea from those who escaped from its capture,
convened delegates from all their towns at Stenyclerus.
And when the people were gathered together in the assembly,
several of those in authority, and last of all the king, exhorted
them not to be dejected at the fall of Amphea as if all the
war were decided thereby, and not to fear the preparations
of the Lacedæmonians as more formidable than their own,
for although they had had longer experience in war, yet
the Messenians would find necessity a great spur to brave
men, and would meet with greater favour from the gods as
defending their country, and not commencing hostilities.
CHAPTER VII.
With these words Euphaes dismissed the assembly,
and from that time forward kept all the Messenians
under arms, compelling those that did not know to learn the
art of war, and making those that did practise more frequently
than before. And the Lacedæmonians made incursions
into Messenia, but did not injure the country inasmuch
as they considered it their own, neither did they cut
down trees nor pull down houses; but they drove off whatever
cattle they found, and carried off the corn and all
fruit. They likewise made attacks on some of the towns
but took none, inasmuch as they were strongly fortified and
carefully guarded, and after much loss they desisted from
the attempt, and ceased attacking them. And the Messenians
plundered the maritime parts of Laconia, and all the
farms in the neighbourhood of Mount Taygetus. And in
the 4th year after the capture of Amphea Euphaes, full of
zeal from the ardour of the Messenians who were boiling
over with rage at the Lacedæmonians, and at the same time
thinking their training complete, ordered a march, and
bade the slaves follow with wood and all other things
necessary for entrenching a camp. And the Lacedæmonians
heard from the garrison at Amphea that the Messenians
were on the march, and they too marched out to
battle. And at a place in Messenia very convenient for a
battle, with a deep ravine in front of it, Euphaes drew up
the Messenians in battle array, having appointed Cleonnis
to the chief command: the cavalry and light-armed troops,
which were both less than 500, were under Pytharatus and
Antander. And when the two armies engaged the ravine
prevented the heavy-armed troops from encountering, though
they advanced against one another eagerly and impetuously
in their mutual hatred, but the cavalry and the light-armed
troops engaged above the ravine, and they were equally
matched in numbers and skill, and consequently the battle
was evenly poised. But while these were engaged, Euphaes
ordered the slaves first to fortify the rear of the army and
then the flanks with stockades. And when night overtook
them and the battle was stayed, then they fortified also the
front of the camp opposite the ravine, so that next day the
tactical skill and foresight of Euphaes dawned upon the
Lacedæmonians, and they found that they could not fight
against the Messenians if they would not come out of their
entrenchments, and they despaired of besieging them as
they had no siege train.
And so they returned home: and a year afterwards, when
the old man reviled them and taunted them with cowardice
and disregard of their oath, they openly made preparations
for a second campaign against the Messenians.
And they were led by both their kings, Theopompus the
son of Nicander, and Polydorus the son of Alcamenes, for
Alcamenes was now dead. And the Messenians made
counter-preparations, and when the Spartans marched to
battle moved out to meet them. And the Lacedæmonians
were led by Polydorus on the left wing, and Theopompus
on the right, and in the centre by Euryleon, a Lacedæmonian
for the nonce but originally a Theban descended
from Cadmus, the fifth descendant from Ægeus, the
son of Œolycus, the son of Theras, the son of Autesion.
And opposite the right wing of the Lacedæmonians were
the Messenians under Antander and Euphaes, and on the
wing opposite Polydorus under Pytharatus, and in the
centre under Cleonnis. And as they were just going to
engage, the kings came up and exhorted their men. To
the Lacedæmonians Theopompus made a short harangue
according to the custom of his country, reminding them of
their oath against the Messenians, and how noble an ambition
it was to shew themselves more capable of brilliant
exploits than their fathers who subjugated their neighbours,
and to acquire a richer territory. Euphaes spoke at
greater length than the Lacedæmonian king, but not more
so than the occasion warranted. For he shewed that the
contest was not only for land or possessions, but they knew
clearly he said what misery would come upon them if they
were conquered: their wives and children would be led off
into captivity, the lightest punishment for their young men
would be death, perhaps not unaccompanied by outrage,
their temples would be plundered, their country destroyed
by fire. He was not he said merely making suppositions,
what those who were taken at Amphea had suffered was
proof positive of all that he said. Rather than bear such
ills it would be preferable to die nobly, and it would
be much easier (when they were yet unconquered and as
bold as the enemy) to vanquish their adversaries by their
courage, than to retrieve their ruined fortunes if they were
faint-hearted now. Such was the speech of Euphaes.
CHAPTER VIII.
And directly the leaders on either side gave the signal
for battle, the Messenians came on at the double, and
exposed themselves freely as men dealing death in their
rage at every blow, and everyone was anxious to begin the
fight. And the Lacedæmonians rushed out to meet them
with equal ardour, but took care not to break their line.
And when they got to close quarters, they threatened one
another, rattling their arms, and looking fiercely at one
another, and proceeded to abuse, the Lacedæmonians saying
that the Messenians were already their slaves, and
that they were not a whit freer than the Helots, and the
Messenians replying that they were impious in what they
were attempting, viz. in attacking kinsmen for the sake
of gain, and were profane to the national gods of the
Dorians and especially to Hercules. And by this time
they followed up words with blows, and rushed on one
another pell mell (with greatest vigour the Lacedæmonians),
man attacking man. From their long experience
and practice in war the Lacedæmonians had the advantage,
and also from their numbers, (for the neighbouring nations
who were subject to them they had with them in their
army, and the Asinæi and Dryopes, who a generation
earlier had been driven by the Argives from their own land
and had come to Lacedæmon as suppliants, were now compelled
to swell their army), and against the light-armed
troops of the Messenians they had Cretan archers, mercenaries.
And the Messenians were animated equally by
despair and contempt of death, and all their sufferings
they looked on as necessary rather than dreadful to those
who loved their country’s honour, and the more vigorously
they fought the harder they thought would things go for
the Lacedæmonians. And some of them advancing in front
of their lines exhibited brilliant bravery, and others badly
wounded and scarce alive were animated by desperation.
And they cheered one another on, those who were alive and
yet unwounded encouraging the wounded to receive with joy
their fate, and sell their lives as dearly as possible: and the
wounded, (when they perceived their strength failing, and
that they would soon yield up their breath), urging on the
unwounded to shew as much courage as themselves had
shewn, and not to let their death be useless to their
country. But the Lacedæmonians at first made no
harangues to their men, and were not as ready as the
Messenians to display heroic courage: but being accustomed
to war from boys their formation in line was deeper,
and they expected that the Messenians could not hold out
as long as they could, nor stand the strain of their heavy
armour, nor their wounds. Such were the peculiar features
of each army in respect to both the behaviour and feelings
of the combatants: what was common to both was
that no quarter was asked for, perhaps this was despaired
of from their fierce hatred, and they felt the greatest self-indignation
that they had not sold their lives dearer: and
those that killed their man abstained both from boasting
and reproaches, being uncertain which party would win.
And most unexpectedly fell those who were endeavouring
to plunder some of the dead bodies, for either by disclosing
some naked part of their body they got pierced with darts,
not on their guard in their thirst for plunder, or they
were killed by some of those whom they were attempting
to rob who were still alive. The kings also fought right
valiantly, and Theopompus rushed with ungovernable rage
against Euphaes, intending to kill him. And Euphaes
seeing him rushing on said to Antander that Theopompus
was displaying as much bravery as his ancestor Polynices:
for Polynices led an army from Argos against his own
country, and he and his brother mutually slew one
another: and Theopompus (he added) wished to load
the family of the Heraclidæ with the same guilt as that
of the family of Laius and Œdipus: he would not however
go with joy from the battle. With these words he
himself went forward to meet Theopompus. Hereupon
the battle, which had rather flagged, took up fresh vigour
again, and their bodies were renewed as it were, and the
fearlessness of death on both sides was increased, so that
one might have thought the battle had only just commenced.
And eventually Euphaes’ division, nearly mad
with desperate valour and stoutheartedness, for the King’s
bodyguard were all picked men, broke the enemy’s line,
routed Theopompus, and put the Lacedæmonians in that
part of the field to flight. But the other wing of the
Messenians was hard pressed, for Pytharatus their General
was dead, and without a leader they became disordered
and dejected. But neither did Polydorus pursue the
fleeing Messenians, nor Euphaes the fleeing Lacedæmonians.
For Euphaes and his staff thought it better to
come to the aid of their vanquished friends: nor did
they engage with Polydorus and his troops: for by this
time it was already dark, and the Lacedæmonians were
prevented from following the fugitives not least by their
ignorance of the country. It was also their country’s
custom not to pursue an enemy too hotly, being more
anxious not to break their line than to annihilate the
enemy. And in the centre on both sides, the Lacedæmonians
under Euryleon, and the Messenians under Cleonnis,
the fight was pretty equal, till the approach of night put
an end to the contest.
This battle was fought on both sides mainly by the heavy
armed infantry. Some cavalry there was indeed, but they
had no great influence on the fortunes of the day, for the
Peloponnesians of that day were not good horsemen. And
the light armed troops of the Messenians and the Cretans
on the Lacedæmonian side did not come to the encounter at
all: for they were posted in ancient fashion among the
infantry. And on the following day neither party were
minded to renew the battle nor to erect a trophy of victory,
but as the day wore on they sent out heralds to treat of the
burying of their dead, and as this was agreed to on both
sides, they began to bury their dead immediately.
CHAPTER IX.
But the Messenians after the battle began to find their
affairs in a deplorable condition: for they were nearly
ruined by their outlay in money expended in keeping
garrisons in the towns, and their slaves deserted to the
Lacedæmonians. Also a pestilence fell upon them, which
troubled them greatly being like the plague, though it did
not prevail universally throughout their country. And
after deliberation about their present condition they determined
to abandon their towns in the interior of the country,
and dwell in the mountain district of Ithome. And there
was a small town at Ithome which Homer has mentioned
in his catalogue,
To this town they repaired, extending its ancient limits so
as to make it a sufficient defence for all of them. And the
place was in other respects a strong position: for Ithome
is as high as any of the mountains within the Isthmus, and
in this respect most difficult of access. They thought they
would also send an envoy to Delphi, and they selected for
this mission Tisis the son of Alcis, who in general merit
and in divination was considered inferior to nobody. This
Tisis on his return from Delphi was laid in wait for by the
Lacedæmonians who were in garrison at Amphea: but he
would not be taken alive, so valiantly did he defend himself
against those that had lain in ambush, in spite of the wounds
he received from them, till a voice was heard without any
appearance of the speaker, “Let the bearer of the oracle
go.” And Tisis, directly he got safe to Ithome, and had
delivered his oracle to the king, fell down dead of his
wounds. And Euphaes collected the Messenians together
and recited the oracle. “Sacrifice a pure virgin (selected
by lot out of the family of the Æpytidæ) by night to the
gods below. But if you cannot find one of the Æpytidæ,
then sacrifice anyone else who offers himself as a willing
victim.” This being the utterance of the god, forthwith all
the maidens of the family of the Æpytidæ drew lots. And
when the lot fell upon the daughter of Lyciscus, Epebolus
the seer said it would not do to sacrifice her; for she was
not really the daughter of Lyciscus, but a girl that the wife
of Lyciscus being barren had palmed off as hers. While he
was making this revelation, Lyciscus took off the girl and
fled to Sparta. And the Messenians being very dejected
at finding out the flight of Lyciscus, Aristodemus, a man
of the family of the Æpytidæ, and in other respects and in
war more illustrious than Lyciscus, offered to sacrifice his
own daughter. But the affairs of mankind, and not least
their desires, are secretly directed by Fate, just as the
bottom of a river has pebbles, so that Aristodemus on this
occasion, endeavouring to save Messene, was prevented by
the following circumstance. A Messenian, whose name
is not known, happened to be deeply in love with the
daughter of Aristodemus, and was on the eve of marrying
her. He at first disputed the right of Aristodemus to
the maiden as he had betrothed her to him, and argued
that he being her betrothed alone had right to her. And
afterwards, when he found this argument unavailing, he
invented a shameful story, that he had had an amour with
her and that she was pregnant by him. And at last he
wrought up Aristodemus to such a pitch, that driven to
madness in his anger he killed his daughter, and afterwards
cut her up and found she was not pregnant. And Epebolus
who was present bade somebody else give his daughter as a
victim, for the daughter of Aristodemus (he said) could be
no more use to them now she was dead: for her father had
indeed killed her, but not sacrificed her to the gods as the
Pythian oracle ordered. When the seer had said this the
mass of the Messenians rushed forward to kill the girl’s
lover, as he had caused Aristodemus to commit a useless
crime, and had rendered doubtful the safety of the community.
But this man was a very great friend of Euphaes.
Euphaes accordingly persuaded the Messenians that the
oracle was fulfilled by the death of the girl, and that what
Aristodemus had done was sufficient. And when he had
said this all the Æpytidæ agreed with him: for each was
anxious to have his fears removed about having to sacrifice
his own daughter. So they hearkened to the advice of the
king and broke up the assembly, and afterwards turned
their attention to the sacrifices and festival of the gods.
CHAPTER X.
But the Lacedæmonians on hearing the oracle of the
Messenians were very dejected, both they and their
kings, and henceforth shrank from resuming the war. But
in the sixth year after the flight of Lyciscus from Ithome
the Lacedæmonians (as their sacrifices were auspicious) led
an army to Ithome. But the Cretans chanced to be absent,
and the allies of the Messenians were also behindhand. For
the Spartans were an object of suspicion to other Peloponnesians
and especially to the Arcadians and Argives. The
Argives indeed were going to come to help the Messenians
secretly without the knowledge of the Lacedæmonians,
privately rather than from public decree. But the Arcadian
expedition was publicly announced, though they were
behindhand too. But the Messenians were induced by
confidence in the oracle to hazard war even without allies.
In most respects the battle was no different from the former
one, for daylight on this occasion too failed the combatants:
it is not however mentioned that either wing or division
were broken, for they say the troops did not remain in the
order in which they were placed at first, but the bravest men
came from the wings in both armies into the centre, and there
was the strain of battle. For Euphaes was more ardent in
fight than one would have expected from a king, and recklessly
rushing upon Theopompus and his staff, received many
mortal wounds. As he fainted away and fell to the ground,
and could scarce breathe, the Lacedæmonians strove with
might and main to drag him to their army. But their previous
goodwill to Euphaes, and their future disgrace if they
abandoned him, roused the Messenians, and it appeared
better to them to give up their lives for their king rather than
purchase safety by abandoning him. Accordingly the peril
of Euphaes prolonged the battle, and added to the bravery
exhibited on both sides, and afterwards he revived, and saw
that his men were fighting as valiantly as the foe, and not
many days afterwards he died, having been king of the
Messenians for 13 years, and having been at war with the
Lacedæmonians during all his reign. And as he had no
children he left the choice of his successor to the people,
and Cleonnis and Damis were rival competitors with Aristodemus,
being considered superior to him both in other
respects and in war. And Antander had been killed in the
battle jeoparding his life for Euphaes. And the opinions
of the seers, Epebolus and Ophioneus, were both similar,
that the kingdom of Æpytus and his descendants should
not be conferred upon a man polluted with the murder of a
daughter. Nevertheless Aristodemus was elected and became
king. And Ophioneus the Messenian seer was blind
from his birth, and had the following mode of divination.
By enquiring into a person’s private and public fortune
in the past he informed them what it would be in the
future. This was his divination, and Aristodemus having
become king through the people was desirous to gratify
them in all that was reasonable, and of those in authority
he held Cleonnis and Damis in special honour. He also
paid great attention to the allies, and sent gifts to the
most influential Arcadians both at Argos and Sicyon. And
in the war which was carried on in the reign of Aristodemus
they pillaged from time to time, and in the summertime
made incursions into one another’s country. There
were counter-incursions into Laconia on the part of the
Arcadians with the Messenians. But the Argives did not
think it well openly to proclaim their hostility against the
Lacedæmonians, but made their preparations so as to strike
in when the fray begun.
CHAPTER XI.
In the fifth year of the reign of Aristodemus, when both
nations were about to take the field again after open
proclamation of war, both very much weakened by the
length and expenses of the war, then allies came to both,
to the Lacedæmonians the Corinthians alone of all the
Peloponnesians, and to the Messenians the Arcadians in
full force, and picked men from Argos and Sicyon. The
Lacedæmonians placed the Corinthians and Helots and the
provincials in the centre, and themselves with their kings
took up their position on the wings, in deeper and
fuller formation than was ever before adopted. And the
dispositions of Aristodemus and his staff for the battle
were as follows. For all the Arcadians or Messenians that
were strong in body and stout of heart, but had not good
weapons, he picked out the best arms, and when the action
became hot, posted them among the Argives and Sicyonians:
and extended his line so as not to be taken in flank
by the enemy. And he took care that his men were so
placed that they had the mountain Ithome in their rear.
And he appointed Cleonnis to the command here, and
himself and Damis stayed with the light-armed troops,
and a few slingers and archers: most in this part of the
army were well adapted physically for attack and retreat,
and lightly armed. Each had a breastplate or shield,
but such as were deficient in this respect had goatskins
and sheepskins, or the skins of wild beasts, the Arcadian
mountaineers in particular had the skins of wolves and
bears. And each had several javelins, and some had lances.
And these lay in ambush in Ithome where they could be
best concealed from sight. And the heavy armed troops of
the Messenians and the allies stood the first onset of the
Lacedæmonians, and afterwards were in all respects full of
bravery. They were outnumbered by the enemy, but being
picked men they fought against an armed mob and not
against men of equal discipline to themselves, consequently
they held out much longer through their bravery and
skill. Moreover the light-armed troops of the Messenians,
when the signal was given, rushed against the Lacedæmonians
and hemmed them in, and hurled their javelins at
their flanks, and the bolder of them rushed in and fought
hand to hand. And the Lacedæmonians, though they saw
before them a second danger and so hopeless a one in the
same place, yet were not in despair, but turned upon the
light-armed troops and tried to repel them, but as because
of the lightness of their armour they easily ran away, the
Lacedæmonians were both perplexed and irritated. Somehow
or other men are apt to be especially vexed at what
happens contrary to their expectation. And so here those
of the Spartans who were already wounded, and those who
were nearest to the light-armed troops, as their comrades
lay dead, rushed out of their ranks wherever they saw the
light-armed troops pressing on, and in their heat pursued
rather too far as the enemy retired. Then the light-armed
troops of the Messenians, as they had done at first, struck
them, and hurled their javelins at them as they stood their
ground, and when they pursued made a feint to flee, and
attacked them as they tried to rejoin their men. And
this they did in various parts of the field, and at different
points in the enemy’s lines. And the heavy-armed of the
Messenians and the allies at this juncture pressed more
boldly right at the foe. And eventually the Lacedæmonians,
spent with the length of the battle and their wounds,
and at the same time harassed beyond measure by the light-armed
troops, broke their ranks. And in the rout the
light-armed troops harassed them all the more. Of the
Lacedæmonians who were cut to pieces in the battle, I
could not ascertain the number, but I believe it was very
large. And the return home to some was easy, but to the
Corinthians it was sure to be dangerous, for, whether they
returned through Argolis or by Sicyon, they had equally to
pass through hostile country.
CHAPTER XII.
The Lacedæmonians were troubled at this reverse that
had befallen them, and at the many excellent warriors
they had lost in the battle. And they despaired of success
in the war, so they sent envoys to Delphi. And this was the
oracle the Pythian Priestess gave. ‘Phœbus bids you not
only apply yourselves to warlike deeds, but as it was by
cunning that the people got the Messenian land, by the
selfsame cunning as it was got shall it be taken.’ The
kings and Ephors, though they were very anxious to do
so, could not find out a good plan till they imitated the wiliness
of Odysseus at Ilium. They sent 100 men to Ithome
to spy out the enemies’ designs, who were to pretend to be
deserters. And to keep up the cheat these men were publicly
condemned at Sparta as deserters. But on their
arrival Aristodemus sent them home again at once, saying,
“The injuries done to the Lacedæmonians are recent, their
craft ancient.” The Lacedæmonians having failed in this
manœuvre next attempted to tamper with the allies of the
Messenians. But as the Arcadians rejected their overtures,
for to them the envoys went first, they did not proceed to
Argos. And Aristodemus hearing of all these intrigues on the
part of the Lacedæmonians sent himself messengers to consult
the oracle at Delphi. And this was the answer of the
Pythian priestess. “The glory in the war the god gives you,
but take care that the treacherous hostile ambush be not too
much for you through Spartan wiles; for if Ares is to have
their well-wrought armour, and the garlands of their dances
are to belong to sorrowing owners, then must they avoid the
appearance of two hidden things. Nor shall the sacred light
of day behold the end of all this till fate shall come to the
things that change their nature.” Aristodemus however
and the seers could not understand what was meant: but
a few years afterwards the god threw light on it and
fulfilled it. Remarkable things too happened at this time
to the Messenians. As Lyciscus lived as a resident alien
at Sparta his daughter, whom he had taken with him
in his flight from Messene, chanced to die. And as he
often went to visit his daughter’s grave, some Arcadian
cavalry lay in wait for him and carried him off. And he
was taken to Ithome, and being brought before the assembly
he made his defence; he had not left his country he said
intending treason, but in consequence of believing the assertion
of the seer that she was not his genuine daughter. In
this line of defence he was not believed to be speaking the
truth till a woman, who was at that time the priestess of
Hera, came into the theatre. And she confessed that the child
was hers, and that she had given it to the wife of Lyciscus
to palm off as her own. And now (she continued) by revealing
my secret I shall depose myself from my priesthood.
This she said because it was a custom in Messene that, if
any of the children of a priest or priestess died, the priesthood
should pass to somebody else. Thinking therefore
that the woman was speaking the truth, they chose for the
goddess a priestess in her place, and said that Lyciscus had
acted in a pardonable way.
And after that they resolved, for it was the 20th year of
the war, to send again to Delphi to enquire about their
chance of victory. And to their enquiry the Pythian
Priestess returned this answer. “To those who shall first
set up 100 tripods at the altar of Zeus of Ithome the god
will give the Messenian land with fame in war. This is
the will of Zeus. But guile moves you on, and behind is
vengeance, and you cannot deceive the god. Act as fate
shall determine. Ruin takes people by turns.” When
they heard this they thought the oracle was in their favour,
and promised them victory in the war; for as they were in
possession of the temple of Zeus within the walls of Ithome,
they thought the Lacedæmonians could not be beforehand
with them in erecting tripods. And so they intended making
wooden tripods, for they had not means enough to make
tripods of brass. But somebody from Delphi reported the
oracle at Sparta. And the Spartans had a public consultation
about it, but could hit upon no plan, but Œbalus, a
man of no great repute but evidently possessed of good
judgment, made 100 tripods of clay roughly, and took
them with him and nets as if he were a hunter. And
being unknown even to most of the Lacedæmonians he
easily escaped the detection of the Messenians. For joining
himself with some countrymen he went with them into
Ithome, and directly night came on he offered these clay
tripods to the god, and returned to Sparta and told the
Lacedæmonians what he had done. And the Messenians
when they saw what had happened were terribly upset,
and guessed (as indeed was the case) that it was a trick of
the Lacedæmonians: however Aristodemus consoled them
with arguments suited to the present conjuncture, and
placed their wooden tripods which were already made at
the altar at Ithome. It happened also that Ophioneus,
the seer who was blind from birth, greatly to the surprise
of all men recovered his sight: for he had a sharp headache
and recovered his sight after it.
CHAPTER XIII.
And thenceforward—for fate already turned the scales
towards the capture of Ithome—the god gave them
various predictions of their coming destiny. For the statue
of Artemis, which was of brass as well as the armour,
dropped its shield; and as Aristodemus was about to sacrifice
the victims to Zeus at Ithome, the rams of their own accord
violently dashed their heads against the altar, and were
killed by the blow. And a third phenomenon happened.
Some dogs assembled in the same place and howled all
night, and eventually went off in a body to the camp of the
Lacedæmonians. This troubled Aristodemus, as also the
following vision of the night. He dreamed that he was
going out to battle fully armed, and saw lying on a table
the victims’ entrails, and his daughter appeared to him in
a black dress with her breast and belly ripped up, and he
thought she threw away what was on the table, and took
away his armour, and instead of it put upon him a golden
crown and white robe. And as Aristodemus was dispirited,
for he thought the dream announced to him the end of his
life, (for the Messenians buried their notable men in white
raiment with crowns on their heads), somebody brought
him word that Ophioneus had suddenly become blind again
as before. Then he understood the hidden sense of the
oracle, that by the pair who appeared after being hidden,
and returned again as fate necessitated, the Pythian
Priestess meant the eyes of Ophioneus. Thereupon Aristodemus
laying to heart his domestic misfortunes, that he had
been the murderer of his daughter to no purpose, and
seeing no future hope of safety for his country, cut his
throat at his daughter’s grave, being such an one as would
in all human calculation have saved his country had not
fortune brought to nothing his plans and actions. And he
died after a reign of six years and a few months. And to
the Messenians their affairs now seemed desperate, so that
they were very near sending a supplicatory embassy to the
Lacedæmonians, though pride restrained them from actually
doing so, so much did they feel the blow of Aristodemus’
death. And when they gathered together in their assembly
they did not choose another king, but appointed Damis
dictator. And he, having selected Cleonnis and Phyleus
as his coadjutors, made preparations for the campaign
according to his best ability under the circumstances: for
he was pressed hard by the siege, and not least by famine
and the fear that famine inspired that they could not hold
out from want of supplies. There was no deficiency
of bravery or venturesomeness on the part of the Messenians:
all their generals and notables were killed. For
about five months they held out, and towards the close of the
year evacuated Ithome, having been at war for full twenty
years, as the lines of Tyrtæus testify: “They in the
twentieth year left the rich pastures, and fled from the
high hills of Ithome.” This war came to an end in the
first year of the fourteenth Olympiad, in which Dasmon
the Corinthian was victor in the stadium, the Medontidæ
at Athens being still in possession of their ten year office,
and at the completion of the fourth year of office of
Hippomenes.
CHAPTER XIV.
And the Messenians who had friends at Sicyon and at
Argos and amongst the Arcadians retired to those
places, and those of the family of the priests who performed
the mysteries to the Great Goddesses went to Eleusis. And
the multitude dispersed to their several nationalities. And
the Lacedæmonians first razed Ithome to the ground, and
afterwards attacked and captured the other cities. And
out of the spoils they set up to Apollo of Amyclæ some
brazen tripods: under the first tripod is a statue of Aphrodite,
and under the second one of Artemis, and under the
third one of Proserpine the daughter of Demeter. These
they erected there. And of the Messenian land they gave
to the Asinæi, who had been ejected by the Argives, the
territory by the sea that they still have: and to the descendants
of Androcles, (for Androcles had a daughter
and she had sons, and after the death of Androcles they
fled to Sparta), they gave what is called Hyamea. And
the following conditions were imposed on the Messenians
by the Lacedæmonians. First of all they bound them by
oath not to revolt or to attempt any revolutionary movement.
And next they appointed no stated tribute, but they
were to bring to Sparta from the land half its produce.
With respect too to the burials of kings and other people
in authority, provision was made that the men and women
in Messenia should wear black raiment, and a punishment
was ordained for those who violated this rule. And as to
their exactions from the Messenians they have been described
by Tyrtæus: “As asses worn out by long continued
toil, carrying to their masters from bitter necessity half of
all the fruit the country yields.” And that necessity was
laid on them of mourning for their masters’ deaths he has
manifested in the following lines, “They and their wives
together wailing for their masters, when baneful death
seized on any one.”
The Messenians in these circumstances, and with no hope
of any kinder treatment from the Lacedæmonians, and
thinking death in battle or a wholesale migration from
the Peloponnese preferable to their present condition,
resolved upon a general rising. And they were mainly
induced to this by the young men, who had had no experience
of war, and were ambitious, and preferred death
in a free country to happiness in all other conditions with
slavery. These youths were reared in various parts of
Messenia, but the bravest and most numerous were in the
neighbourhood of Andania, and among them Aristomenes,
who is still honoured among the Messenians as a hero:
and the circumstances attending his birth they think rather
remarkable. For they say that a demon or god in the form of
a dragon had an intrigue with Nicotelea his mother. I have
heard the Macedonians say similar things about Olympias,
and the Sicyonians about Aristodama. But the difference
is that the Messenians do not claim that Aristomenes was
the son of Hercules or Zeus, as the Macedonians say
that Alexander was the son of Ammon, and as the people
of Sicyon say that Aratus was the son of Æsculapius, but
most of the Greeks say that Pyrrhus was the father of
Aristomenes, though I know that the Messenians call
Aristomenes the son of Nicomedes at the libations. He
then, being in fall vigour of age and boldness, and other
influential persons tried to bring about a general rising.
And this was not at first done openly, but they sent secretly
to Argos and the Arcadians, to see if they would assist
them as energetically as they had done in the former
war, bonâ fide and not half-heartedly.
CHAPTER XV.
And when they had made all their preparations for
war, and their allies were even more zealous than they
had expected, for the hostility between the Arcadians and
Argives and the Lacedæmonians had blazed out fiercely,
then in the thirty-ninth year after the capture of Ithome
they rose in insurrection, in the fourth year of the 23rd
Olympiad, in which the Hyperesian Icarus was victor
in the stadium. And at Athens there were now annual
archons, and the archon this year was Tlesias. Who were
kings at Lacedæmon at this time has not been recorded by
Tyrtæus, but Rhianus in his poem has said that Leotychides
was king during this war. I cannot agree with him in this:
as to Tyrtæus, though he has not mentioned expressly the
time, yet one may suppose he has hinted it in the following
passage,—in the elegiac lines he wrote about the former
war. “Nineteen years unceasingly they fought for their
country, ever with stout heart, those warriors the fathers of
our fathers.” Manifestly then it was in the third generation
after the former war that the Messenians commenced
this war, and the period is marked by the fact that the
kings then at Sparta were Anaxander the son of Eurycrates
the son of Polydorus, and of the other family Anaxidamus
the son of Zeuxidamus, the son of Archidamus, the son of
Theopompus. I go as far as the fourth descendant of
Theopompus, because Archidamus the son of Theopompus
died in his father’s lifetime, and the kingdom devolved upon
Zeuxidamus his grandson. And Leotychides clearly was
king after Demaratus the son of Aristo, and Aristo was
seventh descendant from Theopompus.
And now in the first year after their insurrection the
Messenians engaged with the Lacedæmonians at a place in
their country called Deræ, and neither side had allies. And
the battle was an undecided one, but they say Aristomenes
exhibited in it preterhuman bravery, so that they elected
him king after the battle, for he was of the family of the
Æpytidæ, and though he was for refusing they also
appointed him commander in chief. He was inclined to
let them disown no one who had done valiantly in war:
and for himself thought it right first and foremost (as the
war with the Lacedæmonians was only just begun) to
thoroughly frighten them by some bold stroke, and so to
awe them more for the future. Accordingly he went by
night to Lacedæmon and hung up a shield at the temple
of Athene Chalciœcus, and on it was the inscription, “Aristomenes
offers this to the goddess from Spartan spoils.”
The Lacedæmonians also had an oracular answer from
Delphi, that an Athenian would give them good advice.
They sent therefore envoys to the Athenians to report the
oracle, and to ask for the man who was to give them this
good advice. And the Athenians neither wishing that the
Lacedæmonians should get the best part of the Peloponnese
without great danger, nor to disobey the god, took counsel
accordingly, and sent to Sparta one Tyrtæus a schoolmaster,
who was thought to have very little intelligence
and was lame in one foot. And he on his arrival there
recited his elegiac verses and his anapæsts privately to
the authorities, and publicly to all whom he could collect
together. And a year after the battle of Deræ, when both
nations had now allies, they prepared for battle in a
village called Boar’s Memorial. The Messenians had the
men of Elis and Arcadia as their allies in the action, and
had moreover help from Argos and Sicyon. There were also
present all the Messenians that had fled voluntarily, both
those from Eleusis who were the hereditary priests of the
mysteries of the Great Goddesses, and the descendants of
Androcles: for these too hastened to their assistance. And
to the help of the Lacedæmonians came the Corinthians,
and some of the people of Lepreum from hatred to the men
of Elis. The Asinæi were neutral. Boar’s Memorial is
near Stenyclerus in Messenia, and was so called because
they say Hercules had a mutual covenant there with the
sons of Neleus over a boar’s entrails.
CHAPTER XVI.
And when the seers in both armies had commenced by
sacrifice, the Lacedæmonian seer being Hecas, the descendant
and namesake of that Hecas who had come to
Sparta with the sons of Aristodemus, and the Messenian seer
being Theoclus, a descendant of Eumantis (a native of Elis
and one of the Iamidæ whom Cresphontes had introduced
into Messene), both armies were with more confidence stirred
up to battle. And there was ardour exhibited by several according
to their age and prowess, but notably by Anaxander,
the king of the Lacedæmonians, and the Spartans in his division:
and in the Messenian army Phintas and Androcles,
the descendants of Androcles, and the men who were posted
with them, strove to show their valour. And Tyrtæus and
the priests of the Great Goddesses took no part in the
action but that of cheering on the rears of their respective
armies. And this was the disposition of Aristomenes.
Eighty picked men of the Messenians about the same age
as himself were in close attendance upon him, and each of
them thought himself highly flattered to be posted near
Aristomenes: and they were very keen at detecting in a
glance one another’s ideas and especially their leader’s plans
in the very germ. They and Aristomenes had the brunt of the
battle, being posted opposite to Anaxander and the bravest
of the Lacedæmonians. And receiving wounds fearlessly,
and rushing on with the greatest recklessness, in time they
routed by their boldness Anaxander’s division. As these
fled Aristomenes commanded another Messenian regiment
to pursue them: and himself rushed into the thick of the
fight, and routed the men there, and then again turned to
some other part of the field. And having driven these
also from their positions he hurried on, charging those that
were left, until he had thoroughly beaten all the Lacedæmonian
force, allies and all. And as they felt some
shame in fleeing, and yet could not stand these frequent
charges, he dashed in amongst them with more formidable
fury than one could have expected from one man. But
near a wild pear tree that grew in the plain Theoclus tried
to prevent his passing: for he said Castor and Pollux were
seated on the pear tree. And Aristomenes giving way to
passion, and not hearing all the words of the seer, when
he got to the pear tree dropped his shield, and this loss of
Aristomenes gave the Lacedæmonians breathing time to
stop from their flight: for he lost some time trying to find
his shield.
And when the Lacedæmonians were dispirited at this
blow, and were minded to finish the war, Tyrtæus put heart
into them by reciting his verses, and got some Helots enrolled
into the regiments in place of the dead men. And
when Aristomenes returned to Andania, the women welcomed
him with ribands and pelted him with flowers,
and sang for him a song not forgotten even in our days,
“To the mid plain and high mountain at Stenyclerus did
Aristomenes pursue the Lacedæmonians.” And he afterwards
recovered his shield by going to Delphi, and, as
the Pythian Priestess ordered him, by descending to the
sacred shrine of Trophonius at Lebadea. And afterwards
he took the shield, and hung it up as a votive offering at
Lebadea, and I have myself seen it hanging up there. Its
design is an eagle with its wings extended at the upper
part of the shield. And now Aristomenes on his return
from Bœotia, having recovered his shield at the shrine
of Trophonius, immediately went in for further action.
And, having gathered together a levy of Messenians besides
his own bodyguard of picked men, he marched at
nightfall to a city of Laconia, whose old name was Pharis
as in Homer’s catalogue, but it was called Pharæ by the
Spartans and other neighbouring people. Marching there
he cut to pieces those who attempted to defend themselves,
and after carrying off much booty returned to Messene.
And the Lacedæmonian hoplites under Anaxander
their king attacking him on the road, he routed them also,
and was fain to pursue Anaxander. But being wounded
in his hinder quarters with a javelin he stayed the pursuit,
without losing the plunder he had got. And after waiting
sufficient time for his wound to be healed, he intended to
enter Sparta by night, when he was prevented by the apparition
of Helen and Castor and Pollux, and lay in ambush
at nightfall for some maidens who were dancing to Artemis
at Caryæ, and arrested all who were remarkable for the
wealth and position of their fathers, and brought them by
night to a village in Messenia and went to rest, having
committed the custody of them to some men of his regiment.
Thereupon the young men in drink I suppose, and otherwise
unable to control their passions by reason, endeavoured
to violate the maidens, and when Aristomenes forbade
them to act in a manner not customary for Greeks,
they took no notice of him, so that he was obliged to kill
the most unruly of them. And the maidens he had taken
captive he let go for a good ransom with their honour
safe.
CHAPTER XVII.
And there is a place in Laconia called Ægila, where is
a temple of Demeter. There Aristomenes and his soldiers,
knowing that the women were keeping festival to
Demeter, wished to seize them: but as these women inspired
by the goddess made a bold defence, most of the
Messenians received wounds with the swords which they
used to sacrifice the victims with, and the sharp pointed
spits on which they stuck their meat to roast it. And
Aristomenes they struck with their torches and took him
alive. However he escaped the same night to Messenia.
They say that Archidamea the priestess of Demeter had the
guilt of letting him escape. But she did not let him go
for money, but was an old sweetheart of his, and made out
that Aristomenes had escaped by burning[57] his bonds.
And in the third year of the war, when an engagement
was about to take place at what was called The Great
Trench, and when the Arcadians had come from all their
cities to help the Messenians, the Lacedæmonians bribed
Aristocrates, the son of Icetas, a native of Trapezus, king
and general of the Arcadians at this period. The Lacedæmonians
are the first we know of that bribed an enemy, and
the first that made renown in arms a thing to be purchased
by money. For before the Lacedæmonians violated honour
in their war with the Messenians, in regard to this treason
of Aristocrates the Arcadian, their fighting men were distinguished
for bravery, and good fortune from the deity.
Afterwards too at Ægos-potamoi, when they opposed the
fleet of the Athenians, they certainly bribed Adimantus
and other Athenian Admirals. But in process of time
upon the Lacedæmonians came what is called the Retribution
of Neoptolemus. For Neoptolemus the son of Achilles,
having slain Priam at the altar of Household Zeus, was himself
also slain at Delphi at the temple of Apollo, and—in
consequence of that—suffering what one had inflicted on
another got called the Retribution of Neoptolemus. For
when the Lacedæmonians were at the zenith of their power,
and had destroyed the fleet of the Athenians, and Agesilaus
had reduced most of Asia Minor, then it was not possible
to strip the Mede of all his power, because the barbarian
circumvented them by sending money to Corinth and Argos
and Athens and Thebes, and what was called the Corinthian
war was brought about by this money, so that Agesilaus
was compelled to leave Asia Minor. And so the deity made to
recoil upon themselves the wiliness that the Lacedæmonians
had displayed to the Messenians. And Aristocrates when
he had received money from Lacedæmon, at first hid his
plans from the Arcadians, but when they were on the eve
of an engagement, then he threw them into consternation,
by telling them they were in difficulty and straits and had
no means of retreat if they should be beaten. He also said
the sacrifices were not auspicious. He ordered everyone
therefore to run away when he gave the signal. And when
the Lacedæmonians began the engagement and the Messenians
were opposite to them, thereupon at the commencement
of the battle Aristocrates led off the Arcadians, and
thus the Messenian centre and left wing was left exposed.
For the Arcadians had occupied both these parts of the field,
as the people of Elis were not present at the battle, nor the
people of Argos and Sicyon. And Aristocrates put the
finishing touch to his treason by fleeing through the
Messenian lines. And they were quite bewildered at the
unexpected state of affairs, and were disturbed by the passage
of the Arcadians through their lines, so that most
of them nearly forgot what they were about: for instead
of the Lacedæmonians pressing on against the
Arcadians they saw them fleeing, and some begged them
to stand their ground, others reviled them as traitors and
covenant-breakers. And for the Lacedæmonians to surround
the Messenians who were now left alone was easy
enough, and with the greatest ease they won a victory that
was a foregone conclusion. And though Aristomenes and
his division bravely stood their ground against the multitude
of the Lacedæmonians that pressed against them, and
endeavoured to keep them in check, yet they were too few
to avail much. And such a quantity of Messenians were
cut to pieces, that they, who had expected to be masters
of the Lacedæmonians, now instead of having slaves had
hardly any hope of safety. And of their leaders fell Androcles
and Phintas and others, and Phanas, (who fought especially
bravely, and had been victor at Olympia in the double
course). And Aristomenes after the battle collected the
Messenian fugitives, and persuaded them to leave Andania
and any other towns in the heart of the country, and to
take up their residence on the mountain Eira. And when
they assembled there they were besieged by the Lacedæmonians
who wished to take them. However they resisted
and held out for eleven years after the disaster at The Great
Trench. That that was the time the blockade lasted is plain
from the verses of Rhianus about the Lacedæmonians.
“Along the ridges of the mountain white
Twenty-two summers and winters did they fight.”
The word used for summers in the line just above is a word
properly meaning the grass when it is ripe, or a little before
hay harvest.
CHAPTER XVIII.
And the Messenians when they were hemmed in at
Eira, and debarred the rest of their country, except
what was occupied by the people of Pylos near the sea, and
the people of Mothone, plundered Laconia and their own
country, which they now regarded as enemy’s country.
And several joined them in these raids, as chance brought
it about, and Aristomenes got together some picked men in
number about 300. They harried and carried off from the
Lacedæmonians whatever they could, corn and flocks and
wine, but furniture and human beings they ransomed for
money. So that the Lacedæmonians made a decree, inasmuch
as they were farming for the benefit of the people of
Eira rather than their own, not to cultivate Messenia and
the neighbouring parts of Laconia till after the war. And
from that time there was scarcity in Sparta, and with
the scarcity came riots, for those who got their money by
farming could not bear to see their lands lie fallow, but
their vexation was checked by the verses of Tyrtæus. And
Aristomenes with his picked men made a sally when the
night was considerably advanced, and stole a march upon
the enemy by getting to Amyclæ before daybreak, and
seized the fort and plundered Amyclæ, and was off again
before help could come from Sparta. And he afterwards
overran the whole country, till making an attack on more
than half the Lacedæmonian army under both their kings,
he received several wounds as he defended himself
valiantly, and as he was struck on the head by a stone his
eyes got dizzy, and the Lacedæmonians rushing at him all
together took him alive. Fifty of his men also were captured.
These were all condemned by the Lacedæmonians
to be thrown into their underground cavern called Ceadas;
where they throw in their greatest malefactors. The other
Messenians who were thrown in were killed instantaneously:
but Aristomenes had some good genius who both
now and on all occasions looked after him. Those who
exaggerate everything about him say that, when he was
thrown into Ceadas, an eagle flew under him and supported
him with its wings, so that he reached the bottom safely
without a wound or scratch. The god on this occasion must
have also shown him some outlet. For when he got to the
bottom of the cavern, he sat down and muffling his head in
his cloak expected death which he felt certain. But on the
third day after he heard a noise, and unveiled his face, and
when his eyes got accustomed to the darkness, saw a fox
preying on the dead carcases. And reflecting that it must
have an outlet somewhere, he waited till the fox came near
and when it came near seized hold of it, and in one of his
hands, when the fox turned on him, held his cloak that it
might bite that and not him. As it ran he ran with it, and
was dragged by it along a very difficult path. At last he saw
a little hole, just big enough for a fox to pass through, and
light glimmered through it. And the fox, directly it was
liberated by Aristomenes, betook itself to its hole. And
Aristomenes, as the hole was too small to let him through,
enlarged it with his hands and got home safe to Eira,
having had most remarkable good fortune in respect to his
capture, (for his spirit and bravery were such that no one
could have expected to take him alive), and stranger still
and most plainly not without divine assistance was this
getting out safe from Ceadas.
CHAPTER XIX.
And it was almost immediately reported to the Lacedæmonians
by deserters that Aristomenes had got home
safe: but being considered as incredible as if anyone were
to say that a dead man had come to life again, it was only believed
in consequence of the following transaction on the
part of Aristomenes. The Corinthians sent a force to help
the Lacedæmonians to take Eira. Aristomenes, learning
from his scouts that they were marching rather carelessly,
and that their camps were negligently made up, attacked
them by night, and as they were asleep slew most of them,
and among others their leaders Hypermenides, and Achladæus,
and Lysistratus, and Sidectus. He plundered also
the tent of the generals, and the Lacedæmonians soon saw
that it was Aristomenes and no other Messenian that had
done all this. He sacrificed also to Zeus of Ithome the
sacrifice which they call Hecatomphonia. It was of very
remote antiquity, and any Messenian who had killed 100
enemies had a right to offer it. And Aristomenes first
offered this sacrifice when he fought the battle at Boar’s
Memorial, and the slaughter of these Corinthians by night
gave him the right to offer this sacrifice a second time.
They say also that he offered the sacrifice a third time as
the result of various raids. But the Lacedæmonians, as
the festival of Hyacinthus was now coming on, made a truce
of 40 days with the inhabitants of Eira, and returned home
and kept the festival, and some Cretan bowmen, who had
been sent for as mercenaries from Lyctus and other towns,
made incursions into various parts of Messenia. And as
Aristomenes was at some distance from Eira, feeling perfect
security as it was truce time, seven of these bowmen
lay in wait for him, and took him prisoner, and bound
him with the bands of their quivers. And it was evening.
And two of them went to Sparta, and announced the capture
of Aristomenes to the Lacedæmonians: and the remaining
five retired to a farm in Messenia, where a fatherless
maiden lived with her mother. The night before this
maiden had had a dream. Some wolves (she dreamed)
brought a lion to the farm bound and without claws, and
she freed the lion from its bonds and got it claws, and then
the wolves were torn in pieces by it. And now when
the Cretans brought in Aristomenes, the maiden remembered
her dream of the previous night, and asked her
mother who he was: and when she learnt who he was she
took courage, and looked earnestly at him, and understood
the meaning of the dream. She therefore poured out wine
freely for the Cretans, till drink overpowered them, and
then withdrew the sword of the one who was fastest asleep.
Then she cut the bonds of Aristomenes, and he took the
sword and killed all 5. And Gorgus the son of Aristomenes
took the maiden to wife. And thus Aristomenes
requited to the damsel her saving of his life, and Gorgus
was only 18 when he married her.
CHAPTER XX.
But in the 11th year of the siege it was fated that Eira
should fall, and that the Messenians should be dispersed,
and the god accomplished what had been oracularly
foretold to Aristomenes and Theoclus. For when they went
to Delphi after the disaster at the Great Trench, and enquired
as to their safety, the Pythian Priestess replied as follows,
“When he-goat drinks of Neda’s winding stream,
I cease to guard Messene. Her end is near.”
Now the Neda rises in Mount Lycæus: and the river
flows through Arcadia and into Messenia again, and divides
the maritime parts of Messenia and Elis. And now they
were afraid of their he-goats drinking of the Neda: but
the god had quite a different meaning which I will unfold.
The wild fig tree, which some of the Greeks call Olynthe,
is called by the Messenians Tragus (that is He-Goat). At
this time there was a wild fig tree on the banks of the
river Neda which did not grow upright, but bent into the
stream and touched the water with its topmost boughs.
And the seer Theoclus having noticed it conjectured that
by the he-goat drinking of the Neda the Pythian Priestess
meant this wild fig, and that therefore the fate of Messene
was imminent. And he preserved silence on the matter to
everyone else, but he took Aristomenes to this fig tree, and
pointed out to him that their period of safety had passed.
And Aristomenes was convinced by him that it was as he
said, and that that there was no room for delay, and he
adopted the following contrivance under the present
conjuncture. The Messenians had some sacred records,
which if lost would ruin Messene and keep her under for
ever, but which if preserved would, according to the
oracular utterances of Lycus the son of Pandion, give the
Messenians a chance one day to recover their country, and
Aristomenes knowing these oracular utterances conveyed
away by night these arcana: and going to the most unfrequented
part of Mount Ithome buried them there, and
prayed to Zeus of Ithome and to the gods who had hitherto
befriended the Messenians to be witnesses of this deposit,
and not to allow the Lacedæmonians to rob them of their
only hope of returning home again one day. And after
this trouble came to the Messenians, as earlier still it did
to the Trojans, from adultery. They occupied the mountainous
district all round Eira as far as the Neda, and
some lived outside the gates. And no other deserter came
to them from Laconia, but a herdsman, a slave of Emperamus
who was a man of some note at Sparta. This herdsman
lived not far from the Neda. There he saw the wife
of one of the Messenians who lived outside the walls coming
to draw water: and he got enamoured of her, and ventured
to talk with her, and overcame her chastity by gifts. And
from that time forward this herdsman watched when her
husband went upon garrison duty. Now the Messenians
had to go on guard by turns in the citadel: it was here
that they were chiefly afraid of the enemy getting into the
place. And whenever the husband mounted guard, this
herdsman used to go and visit his wife. And on one occasion
he and others had to mount guard at night, and it
chanced to be a very wet night. And the Messenians left
their guard. For the quantity of rain pouring down almost
forced them in, as they had no battlements or turrets in
their improvised fortifications, and at the same time they
did not expect that the Lacedæmonians would attack them
in a night so wild and dark. And Aristomenes had been
wounded a few days previously in rescuing a Cephallenian
merchant and his goods, (he was a friend of his and used to
introduce into Eira all necessary supplies, but had been
captured by the Lacedæmonians and some Apteræan bowmen
under Euryalus a Spartan), and therefore could not as
usual go his nightly rounds. This was the chief reason
why the citadel was abandoned by the guard. And as
each of them went off from his post so did the husband
of the woman who had this intrigue with the herdsman.
And she at this time had the herdsman at her house,
but perceiving the return of her husband quickly concealed
him, and welcomed her husband rather more than usual,
and asked him the reason of his return. And he, ignorant
that she was unfaithful to him and had her paramour there,
told her the truth, and said that, on account of the violence
of the rain, and other circumstances which he mentioned,
they had left their posts. And the herdsman overheard,
and immediately, when he understood the condition of
affairs, deserted the Messenians for the Lacedæmonians.
The Lacedæmonian kings were at this time absent from
the camp: but Emperamus the master of the herdsman
was commander in chief of the forces that were besieging
Eira. The herdsman then went to his master, and first
begged pardon for his absence from home, and next showed
him how they could capture Eira, mentioning all the circumstances
which he had heard from the Messenian.
CHAPTER XXI.
What the herdsman said seemed trustworthy, and he
led Emperamus and the Spartan force. Their march
was difficult owing to the darkness and steady downpour.
Still they advanced with alacrity, and, as soon as
they got to the citadel of Eira, fixed scaling ladders and
got over the walls with all dispatch. And the Messenians
had several indications of their coming trouble, especially
the unusual barking of the dogs, who barked fiercely and
continuously. Perceiving then that the final struggle
had come upon them, they had no time for arming themselves
properly, but each seized what weapon he could find
to defend their last possession out of all Messenia, their last
inch of fatherland! The first who noticed that the enemy
had got inside the walls, and who rushed up to the fray,
were Gorgus the son of Aristomenes, and Aristomenes himself,
and Theoclus the seer and Manticlus his son, and
with them Euergetidas a man held in especial honour at
Messene, who had improved his fortunes by his marriage
with Agnagora, the sister of Aristomenes. And all the
others at this time, though they perceived that they were
in a trap, yet had a little hope in spite of the outlook:
but Aristomenes and the seer knew that it was all up
with the Messenians, remembering the Pythian Priestess’
oracle about the he-goat, but they concealed none the less
the true state of affairs, and were silent about it to everybody.
And they went all round the town energetically
and exhorted every Messenian they met to play the man,
and called from their houses those that yet remained in
them. During the night nothing very notable was done
on either side, for the attacking party were hindered
by their ignorance of the ground and the boldness of
Aristomenes, and the Messenians were rather backward
in taking the word from their generals, and if anyone
lit a torch or struck a light, the rain immediately put
it out. And when day broke and they could see one
another clearly, then Aristomenes and Theoclus endeavoured
to nerve the Messenians to desperate courage, by
giving them the necessary directions, and reminding them
of the heroism of the people of Smyrna, who, though they
were only Ionians, by their boldness and vigour drove out
of their city Gyges, the son of Dascylus, and the Lydians who
were in possession of it. And the Messenians hearing this
were animated with the courage of despair, and forming
what ranks they could rushed against the Lacedæmonians.
And even the women eagerly hurled tiles, and whatever each
could lay hold of, at the enemy: but they were partly prevented
doing this from the slipperiness of the roofs through
the frequent rain: but they seized arms and thus kindled
still more the courage of the men, when they saw that even
the women preferred perishing with their country to being
led off as slaves to Lacedæmon, insomuch that had it been
possible they would have given destiny the go-by. And
the downpour of rain continued all day, and there was
thunder and lightning, and they could hardly see for the
lightning that flashed in their faces. And all this inspired
courage in the Lacedæmonians, who thought that the god
was visibly helping them, and as the lightning was on their
right the seer Hecas announced that the omen was auspicious.
He also devised the following stratagem. The
Lacedæmonians were far the most numerous, but inasmuch
as the battle was on a limited area and not fought
tactically, but various bodies of men fought haphazard in
various parts of the city, it happened that the rearmen of
each division were useless. He therefore ordered them to
retire to the camp and get some food and sleep, and come
back again before evening to relieve their companions, who
had borne the burthen and heat of the day. And thus by
fighting and resting by turns they held out the longer, but
the Messenians were getting entirely worn out, for it was
now the third night that they had been fighting day and
night continuously. And when the next morning came,
and they were suffering from sleeplessness and constant
rain and cold all combined, hunger and thirst assailed them
too. Their women especially were ready to faint by reason
of being unused to war, and by the long continuance of
their efforts. Then the seer Theoclus came up and spoke
to Aristomenes. “Why do you continue in vain this
struggle? It is decreed that Messene must perish, long
ago did the Pythian Priestess foretell this imminent ruin,
and lately did the wild fig tree teach the same lesson. To
me the god assigns an end with my country: but you may
save the Messenians and yourself.” When he had spoken
thus to him, he rushed against the foe, and said to the
Lacedæmonians in a loud voice, “You shall not for long
joy in your conquest of Messene.” After that he fiercely
attacked those who were opposite to him and slew them,
and was himself wounded, and breathed out his last having
first glutted his soul with slaughter. And Aristomenes
called all the Messenians back from the fight, except those
who were fighting with remarkable bravery, whom he
allowed to remain fighting. And the rest he ordered to
follow where he should lead, with the women and children
in their lines. To the command of this portion of the army
he appointed Gorgus and Manticlus: and himself took up
a position in the front rank, and by the motion of his head
and the waving of his spear plainly showed that he was
asking for a passage through, and already meditated retreat.
Emperamus and the Spartans on the spot were right glad
to let the Messenians through their lines, and not to irritate
too much men who were mad in rage and desperate to the
last degree. And Hecas the seer also bade them act so.
CHAPTER XXII.
Directly the Arcadians heard of the capture of Eira,
they at once begged Aristocrates to lead them to save
the Messenians or perish with them. But he having been
bribed by the Lacedæmonians refused to lead them, and
said that he knew none of the Messenians were alive for
them to assist. But when the Arcadians received more
certain intelligence that some survived who had been compelled
to leave Eira, they set out to meet them at Mount
Lycæus, having got ready both food and raiment, and sent
certain influential persons to comfort the Messenians and
guide them on their march. And when they got safe to
Mount Lycæus the Arcadians welcomed them, and treated
them kindly in other respects, and invited them to dwell in
their cities, and said they would give them a share of the
land. But Aristomenes in his grief for the capture of Eira
and his hatred to the Lacedæmonians contrived the following
plan. He selected from the whole body 500 Messenians,
who he knew were prodigal of their lives, and selected
them in the hearing of the other Arcadians and Aristocrates,
not knowing that he was a traitor—for he thought
Aristocrates had fled through cowardice and want of manliness
rather than in treason—and he asked the 500 in his
presence, whether they would die with him to avenge their
country. And when they said they would he revealed his
whole plan, that the following evening he intended to lead
them to Sparta. For at this time most of the Lacedæmonians
were at Eira, and others were busy in plundering
the property of the Messenians. “And if we should capture
Sparta and keep it,” continued Aristomenes, “we shall be
able to exchange it for Messene: and if we fail we shall
die together, having done deeds that posterity will not
forget.” After he had made this speech, about 300 of the
Arcadians wished to join him in his desperate undertaking.
And for the moment they delayed their departure, as the
victims were not auspicious. On the following day however
they knew that their secret had been revealed to the
Lacedæmonians, and that they had been betrayed by Aristocrates
for the second time. For Aristocrates had at once
disclosed by letter the design of Aristomenes, and given
the letter to his most trusty slave, and sent it to Anaxander
at Sparta. And on his return this slave was intercepted
by some Arcadians who had previously been hostile to
Aristocrates, and were now rather suspicious about him.
And having intercepted this slave they brought him before
the Arcadians, and showed the people the answer of Anaxander
from Lacedæmon. It was to the effect that, just as
Aristocrates’ flight at an opportune moment from the Great
Trench had not been unrewarded by the Lacedæmonians,
so he should not be without further reward for his present
information. And when this was reported to them all,
the Arcadians began to stone Aristocrates, and urged the
Messenians to do the same. But they looked at Aristomenes.
And he looked on the ground and wept. So the
Arcadians stoned Aristocrates to death, and cast him unburied
out of their borders, and put up a pillar in the temple
of Lycæan Zeus with the following inscription. “Time
is sure to bring justice at last to an unjust king, and
time with Zeus’ cooperation has easily found out Messene’s
traitor. It is difficult for a perjured man to escape the god.
Hail, royal Zeus, and save Arcadia.”
CHAPTER XXIII.
And all the Messenians that were captured at Eira, or
in any other part of Messenia, were incorporated by
the Lacedæmonians among the Helots: and the people of
Pylos and Mothone and all the maritime towns removed
in ships, after the capture of Eira, to Cyllene the arsenal of
Elis. And from there they sent to the Messenians in
Arcadia, wishing them to join them in an expedition to seek
some city to dwell in, and bade them make Aristomenes
the founder of the colony. But he said that for his part
as long as he lived he would fight against the Lacedæmonians,
and that he knew very well that Sparta would
always have trouble through him: but he gave them Gorgus
and Manticlus as their leaders. Euergetidas also retired to
Mount Lycæus with the rest of the Messenians: and from
thence, when he saw that Aristomenes’ plan about the capture
of Sparta had fallen through, having got together
about 50 of the Messenians he made a raid against the
Lacedæmonians at Eira, and falling in with them still plundering
he turned their chant of victory into a dirge. And
fate seized him there, and Aristomenes ordered the leaders
of the Messenians, and whoever wished, to take part in the
colony to go to Cyllene. And all took part in it, except
those that were prevented by old age, or were destitute of
means for dwelling abroad. And these remained where
they were among the Arcadians.
Eira was taken, and the second war between the Lacedæmonians
and the Messenians finished, in the Archonship
over the Athenians of Autosthenes, in the first year of the
28th Olympiad, in which Chionis the Laconian was victor.
And when the Messenians had got together at Cyllene,
they resolved to winter there for that winter, and the people
of Elis provided them with supplies and money: but
directly Spring came they deliberated where they should
go. And the view of Gorgus was that they should occupy
Zacynthus beyond Cephallenia, and become islanders instead
of dwelling on the mainland, and should sail in their
ships to the maritime parts of Laconia and ravage their
territory. Manticlus on the other hand exhorted them to
forget Messene and their animosity to the Lacedæmonians,
and sail to Sardinia and occupy that large and fertile island.
Meantime Anaxilas sent a message to the Messenians inviting
them to Italy. He was King at Rhegium, and fourth
in descent from Alcidamidas, who had migrated from
Messene to Rhegium, after the death of King Aristodemus
and the capture of Ithome. This Anaxilas then invited the
Messenians, and when they went to Rhegium he told them
that the people of Zancle were at variance with him, and
that they had a fertile country and a city in the rich part
of Sicily, all which he said he would give them, and help
them in conquering the country. And as they eagerly accepted
his offer, Anaxilas conveyed them over into Sicily.
Now Zancle was a place which had originally been occupied
by pirates, and, as the land there was then unoccupied,
they built a fort near the harbour, and made Zancle their
headquarters for expeditions both by land and sea: and
their leaders were Cratæmenes the Samian and Perieres
from Chalcis. And eventually Perieres and Cratæmenes
resolved to invite in other colonists from Greece. But now
Anaxilas conquered the people of Zancle who put out to sea
in their fleet, and the Messenians conquered them on land.
And being blockaded by land by the Messenians and simultaneously
by sea by the people of Rhegium, when their fort
was taken, they fled for refuge to the altars of the gods
and to the temples. Anaxilas however urged on the Messenians
to slay the suppliants, though they prayed hard for
quarter, and to enslave the rest together with their women
and children. But Gorgus and Manticlus begged that
Anaxilas would not compel them, who had been shamefully
treated by their fellow-countrymen, to act with equal cruelty
to Greeks. And after that they took the people of Zancle
from the altars, and having mutually given and received
pledges dwelt together as one people. But the name of
the town they changed from Zancle to Messene. All this
took place in the 29th Olympiad, in which Chionis the
Laconian was victor the second time, and Miltiades was
Archon at Athens. And Manticlus built a temple of Hercules
for the new colony, and a statue of the god was
placed outside the fort called Hercules Manticlus, just as
Belus at Babylon got its name from an Egyptian called
Belus, and Ammon in Libya from the name of the shepherd
who built the temple. This was the end of the wandering
of the Messenian exiles.
CHAPTER XXIV.
Meantime Aristomenes, when he refused the leadership
of those who were going on the new colony,
married his sister Agnagora to Tharyx of Phigalia, and
his two eldest daughters to Damothoidas of Lepreum
and Theopompus of Heræum. And he himself went to
Delphi and consulted the oracle. What answer was returned
is not recorded. But Damagetus a native of Rhodes,
the King of Ialysus, had also at this time come to consult
the oracle as to where he should marry a wife from, and
the Pythian Priestess replied that he was to marry the
daughter of the noblest of the Greeks. And Aristomenes
had a third daughter, and he married her, thinking her
father far the noblest Greek of his time. And Aristomenes
went to Rhodes with his daughter, and from thence he
intended to go to Sardis to Ardys the son of Gyges, and to
Ecbatana the royal residence of the Medes to the Court of
King Phraortes, but before he could carry out this intention
he chanced to die of some illness, so that the fates did
not permit him to wreak his vengeance on the Lacedæmonians.
And Damagetus and the people of Rhodes built a
splendid monument to him, and paid honours to his memory.
The traditions about those who are called the Diagoridæ
in Rhodes, (who were descended from Diagoras, the son of
Damagetus, the son of Dorieus, the son of Damagetus by
the daughter of Aristomenes), I have omitted, that I might
not appear to have introduced irrelevant matter.
And the Lacedæmonians, when they had made themselves
masters of Messenia, shared it out among themselves
all but the territory of the Asinæi, and Mothone they gave
to the people of Nauplia who had recently been ejected by
the Argives.
And the Messenians who were captured at Eira, and
compulsorily incorporated among the Helots, revolted again
from the Lacedæmonians in the 79th Olympiad, in which the
Corinthian Xenophon was victor, and Archimedes Archon
at Athens. And they seized the following opportunity.
Some of the Lacedæmonians, on a charge for which they
were condemned to death, fled to Tænarum as suppliants;
and there the Ephors took them from the altar and slew
them. And the wrath of Poseidon came upon those
Spartans who had violated his rights of sanctuary, and he
adjudged the town to be utterly razed to the ground. And
it was after this calamity that the Helots who were Messenians
revolted and went to Mount Ithome. And the
Lacedæmonians sent for several allies to help to subdue
them, and among others for Cimon (the son of Miltiades)
their friend, of whom they also begged some Athenian
troops. But when these Athenian troops came they suspected
them as likely to introduce revolutionary ideas
among their own men, so in their suspicion they soon sent
them home again from Ithome. But when the Athenians
observed that suspicion on the part of the Lacedæmonians
they were indignant and became friendly to the Argives, and,
when those of the Messenians who were besieged at Ithome
were allowed to surrender upon conditions, gave Naupactus
to them, (having taken it from the Locrians in Ætolia
called Ozolæ). And the Messenians were allowed to surrender
partly because of the strength of the place, partly
because the Pythian Priestess prophesied to the Lacedæmonians
that there would be vengeance from Zeus of Ithome
if they violated his right of sanctuary. So they were
allowed to evacuate the Peloponnese upon conditions for
these reasons.
CHAPTER XXV.
And when they got Naupactus, they were not content
with the town and region that they had got through
the Athenians, but a strong desire came upon them to get
a place for themselves by their own valour. And as they
knew that the Œniadæ, who had a rich soil in Acarnania,
had been for all time at variance with the Athenians, they
marched against them. And being not superior in point
of numbers, but far superior in respect to bravery, they
won a victory over them, and shut them up in their fort
and blockaded them. And the Messenians employed
every human invention for taking cities, they tried to get
over the walls by scaling ladders, and undermined the fort,
and bringing up such engines as they could get at short
notice kept battering away at the walls. And those in the
town, fearing that if the town was taken they would be undone,
and their wives and children sold into slavery, preferred
to surrender upon conditions. And for about a year
the Messenians occupied the town and enjoyed the produce
of the country, but the year after the Acarnanians gathering
a force together from all their towns planned a march
upon Naupactus. But they changed their minds about
this when they saw that their march would be through
the country of the Ætolians, who were always hostile to
them, and at the same time they expected the Naupactians
had a navy, as indeed they had, and as they were masters
of the sea it would not be possible to subdue them with a
land army. So they changed their plan with alacrity, and
marched against the Messenians at Œniadæ. And they
began to lay siege to the town: for they did not suppose that
so few men would come to such a pitch of recklessness as
to sally out and fight against them. And the Messenians
had got together a store of corn and other provisions, expecting
a long siege: but they thought before the blockade
commenced they would have one good fight in the open,
and as they were Messenians, who had only been inferior to
the Lacedæmonians in luck not in courage, they would not
be frightened at this mob that had come from Acarnania.
And the Athenians remembered the action at Marathon,
how thirty myriads of Medes were slain by less than
10,000. So they determined to fight the Acarnanians, and
the battle was fought as follows. The Acarnanians inasmuch
as they were far more numerous easily surrounded
the Messenians, except where the gates at the back of the
Messenians checked them, and the men on the walls
stoutly defended their comrades. Here they could not be
surrounded. But both their flanks were sore pressed by
the Acarnanians, and they shot at them from all sides.
And the Messenians being a compact body, wherever they
made a general attack on the Acarnanians, threw the
enemy’s ranks into confusion, and killed and wounded
many, yet could not bring about a complete rout. For
wherever the Acarnanians observed that their lines were
pierced by the Messenians, there they brought up large
detachments of men, and beat the Messenians back by sheer
force of numbers. And whenever the Messenians were unsuccessful
in an attack, and tried in some other place to
break the Acarnanian line, the same result would follow.
At whatever point they attacked they produced confusion
and something like a rout, but the Acarnanians came
swarming up, and so the Messenians had very unwillingly
to retire. And the struggle being very evenly poised till
night came on, and the attacking force of the Acarnanians
being augmented the following evening from several
towns, a regular blockade of the Messenians commenced.
And they had no fear that the town would be taken by
storm, either by the Acarnanians getting over the walls, or
by their being compelled to desert their garrison duty.
But by the 8th month all their supplies were consumed.
To the Acarnanians they jeeringly cried out that their provisions
would last even a ten years’ siege: but about the
time of first sleep they quietly slipped out of Œniadæ, and
being compelled to fight their way through directly the
Acarnanians got to know of this flitting, lost about 300 but
killed a still greater number of the enemy, and most of
them succeeded in cutting their way through, and by the
assistance of the Ætolians who were friendly to them got
safe to Naupactus.
CHAPTER XXVI.
And from this time forward their hostility to the Lacedæmonians
increased, as they notably shewed in the
war between the Peloponnesians and Athenians. For they
made Naupactus a base against the Peloponnese, and when
the Spartans were cut off at Sphacteria some Messenian
bowmen from Naupactus assisted the Athenians. But
after the reverse of the Athenians at Ægos-potamoi, the
Lacedæmonians being masters of the sea drove the Messenians
from Naupactus, and some went into Sicily to their
kinsmen at Zancle and Rhegium, but most to Libya to
the Euesperitæ, who being hard pressed in war by some of
the neighbouring barbarians invited in the Greeks as
colonists. To them went most of the Messenians under
Comon, who had been their General at Sphacteria.
And a year before the Theban victory at Leuctra, the
god foretold to the Messenians their return to the Peloponnese.
For the priest of Hercules (they say) in Messene at
the Sicilian Strait saw in a dream Hercules Manticlus invited
in a friendly way by Zeus to Ithome. And among the
Euesperitæ Comon dreamt that he had dealings with his
dead mother, and that subsequently his mother came to life
again. And he hoped as the Athenians were now powerful
at sea that they would be restored to Naupactus: and the
dream seemed to indicate that Messene would revive. And
no long time after came to the Lacedæmonians at Leuctra
the disaster that had long been fated: for the concluding
words of the oracle given to Aristodemus the king of the
Messenians were,
“Do as fate bids: woe comes to all in turn.”
As at that time it was fated for him and the Messenians
to be unfortunate, so in after time was it fated for Lacedæmon
when her day had come. And now the Thebans
after the victory of Leuctra sent messengers to Italy and
Sicily and to the Euesperitæ, to recall the Messenians from
their wanderings to the Peloponnese. And they gathered
together quicker than anyone would have thought, from
yearning affection to their fatherland, and from their
abiding hate to the Lacedæmonians. And Epaminondas
was in doubt what city he should build as a base against
the Lacedæmonians, or where he should find a site, for the
Messenians would not dwell again at Andania and Œchalia,
because they had been so unlucky when they lived there
before. As he was in this doubt they say an old man, very
like a priest of the mysteries, appeared to him in a vision of
the night, and said to him, “My gift to you is universal
conquest in war: and when you shall leave this earth I will
make your name, O Theban, immortal and ever glorious.
But do you in return restore to the Messenians their
country and cities, for the wrath of Castor and Pollux
towards them is now appeased.” These were his words to
Epaminondas, who revealed the dream to Epiteles the son
of Æschines, whom the Argives chose as their General and
the restorer of Messene. This man was bidden in a dream,
in the place where he should find at Ithome an ivy and
myrtle tree growing, to dig between them and recover an
old woman who was ill and confined there in a brass coffin
and already near to death’s door. And Epiteles when day
broke went to the appointed place, and dug up a cinerary
urn of brass, and took it at once to Epaminondas and narrated
his dream, and he told him to remove the lid and see
what was in it. And he after sacrifice and prayer to the
person who had sent him this dream opened the urn, and
found some tin beaten very thin, and rolled up like a book.
On it were written the mysteries of the Great Goddesses, and
it was in fact what Aristomenes had buried. And they say
the person who appeared to Epiteles and Epaminondas in
their dreams was Caucon, who formerly came from Athens
to Andania to Messene the daughter of Triopas.
CHAPTER XXVII.
The wrath of Castor and Pollux against the Messenians
began before the battle at Stenyclerus, and I conjecture
it to have originated in the following way. Panormus
and Gonippus, two lads of Andania in the bloom of youth,
were great friends, and used jointly to make incursions and
raids into Laconia. And as the Lacedæmonians in camp
were keeping the festival of Castor and Pollux, and after
the banquet were full of wine and merrymaking, Gonippus
and Panormus, clad in white tunics and purple cloaks, well
mounted, with hats on their heads and spears in their
hands, presented themselves to the Lacedæmonians. And
when they saw them they bowed down before them and
worshipped them, thinking they were Castor and Pollux
who had come to the sacrifice. But these young men mixed
up with them and rode through them and stabbed many
with their lances, and, after many of them had fallen, rode
back to Andania, having thus outraged the festival of
Castor and Pollux. This is what I think made the Twin
Brethren hate the Messenians. But now, as was hinted to
Epaminondas in his dream, the Twin Brethren had no
objection to the return of the Messenians. And Epaminondas
was very greatly encouraged also to the restoration of
Messene by the oracles of Bacis, who had been driven mad by
the Nymphs and had given various prophetic utterances to
several of the Greeks, and amongst others this one about
the return of the Messenians:
“And then shall Sparta lose her glorious flower,
Messene built again be for all time.”
I find also that Bacis foretold the manner in which Eira
would be taken: this is one of his prophetic lines,
“Those from conquered Messene with its splashing fountains.”
And as the records of the Mysteries had been recovered,
the priests entered them in books. And Epaminondas,
as the place where the Messenians now have their capital
seemed most convenient to settle in, bade the seers
examine if the gods were favourable to the spot. And on
their replying that the omens were favourable, he at once
made preparations for building the town, ordering a large
supply of stone, and sending for builders who should artistically
lay out streets and build houses and temples and lines
of walls. And when all was in readiness the Arcadians
furnished victims, and Epaminondas and the Thebans
sacrificed to Dionysus and Apollo Ismenius in the accustomed
manner, and the Argives to Argive Hera and
Nemean Zeus, and the Messenians to Zeus of Ithome and
Castor and Pollux, and the priests of the Mysteries to the
Great Goddesses and Caucon. And with one consent they
invoked the heroes to come and dwell with them, especially
Messene the daughter of Triopas, and Eurytus and Aphareus
and his sons, and of the Heraclidæ Cresphontes and
Æpytus. But most unanimous of all was the cry for Aristomenes.
And that day they devoted to sacrifices and prayers,
and on the following days they raised the circuit of the walls,
and began to build their houses and temples inside the
walls. And they carried on this work only to the music of
Bœotian and Argive flutes, and the tunes of Sacadas and
Pronomus now first came into competition. And they
called the capital Messene, and they restored others of
their towns. But the people of Nauplia were not turned
out of Mothone, the Asinæi also were allowed to remain
where they were, the latter out of gratitude because they
had refused to join the Lacedæmonians against them. And
the people of Nauplia, when the Messenians returned to
the Peloponnese, had brought them as gifts whatever they
had, and had continually prayed to the deity for their
return, and had also made many requests to the Messenians
for their own safety.
Thus the Messenians returned to the Peloponnese, and
were restored to their country, 287 years after the capture
of Eira, when Dyscinetus was Archon at Athens, and in
the third year of the 102nd Olympiad, in which Damon of
Thurii won the second prize. It was indeed no short
time that the Platæans were exiles from their country, or
the Delians when (expelled from Delos by the Athenians)
they dwelt at Adramyttium. The Minyæ from Orchomenus
also, having been driven out by the Thebans from
Orchomenus after the battle of Leuctra, were restored to
Bœotia by Philip the son of Amyntas, as the Platæans also.
And although Alexander stript Thebes of Thebans, yet
not many years afterwards Cassander the son of Antipater
rebuilt it. The exile from Platæa seems to have been the
longest of those which I have recorded, however it was
not longer than two generations. But the Messenians were
wanderers from the Peloponnese for nearly 300 years,
during which time it is evident that they abandoned none
of their national customs, nor did they change their Doric
dialect, but even to our day they preserve it purer than
any other of the Peloponnesians.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
On their return no apprehension was felt by them at first
about the Lacedæmonians: for they, being afraid of
the Thebans, did not interfere with the rebuilding of Messene,
nor the gathering of the Arcadians into one town.
But when the Phocian War, otherwise called the Holy
War, withdrew the Thebans from the Peloponnese, then
the Lacedæmonians pricked up their courage, and could no
longer keep their hands off the Messenians. And the
Messenians bore the brunt of the war alone, except the
assistance they got from the Argives and Arcadians; they
also begged for help from the Athenians,—but they replied
that they could not join them in an incursion into Laconia,
but if the Lacedæmonians were the aggressors and carried
the war into Messenia, then they promised that they would
not fail them. And eventually the Messenians got the
help of Philip, the son of Amyntas, and the Macedonians,
and this they say prevented them from participation in
the struggle of the Greeks at Chæronea. Not that they
would ever have been inclined to take up arms against the
Greeks. But after the death of Alexander, when the
Greeks commenced a second war against the Macedonians,
the Messenians took their part in this, as I have before
shewn in my account of Attica. But they did not join
the Greeks in fighting against the Galati, as Cleonymus
and the Lacedæmonians would not make a treaty with
them.
And not long afterwards the Messenians occupied Elis,
partly by cunning partly by audacity. The people of Elis
in ancient times were the most orderly of all the Peloponnesians,
but when Philip the son of Amyntas did all that
harm to Greece that we have mentioned, and corrupted by
bribes the most influential of the people of Elis, then for
the first time in their history the people of Elis took up arms
and became factious. And after they had taken the first
plunge, they were likely with less reluctance to go into
future civil strife, inasmuch as through the Lacedæmonians
their policy had been shifted, and they had drifted into
civil war. And the Lacedæmonians hearing of the factions
at Elis made preparations to assist those who were for their
party. And while they were drilling and mobilizing their
forces, about 1000 picked men of the Messenians secretly
approached Elis, with Lacedæmonian colours on their
shields. And when the men in Elis who were friendly to
the Spartans saw their shields, they concluded they had
come to help them and admitted them within the walls.
But when the Messenians got in, in the way I have described,
they expelled from the town the Lacedæmonian
party, and entrusted the town to their own friends. Their
stratagem was Homeric, and the Messenians seem to have
imitated Homer for the nonce, for Homer has represented
in the Iliad Patroclus wearing the armour of Achilles, and
how the Trojans, thinking that Achilles was leading the
attack, were thrown into confusion in their van. Other
stratagems of war are found in Homer, as when he describes
two Greek spies coming to the Trojans by night instead of
one, and afterwards a supposed deserter coming to Troy
really to spy out the weak points. Moreover he represents
those Trojans who were either too young or too old to fight
as manning the walls, while those of a suitable age took
the field against the Greeks. And those of the Greeks
that were wounded gave their armour to other fighting
men, that their services too might not be altogether
lost. Thus Homer’s ideas have been generally useful to
mankind.
CHAPTER XXIX.
And no long time after this action at Elis the Macedonians
under Demetrius, the son of Philip the son of
Demetrius, attacked Messene. Most of the audacity displayed
by Perseus against Philip and his son Demetrius I
have already described in my account about Sicyon: and
the capture of Messene took place as follows. Philip was
in need of money, and, as he must have it by hook or by
crook, sent Demetrius with a fleet to the Peloponnese. And
Demetrius chanced to put in at one of the least frequented
harbours of Argolis: and without losing time he led his
army by the shortest cuts through the country to Messene.
And having posted in the van all his light-armed troops,
as he was well acquainted with the road to Ithome, he got
stealthily into the town a little before dawn, and took up
his position between the town and the citadel. And when
day broke and those in the town perceived their imminent
peril, their first thought was that the Lacedæmonians had
got into the town, so they rushed against them with the
greatest alacrity owing to their ancient animosity. But
when both from their arms and language they discovered
that they were Macedonians under Demetrius the son of
Philip, a panic came over them, when they considered the
military renown of the Macedonians, and the good fortune
which they had invariably had. However the magnitude
of the impending danger suggested to them an almost
supernatural bravery, and at the same time the hope to see
better days supported them: for they could not but think
their return to the Peloponnese after so long an exile was
not against the will of the Deity. The Messenians therefore
in the town rushed against the Macedonians with
impetuosity, and the garrison in the citadel galled them
from their higher position. The Macedonians from their
courage and tactical skill fought at first like lions: but at
last spent with their long march, and not only pressed
hard by men, but pelted with tiles and stones by the
women, fled in disorder. And most of them perished
miserably, being pushed down the rocks, for Ithome was
very precipitous here, but a few threw away their arms and
got off safe.
What prevented the Messenians from joining at first the
Achæan League was as follows. They had of their own accord
gone to the aid of the Lacedæmonians when they were attacked
by Pyrrhus the son of Æacus, and for this good service
there were already friendlier relations between themselves
and Sparta. They did not therefore wish to revive
the old feud by going to the Achæan League, as the
Achæans were most openly hostile to the Lacedæmonians.
And what has not escaped my notice, and cannot have
escaped the notice of the Messenians is that, even had there
been no Achæan League, the Achæans would have been
hostile to the Lacedæmonians, for among the Achæans the
Argives and Arcadians were no small element. In process
of time however the Messenians joined the Achæan
League. And not long afterwards Cleomenes, the son of
Leonidas and grandson of Cleonymus, took Megalopolis the
chief town of the Arcadians in truce time. In the capture of
the town about a third of the inhabitants were captured or
slain, but Philopœmen the son of Craugis and those who
escaped with him (and they say that rather more than two
thirds of the people of Megalopolis got away) were kindly
received by the Messenians, partly on account of the
ancient friendliness which the Arcadians had first exhibited
in the days of Aristomenes, and partly in consequence
of the part they had taken in the rebuilding of Messene.
The Messenians even went so far as to assign to the Arcadians
equal rights to themselves. Such vicissitudes and
changes are there in all human affairs, that the deity put it
into the power of the Messenians to preserve in turn the
Arcadians, and (what was still less to be expected) one
day to capture Sparta. For when they fought against Cleomenes
at Sellasia they joined Aratus and the Achæans in
taking Sparta. And when the Lacedæmonians had got rid
of Cleomenes, there rose up against them the tyrant
Machanidas: and after his death Nabis sprang up as tyrant
over them. And, as he not only plundered men but also
sacrilegiously robbed the holy places, in no long time he
amassed considerable sums of money, and got together
with this money an army. And when he occupied Messene
Philopœmen and the people of Megalopolis made a sally by
night, and the Spartan tyrant departed on conditions. And
the Achæans after this, in consequence of some difference
with the Messenians, marched out against them in full force,
and ravaged their territory. And again about harvest time
they collected a force for the purpose of attacking Messenia,
but Dinocrates a prominent man among the people,
who had been recently elected ruler of the Messenians,
forced Lycortas and the army with him to retire without
effecting their object, and having occupied the byroads
between Messenia and Arcadia he protected[58] the Messenians
in their town and in all the neighbouring districts.
And when Philopœmen with a few cavalry came a little
later than the army of Lycortas, not having been able to
gather any tidings about them, the Messenians having the
advantage of ground beat them in battle, and took Philopœmen
alive. And the manner of his capture and his death
I shall relate hereafter in my account of Arcadia. Suffice
it here to state that those Messenians who were guilty of
the death of Philopœmen were punished, and Messene again
joined the Achæan League.
Hitherto I have had to deal with the many sufferings of
the Messenians, and to describe how the Deity, having
scattered them to the ends of the earth, and to places most
remote from the Peloponnese, restored them to their own
country a long time afterwards. And now let us turn to
a description of the country and its towns.
CHAPTER XXX.
There is in our days in Messenia, about 20 stades
from the Chœrian dell, a town by the sea called Abia.
They say in old times it was called Ire, and that it was
one of the seven towns, which Homer represents Agamemnon
as promising to Achilles. And when Hyllus and the
Dorians were conquered in battle by the Achæans, then
they say Abia, the nurse of Glenus the son of Hercules,
went to Ire, and there lived, and built a temple of Hercules,
and for that reason Cresphontes afterwards assigned
her several honours, and changed the name of the town to
her name Abia. There were notable temples there both to
Hercules and Æsculapius.
And Pharæ is distant from Abia about 80 stades, and
the water by the road is salt. The Emperor Augustus
ordered the Messenians at Pharæ to be ranked under
Laconia. The founder of the city was they say Pharis, the
son of Hermes by Phylodamea the daughter of Danaus.
And Pharis they say had no male children, but only a
daughter Telegone. The direct line of genealogy has been
given by Homer in the Iliad, who says that the twins
Crethon and Ortilochus were the sons of Diocles, and that
Diocles himself was the son of Ortilochus, the son of
Alpheus. But he has said nothing about Telegone, who
according to the Messenian tradition was the wife of
Alpheus and mother of Ortilochus. I have also heard at
Pharæ that Diocles had a daughter Anticlea as well as his
twin sons, and that she bare Nicomachus and Gorgasus to
Machaon the son of Æsculapius: they lived at Pharæ, and
after the death of Diocles succeeded to the kingdom. And
a constant tradition about them has prevailed even to this
day, that they have the power of healing illnesses and
people maimed in body. And because of this the people
sacrifice to them and offer votive offerings. At Pharæ
there is also a temple and ancient statue of Fortune. The
first person that I know of that has mentioned Fortune is
Homer. He has mentioned her in his Hymn to Demeter,
when enumerating the other daughters of Oceanus, how
they played with Demeter’s daughter Proserpine, and
among them Fortune, also a daughter of Oceanus. These
are the lines.[59] “We all were in the pleasant meadow,
Leucippe, Phæno, Electra, and Ianthe, Melobosis, and
Fortune, and Ocyroe of the beautiful eyes.” But he has
said nothing further about her, how she is the greatest
goddess in human affairs and has the greatest influence, as
in the Iliad he represented Athene and Enyo as supreme
in war, and Artemis as dreaded in childbirth, and Aphrodite
as the goddess of marriages. He has not symbolized
Fortune in this way. But Bupalus, a man of wonderful
ability in building temples and making models of animals,
is the first person we know of that made a statue of Fortune.
His was for the people of Smyrna. Fortune has a globe
on her head, and in one of her hands what is called by
the Greeks the horn of Amalthea. Thus did he typify
the actions of this goddess. Pindar also subsequently
wrote various lines about Fortune, and named her City-Preserver.
CHAPTER XXXI.
Not far from Pharæ is the grove of Carnean Apollo,
and a fountain of water in it, and Pharæ is about six
stades from the sea. As you go from thence into the interior
of Messenia about 80 stades you come to the town of
Thuria,—which they say Homer called Anthea in his verses.
And Augustus gave Thuria to the Spartans. For when the
future Emperor of Rome was at war with Mark Antony,
several Greeks and especially Messenians fought for Antony
because the Lacedæmonians espoused the side of Augustus.
Accordingly Augustus punished the Messenians and others
who had opposed him, some more some less. And the people
of Thuria left their ancient city which was built on a height,
and went and dwelt in the plain. Not that they altogether
abandoned the upper city, for there are ruins of their walls
and a temple there called the temple of the Syrian goddess.
And a river called Aris flows by their town in the plain.
And there is in the interior a village called Calamæ and
a place called Limnæ: in the latter place is a temple of
Artemis of Limnæ, where they say Teleclus the king of
Sparta was killed. And as you go from Thuria in the
direction of Arcadia are the sources of the river Pamisus,
in which small boys by being dipped are cured of diseases.
And as you go to the left from these sources of the river
and go forward about 40 stades, you come to the city of
the Messenians under Mount Ithome: which is encircled
not only by Mount Ithome but also in the direction of
the Pamisus by Mount Eva. The mountain they say was
called Eva from the Bacchic cry Evœ, which Dionysus and
his attendant women first uttered here. And round Messene
is a circular wall entirely constructed of stone, and
towers and battlements are built on it. As to the walls of
the Babylonians, or those called Memnon’s in Susa amongst
the Persians, I have neither seen them nor heard anything
of them from eye witnesses: but I can confidently affirm
that the wall round Messene is stronger than those at Ambrosus
in Phocis or at Byzantium or at Rhodes. And
in the market-place at Messene there is a statue of Zeus
Soter, and a conduit called Arsinoe, which got its name
from the daughter of Leucippus, and water flows underground
to feed it from a well called Clepsydra. And the
gods who have temples are Poseidon and Aphrodite. And
the most notable thing is a statue of the Mother of the
Gods in Parian marble by Damophon, who most artistically
rivetted the Zeus at Olympia when the ivory got
loose. And honours were bestowed upon him by the people
of Elis. He too designed the statue that the people of
Messene call Laphria: whom they are accustomed to
worship for the following reason. Among the Calydonians,
who worship Artemis most of all the gods, her title is
Laphria. And the Messenians who received Naupactus
from the Athenians, and lived consequently very near to
Ætolia, borrowed the worship of Artemis Laphria from the
Calydonians. The statue I shall describe elsewhere. The
title Laphria is only given to Artemis by the Messenians
and the people of Patræ in Achaia. Ephesian Artemis is
the title which all cities recognize, and by which men
privately worship her as greatest of the gods; partly
from the fame of the Amazons, who are said to have
established the worship of her image, partly because she
had a temple at Ephesus from time immemorial. And
three other things contributed to her glory also, the size
of the temple which exceeds all other human structures,
the celebrity of the city of Ephesus, and the splendour of
the goddess’ shrine.
At Messene there is also a temple and stone statue of
Ilithyia. And hard by is a hall of the Curetes, where they
sacrifice all kinds of living things alike. Beginning with
bulls and goats, they even go as far as to cast birds into
the flames. There is also a temple sacred to Demeter,
and statues of Castor and Pollux represented as carrying
off the daughters of Leucippus. I have already shown
in a previous part of my work that the Messenians assert
that Castor and Pollux are indigenous with them and not
with the Lacedæmonians. And they have many statues
well worth seeing in the temple of Æsculapius. For besides
the statues of the god and his sons, and besides those of
Apollo and the Muses and Hercules, there are statues of
Thebes and Epaminondas the son of Cleommis, and of
Fortune and of Lightbringing Artemis. Those in stone are
the work of Damophon, the only Messenian statuary that
I know of that has produced any remarkable statues. The
effigy of Epaminondas in iron is by another hand. There
is also at Messene a temple of Triopas and her statue in
gold and Parian marble: and the paintings at the back of
the temple are Aphareus and his sons, the kings of Messene
before the expedition of the Dorians to the Peloponnese,
and after the return of the Heraclidæ Cresphontes, the
leader of the Dorians, and of those that dwelt at Pylos
Nestor and Thrasymedes and Antilochus, who were preferred
to the sons of Nestor partly because they were older,
partly because they had taken part in the Trojan expedition.
There are paintings also of Leucippus the
brother of Aphareus, and of Hilaira, Phœbe, and Arsinoe.
There are paintings also of Æsculapius, (the son of Arsinoe
according to the tradition of the Messenians,) and
Machaon and Podalirius, for they also had a share in the
expedition to Ilium. These paintings were executed by
Omphalion, the pupil of Nicias the son of Nicomedes: some
say that he was also the slave of Nicias and his favourite.
CHAPTER XXXII.
The temple at Messene called the Sacrificial Chamber
has statues of the gods generally worshipped among
the Greeks, and also an effigy of Epaminondas in brass.
There are also some ancient tripods, such as Homer describes
as not having experienced fire.[60] And the statues
in the gymnasium are the work of Egyptians, and are
Hermes Hercules and Theseus, who are wont to be held
in honour at gymnasiums and palæstras by all Greeks and
by many barbarians. I also noticed a statue of Æthidas
who was a contemporary of mine but older, and as he was
very wealthy the Messenians paid him honours as a hero.
None of the people of Messene deny that Æthidas was
wealthy, but some say it is not that Æthidas who has a
statue on the pillar, but a namesake and ancestor. And
this earlier Æthidas was they say the General of the Messenians,
when Demetrius the son of Philip and his army
stole into the town by night when they little expected it.
There is here also the tomb of Aristomenes, and not a
mere cenotaph, if their account is correct. But when I
inquired how and from what place they brought home
Aristomenes’ remains, they replied that they sent for them
from Rhodes, obeying the direction of the God at Delphi.
They also informed me of the sacrifices at this tomb.
The bull they intend to sacrifice they bring to the tomb,
and fasten it to a pillar near the tomb. And it being
wild and unused to bonds is reluctant to remain there.
And if by its struggles and mad bounds the pillar is
moved, it is an auspicious omen to the people of Messene,
but if it is not moved it is an omen of misfortune. And
they amuse themselves with the fancy that Aristomenes
though no longer alive was present at the fight at Leuctra,
and they say he fought for the Thebans, and was the main
cause of the Lacedæmonian defeat. I know that the
Chaldæan and Indian astrologers were the first who taught
that the soul of man is immortal, and several Greeks
credited their assertion, and notably Plato the son of Aristo.
And whoever are willing to believe this cannot deny the
fact that the hatred of Aristomenes to the Lacedæmonians
was eternal. And what I heard in Thebes lent probability
to the tradition at Messene, though it does not altogether
agree with their account. The Thebans say that on the eve
of the battle at Leuctra they sent to several oracles, and
among others to that of Trophonius at Lebadea. The
answers are extant which were received from Ismenian
and Ptoan Apollo, as also from Abæ and Delphi. But the
response of Trophonius was in 4 hexameter verses. “Before
contending with the foe erect a trophy, decking out
the shield, which the ardent Aristomenes of Messene placed
in my temple. I will assuredly destroy the host of hostile
warriors.” And on the arrival of this oracular response they
say that Epaminondas prevailed with Xenocrates to send for
the shield of Aristomenes, and he decked it out as a trophy
in a place where it would be visible to the Lacedæmonians.
And some of them recognized the shield as they had seen it
in time of peace at Lebadea, and all knew of it by report.
And after the Thebans won their victory, they offered
Aristomenes’ shield again to Trophonius as a votive offering.
There is also a brazen statue of Aristomenes in the
race-course at Messene. And not far from the theatre is
the temple of Serapis and Isis.
CHAPTER XXXIII.
And as you go towards the hill of Ithome, where the
Messenians have their citadel, is the spring called
Clepsydra. However willing one may be it is a matter of
no small difficulty to enumerate all the people who put in
the claim that Zeus was born and bred among them. The
people of Messene have this tradition among others. They
say that Zeus was reared among them, and that Ithome
and Neda were his nurses, and that Neda gave her name to
the river, and Ithome hers to the mountain. And these
Nymphs they say, when Zeus was stolen away by the
Curetes from fear of Cronos, washed him here at Clepsydra,
and the spring got its name from the theft of the
Curetes: and every day they take water from this spring
to the temple of Zeus of Ithome. And the statue of Zeus
is the work of Ageladas, and was made originally for the
Messenians that dwelt at Naupactus. And a priest chosen
annually keeps the statue in his house. And they have an
annual feast at Ithome, and originally they had a musical
contest, as one may infer from other sources, but especially
from the lines of Eumelus, which are part of his Processional
Hymn at Delos, “Welcome to Zeus of Ithome was
the pure muse with free sandals.” I think from these
verses that Eumelus knew that they had a musical contest
at the Feast of Zeus of Ithome.
At the gates in the direction of Megalopolis in Arcadia
there is a statue of Hermes of Athenian design: the
busts of Hermes among the Athenians are square, and
others have borrowed this design from them. And if you
go about 30 stades down from these gates you come to the
river Balyra. It was so called they say because Thamyris
threw his lyre away there in his blindness, Thamyris the
son of Philammon and the nymph Argiope. Argiope they say
lived at Parnassus for a while, but when she became pregnant
removed to Odrysæ, because Philammon would not
marry her. And this is the reason why they call Thamyris
Odrysian and Thracian. And the rivers Leucasia and
Amphitus are tributaries of the Balyra.
After you have crossed these you come to the plain called
the plain of Stenyclerus; this Stenyclerus was a hero. And
right opposite the plain is what was called of old Œchalia,
but in our day the Carnasian grove, mostly of cypress
trees. And the gods who have statues are Carnean Apollo
and Hermes carrying a ram. And the daughter of Demeter
is here called the Virgin, and near her statue water
wells from a spring. But the rites of the Great Goddesses,
who have their Mysteries at the Carnasian grove, I must
not reveal: but they are in my opinion second only in sanctity
to the Eleusinian Mysteries. I am also prevented by
a dream from revealing to the public all about the cinerary
urn of brass found by the Argive General, in which the remains
of Eurytus the son of Melaneus are kept. And the
river Charadrus flows along the Carnasian grove, and as you
go on about 8 stades to the left you come to the ruins of
Andania. That the town was so named from a woman called
Andania is admitted by the antiquarians: I know however
nothing about her parents, or who she married. And on
the road from Andania to Cyparissiæ you come to a place
called Polichne, where the rivers Electra and Cœus flow.
Perhaps the names of these rivers refer to Electra the
daughter of Atlas and to Cœus the father of Leto, or Electra
and Cœus are possibly some local heroes.
And after crossing the Electra you come to the well
called Achaia, and the ruins of the city Dorium. And it is
here at Dorium that Homer has described Thamyris as
having been stricken blind, because he said he could excel
the Muses in singing.[61] But Prodicus the Phocæan, (if the
poem called the Minyad is indeed his), says that punishments
were reserved for Thamyris in Hades because of his
boastful language to the Muses. But I am of opinion that
Thamyris lost his eyesight through disease: as indeed
happened to Homer subsequently. But Homer went on
composing all his life, for he did not yield to his misfortune,
whereas Thamyris wooed the Muse no longer, completely
overcome by his ever-present trouble.
CHAPTER XXXIV.
From Messene to the mouth of the Pamisus is about 80
stades, and the Pamisus flows clear and limpid through
arable land, and is navigable some 10 stades inland. And
some sea fish swim up it especially at the season of spring,
as they do also up the rivers Rhenus and Mæander: but
mostly do they swim up the river Achelous, which has its
outlet near the islands called the Echinades. And the fish
that swim up the Pamisus are finer in appearance, because
the water is clear, and not full of mud like the other rivers
I have mentioned. And mullets, being fishes that love
mud, are fond of muddy rivers. Now the Greek rivers do
not seem to produce beasts dangerous to man’s life, like the
Indus, and the Nile in Egypt, and the Rhenus, the Ister,
the Euphrates, and the Phasis. For they produce beasts that
devour man, in appearance like the Glanides at Hermus
and Mæander, except that they have a darker skin and
more strength. In these respects the Glanides are deficient.
And the Indus and Nile both furnish crocodiles,
and the Nile hippopotamuses also, which are as destructive
to man as the crocodile. But the Greek rivers are not formidable
for wild beasts, for even in the river Aous, that
flows through the Thesprotian mainland, the dogs are not
river dogs but sea dogs that swim up from the sea.
On the right of the Pamisus is Corone, a town near the
sea, and under the mountain Mathia. And on the road
to it is a place near the sea, which they think is the temple
of Ino: for they say that the goddess landed here from the
sea, and was worshipped by the name of Leucothea instead
of Ino. And at no great distance the river Bias discharges
itself into the sea, which river took its name they say from
Bias the son of Amythaon. About 20 stades from the road
is the well Plataniston, the water flows from a plane-tree,
broad and hollow inside, and like a small cave, and fresh
water flows from thence to Corone. The name of the town
was of old Æpea, but after the Messenians were restored
to the Peloponnese by the Thebans, they say that Epimelides,
who was sent to rebuild it, called it Coronea, after
Coronea in Bœotia where he came from, but the Messenians
mispronounced the name Corone from the first, and
in process of time their mistake became prevalent. There
is also another tradition that when they were digging the
foundations of their walls they found a brass crow.[62] The
gods here who have temples are Artemis called the Rearer
of children, and Dionysus, and Æsculapius. The statues of
Æsculapius and Dionysus are of stone, and there is a brazen
statue of Zeus Soter in the market-place. There is also a
brazen statue of Athene in the citadel in the open air,
with a crow in her hand. I also saw the tomb of Epimelides.
Why they call the harbour the harbour of the
Achæans I do not know.
As you go on about 80 stades from Corone you come to
a temple of Apollo, near the sea, which is held in high
honour: according to the Messenian tradition it is the most
ancient of all Apollo’s temples, and the god heals diseases.
They call the god Corydus.[63] His statue here is of wood,
but there is a brazen statue the work of Argeotas, a votive
offering they say of the Argonauts. And near the town of
Corone is Colonides. Its inhabitants say they were not
Messenians but were brought by Colænus from Attica, who
according to an oracle followed the crested lark there. And
in process of time they picked up the Dorian dialect and
customs. And the town of Colonides is on a height not far
from the sea.
And the people of Asine were originally neighbours of
the Lycoritæ, and dwelt near Mount Parnassus. They were
then called Dryopes from their founder, which name they retained
when they came to the Peloponnese. But in the
third generation afterwards, when Phylas was king, the
Dryopes were beaten in battle by Hercules, and were taken
to Delphi and offered to Apollo. And being brought back
to the Peloponnese by the oracle which the god gave Hercules,
they first occupied Asine near Hermion, and, having been
expelled thence by the Argives, they dwelt in Messenia by
permission of the Lacedæmonians, and when in process of
time the Messenians were restored they were not turned
out by them from Asine. And the account the people of
Asine themselves give is as follows. They admit they were
conquered in battle by Hercules, and that their town on
Mount Parnassus was captured, but they deny that they
were led captive to Apollo, but when their walls were
taken by Hercules, they left their town they say and fled
for refuge to the heights of Parnassus; and afterwards
crossing over in ships to the Peloponnese became suppliants
of Eurystheus, and he being a bitter enemy of Hercules gave
them Asine in Argolis to dwell in. And the Asinæi are the
only descendants of the Dryopes that still plume themselves
on that name, very unlike the Eubœans that live at Styra.
For they too are Dryopes by origin, who did not participate
in the contest with Hercules but dwelt at some distance
from the town. But they despise the name Dryopes,
just as the inhabitants of Delphi object to be called
Phocians. Whereas the Asinæi rejoice in the name of
Dryopes, and have evidently made the holiest of their
temples an imitation of those they formerly erected at
Mount Parnassus. They have not only a temple of Apollo,
but a temple and ancient statue of Dryops, whose mysteries
they celebrate annually, and say that he was the son of
Apollo. And Asine lies by the sea just as the old Asine in
Argolis did, and the distance from Colonides is about 40
stades, and at about the same distance in the other direction
is the Promontory of Acritas, just in front of which is
the deserted island of Theganussa. And not far from
Acritas is the harbour of Phœnicus and some islands called
Œnussæ opposite the harbour.
CHAPTER XXXV.
And Mothone, which before the expedition against Troy
and even subsequently to that war was called Pedasus,
afterwards changed its name to Mothone from the daughter
of Œneus as the inhabitants say: for Œneus the son of
Porthaon after the capture of Ilium retired they say with
Diomede to the Peloponnese, and had by a concubine a
daughter Mothone. But in my opinion the Rock called
Mothon gave its name to Mothone, a rock which constitutes
a natural harbour, for being much of it sunken under
the water it narrows the entrance for ships, and at the
same time is a kind of breakwater against the violence of
the waves. I have already described how the Lacedæmonians,
in the days when Damocratidas was king at Argos,
gave Mothone to the people of Nauplia, who had been expelled
from their city for their Laconian proclivities; and
how even after the restoration of the Messenians they were
not interfered with. The people of Nauplia were I imagine
in ancient times Egyptians, and, having come to Argolis in
their ships with Danaus, they formed three generations
afterwards a colony at Nauplia under Nauplius the son
of Amymone. And the Emperor Trajan granted the
people of Mothone a free constitution. But in older
days they alone of all the Messenians had the following
serious misfortune. Thesprotia in Epirus was in a ruinous
condition from anarchy. For Deidamia the daughter of
Pyrrhus had no children, and on her death handed over
the government to the people. She was the daughter
of Pyrrhus, the son of Ptolemy, the son of Alexander,
the son of Pyrrhus: of this last Pyrrhus the son of
Æacides I have given an account earlier in my description
of Attica. Procles the Carthaginian has given Alexander
the son of Philip more praise for his good fortune and
the lustre of his exploits, but for the disposition of an
army and strategical tactics in the face of an enemy he
says Pyrrhus was the better man. And when the people of
Epirus became a democracy, they shewed a want of ballast
in several respects, and entirely disregarded their rulers:
and the Illyrians that dwelt north of Epirus by the
Ionian sea became their masters by sudden attack. For
we know of no democracy but Athens that ever rose to
greatness. The Athenians indeed rose to their zenith by
democracy: but in native intelligence they were superior
to the other Greeks, and obeyed the laws more than democracies
generally do.
And the Illyrians, when they had once tasted the sweets
of conquest, longed for more and still more, and equipped
a fleet, and made piratic excursions everywhere, and sailed
to Mothone and anchored there as with friendly intent, and
sent a messenger into the town and asked for some wine for
their ships. And when a few men brought this wine, they
paid for it the price the people of Mothone asked for it, and
sold them in turn some of their cargoes. And on the following
day more came from the city and a brisker traffic
ensued. And at last women and men came down to the
ships, and sold wine and received goods in turn from the
barbarians. Then the Illyrians in the height of their daring
captured many men and still more women, and clapped
them on board, and sailed away for the Ionian sea, having
half stripped the town of its population.
At Mothone is a temple of Athene the Goddess of Winds,
Diomede they say dedicated the statue of the goddess
and gave her that title, for violent winds and unseasonable
used to blow over the place and do much harm,
but after Diomede prayed to Athene, no trouble from
winds ever came to them thenceforward. There is also a
temple of Artemis here, and some water mixed with pitch
in a well, in appearance very like Cyzicenian ointment.
Water indeed can assume every colour and smell. The
bluest I have ever seen is at Thermopylæ, not all the water
but that which flows into the swimming-bath which the
people of the place call the women’s Pots. And reddish
water very like blood is seen in the land of the Hebrews
near Joppa: the water is very near the sea, and the tradition
about the spring is that Perseus, after killing the sea
monster to whom the daughter of Cepheus was exposed,
washed away the blood there. And black water welling up
from springs I have seen at Astyra which is opposite
Lesbos, the warm baths are in a village called Atarneus,
which was given to the Chians by the Medes as a reward
for giving up to them the suppliant Pactyas the Lydian.
This water is black: and not far from a town across the
river Anio the Romans have some white water: and when
one bathes in it it is at first cold and makes one shudder,
but if one stays in it a little time it is hot as fire. All
these wonderful springs I have myself seen, and those of
lesser wonder I purposely pass over, for to find water salt
and rough to the palate is no great wonder. But there are
two very remarkable kinds of water: one at Caria in the
plain called White, near a village called Dascylus, warm
and sweeter to drink than milk: and the other Herodotus
describes as a spring of bitter water discharging itself
into the river Hypanis. How then shall we refuse to credit
that warm water is found at Dicæarchia[64] among the Tyrrhenians,
so hot that in a few years it melts the lead through
which it flows?
CHAPTER XXXVI.
From Mothone to the promontory of Coryphasium is
about 100 stades, and near it is Pylos, which was founded
by Pylos, the son of Cleson, who brought from Megaris
the Leleges who then occupied Megaris. But he did not
enjoy it long, being turned out by Neleus and the Pelasgians
of Iolcus. And he went away to the neighbouring country
and occupied Pylos in Elis. And king Neleus advanced
Pylos to such renown that Homer in his Iliad calls it
the city of Neleus.[65] There is a temple there of Athene
called Coryphasia, and a house called Nestor’s house,
in which is a painting of Nestor, and there is his tomb
inside the city, and at a little distance from Pylos is
(they say) the tomb of Thrasymedes. And there is a
cave inside the city, which they say was the stall of the
oxen of Nestor and still earlier of Neleus. The breed of
these oxen would be Thessalian, of the herd of Iphiclus the
father of Protesilaus, for Neleus asked them as wedding
presents from the wooers of his daughter, and it was on
their account that Melampus to gratify his brother Bias
went to Thessalia, and was bound by the herdsmen of
Iphiclus, but eventually by answering the questions which
Iphiclus put obtained these oxen as a reward. The men
of that day were anxious to amass wealth in the shape of
herds of horses and oxen, for not only did Neleus desire
for his own the oxen of Iphiclus, but Eurystheus ordered
Hercules, in consequence of the fame of those oxen in Spain,
to drive off the herd that belonged to Geryon. And Eryx,
who was at that time king in Sicily, was manifestly so
keenly in love with the oxen from Erythea, that when he
wrestled with Hercules he staked his kingdom against
them. And Homer in the Iliad has represented Iphidimas,
the son of Antenor, giving 100 oxen as the first
wedding present to his father in law.[66] All this confirms
my theory that the men of those days were especially fond
of oxen. And the oxen of Neleus grazed I imagine mostly
over the borders, for the district of Pylos is mostly sandy,
and unable to afford sufficient pasture. My authority is
Homer who, whenever he mentions Nestor, always calls
him the king of sandy Pylos.
Before the harbour is the island Sphacteria, situated
very much as Rhenea is in reference to the harbour of
Delos. It seems the destiny of both men and places to
be for a while unknown and then to come to renown.
Such was the case with Caphareus, a promontory in Eubœa,
by a storm which came there upon the Greeks returning
with Agamemnon from Ilium. So too with Psyttalea off
Salamis, where we know the Medes perished in great
numbers. So too the reverses of the Lacedæmonians at
Sphacteria made the place world-famed. And the Athenians
erected a brazen statue of Victory in their Acropolis as a
record of their success at Sphacteria.
And as you go in the direction of Cyparissiæ from Pylos
there is a spring under the city close to the sea. They say
the water welled up in consequence of Dionysus striking
the ground with his thyrsus, and so they call the spring
Dionysus’ spring. There are also at Cyparissiæ temples of
Apollo and Cyparissian Athene. And at the place called
Aulon there is a temple of Æsculapius, and a statue of
Aulonian Æsculapius. From this place the river Neda,
till it falls into the sea, is the boundary between Messenia
and Elis.
[57] This seems strange.
IngeniosissimeδιακόψαςCorayus. Siebelis
defends the text. “Sacerdos, quo majus esset miraculum, videtur
dixisse, eum se advolvisse igni, eique admovisse vincula, usque dum
solverentur.”
Those Greeks, who say that the Peloponnese is divided
into five parts and no more, are obliged to admit that
the people of Elis as well as the Arcadians dwell in the
division of the Arcadians, and that the second division is
Achaia, and that the Dorians have the remaining three. The
indigenous races that inhabit the Peloponnese are Arcadians
and Achæans. And the Achæans were driven out of
their own land by the Dorians, but did not however evacuate
the Peloponnese, but dispossessed the Ionians that lived in
what was then called Ægialus, but is now called after them
Achaia. The Arcadians on the other hand have always up
to this day remained in Arcadia. But the other parts of
the Peloponnese are peopled by strangers. The latest importation
were the present Corinthians, who were introduced
into the Peloponnese some 217 years ago by the
Roman Emperor. And the Dryopes came into the Peloponnese
from Mount Parnassus, the Dorians from Mount
Œta.
We know that the people of Elis originally came from
Calydon and other parts of Ætolia. And the oldest information
I have found about them is as follows. The
first king in this land was they say Aethlius, the son
of Zeus by Protogenea the daughter of Deucalion, and the
father of Endymion. The Moon was they say enamoured
of this Endymion, and had by him 50 daughters. But a
more probable account is that Endymion married Asterodia,
others say Chromia the daughter of Itonus the son of Amphictyon,
others say Hyperippe the daughter of Arcas, and
had three sons, Pæon and Epeus and Ætolus, and one
daughter Eurycyde. Endymion also made his sons contend
in running at Olympia for the kingdom, and Epeus won,
so the people over whom he ruled were first called Epeans.
And of his brothers Ætolus they say remained at home,
but Pæon vexed at his loss went as far away as possible,
and the region beyond the river Axius was called
Pæonia after him. As to the death of Endymion different
accounts are given by the Heracleotæ at Miletus and
by the people of Elis, but the latter show the sepulchre
of Endymion, while the former say that he retired to
Mount Latmus, where is his shrine. And Epeus married
Anaxiroe, the daughter of Coronus, by whom he had a
daughter Hyrmina, but no male offspring. And these were
the events of his reign. Œnomaus the son of Alxion, (or
the son of Ares, as poets have sung, which is the prevalent
tradition), being ruler of the country called Pisæa, was deposed
from his rule by Pelops the Lydian, who had crossed
over from Asia Minor. And after his death Pelops occupied
Pisæa and Olympia, slicing off from the territory of
Epeus what bordered upon Pisæa. And Pelops (so the
people of Elis say) was the first in the Peloponnese to
build a temple to Hermes and sacrifice to him, thus turning
away the wrath of the god for the murder of Myrtilus.
And Ætolus, the king after Epeus, had to flee from the
Peloponnese, because the sons of Apis indicted him for the
involuntary murder of their father. For Apis the son of
Jason, a native of Pallantium in Arcadia, was killed by
Ætolus’ driving over him in his chariot at the funeral
games in memory of Azan. So Ætolus the son of Endymion
fled to the mainland, to the neighbourhood of the river
Achelous, which was called Ætolia after him. And the
kingdom of the Epeans was reigned over by Eleus, the son
of Eurycyde, the daughter of Endymion and (if we may
believe the tradition) Poseidon. And the people in his
dominions now changed their names from Epeans to
Eleans.
And Eleus had a son called Augeas. And those who
want to exalt him change his father’s name, and say that
he was the son of Helius (the Sun-god). The oxen and
goats of this Augeas were so numerous that most of the
country could not be cultivated for their dung. Hercules
therefore, whether for a part of Elis or some other
reward, was persuaded by him to clear the country of this
dung. And he effected this by turning the river Menius on
to it. But Augeas, because the work had been effected
by ingenuity rather than toil, refused to give Hercules
his reward, and turned out of doors the eldest of his
sons Phyleus, because he told him he was not acting
with justice to a benefactor. He also made several preparations
to defend himself against Hercules, should he
come into Elis with an army, and entered into an alliance
with Amarynceus and the sons of Actor. Now Amarynceus
had an especial acquaintance with military matters, and his
father Pyttius was a Thessalian by extraction, and had come
from thence to Elis. And to Amarynceus Augeas gave a
share of his power at Elis; and Actor and his sons also,
who were natives of Elis, shared in the administration of
the kingdom. The father of Actor was Phorbas the son
of Lapithus, and his mother was Hyrmina, the daughter
of Epeus, and Actor built and called after her the town of
Hyrmina in Elis.
CHAPTER II.
Now in the campaign against Augeas Hercules had no
opportunity to win laurels, for as the sons of Actor
were in their prime for daring and vigour of youth, the
allied forces of Hercules were constantly routed by them,
until the Corinthians announced a truce during the Isthmian
games, and the sons of Actor went to see the games,
and Hercules lay in ambush for them and slew them at
Cleonæ. And the perpetrator of the deed being unknown,
Moline the mother of the lads took the greatest pains to
discover their murderer. And when she discovered who it
was, then the people of Elis claimed compensation for the
murder from the Argives, for Hercules dwelt in Argolis at
Tiryns. And as the Argives refused to give up Hercules,
they next begged hard of the Corinthians, that all Argolis
should be scratched from the Isthmian games. But being
unsuccessful in this also, they say Moline put a curse upon
the citizens if they went to the Isthmian games. And these
curses of Moline are observed up to this day, and all the
athletes at Elis make a practice of never going to the
Isthmian contest. And there are two different traditions
about this. One of them states that Cypselus the tyrant at
Corinth offered a golden statue to Zeus at Olympia, but,
Cypselus dying before his name was inscribed on the votive
offering, the Corinthians asked the people of Elis to allow
them to inscribe publicly the name of Corinth on the votive
offering, and the people of Elis refusing they were angry
with them, and forbade them to contend at the Isthmian
games. But how would the Corinthians have been admitted
at the contests at Olympia, if they had excluded the people
of Elis from the Isthmian games? But the other tradition
states that Prolaus, a man of much repute among the
people of Elis, and Lysippe his wife had two sons Philanthus
and Lampus, and they went to the Isthmian games,
the one intending to compete in the pancratium among the
boys, the other in wrestling, and before the games came on
they were strangled or killed in some way by their rivals:
and that was why Lysippe imposed her curses on the people
of Elis, if they would not of their own accord cease to
attend the Isthmian games. This tradition too is easily
shewn to be a silly one. For Timon a native of Elis had
victories in the pentathlum in all the other Greek contests,
and there is an effigy of him at Olympia, and some
elegiac verses which enumerate the various crowns that he
carried off as victor, and the reason why he did not participate
in the Isthmian contest. This is one couplet. “Our
hero was prevented coming to the land of Sisyphus by the
strife that arose in consequence of the sad fate of the sons
of Molione.”
CHAPTER III.
Let this suffice on the matter. To resume, Hercules
afterwards captured and sacked Elis, having got together
an army of Argives Thebans and Arcadians: and
the people of Elis were assisted by the men of Pylos in Elis
and by the men of Pisa. And the men of Pylos were
punished by Hercules, and he intended marching against
Pisa, but was stopped by the following oracle from Delphi,
“Dear to the Father is Pisa, Pytho has entrusted it to me.”
This oracle was the salvation of Pisa. And to Phyleus
Hercules gave up Elis and other places, not so much willingly
as standing in awe of Phyleus, to whom he also
granted the captives and forgave Augeas. And the women
of Elis, as their land was stripped of young men through
the war, are said to have prayed to Athene that they might
conceive directly they married, and their prayer was
granted, and they erected a temple to Athene under the title
of Mother. And both the women and men being excessively
delighted with their union called the place where they
first met Bady (sweet), and also gave the same name in
their national dialect to the river flowing there.
And when Phyleus, after setting things in order in Elis,
returned to Dulichium, Augeas died being already advanced
in age, and was succeeded in the kingdom of Elis
by his son Agasthenes, and by Amphimachus, and Thalpius.
For the sons of Actor married two sisters, the daughters of
Dexamenus who was king at Olenus, and the one had by
Theronice Amphimachus, and the other Eurytus had by
Theræphone Thalpius. Not that Amarynceus or Diores his
son remained all their lives in a private capacity. As we
know from Homer in his catalogue of the men of Elis,
all their fleet was 40 sail, and half of them were under
Amphimachus and Thalpius, and of the remaining half
ten were under Diores the son of Amarynceus, and ten
under Polyxenus the son of Agasthenes. And Polyxenus
coming back safe from Troy had a son Amphimachus, (he
gave his son this name I fancy from his friendship to
Amphimachus the son of Cteatus who perished at Ilium),
and he had a son Eleus, and it was when Eleus was king
at Elis that the Dorian host mustered under the sons
of Aristomachus with a view to return to the Peloponnese.
This oracle came to the kings, that they must
make a man with three eyes leader of the return. And
as they were in great doubt what the oracle could mean, a
muleteer chanced to pass by, whose mule was blind of one
eye. And Cresphontes conjecturing that the oracle referred
to this man, the Dorians invited him to be their leader.
And he urged them to return to the Peloponnese in ships,
and not force their way through the isthmus with a land
force. This was his advice, and at the same time he piloted
the fleet from Naupactus to Molycrium, and they in return
for his services agreed to give him at his request the kingdom
of Elis. And the man’s name was Oxylus, he was the
son of Hæmon, the son of Thoas, who in conjunction with
the sons of Atreus had overturned the kingdom of Priam;
and between Thoas and Ætolus the son of Endymion there
are six generations. And the Heraclidæ were in other
respects kinsmen to the kings in Ætolia, besides the fact
that the sisters of Thoas were mothers by Hercules of
Andræmon and Hyllus. And Oxylus had to flee from
Ætolia in consequence of an accident, in throwing a quoit
(they say) he missed his aim and unintentionally killed his
brother Thermius, or according to some accounts Alcidocus
the son of Scopius.
CHAPTER IV.
There is also another tradition about Oxylus, that he
suspected the sons of Aristomachus of an unwillingness
to give him the kingdom of Elis, as it was fertile and well
cultivated everywhere, and this was why he led the Dorians
through Arcadia and not through Elis. And when Oxylus
hastened to take the kingdom of Elis without contention
Dius would not permit him, but challenged him not to a
contention with all their forces, but to a single combat
between two soldiers one from each side. And both agreed
to this. And the men selected for this single combat were
Degmenus a bowman of Elis, and Pyræchmes on the Ætolian
side a famous slinger. And as Pyræchmes was victorious
Oxylus got the kingdom, and he allowed the ancient Epeans
to remain there, but introduced Ætolians as colonists with
them, and gave them also a share in the land. And to Dius
he gave various honours, and observed the rights of all the
heroes according to old precedents, and introduced sacrificial
offerings to Augeas which have continued to our day.
It is said that he also persuaded the men in the villages,
who were at no great distance from the walls, to come into
the city, and thus increased the population of Elis and made
it more powerful in other respects. And an oracle came to
him from Delphi to associate with him as colonist a descendant
of Pelops, and he made diligent search, and discovered
Agorius the son of Damasius, the son of Penthilus,
the son of Orestes, and invited him from Helice in Achaia
and with him a few Achæans. And they say Oxylus had a
wife called Pieria, but they record nothing further about
her. And the sons of Oxylus were they say Ætolus and
Laias. And Ætolus dying in his father’s lifetime, his
parents buried him and erected a sepulchre to him by the
gate, which leads to Olympia and the temple of Zeus. And
they buried him there in accordance with the oracle, which
said that his dead body was to be neither in nor out of the
city. And annually still the master of the gymnasium
offers victims to Ætolus.
Oxylus was succeeded in the kingdom by his son Laias.
I could not find that his sons reigned, so I purposely pass
them over, for it has not been my desire in this narrative
to descend to private personages. But some time afterwards
Iphitus, who was of the same family as Oxylus, and
a contemporary of Lycurgus the Lacedæmonian legislator,
revived the contest at Olympia, and renewed the public
gathering there, and established a truce as long as the games
lasted. Why the meetings at Olympia had been discontinued
I shall narrate when I come to Olympia. And as
Greece at this time was nearly ruined by civil wars and by
the pestilence, Iphitus bethought him to ask of the god at
Delphi a remission from these ills. And they say he was
ordered by the Pythian Priestess to join the people of Elis
in restoring the Olympian games. Iphitus also persuaded
the people of Elis to sacrifice to Hercules, for before this
they had an idea that Hercules was hostile to them. And
the inscription at Olympia says that Iphitus was the son of
Hæmon, but most of the Greeks say he was the son of
Praxonides and not of Hæmon. But the ancient records
of the people of Elis trace him up to a father of the same
name as himself viz. Iphitus.
The people of Elis took part in the Trojan war, and also
in the battles against the Persians when they invaded
Greece. And to pass over their frequent disputes with the
people of Pisa and the Arcadians in respect to the re-establishment
of the games at Olympia, they joined the Lacedæmonians
not without reluctance in invading Attica, and
not long after they fought against the Lacedæmonians,
having formed an alliance with the Mantineans the Argives
and the Athenians. And on the occasion of Agis making
an incursion into Elis, when Xenias played the traitor, the
people of Elis were victorious at Olympia, and routed the
Lacedæmonians, and drove them from the precincts of the
temple: and some time afterwards the war came to an end
on the conditions which I have mentioned before in my
account of the Lacedæmonians. And when Philip, the son
of Amyntas, could not keep his hands off Greece, the
people of Elis, worn out with intestine factions, joined the
Macedonians, but not to the point of fighting against the
Greeks at Chæronea. But they participated in the attack
of Philip upon the Lacedæmonians by reason of their
ancient hatred to them. But after the death of Alexander
they joined the Greeks in fighting against Antipater and
the Macedonians.
CHAPTER V.
And in process of time Aristotimus, the son of Damaretus,
the son of Etymon, obtained the sovereignty at
Elis, partly through the assistance of Antigonus the son of
Demetrius, who was king of the Macedonians. But when
he had reigned only six months, Chilon and Hellanicus and
Lampis and Cylon rose up against him and deposed him;
and Cylon slew him with his own hand when he had fled as
suppliant to the altar of Zeus Soter. These are the chief
wars the people of Elis took part in, just to glance at them
briefly in the present portion of my work.
Among the wonders of Elis are the flax, which grows here
alone and in no other part of Greece, and also the fact that,
though over the borders mares bear foals to he-asses, it is
never so in Elis. And this phenomenon is they say the
result of a curse. The flax in Elis in respect of thinness
is not inferior to the flax of the Hebrews, but is not as
yellow.
And as you go from the district of Elis there is a place
by the sea called Samicum, and beyond it on the right is
the district called Triphylia, and the city Lepreus in it.
The people of Lepreus think they belong properly to
Arcadia, but it is manifest they were from time immemorial
subject to Elis. For the victors at Olympia that
came from Lepreus were pronounced by the herald men of
Elis. And Aristophanes has described Lepreus as a city
in Elis. One way to Lepreus from Samicum is by leaving
the river Aniger on the left, and a second is from Olympia,
and a third from Elis, and the longest of them is only a
day’s journey. The city got its name they say from
Lepreus the son of Pyrgeus its founder. There is a tradition
that Lepreus had an eating contest with Hercules, each
killed an ox at the same time and cooked it for dinner, and
(as he had betted) he was quite a match for Hercules in
eating. But he had the hardihood afterwards to challenge
Hercules to a contest in arms. And they say he was killed
in that contest and buried at Phigalia, however his sepulchre
there is not shewn. And I have heard some who
claim that their city was founded by Leprea the daughter
of Pyrgeus. Others say that the inhabitants of this region
were the first lepers, and that the city got its name from
this misfortune of its inhabitants. And the people of
Lepreus say that in their city they once had a temple of
Leucæan Zeus, and the tomb of Lycurgus the son of
Aleus, and also the tomb of Caucon. The last had they
say as a design over it a man with a lyre. But in my time
there is no remarkable tomb there, nor any temple of the
gods except one of Demeter: built of unbaked brick, and
containing no statue. And not far from the city Lepreus
is a spring called Arene: it got this name according to
tradition from the wife of Aphareus.
And as you return to Samicum, and go through it, the
river Aniger has its outlet to the sea. The flow of this
river is often impeded by violent winds: for they blow the
sand from the shore into it and dam up the flow of the
river. Whenever then this sand becomes soaked with
water, (outside by the sea inside by the river), it becomes a
very dangerous place for carts and carriages and even for
an active man to ford. This river Aniger rises in the
Arcadian mountain Lapithus, and the water has an unpleasant
smell from its source. Before receiving its tributary
the Acidas it is too fetid to have any fish whatever, and after
its confluence with the Acidas, though it has fish that come
into its waters from that tributary, they are no longer eatable,
which they are when caught in the Acidas. That the
ancient name of the river Acidas was Iardanus I should
not myself have conjectured, but I was so informed by an
Ephesian. The unpleasant smell of the Aniger comes I
believe from the soil through which the river flows, as is
certainly the case with those rivers beyond Ionia, whose
exhalations are deadly to man. Some of the Greeks say
that Chiron, others that Pylenor the Centaur, was wounded
by Hercules, and fled and washed his sore in this river,
and that it was from the Hydra’s poison (in which Hercules’
arrow had been dipped) that the Aniger got its unpleasant
smell. Others refer this condition of the river
to Melampus the son of Amythaon, and to the fact that
the purifications of the daughters of Prœtus were thrown
into it.
There is at Samicum a cave, not far from the river, called
the cave of the Nymphs of the Aniger. Whoever goes
into it suffering from either black or white leprosy, must
first of all pray to these Nymphs and promise sacrifice to
them, and afterwards wipe clean the diseased parts of his
body. If he next swims across the river he leaves in the
water his foul disease, and comes out of the river sound
and with his skin uniformly clear.
CHAPTER VI.
On the high road, after crossing the Aniger in the direction
of Olympia, there is at no great distance on the
right an eminence, and on it a town called Samia above
Samicum. This town[67] they say was made into a sort of
offensive fortress against the Arcadians by Polysperchon, an
Ætolian.
As to the ruins of Arene, none either of the Messenians or
people of Elis could give me a clear account. As their
explanations are different those who like to conjecture are
at liberty to do so. The most credible account seems to me
that of those who think that the ancient name of Samicum
earlier than the time of the heroes was Arene. And these
quote the lines in the Iliad.
“There is a river Minyeïus,
That flows into the sea near to Arene.”
Iliad, xi 722, 723.
And these ruins of Arene are very near the Aniger. One
might have doubted about Samicum having been called
Arene, only the Arcadians admit that the ancient name of
the river Aniger was Minyeïus. And one would feel sure
that the river Neda near the sea was the boundary between
Elis and Messenia at the time of the return of the Heraclidæ
to the Peloponnese.
And leaving the Aniger, and passing through a district
generally sandy and full of wild pine-trees, somewhat back
to the left you will see the ruins of Scillus. Scillus was
one of the towns of Triphylia: and in the war between
the people of Elis and Pisa the people of Scillus openly
allied themselves to the people of Pisa, and in return the
men of Elis dispossessed them from Scillus. But the
Lacedæmonians afterwards sliced Scillus from Elis, and
gave it to Xenophon (the son of Gryllus), who was at that
time exiled from Athens. He was banished by the Athenians
for joining Cyrus (who hated their democracy)
against the king of the Persians (who was their friend):
for when Cyrus was at Sardis he gave Lysander, the son of
Aristocritus, and the Lacedæmonians some money for their
fleet. This is why Xenophon was banished, and he lived at
Scillus and built a temple and grove to Ephesian Artemis.
And Scillus affords good hunting of wild animals, as
wild boars and deer. And the river Selinus flows through
the district. And the antiquarians of Elis say that the
people of Elis recovered Scillus, and that Xenophon was
tried in the Olympian council for receiving Scillus from the
Lacedæmonians, but was acquitted and allowed to continue
there scot free. And at some little distance from the
temple they show a tomb, and there is an effigy on the
tomb in Pentelican marble, which the people of the place
say is Xenophon.
On the road to Olympia from Scillus, before crossing
the Alpheus, is a mountain lofty and precipitous which
is called Typæum. From this mountain it is the custom
to hurl all women of Elis who are detected as competitors
in the Olympian contests, or who merely cross the
Alpheus on forbidden days. Not that any one ever yet was
so detected except Callipatira, whose name according to
some traditions was Pherenice. She after the death of
her husband dressed herself up like an athlete, and brought
her son as a combatant to Olympia. And Pisirodus her
son having been victorious, Callipatira in leaping over the
fence which parted the athletes from the spectators, exposed
her person, and though her sex was detected they let her
go without punishment out of respect to her father and
brothers and son, who had all been victors at Olympia, but
they passed a law that henceforth all athletes should come
to the contests naked.
CHAPTER VII.
And when you have got to Olympia immediately you see
the river Alpheus, a full and very pleasant river, and
no less than seven notable rivers are tributaries to it. For
through Megalopolis the Helisson flows into it, and the
Brentheates from the district of Megalopolis, and the Gortynius
near Gortyna where is a temple of Æsculapius, and
from Melæneæ between the districts of Megalopolis and
Heræa the Buphagus, and the Ladon from the district of
the Clitorians, and the river Erymanthus from the mountain
of the same name. All these flow into the Alpheus
from Arcadia, and the Cladeus from Elis also contributes
its stream. And the source of the Alpheus is in
Arcadia and not in Elis. And there are several traditions
about the Alpheus, as that he was a hunter and enamoured
of Arethusa, and that she hunted with him. And as
Arethusa was unwilling to marry him, she crossed over
they say to an island near Syracuse, called Ortygia, and
there became a spring: just as Alpheus in consequence of
his love was changed into a river. This is the tradition
about the Alpheus and the Ortygia. As to the river going
under the sea and coming up in another place, there is no
reason why I should discredit that, as I know that the god
at Delphi admitted it, seeing that when he sent Archias the
Corinthian to establish a colony at Syracuse, these were
some of the words he used, “Ortygia lies in the cloudy sea
above Trinacria, where the mouth of the Alpheus mixes and
flows with the springs of the broad Arethusa.” From this
circumstance of their union, and not any love passages, I
imagine the traditions about the two rivers originated.
And all the Greeks or Egyptians, that have penetrated into
Ethiopia beyond Syene, and as far as the Ethiopian city of
Meroe, say that the Nile enters into a marsh, and flows
through it as if it were earth, and eventually through lower
Ethiopia into Egypt to Pharos, where it has its outlet at
the sea. And in the land of the Hebrews I know that the
river Jordan flows through the lake of Tiberias, and into
what is called the Dead Sea, by which it is absorbed. The
Dead Sea has properties unlike any other water: living
bodies can float in it without swimming, whereas dead
bodies go to the bottom. And it has no fish, for from their
evident danger they take refuge in water more congenial to
them. And there is a river in Ionia similar to the Alpheus,
its source is in the mountain Mycale, and it flows under the
sea, and comes up again at Branchidæ at the harbour called
Panormus. All this is correctly stated.
In regard to the Olympian Games those who are in possession
of the most ancient archives of the people of Elis
say that Cronos was the first king of Heaven, and that he
had a temple built to him at Olympia by the mortals who
then lived, who were called the golden age: and that, when
Zeus was born, Rhea entrusted the charge of the boy to the
Idæan Dactyli, who were otherwise called the Curetes:
who afterwards came to Elis from Ida in Crete, and their
names were Hercules, and Epimedes, and Pæonæus, and
Iasius, and Idas. And Hercules the eldest of them challenged
his brothers in play to run a race together, and they
would crown the victor with a branch of the wild olive:
and there was such abundance of wild olive trees that
they strewed under them the leaves while they were still
green as beds to sleep on. And they say that the wild olive
was introduced to the Greeks by Hercules from the country
of the Hyperboreans, who dwelt north of the wind Boreas.
Olen the Lycian first mentioned in a hymn to Achæia, that
she came to Delos from these Hyperboreans, and when
Melanopus of Cumæ composed an ode to Opis and Hecaerges,
he mentioned that they too came from the Hyperboreans
to Delos before Achæia. And Aristæus of Proconnesus,
who has also mentioned the Hyperboreans, may perhaps
have heard more of them from the Issedones, to whom
in his poems he says they went. At any rate to Idæan Hercules
belongs the glory that he first instituted and gave their
name to the Olympian contests. He appointed them to be
held every fifth year because he and his brothers were five
in number. And some say that it was there that Zeus
contended with Cronos about the sovereignty of Heaven,
others say he appointed these games after his success over
Cronos. Other gods are said to have been victorious, as
Apollo who outran Hermes, who challenged him to the contest,
and outboxed Ares. And this is the reason they say
why the Pythian flute-playing was introduced in the leaping
contest at the pentathlum, because the flute was sacred
to Apollo, and Apollo was on several occasions the victor at
Olympia.
CHAPTER VIII.
And after this they say Clymenus the son of Cardys, (in
the 50th year after Deucalion’s flood), a descendant of
Idæan Hercules, came from Crete and established games at
Olympia, and erected an altar to his ancestor Hercules and
to the other Curetes, giving Hercules the title of Assistant.
But Endymion the son of Aethlius deposed Clymenus
from the kingdom, and gave it to his sons as a prize
for the best runner of them at Olympia. And a generation
after Endymion, Pelops made the contest to Olympian
Zeus more famous than any of his predecessors.
And when the sons of Pelops were scattered from Elis all
over the Peloponnese, Amythaon the son of Cretheus, uncle
of Endymion on the father’s side, (for they say Aethlius
was the son of Æolus surnamed Zeus), appointed games at
Olympia, and after him Pelias and Neleus in common. So
also did Augeas and Hercules, the son of Amphitryon, after
the capture of Elis. And all that he crowned as victors
were Iolaus, who had borrowed the mares of Hercules for
the race. It was an old custom to be a competitor with
borrowed horses. Homer at least in the funeral games in
honour of Patroclus has represented Menelaus as yoking
together Agamemnon’s horse Æthe with one of his own.[68]
Iolaus was also Hercules’ charioteer. He was the victor in
the chariot race, and Iasius an Arcadian in the riding race,
and Castor was successful in running, Pollux in boxing.
It is also recorded of Hercules that he was victorious in
wrestling and in the pancratium.
And after the reign of Oxylus, who also established
games, the Olympian games were suspended till Iphitus.
And when he renewed the games as I have before stated,
there was a general forgetfulness about the ancient games,
but in a short while they got remembered again, and whenever
they remembered any little feature of the games, they
added it to the programme. And this proves my statement.
From the time that the Olympian games were
revived continuously, prizes were first instituted for running,
and Corœbus of Elis was the victor. His statue is at
Olympia, and his grave is on the borders of Elis. And in
the 14th Olympiad afterwards the double course was introduced:
when Hypenus a native of Pisa won the wild
olive crown, and Acanthus was second. And in the 18th
Olympiad they remembered the pentathlum and the wrestling,
in the former Lampis was victor, in the latter Eurybatus,
both Lacedæmonians. And in the 23rd Olympiad
they ordained prizes for boxing, and Onomastus was victor
from Smyrna (which was at that day reckoned as Ionia).
And in the 25th Olympiad they had a race of full-grown
horses, and the Theban Pagondas was proclaimed victor in
this race. And in the eighth Olympiad later they introduced
the pancratium and the riding race. The horse of
Crannonian Crauxidas got in first, and the competitors for
the pancratium were beaten by the Syracusan Lygdamis,
who has his sepulchre at the stonequarries of Syracuse.
And I don’t know whether Lygdamis was really as big as
the Theban Hercules, but that is the tradition at Syracuse.
And the contest of the boys was not a revival of ancient
usage, but the people of Elis instituted it because the idea
pleased them. So prizes were instituted for running and
wrestling among boys in the 307th Olympiad, and Hipposthenes
the Lacedæmonian won the wrestling prize, and
Polynices from Elis the running prize. And in the 41st
Olympiad afterwards they invited boxing boys, and the one
who won the prize from all the competitors was Philetas
from Sybaris. And the race in heavy armour was tried
in the 65th Olympiad, as an exercise for war I think:
and of those who ran with their shields Damaretus of
Heræum was the victor. And the race of two full-grown
horses called a pair was established in the 93rd Olympiad,
and Evagoras of Elis was the victor. And in the 99th
Olympiad they had a fancy to contend with chariots drawn
by colts, and the Lacedæmonian Sybariades had the prize
for this contest. And they afterwards established races of
a pair of colts and for riding a colt, and the victor in the
former was Belistiche, a woman who lived in Macedonia
near the sea, and in the latter Tlepolemus the Lycian in the
131st Olympiad, Belistiche’s victory was in the 3rd Olympiad
before. And in the 145th Olympiad prizes were
instituted for a pancratium-contest for boys, and Phædimus
an Æolian from the Troad was victor.
CHAPTER IX.
And some of the contests at Olympia were put an end
to, the people of Elis having resolved to discontinue
them. For the pentathlum for boys was established in
the 38th Olympiad, but when the Lacedæmonian Eutelidas
had won the crown of wild olive, the people of
Elis did not care that their lads should train for the pentathlum.
So it dropped. And the chariot race and the
trotting race, the former established in the 70th Olympiad
and the latter in the 71st Olympiad, were both stopped by
proclamation in the 84th Olympiad. When they were first
instituted Thersius the Thessalian won the prize in the
former, and Patæcus an Achæan from Dyme in the latter.
In the trotting race the riders used to jump off towards the
end of the course and run with the horses still holding the
reins, as what are called professional riders do to this day,
only the latter employ stallions and have their own colours.
But the chariot race is not an ancient invention nor a
graceful exhibition, and the people of Elis (who have
always disliked the horse) yoke two mules together instead
of horses.
The order of the games in our day is to sacrifice victims
to the god, and then to contend in the pentathlum
and horse-race, according to the programme established in
the 77th Olympiad, for before this horses and men contended
on the same day. And at that period the pancratiasts
did not appear till night for they could not compete
sooner, so much time being taken up by the horse-races and
pentathlum. And the Athenian Callias was the victor of
the pancratiasts. But for the future they took care that
neither the pentathlum nor horse-races should stand in the
way of the pancratium. And as regards the umpires of
the games, the original rules and those in vogue in our
day are quite different, for Iphitus was the only umpire,
and after Iphitus the posterity of Oxylus, but in the
50th Olympiad two men picked by lot out of all Elis were
entrusted with the stewardship of the contests, and this
practice of two umpires continued for a very long time.
But in the 25th Olympiad afterwards 9 general Umpires
were appointed: three for the horse-race, three to watch the
pentathlum, and three to preside over the remaining games.
And in the 2nd Olympiad after this a tenth Umpire was
appointed. And in the 103rd Olympiad, as the people of
Elis had 12 tribes, a general Umpire was appointed by
each. And when they were hard pressed by the Arcadians
in war, they lost a portion of their territory and all the
villages in this portion, and so they were only 8 tribes in
number in the 104th Olympiad, and had only 8 general
Umpires accordingly. And in the 108th Olympiad they
returned to the number of 10 general Umpires, and that
has continued the number to our day.
CHAPTER X.
Many various wonders may one see, or hear of, in
Greece: but the Eleusinian mysteries and Olympian
games seem to exhibit more than anything else the divine
purpose. And the sacred grove of Zeus they have from
old time called Altis, slightly changing the Greek word
for grove[69]: it is indeed called Altis also by Pindar, in
the Ode he composed for a victor at Olympia. And the
temple and statue of Zeus were built out of the spoils of
Pisa, which the people of Elis razed to the ground, after
quelling the revolt of Pisa and some of the neighbouring
towns that revolted with Pisa. And that the statue of
Zeus was the work of Phidias is shown by the inscription
written at the base of it,
“Phidias the Athenian, the son of Charmides, made me.”
The temple is a Doric building, and outside it is a colonnade.
And the temple is built of stone of the district. Its
height up to the gable is 68 feet, its breadth 95 feet, and
its length 230 feet. And its architect was Libon a native
of Elis. And the tiles on the roof are not of baked earth,
but Pentelican marble to imitate tiles. They say such
roofs are the invention of a man of Naxos called Byzes,
who made statues at Naxos with the inscription,
“Euergus of Naxos made me, the son of Byzes, and descended
from Leto, the first who made tiles of stone.”
This Byzes was a contemporary of Alyattes the Lydian
and Astyages (the son of Cyaxaras) the king of Persia.
And there is a golden vase at each end of the roof, and a
golden Victory in the middle of the gable. And underneath
the Victory is a golden shield hung up as a votive
offering, with the Gorgon Medusa worked on it. The inscription
on the shield states who hung it up, and the
reason why they did so. For this is what it says.
“This temple’s golden shield is a votive offering from
the Lacedæmonians at Tanagra and their allies, a gift from
the Argives the Athenians and the Ionians, a tithe offering
for success in war.”
The battle I mentioned in my account of Attica, when
I described the tombs at Athens. And in the same temple
at Olympia, above the zone that runs round the pillars on
the outside, are 21 golden shields, the offering of Mummius
the Roman General, after he had beaten the Achæans and
taken Corinth, and expelled the Dorians from Corinth. And
on the gables in bas relief is the chariot race between Pelops
and Œnomaus, and both chariots in motion. And in the
middle of the gable is a statue of Zeus, and on the right
hand of Zeus is Œnomaus with a helmet on his head, and
beside him his wife Sterope, one of the daughters of Atlas.
And Myrtilus, who was the charioteer of Œnomaus, is seated
behind the four horses. And next to him are two men
whose names are not recorded, but they are doubtless
Œnomaus’ grooms, whose duty was to take care of the
horses. And at the end of the gable is a delineation of the
river Cladeus, next to the Alpheus held most in honour of
all the rivers of Elis. And on the left of the statue of
Zeus are Pelops and Hippodamia and the charioteer of
Pelops and the horses, and two men who were Pelops’
grooms. And where the gable tapers fine there is the
Alpheus delineated. And Pelop’s charioteer was according
to the tradition of the Trœzenians Sphærus, but the custodian
at Olympia said that his name was Cilla. The carvings
on the gables in front are by Pæonius of Mende in Thracia,
those behind by Alcamenes, a contemporary of Phidias and
second only to him as statuary. And on the gables is a
representation of the fight between the Lapithæ and the
Centaurs at the marriage of Pirithous. Pirithous is in the
centre, and on one side of him is Eurytion trying to carry
off Pirithous’ wife and Cæneus coming to the rescue, and
on the other side Theseus laying about among the Centaurs
with his battle-axe: and one Centaur is carrying off a
maiden, another a blooming boy. Alcamenes has engraved
this story, I imagine, because he learnt from the
lines of Homer that Pirithous was the son of Zeus, and
knew that Theseus was fourth in descent from Pelops.
There are also in bas relief at Olympia most of the Labours
of Hercules. Above the doors of the temple is the hunting
of the Erymanthian boar, and Hercules taking the mares of
Diomede the Thracian, and robbing the oxen of Geryon in
the island of Erythea, and supporting the load of Atlas, and
clearing the land of Elis of its dung. And above the
chamber behind the doors he is robbing the Amazon of her
belt, and there is the stag, and the Cretan Minotaur, and the
Stymphalian birds, and the hydra, and the Nemean lion.
And as you enter the brazen doors on the right in front
of the pillar is Iphitus being crowned by his wife Ecechiria,
as the inscription in verse states. And there are pillars
inside the temple, and porticoes above, and an approach by
them to the image of Zeus. There is also a winding staircase
to the roof.
CHAPTER XI.
The image of the god is in gold and ivory, seated on a
throne. And a crown is on his head imitating the
foliage of the olive tree. In his right hand he holds a
Victory in ivory and gold, with a tiara and crown on his
head: and in his left hand a sceptre adorned with all
manner of precious stones, and the bird seated on the
sceptre is an eagle. The robes and sandals of the god
are also of gold: and on his robes are imitations of flowers,
especially of lilies. And the throne is richly adorned
with gold and precious stones, and with ebony and
ivory. And there are imitations of animals painted on it,
and models worked on it. There are four Victories like
dancers one at each foot of the throne, and two also at
the instep of each foot: and at each of the front feet
are Theban boys carried off by Sphinxes, and below the
Sphinxes Apollo and Artemis shooting down the children
of Niobe. And between the feet of the throne are four
divisions formed by straight lines drawn from each of the
four feet. In the division nearest the entrance there
are seven models, the eighth has vanished no one knows
where or how. And they are imitations of ancient contests,
for in the days of Phidias the contests for boys were
not yet established. And the figure with its head muffled
up in a scarf is they say Pantarces, who was a native of
Elis and the darling of Phidias. This Pantarces won the
wrestling prize for boys in the 86th Olympiad. And in the
remaining divisions is the band of Hercules fighting against
the Amazons. The number on each side is 29, and Theseus
is on the side of Hercules. And the throne is supported
not only by the four feet, but also by 4 pillars between the
feet. But one cannot get under the throne, as one can at
Amyclæ, and pass inside, for at Olympia there are panels
like walls that keep one off. Of these panels the one opposite
the doors of the temple is painted sky blue only, but
the others contain paintings by Panænus. Among them
is Atlas bearing up Earth and Heaven, and Hercules standing
by willing to relieve him of his load, and Theseus
and Pirithous, and Greece, and Salamis with the figurehead
of a ship in her hand, and the contest of Hercules
with the Nemean lion, and Ajax’s unknightly violation
of Cassandra, and Hippodamia the daughter of Œnomaus
with her mother, and Prometheus still chained to the
rock and Hercules gazing at him. For the tradition is
that Hercules slew the eagle that was ever tormenting
Prometheus on Mount Caucasus, and released Prometheus
from his chains. The last paintings are Penthesilea dying
and Achilles supporting her, and two Hesperides carrying
the apples of which they are fabled to have been the
keepers. This Panænus was the brother of Phidias, and at
Athens in the Painted Stoa he has painted the action at
Marathon. At the top of the throne Phidias has represented
above the head of Zeus the three Graces and three Seasons.
For these too, as we learn from the poets, were daughters
of Zeus. Homer in the Iliad has represented the Seasons
as having the care of Heaven, as a kind of guards of
a royal palace.[70] And the base under the feet of Zeus,
(what is called in Attic θρανίον), has golden lions engraved
on it, and the battle between Theseus and the Amazons,
the first famous exploit of the Athenians beyond their own
borders. And on the platform that supports the throne
there are various ornaments round Zeus and gilt carving,
the Sun seated in his chariot, and Zeus and Hera, and
near is Grace. Hermes is close to her, and Vesta close to
Hermes. And next to Vesta is Eros receiving Aphrodite
just rising from the sea, who is being crowned by Persuasion.
And Apollo and Artemis Athene and Hercules are
standing by, and at the end of the platform Amphitrite and
Poseidon, and Selene apparently urging on her horse. And
some say it is a mule and not a horse that the goddess is
riding upon, and there is a silly tale about this mule.
I know that the size of the Olympian Zeus both in
height and breadth has been stated, but I cannot bestow
praise on the measurers, for their recorded measurement
comes far short of what anyone would infer looking at
the statue. They make the god also to have testified to
the art of Phidias. For they say when the statue was
finished, Phidias prayed him to signify if the work was to
his mind, and immediately Zeus struck with lightning that
part of the pavement, where in our day there is a brazen
urn with a lid.
And all the pavement in front of the statue is not of
white but of black stone. And a border of Parian marble
runs round this black stone, as a preservative against
spilled oil. For oil is good for the statue at Olympia, as
it prevents the ivory being harmed by the dampness of the
grove. But in the Acropolis at Athens, in regard to the
statue of Athene called the Maiden, it is not oil but water
that is advantageously employed to the ivory: for as the
citadel is dry by reason of its great height, the statue being
made of ivory needs to be sprinkled with water freely.
And when I was at Epidaurus, and enquired why they use
neither water nor oil to the statue of Æsculapius, the
sacristans of the temple informed me that the statue of
the god and its throne are over a well.
CHAPTER XII.
Those who think that the parts of the elephant that
project from the mouth are teeth and not horns,
should consider the case of Celtic elks and Ethiopian bulls.
For male elks have horns on their foreheads, but the female
elk has none whatever. And Ethiopian bulls have horns
growing in their nostrils. Who would therefore think it
very wonderful after these examples that a beast should
have horns growing out of its mouth? One may also get
further light from the following particulars. Horns in
animals take a certain definite period to grow and grow
more than once: and this is the case with stags and antelopes
as well as elephants. But no animal after full growth
has second sets of teeth. If they are teeth therefore and
not horns that project from elephants’ mouths, how could
they grow a second time? Moreover teeth are not acted
upon by fire, but horns both of oxen and elephants can by
the action of fire be made straight from round, and can in
fact be turned into any shape. [But in hippopotamuses
and boars the lower jaw has projecting teeth: and we do
not see horns growing out of their jaws.] Let anybody be
certain therefore that they are horns in the elephant that
project and grow out from the temples. I don’t make this
assertion as mere hearsay, for I have seen the skull of an
elephant in the temple of Artemis in Campania. The
temple I refer to is about 30 stades from Capua, which is
the chief town of Campania. And the elephant is not only
different from other animals in the growth of its horns, but
also in its size and appearance. And the Greeks seem to
me to have shewn great munificence and an absence of parsimoniousness
in respect to their worship of the gods, seeing
that they procured ivory both from India and Ethiopia
for their statues.
At Olympia also in the temple of Zeus is a woollen veil,
adorned with Assyrian tapestry and dyed with the Phœnician
purple, the votive offering of Antiochus, who also gave
to the theatre at Athens a golden ægis with the Gorgon’s
head on it. This veil is not drawn up to the roof as in the
temple of Ephesian Artemis, but let down to the pavement
by ropes. And among the votive offerings in the temple or
ante-chapel is the throne of Arimnestus king of the Tyrrhenians,
(who was the first foreigner that offered a votive
offering to Olympian Zeus,) and the horses of Cynisca in
brass, the memorials of her victory at Olympia. These
horses are rather smaller than life, and are on the right as
you enter the ante-chapel. And there is a tripod covered
with brass, on which before the table was made the crowns
for the victors were laid. And of the statues of the Emperors,
Adrian’s in Parian marble was a gift of all the cities
that joined the Achæan league, and Trajan’s a gift of all
the Greeks. This last Emperor added the Getæ beyond
Thrace to the Roman Empire, and waged war against
Osroes (the descendant of Arsaces) and the Parthians.
The most famous of all his works are the Baths which
are known as Trajan’s Baths, and a large theatre perfectly
round, and a building for horse-races two stades
in length, and the forum at Rome well worth seeing for
various beauties and especially its brazen roof. And there
are two statues in the round parts of the building, one of
the Emperor Augustus in amber, the other in ivory is
said to be Nicomedes, the king of Bithynia: from whom the
largest town in Bithynia, that had been previously called
Astacus, got called Nicomedia. It was originally founded
by Zypœtes, a Thracian as one would infer from his name.
And the amber of which they made Augustus’ statue, the
native amber which is found in the sands of the Eridanus,
is most rare and precious to man for many purposes. But
the other kind of amber is gold mixed with silver. And in
the temple at Olympia there are several of Nero’s votive
offerings, 3 are crowns to imitate the wild olive, the fourth
is an imitation of oak. And there are 25 brazen shields to
be worn by the competitors in the race in armour. And
there are several pillars, and among them one which
has the covenant of the people of Elis and the Athenians
Argives and Mantineans for an alliance for 100 years.
CHAPTER XIII.
And within Altis there is a separate grove to Pelops:
who of the heroes at Olympia is as much held in the
highest honour as Zeus is among the gods. This grove
is on the right of the temple of Zeus towards the North,
just at such a distance from the temple as to admit of
statues and votive offerings between, and it extends from
the middle of the temple to the back, and is surrounded
by a stone wall, and has trees planted in it, and statues.
And the entrance to it is from the west. And it is
said to have been dedicated to Pelops by Hercules the son
of Amphitryon, who was fourth in descent from Pelops.
And he is said to have sacrificed in the trench to Pelops.
And the magistrates for the year sacrifice to him even
now a black ram. The seer has no portion of this sacrifice,
the neck of the ram only is usually given to the
person called the wood-cutter. He is one of the temple
servants, and his function is to furnish wood for the sacrifices
at a fixed price, both to cities and to any private
individual. And the wood is always of the white poplar
tree. And whatever stranger or native of Elis eats the
flesh of the victim sacrificed to Pelops may not enter the
temple of Zeus. Those who sacrifice to Telephus at Pergamum
north of the river Caicus are in a similar predicament:
they may not enter the temple of Æsculapius till
they have had a bath. And the following tradition is still
told about Pelops. During the protracted siege of Ilium
the seers are said to have prophesied that they would
never capture the town till they procured the bows of
Hercules and a bone of Pelops. So they sent it is said for
Philoctetes to the camp, and the shoulder-blade of Pelops
was brought from Pisa. And on the return home of the
Greeks, the ship that had the shoulder-blade of Pelops was
wrecked near Eubœa. And many years after the capture
of Ilium Damarmenus, a fisherman of Eretria, cast his net
into the sea and fished up this bone, and marvelling at the
size of it hid it in the sand. And eventually he went
to Delphi, desiring to know who the bone belonged to,
and what he should do with it. And it chanced providentially
that some persons of Elis, seeking a cure for
the pestilence, were at Delphi at this period. And the
Pythian Priestess told them to preserve the bones of
Pelops, and told Damarmenus to give what he had found to
the people of Elis. And when he had done so the people of
Elis gave him several presents, and made Damarmenus and
his descendants custodians of this bone. But this shoulder-blade
of Pelops has not survived to our day, because in my
opinion it was buried too deep, partly also from time and
the action of the sea. And there are still traces even to
our day of Pelops and Tantalus having brought colonies
to Greece, as the marsh called after Tantalus, and his well-known
grave. And the throne of Pelops is at Sipylus on
the top of the mountain above the temple of the Placianian
mother, and after you have crossed the river Hermus there
is a statue of Aphrodite at Temnus still in existence made
of myrtle: and the tradition is that it was a votive offering
of Pelops to propitiate the goddess, before begging her
help towards marrying Hippodamia.
And the altar of Olympian Zeus is about equidistant
from the grove of Pelops and the temple of Hera, and is
situated in front of both. Some say it was erected by Idæan
Hercules, others say by some heroes of the district two
generations after him. It was they say made of the débris
of the thigh bones of the victims sacrificed to Zeus, as
the altar at Pergamum. The Samian Hera has also an
altar made of similar material, an altar not a whit more
handsome than those which in Attica they call extemporary
altars. And the first base of the altar of Olympia, called
the pro-altar, has a circumference of 125 feet, and above
the pro-altar is a circumference of 32 feet. And the whole
height of the altar is 22 feet. It is customary to sacrifice
the victims at the lower part, at the pro-altar: but the
thigh-bones they bring to the highest part of the altar and
burn them there. And stone steps lead up to the pro-altar
on both sides, but up to the high altar there are merely
steps of débris. Maidens may ascend as far as the pro-altar,
and likewise women at the seasons when they are
allowed to be at Olympia, but men alone may ascend to the
high altar. And private individuals, and the people of Elis
daily, offer sacrifices to Zeus besides at the general Festival.
And annually the seers observe the 19th day of the month
Elaphius by carrying the débris from the Town Hall, and
kneading it with the water of the River Alpheus, and thus
construct their altar. No other water is ever used for this
purpose, and that is why the Alpheus is considered more
friendly to Olympian Zeus than any other river. There
is also at Didymi (a town of the Milesians) an altar made
by Hercules the Theban of victims’ blood. So at least
the Milesians say. But the blood of the victims has never
raised it to any great height even in these latter days.
CHAPTER XIV.
But the altar at Olympia has another wonder. Kites,
which are by nature especially birds of prey, never
harm the sacrifices at Olympia. And if on any chance
occasion a kite touch the entrails or flesh of a victim, it is
not considered a good omen for the sacrificer. And they
say when Hercules, the son of Alcmena, was sacrificing at
Olympia there was a great plague of flies: when, either of
his own idea or at another’s suggestion, he sacrificed to Zeus
the Averter of flies, and so they were driven to the other
side of the Alpheus. On similar grounds the natives of
Elis are said to sacrifice to Zeus the Averter of flies, because
he drove them from Olympia.
The wood of the white poplar tree is the only wood that
the people of Elis employ in the sacrifices of Zeus, giving
that tree this especial honour, I imagine, because Hercules
introduced it from Thesprotia into Greece. And I think
there can be little doubt that Hercules himself, when he
sacrificed to Zeus at Olympia, burnt the thighs of the
victims on white poplar wood. Hercules found this tree
growing near the Acheron a river in Thesprotia, and that
is why they say it is called Acherois by Homer.[71] In all
ages rivers have been celebrated for the growth of various
grasses and trees on their banks. Thus the Mæander is
most famous for tamarisks, and the Asopus in Bœotia for
immense reeds, and the Persea is found only on the banks
of the Nile. Thus there is no wonder that by the Acheron
first grew the white poplar, and that the wild olive grows
near the Alpheus, and that the black poplar grows on
Celtic soil by the river Eridanus.
Let us now, as we have made mention of the greatest
altar, enumerate all the altars at Olympia. I will take
them in the order the people of Elis are accustomed to
sacrifice at them. They first sacrifice to Vesta, and next to
Olympian Zeus in the altar inside the temple, thirdly to
Hermes, fourthly to Artemis, fifthly to Athene the Goddess
of Booty, sixthly to Athene Ergane. To this Athene the
descendants of Phidias, (called the cleansers because they
received from the people of Elis the honour of cleansing
the statue of Zeus from anything clinging to it), sacrifice
before they commence polishing up the statue. And
there is also another altar of Athene near the temple,
and near it a square altar of Artemis tapering up gradually
at the top. And next to those we have mentioned they
sacrifice to Alpheus and Artemis at one altar: the reason
for this I learnt from one of Pindar’s Odes, and I have recorded
it in my account of the Letrinæans.[72] And at no
great distance from this is another altar to Alpheus, and
near it an altar to Hephæstus, which some of the people
of Elis say is the altar of Martial Zeus, at which Œnomaus
sacrificed when he proposed the horse-race for the
suitors of his daughter Hippodamia. Next is an altar of
Hercules under the title of Aider, and altars to Hercules’
brothers, Epimedes and Idas and Pæonæus and Iasus.
I know that the altar of Idas is called the altar of Acesidas
by some. And at the ruins of the house of Œnomaus
are two altars, one of Household Zeus, built apparently
by Œnomaus, the other built afterwards I think to
Zeus of the Lightning, when lightning had struck the
house. With reference to the great altar, called the
altar of Olympian Zeus, I have already spoken a little
above. And near it is the altar to Unknown Gods, and
next that of Zeus the Cleanser, and Victory, and next
that of Zeus Chthonius. There are also altars of all the
gods, and one of Olympian Hera also made of débris, the
votive offering they say of Clymenus. And next to it is a
joint altar to Apollo and Hermes, because the tradition in
Elis is that Hermes was the inventor of the lyre, and
Apollo the inventor of the lute. And next are altars of
Harmony, and Athene, and the Mother of the Gods. And
there are two altars very near the entrance to the race-course,
one they say of Hermes the Athlete, and the other
of Opportunity. Ion the Chian has I know written an
Hymn to Opportunity, in which he traces his genealogy,
and makes him the youngest son of Zeus. And near
the treasure of the Sicyonians is an altar of Hercules,
either one of the Curetes, or the son of Alcmena, for both
traditions are current. And at what is called Gæum there
is an altar to Earth, this too made of débris: and they say
there was an oracle of Earth earlier still. And at the place
called Stomium there is an altar to Themis. And before
the altar of Zeus, the god of thunder and lightning, is a
fence on all sides, and this altar too is not far from the
great altar formed of débris. Let my reader remember
that I have not enumerated these altars according to the
position of their site, but taken them in a rambling order,
according to the order in which the people of Elis sacrifice
at them. And in the grove of Pelops there is a joint altar
to Dionysus and the Graces, and next one to the Muses,
and one to the Nymphs.
CHAPTER XV.
Outside Altis there is a building called the workshop
of Phidias, who used to work here at his statues,
and there is an altar here to all the gods in common. As
you turn back again to Altis you see straight before you the
Hall of Leonidas. It is outside the temple precincts, and
of the various approaches to Altis is the only one used for
processions. It was built by Leonidas, a native of Elis,
and now the Roman governors of Elis make it their headquarters.
It is separated by an alley from the approach
used for processions: the people of Elis call alleys what the
Athenians call bylanes. And there is in Altis to the left of
the Hall of Leonidas, an altar of Aphrodite, and an altar of
the Seasons next to it. And in the rear of the temple there
is a wild olive tree growing on the right: it is called
the olive beautiful for its crowns, and the victors at
Olympia receive crowns of it. Near this wild olive tree is
a temple of the Nymphs, these too they call beautiful for
their crowns. And inside Altis there is an altar of Artemis
of the Market-Place, and on the right of the Hall
of Leonidas is an altar to the goddesses called Mistresses.
Of the goddess whom they call Mistress the portion of
my work about Arcadia will give complete information.
And next is an altar of Zeus of the Market-Place, and, in
front of what is called the Seat of Honour, altars of Pythian
Apollo, and Dionysus. This last they say was erected by
private people not so long ago. And as you go to where the
horses start is an altar, with the inscription The Decider of
Fate. This is plainly a title of Zeus who fore-knows all
human events, both what the Fates send, and others. And
near this is an oblong altar of the Fates, and next one of
Hermes, and next two of Zeus Supreme. And at the
middle of the place where the horses start are altars in the
open air to Poseidon the Patron of Horses, and Hera the
Patroness of Horses, and near the pillar an altar of Castor
and Pollux. And at the entrance, near what is called the
Rostrum, is an altar of Ares the Patron of Horses, and an
altar of Athene the Patroness of Horses. And as you enter
the Rostrum there are altars of Good Fortune, and of Pan,
and of Aphrodite. And in the interior of the Rostrum
the Nymphs called Acmenæ have an altar. And as you
return from the Portico which the people of Elis call
Agnaptus’ from the name of the Architect, there is on the
right an altar of Artemis. And as you enter Altis again
by the road used for processions there are altars behind the
chapel of Hera of the river Cladeus and of Artemis, and
next to them one of Apollo, and a fourth of Artemis Coccoca,
and a fifth of Apollo Thermius. Thermius I conjecture at
Elis will be the same word as Thesmius (Law-loving) in
Attic. But why Artemis was called Coccoca I could not
ascertain. There is a building in front of what they call the
Priest’s dwelling, and in the corner of it is an altar of Pan.
And the Town Hall of the people of Elis is within Altis,
near the outlet beyond the gymnasium, where the athletes
have their races and wrestling-matches. And in front of
the doors of the Town Hall is an altar of Artemis of the
Market-Place. And in the Town Hall itself as you pass
into a room where there is a hearth, there is an altar of
Pan on the right of the entrance. And the hearth itself is
made of débris, and there is a fire on it burning continually
day and night. From this hearth as I have already stated
they remove the débris to the altar of Olympian Zeus,
and the height of that altar is largely due to contributions
from this hearth.
And once in every month the people of Elis sacrifice at
the altars which I have mentioned. And they sacrifice in
a certain primitive fashion; for they burn frankincense on
the altars and cakes kneaded with honey. And they decorate
the altars with olive branches, and pour out libations
of wine. But they do not offer libations of wine to the
Nymphs, or the Mistresses, or at the joint altar of all the
gods. And the sacrifices are conducted by the priest, who
has office for one month, and by the seers, the libation-offerers,
the Interpreter of Antiquities, the flute-player, and
the wood-cutter. But the words that they use in the
Town Hall, and the Hymns which they sing, I am not
allowed to introduce into my account. And they pour
libations not only to Greek gods, but to the god of Libya,
and to Hera of Ammon, and to Parammon (a title of
Hermes). It is manifest also that from time immemorial
they have consulted the oracle at Libya, and there are altars
in the temple of Ammon, votive offerings of the people of
Elis: and there are inscribed on them the questions of the
people of Elis, and the answers returned by the god, and
the names of those who went to Ammon from Elis. All
this is in the temple of Ammon. The people of Elis also
pour libations to heroes, and the wives of heroes, who are
honoured in Elis or Ætolia. And the Hymns sung in the
Town Hall are in the Doric dialect, but by whom composed
they do not tell us. The people of Elis also have a banqueting-hall,
(inside the Town-Hall, opposite the room where the
hearth is,) where they entertain the victors at Olympia.
CHAPTER XVI.
Next ought I to describe the temple of Hera, and all
that is worth narrating in it. The people of Elis have
a tradition that the people of Scillus in Triphylia built
it about 8 years after Oxylus became king at Elis. Its
architecture is Doric, there are pillars all round it, one
pillar in a chamber at the back of the temple is of oak.
And the length of the temple is 63 feet. The architect’s
name is not recorded. And every fifth year 16
matrons weave a shawl for Hera, and the same number
preside over her games. And the contest is a race for
maidens of various ages: in the first race are the youngest,
and next those slightly older, and last of all the eldest.
And they all run with their hair down their back, a short
tunic below the knee, and their right shoulder bare to the
breast. They use in this contest the regular race-course at
Olympia, but make it a sixth part of a stade shorter. And
the victors receive crowns of olive, and part of the heifer
sacrificed to Hera: and paintings of them are made for
Hera. And the 16 matrons who preside over the games
have as many handmaids. They trace this contest of the
maidens back to ancient times, saying that Hippodamia in
gratitude to Hera for her marriage with Pelops selected
16 matrons, and in concert with them inaugurated these
games to Hera. And they record that Chloris (with the
exception of one brother the only surviving child of
Amphion) was the victor. And what I learnt about the
children of Niobe I have narrated in my account about
Argos. About these 16 matrons they have also the following
tradition. They say that Damophon, the tyrant
at Pisa, did many grievous injuries to the people of Elis,
and on his death, as the people of Pisa had not publicly
sanctioned his ill deeds, the people of Elis were willing
to annul their charges against them, so 16 of the principal
cities in Elis at that day selected each one matron
of age and merit and good name to arbitrate on any
claims. And the cities from which they selected matrons
were Elis and 15 others, and thus their differences with
the people of Pisa were arranged. And afterwards the
same 16 were told off to make all the arrangements
about the Hera Festival, and to weave the shawl for Hera.
These 16 matrons also have two dances, one they call
Physcoa’s dance, and the other’s Hippodamia’s. Physcoa
the tradition goes was from hollow Elis, and lived in the
parish they call Orthia, and was mother by Dionysus of a
boy called Narcæus, who, when he grew up, warred with
the neighbouring tribes and came to great power, and built
a temple of Athene Narcæa: and Dionysus was they say
first worshipped by Narcæus and Physcoa. Physcoa had
other honours besides the dance called after her name.
The number of matrons is still kept up by the people of
Elis, but they are somewhat differently chosen. For as
they are divided into 8 tribes they select two matrons from
each. And the functions of these 16 matrons and the
Umpires of Elis are never commenced till after the sacrifice
of a pig and lustration with water. And the lustration
takes place at the fountain Piera, which is situated in the
plain between Olympia and Elis. All these things are as
I have described them.
CHAPTER XVII.
And in Hera’s temple there is a statue of Zeus, and also
one of Hera seated on a throne, and standing by is a
person with a beard and helmet on his head. And the
workmanship is very simple. And next them the Æginetan
Smilis has delineated the Seasons sitting on thrones. And
near them is a statue of Themis as the mother of the
Seasons, the design of Doryclidas, a Lacedæmonian by
race, and the pupil of Dipœnus and Scyllis. And there
are five Hesperides by Theocles, a Lacedæmonian also,
the son of Hegylus, who is also said to have been a
pupil of Scyllis and Dipœnus. And Athene with a helmet
and spear and shield is they say by the Lacedæmonian
Medon, who was the brother of Doryclidas, and learnt
his art also from Scyllis and Dipœnus. And Proserpine
and Demeter sit, Apollo and Artemis stand, opposite
one another. And there are statues also of Leto and Fortune
and Dionysus, and a winged Victory, who designed
them I cannot tell, but they appear to me very antique.
What I have enumerated are in ivory and gold: but in
later times there were other statues placed in the temple
of Hera, as a stone Hermes carrying Dionysus as a babe,
by Praxiteles; and Aphrodite in brass, by Cleon of Sicyon,
whose master was Antiphanes, of the school of Periclytus
the pupil of the Argive Polycletus. And before Aphrodite
there is a little golden boy seated, by the Carthaginian
Boethus, which was brought here from what is called
Philip’s house, as well as some statues in gold and ivory,
as Eurydice the wife of Philip, and Olympias.
* * The chest is of cedar and has figures on it, some in
ivory, some in gold, some carved on the cedar. In this chest
Cypselus, the tyrant of Corinth, was hid by his mother at
his birth, as the Bacchidæ were eager to find him. On
account of his safety his descendants, called the Cypselidæ,
made the chest a votive offering at Olympia, and the
Corinthians of that day called chests cypselæ: that is the
origin of the name Cypselus given to the boy, so they
say. And on the chest there are inscriptions in large
letters in an old handwriting: some of this writing is
straight, other parts are written in what the Greeks call ox-fashion.
That is, when one line is finished the next begins
where that left off and runs backward, and so on like the
double course on the race ground. There are also inscriptions
on the chest that are very puzzling and difficult to
make out. And if you begin to examine the chest all over,
beginning at the lower part, you will see first Œnomaus
pursuing Pelops and Hippodamia. Each of them have a
pair of horses but those of Pelops have wings. And next
is the house of Amphiaraus, and some old woman is carrying
Amphilochus the baby, and in front of the house is
Eriphyle with a necklace, and near her her daughters Eurydice
and Demonassa, and the little boy Alcmæon naked.
Asius in his poems has also represented Alcmena as the
daughter of Amphiaraus and Eriphyle. And Baton, the
charioteer of Amphiaraus, has the reins in one hand and a
lance in the other. And one of Amphiarus’ feet is in the
chariot, and his sword is drawn, and he is turned towards
Eriphyle, and in his rage can scarce refrain from rushing at
her. And next to Amphiaraus’ house are the games in
memory of Pelias, and the spectators are looking on the
contests. There is Hercules sitting on a seat, and his wife
behind him, but her name is not given, she is piping with
Phrygian and not Greek pipes. And there are Pisus the son
of Perieres and Asterion the son of Cometes driving a pair
of horses, the latter is said to have sailed in the Argo, and
Pollux and Admetus, and Euphemus the son of Poseidon
(according to the tale of the poets), and the companion of
Jason on his voyage to Colchi, he also was victorious in the
pair-horse-race. And there are Admetus and Mopsus, the
son of Ampyx, both famous boxers. And in the midst is a
man playing on the flute, as in our day they are still wont
to do in the leaping contest in the pentathlum. And Jason
and Peleus are wrestling, they are very evenly matched.
And there is Eurybotas throwing his quoit, a man famous
as a quoit-player whoever he was. And there are Melanion
and Neotheus and Phalareus and Argeus and Iphiclus ready
for the race: and Acastus is holding out the crown to the
victor, who was Iphiclus, the father of Protesilaus who
fought at Ilium. There are also some tripods as prizes for
the winners, and there are the daughters of Pelias, of whom
the name of Alcestis only is inscribed. Iolaus too, who
voluntarily shared in Hercules’ Labours, is there, just
having come in first in the chariot-race. And this is the
last of the games in memory of Pelias. And there is
Athene standing by Hercules who is shooting the hydra, the
monster that infested the river Amymone. And because
Hercules was well-known, from his great size as well as the
nature of the contest, his name is not written underneath.
And there is Phineus the Thracian, and the sons of Boreas
driving away the Harpies from him.
CHAPTER XVIII.
On the second side of the chest, on the left, to take
them in their order, is a woman supporting with her
right hand a white child sleeping, and with her left a black
child like the sleeping child, but with both its feet twisted.
The inscriptions shew, what one would have inferred without
any inscriptions, that they are Death and Sleep with
their nurse Night. And there is a comely woman dragging
along an ugly one, with one hand holding her fast, and with
the other beating her with a rod, this is Justice punishing
Injustice. And there are two women pounding with pestles
into mortars, apparently compounding drugs, but there is
no inscription in reference to them. But about the man
and woman following him there are two hexameter lines
as follows, “Idas is leading away from the temple by no
means against her will Marpessa of the beautiful ancles,
whom Apollo snatched away for himself.”
And there is a man clad in a tunic, with a cup in his
right hand and in his left a necklace, and Alcmena is seizing
them. According to the Greek tradition, Zeus assumed
the appearance of Amphitryon, and so made Alcmena welcome
him as her husband. And there is Menelaus with a
breastplate and sword pursuing Helen to kill her, plainly
during the sack of Ilium. And there is Jason on the right
hand of Medea, who is sitting on a throne, and Aphrodite
is standing by her. And the inscription relative to
them is,
“Jason is wooing Medea, Aphrodite is encouraging them.”
The Muses are also represented singing and Apollo leading
off, and the inscription is as follows,
“Here is the king, the son of Leto, far-darting Apollo,
And round him the Muses, a graceful band, whom he leads in the songs.”
And Atlas is bearing up Heaven and Earth (according to
the legend) on his shoulders, and in his hands are the apples
of the Hesperides. And who the man is with a sword advancing
to Atlas is nowhere written, but it is evident to all
that it is Hercules. This is all the inscription,
“Atlas here is bearing up Heaven, he will neglect the apples.”
There is also Ares in full armour leading off Aphrodite.
The inscription under him is Enyalius. There too is the
maiden Thetis, and Peleus is laying hold of her, and from
Thetis’ hand a serpent is about to dart at Peleus. And
there are the sisters of Medusa with wings pursuing the
fleeing Perseus. His name only is given.
The third side of the chest is devoted to military views.
Most of the soldiers to be seen are infantry, but there are
also some cavalry in two-horse war-chariots. And some
of the soldiers are you can see engaging, while others are
recognizing and greeting one another. The antiquarians
have two explanations of this, the one party say that it is
the Ætolians with Oxylus and the ancient people of Elis,
and that they are fraternizing and exhibiting friendliness
to one another in remembrance of their ancient consanguinity,
the other party say that it is the people of Pylos and
the Arcadians fighting near the town of Pheia and the river
Iardanus. No one would have prima facie expected that
the ancestor of Cypselus, being a Corinthian and in possession
of the chest, would have purposely passed over
Corinthian history, and artistically portrayed on the chest
foreign and even immaterial events. So the following is the
view I am inclined to form. Cypselus and his ancestors
came originally from Gonussa beyond Sicyon, and were descended
from Melas the son of Antasus. And Aletes would
not receive Melas and his army into the city, as I have
stated before in my account of Corinth, thus disobeying the
oracle at Delphi, until at last, as Melas paid every attention
to him, and whenever he was rejected returned again with
entreaty, Aletes admitted him but not with a good grace.
One would conjecture therefore that the forces of Melas are
here portrayed.
CHAPTER XIX.
And on the 4th side of the chest on the left Boreas is
carrying off Orithyia, and he has serpents’ tails instead
of feet. And there is the fight between Hercules and
Geryon, who was three men in one. And there is Theseus
with a lyre, and near him Ariadne with a garland. And
Achilles and Memnon are fighting and their mothers are
standing by. And there is Melanion, and Atalanta by him
with a fawn. And Strife, looking most hateful, stands
by the duel (after challenge) between Ajax and Hector.
A very similar Strife has been depicted in the temple of
Ephesian Artemis by the Samian Calliphon, who painted
the battle at the ships of the Greeks. There are also on
the chest figures of Castor and Pollux, one of them without
a beard, and Helen between them. And Æthra, the
daughter of Pittheus, in a dark dress is prostrate on the
ground at the feet of Helen. And the inscription is an
Hexameter line and one word more.
“Castor and Pollux ran off with Helen, and dragged
Æthra from Athens.”
These are the very words. And Iphidamas the son of
Agenor is lying on the ground, and Coon is fighting with
Agamemnon over his dead body. And Fear with the head
of a lion is on Agamemnon’s shield. And this is the inscription
over the corpse of Iphidamas,
“This is Iphidamas, Coon bestrides him in the fight.”
And on Agamemnon’s shield,
“Here is what mortals call Fear, Agamemnon has got
him.”
And Hermes is bringing to Paris, the son of Priam, the
goddesses to the choice of beauty, and the inscription
here is,
“Here is Hermes showing to Paris the dainty sight of
Hera and Athene and Aphrodite in all their beauty.”
And Artemis—I know not why—has wings on her
shoulders, and in her right hand she has a leopard, in her
left a lion. And there is Ajax dragging Cassandra from
the statue of Athene, and the inscription is,
“Locrian Ajax is dragging Cassandra from Athene.”
And there are the sons of Œdipus, Polynices has fallen
on his knees, and Eteocles is pressing him hard. And
behind Polynices stands a monster with teeth as sharp as
a wild beast’s, and with crooked claws. And the inscription
says that it is Doom, and that Polynices was carried
off by Fate, and that Eteocles’ end was just. And there
too is bearded Dionysus lying down in a cave, clad in
a long garment, with a golden bowl in his hand: and
there are clusters of vine round him, and apples, and
pomegranates.
The topmost side of the chest, for there are five in all,
has no inscription, but one can easily conjecture what the
representations are. In a cave there is a woman sleeping
with a man upon a bed, and we infer that they are Odysseus
and Circe from the number of handmaids in front
of the cave, and from their tasks. For the women are four
in number, and they are engaged just as Homer has
represented. And there is a Centaur, not with all his feet
horses’ feet, for his forefeet are those of a man. And
there are pair-horse chariots and women seated on the
chariots: and the horses have gold wings, and a man is
giving arms to one of the women. This is conjectured to
refer to the death of Patroclus. For it is the Nereids on
the chariots, and Thetis who is receiving arms from Hephæstus.
For he who is giving the arms is lame, and
behind is a servant with smith’s tongs. And the tradition
about Chiron the Centaur is that, though he had left this
world and been received into heaven, he returned to earth
to comfort Achilles. And there are two maidens in a
carriage drawn by mules, one is driving and the other has
a veil on her head, they are thought to be Nausicaa, the
daughter of Alcinous, and her attendant driving to the
wash. And the man shooting at the Centaurs and killing
some of them is manifestly Hercules, for this was one of
his great feats.
Who it was that constructed this chest it is quite impossible
to conjecture: the inscriptions on it might have
been composed by anybody, but suspicion points to Eumelus
the Corinthian, both on other grounds, and because of the
Processional Hymn which he composed in reference to
Delos.
CHAPTER XX.
There are also here besides the chest several votive
offerings, as a bed of no great size adorned with much
ivory, and the quoit of Iphitus, and the table on which the
crowns for the victors are deposited. The bed was they
say a plaything of Hippodamia: and the quoit of Iphitus
has written on it the armistice between the people of Elis
and the Olympians not straight down it, but all round the
quoit: and the table is of ivory and gold, the design of
Colotes, who was they say a native of Heraclea. And
those who take interest in artificers say that he was a Parian
and the pupil of Pasiteles, who was himself the pupil of....[73]
There too are statues of Hera, and Zeus, and the
Mother of the Gods, and Hermes, and Apollo, and Artemis.
And behind is a representation of the games. On one side
is Æsculapius and Hygiea, one of the daughters of Æsculapius,
and Ares and Contest by him, and on another is Pluto
and Dionysus and Proserpine and some Nymphs, one of
them with a ball. And Pluto has his key, with which (they
say) what is called Hades is locked, and then no one can
return from it.
An account which I received from Aristarchus, the Interpreter
of Antiquities at Olympia, I must not omit. He
said that in his youth, when the people of Elis restored the
roof of the temple of Hera, the body of a dead man in heavy
armour, who had been badly wounded, was found between
the sham roof and the roof on which the tiles lay. This
man was a combatant in the battle fought inside Altis between
the Lacedæmonians and the people of Elis. For the
people of Elis climbed up to the temples of the gods, and
all high buildings alike, for the purpose of defence. This
man therefore probably got up into that place, in a fainting
condition from his wounds, and, on his death, neither the
heat of summer nor the chills of winter would be likely to
injure his dead body, as he lay stowed away and covered up.
And Aristarchus added, that they carried the corpse outside
Altis and buried it armour and all.
And the pillar, which the people of Elis call the pillar of
Œnomaus, is as you go from the great altar to the temple
of Zeus, and there are 4 pillars on the left and a roof over
them. These pillars support a wooden one worn out by
age, and only held together by iron clamps. This pillar
was once according to tradition in the house of Œnomaus:
and when the god struck the house with lightning, the fire
consumed all the house but this one pillar. And a brazen
tablet contains some Elegiac lines referring to this.
“I am the only vestige, stranger, of a famous house, I
once was a pillar in Œnomaus’ house, but now near Zeus I
am in iron clamps in honour: the destructive fire has not
consumed me.”
Another curious thing happened on the spot in my time.
A senator of Rome won the prize at Olympia, and wishing
some record of his victory to survive in the shape of a
brazen statue with an inscription, dug for a foundation,
close to this pillar of Œnomaus, and the diggers found
fragments of arms and bridles and bits. These I myself
saw dug up.
The temple, which is large in size and of Doric architecture,
they call to this day the Temple of the Mother, preserving
its ancient name, though there is no statue in it of
the Mother of the Gods, but only some statues of Roman
Emperors. It is inside Altis, and there is a round building
called Philip’s House, on the top of which is a brazen poppy
as a clamp for the beams. This building is on the left hand
as you go to the Town Hall, and is built of baked brick,
and there are some pillars round it. It was built for
Philip after the fatal defeat of the Greeks at Chæronea.
And there are statues there of Philip, and Alexander, and
Amyntas the father of Philip. They are by Leochares in
ivory and gold, like the statues of Olympias and Eurydice.
CHAPTER XXI.
And now I shall proceed to the account of the statues
and votive offerings, which I do not care to mix up
together. In the Acropolis at Athens all the statues and
everything else equally are votive offerings: but at Altis
the votive offerings are in honour of the deity, but the
statues of the prizemen are merely a memorial of the contests.
Of them I shall speak hereafter: I shall now take
the most remarkable votive offerings in order.
As you go to the race-course from the Temple of the
Mother there is on the left at the end of the mountain
Cronius a basement of stone, near the mountain, and some
steps to it. On this basement there are some brazen
statues of Zeus, made with the money from a fine imposed
on some athletes who had behaved shamefully at the
games. These statues are called in the national dialect
Zanes. They were six in number at first and were put up
in the 98th Olympiad. For Eupolus the Thessalian bribed
his rivals in boxing to let him win the prize, Agenor from
Arcadia, and Prytanis from Cyzicus, and Phormio from
Halicarnassus, who was the champion in the preceding
Olympiad. This was the first foul play they say at the
boxing matches, and Eupolus and those who had been
bribed by him were fined by the people of Elis. Two of
the statues are by Cleon of Sicyon, the modeller of the
remaining four we do not know. And all these statues,
but the third and fourth, have elegiac lines on them. The
first says that not with money, but swiftness of foot and
bodily vigour, ought one to win prizes at Olympia. And
the second says that that statue is raised in honour to the
deity, and from piety on the part of the people of Elis,
and to inspire fear in such athletes as do not play fair. As
to the fifth and sixth, the gist of the inscription on one is
a panegyric of the people of Elis, and not least for their
punishment of the cheating boxers, and on the other a
didactic precept to all the Greeks that nobody is to bribe
to win the prize at Olympia.
And subsequently to Eupolus they say that the Athenian
Callippus, when contending for the pentathlum, bribed his
antagonists in the 112th Olympiad. And when he and his
antagonists were fined by the people of Elis, the Athenians
sent Hyperides to beg the people of Elis to remit the
fine. And when the people of Elis refused this favour, the
Athenians treated them with much hauteur, not paying the
money and keeping away from Olympia, till the god at
Delphi told them he would no longer give them any oracular
responses, till they paid the fine to the people of Elis. And
when they paid, six more statues were made for Zeus, with
elegiac verses on them no less severe than those about the
fine of Eupolus. And the purport of these verses on the
first statue is that the statues are erected in accordance
with the oracular direction of the god, who honoured the
decision the people of Elis had come to about the competitors
for the pentathlum. And the second and third likewise
praise the people of Elis for their conduct in the same
matter. And the fourth desires to point out that the contest
at Olympia is one of merit and not of money. And
the inscriptions on the fifth and sixth shew, one why the
statues were made, and the other that the oracle came to
the Athenians from Delphi.
And next to those I have enumerated are two statues,
made from a fine imposed on some wrestlers, whose names
are unknown both to me and the Antiquarians of Elis.
There are some inscriptions also on these statues, the first
is that the Rhodians paid a fine to Olympian Zeus for the
cheating of their wrestler. And the second is that the
statue was made out of fines imposed on those who wrestled
for bribes. And the Antiquarians of Elis say that the
other statues in connection with athletes were erected in
the 178th Olympiad, when Eudelus was bribed by the
Rhodian Philostratus. I find a discrepancy between this
account and the public records of the people of Elis as
respects the victors at Olympia. For in these records
they say that Straton of Alexandria in the 178th Olympiad
won on the same day the prize both in the pancratium
and in the wrestling. Alexandria, at the mouth of the
Nile near Canopus, was built by Alexander, the son of
Philip, on the site of a former town of no great size called
Rhacotis. In the generation before Straton 3, and 3 after
his day, are famous for having received the crown of wild
olive both for the pancratium and the wrestling. The
first was Caprus a native of Elis, and next of the Greeks
beyond the Ægean the Rhodian Aristomenes, and next
Protophanes of the Magnetes at Lethæus. And after
Straton Marion, also from Alexandria, and Aristeas from
Stratonice (both the region and city were anciently called
Chrysaoris), and last Nicostratus from the Cilicians by the
sea, though he had little in common with the Cilicians but
nominally. For, when he was quite a child, he was kidnapped
from Prymnessus a town in Phrygia by robbers,
who took him to Ægeæ and sold him to the highest bidder.
He was of no obscure family, and some time afterwards
his purchaser dreamed that a lion’s whelp lay under the
truckle bed on which he used to sleep. When Nicostratus
grew to man’s estate he had several other victories at
Olympia in the pancratium and in wrestling.
And among others that were fined by the people of Elis
afterwards was a boxer from Alexandria in the 218th
Olympiad. His name was Apollonius, his surname Rhantes,
for it is customary among the people of Alexandria to
have surnames. He was the first Egyptian condemned
by the people of Elis for neither giving nor receiving
money, but for the impropriety of coming too late, for
which he was not allowed to take part in the games. As
to his excuse that he was detained by contrary winds in the
Cyclades, Heraclides, also an Alexandrian, proved it to be
a falsehood: and said he was really too late because he had
been collecting money from the games in Ionia. Accordingly
Apollonius and all others not present at the appointed
time for the boxing matches were not allowed by the people
of Elis to take part in the games, but to Heraclides they
gave a crown without a contest. Thereupon Apollonius,
who had on his boxer’s cæstus, rushed at Heraclides, and
attacked him fiercely, just as he had received his crown of
wild olive, and he fled for refuge to the Umpires. This
hotheadedness was severely punished. There are also two
statues made in our own times. For in the 226th Olympiad
they detected some boxers bribing to get the prize. The
money of their fine went to make two statues of Zeus, one
on the left of the entrance to the course, and the other
on the right. Didas was the name of one of these
boxers, and the other, who gave the bribe, was Sarapammon,
both were from the same district, the latest one
formed in Egypt, called Arsinoites. It is wonderful indeed
that from any quarter people should have been found to
despise the god at Olympia, and to receive or give bribes in
connection with the games, but still more wonderful that
any of the people of Elis should have ventured to act in
that manner. But it is said that Damonicus, a native of
Elis, acted so in the 192nd Olympiad. For when Polyctor
(the son of Damonicus) and Sosander (the son of Sosander)
a native of Smyrna had descended to the arena for the
wrestling match, Damonicus, being very anxious that his
son should have the victory, bribed the younger Sosander.
And when the circumstances got known, the Umpires fined
the parents, turning their vengeance on them because they
were really the guilty parties. Statues were made with
this money too: one in the gymnasium at Elis, the other
in Altis, in front of what is called the Painted Portico,
because there were in ancient times paintings on the walls.
This Portico is called by some the Portico of Echo, because
in it a word is re-echoed 7 times, sometimes even more
frequently.
And they record that the pancratiast Serapion, a native
of Alexandria, in the 201st Olympiad was so afraid of
those who were to compete with him, that the day before
the contest he absconded. He is the only Egyptian, or indeed
member of any nationality, that was ever fined for
cowardice in the games.
CHAPTER XXII.
Such are the statues made out of fines as far as I
could ascertain. There are also other statues of Zeus,
some erected publicly, some privately. There is also an
altar in Altis near the entrance to the course. On this altar
the people of Elis do not sacrifice to any of the gods, but
the trumpeters and heralds stand here when they proclaim
the games. On the brazen base of this altar is a statue to
Zeus, six cubits in height, with a thunderbolt in each hand,
the votive offering of the people of Cynætha. And the
young Zeus with a necklace round his neck is the votive
offering of Cleolas of Phlius.
And near what is called the Hippodamium there is a semicircular
basement of stone, and statues on it of Zeus and
Thetis and Aurora supplicating Zeus for their children.
These are in the midst of the basement. And at each extremity
of the basement stand Achilles and Memnon in the
attitude of antagonists. Similarly opposite to one another
stand a Greek and barbarian, Odysseus opposite Helenus,
for these are selected as most remarkable for wisdom in
either army, and Paris is opposite Menelaus from their old
hostility, and Æneas opposite Diomede, and Deiphobus
opposite Ajax the son of Telamon. These are all by
Lycius the son of Myron, and are votive offerings of the
people of Apollonia near the Ionian sea. And there are
some elegiac lines in ancient characters under the feet of
Zeus.
“We are votive offerings from Apollonia, which long-haired
Phœbus built near the Ionian sea. Those who
seized the borders of Abantis offered this spoil from
Thronium.”
Now the region called Abantis and the town in it
called Thronium were in Thesprotia near the mountains
Ceraunia. For when the Greek ships were dispersed on
their return from Ilium, the Locrians from Thronium near
the river Boagrius and the Abantes from Eubœa in 8 ships
put in to shore near the mountains Ceraunia. And there
they dwelt and built the town of Thronium, and by common
consent called all the district they lived in Abantis, and
were afterwards beaten in war and expelled by their neighbours
of Apollonia. And Apollonia was a colony from
Corcyra, and the Corinthians had a share in the spoil.
And as you go on a little further there is a Zeus looking
east, with an eagle in one hand and a thunderbolt in
the other. And he has a crown on his head composed
of lilies. This statue is the votive offering of the people of
Metapontum, and the design of the Æginetan Aristonous.
But who Aristonous learnt his craft from we do not know,
nor the period in which he flourished. The Phliasians also
erected as votive offerings statues of Zeus and Asopus’
daughters and Asopus himself. And this is the arrangement
of the statues. Nemea comes first of the sisters, and
next her is Zeus laying hold of Ægina. And next Ægina is
Harpina, who according to the tradition of the Phliasians
and the people of Elis had an amour with Ares, and bare to
him Œnomaus, the king of the district of Pisa. And next
to her are Corcyra and Thebe, and Asopus comes last.
The tradition about Corcyra is that she had an amour
with Poseidon, and a similar legend about Thebe and Zeus
is sung by Pindar.
The men of Leontini erected a statue to Zeus privately
and not publicly. The height of it is 7 cubits, and Zeus has
in his hands an eagle and javelin according to the descriptions
of the poets. And it was erected by Hippagoras and
Phrynon and Ænesidemus, not I think the Ænesidemus
who was tyrant at Leontini.
CHAPTER XXIII.
And as you pass on to the entrance to the council
chamber there is a statue of Zeus without an inscription,
(and another as you turn to the North). This is
towards the East, and was erected by the Greeks who
fought at Platæa against Mardonius and the Medes. On
the right of the basement are inscribed the states that took
part in the action, the Lacedæmonians first, and next the
Athenians, third the Corinthians, fourth the Sicyonians,
fifth the Æginetans, then the Megarians and Epidaurians,
of the Arcadians the men of Tegea and Orchomenus, and
in addition to these the inhabitants of Phlius Trœzen and
Hermion, and in Argolis the men of Tiryns, and of the
Bœotians only the people of Platæa, and of the Argives
the inhabitants of Mycenæ, and the islanders from Ceos
and Melos, and the Ambraciotes from Thesprotia, and
the Tenii and people of Lepreum, the latter only from
Triphylia, but the Tenii not only from the Ægean and the
Cyclades but also from Naxos and Cythnus, and the men
of Styra from Eubœa, and next to them the people of Elis
and Potidæa and Anactorium, and lastly the people of
Chalcis near the Euripus. Of these cities the following were
unpeopled in my day. Mycenæ and Tiryns were razed to
the ground by the Argives after the Persian war. And the
Ambraciotes and men of Anactorium, who were colonists
from Corinth, were induced by the Roman Emperor Augustus
to form the colony of Nicopolis near Actium. And the
people of Potidæa were twice ejected from their country, by
Philip, the son of Amyntas, and earlier still by the Athenians,
and though subsequently they were restored by
Cassander, yet the name of their city was changed to
Cassandrea in honour of their new founder. And the
statue at Olympia, that was a votive offering of the
Greeks, was by Anaxagoras the Æginetan, though those
who have compiled a history of sculptors have omitted to
mention him.
There is also in front of this statue of Zeus a brazen
pillar, on which are inscribed the conditions of peace for
30 years between the Lacedæmonians and the Athenians,
which was made by the Athenians after their second reduction
of Eubœa, in the 3rd year of that Olympiad in which
Crison of Himera won the prize. And this was one of
the conditions specified, that the city of the Argives
should have no share in this peace between the Athenians
and Lacedæmonians, but that privately the Athenians
and Argives if they chose might be friendly to
one another. This is plainly stated in the conditions.
And there is another statue of Zeus near the chariot of
Cleosthenes, (about which I shall speak later), the votive
offering of the Megarians, and the design of the brothers
Phylacus and Onæthus and their sons: I cannot tell their
period or country, or from whom they learned their craft.
And near the chariot of Gelon there is an old statue of
Zeus with a sceptre, the votive offering they say of the
people of Hybla. There are two Hyblas in Sicily, one
called Gereatis, and the other to this day called Hybla
Major. Both are in the neighbourhood of Catana, Hybla
Major is quite deserted, but Gereatis is still inhabited,
and has a temple to the Hyblæan goddess who is worshipped
in Sicily. And I think it was from there that the
statue of Zeus came to Olympia. For Philistus the son
of Archomenides records that they were the best interpreters
of portents and dreams, and the most noted for
piety of all the barbarians in Sicily. And near the votive
offering of the people of Hybla is a brazen pedestal and a
Zeus upon it, eighteen feet high I conjecture. And who
offered it to the god, and whose design it is, is stated in
the following elegiac lines:
“The people of Cleitor erected this votive offering to the
god, with the tithe collected from many cities taken by
storm by them. And the artificers were the Laconian
brothers Aristo and Telestas.”
I do not think these Laconians could have been men well
known in Greece, for else the people of Elis would have
had something to say about them, and still more the
Lacedæmonians as they were their citizens.
CHAPTER XXIV.
And near the altar of Zeus Laœtas and Poseidon Laœtas
there is a Zeus on a brazen basement, the gift of the
Corinthian people, and the design of Musus, whoever Musus
was. And as you go from the council chamber to the great
temple there is on the left a statue of Zeus, crowned with
flowers, and in his right hand a thunderbolt. This was the
design of Ascarus a Theban, who was the pupil of the
Sicyonian, * * and it was a votive offering of the people of
Thessaly. But if the people of Thessaly offered it as a
votive offering from spoil taken in a war with the Phocians,
it could not be what is called the Sacred War, for that
was fought before the Medes and the great king came
to Greece. And not far from this is a Zeus, which (as
the inscription on it shews) was a votive offering of Psophidius
after success in war. And on the right of the temple
of great Zeus towards the east is a statue of Zeus 12 feet
high, the votive offering it is said of the Lacedæmonians,
after they had fought the second time with the Messenians
who had revolted. And there is an elegiac couplet inscribed
on it.
“Receive Olympian Zeus, Cronus’ great son, this noble
statue from the Lacedæmonians with propitious mind.”
Of the Romans we know of none, either plebeian or
patrician, earlier than Mummius who put up a votive offering
in any Greek temple, but he out of the spoils of
Achaia erected a brazen Zeus at Olympia. It stands on
the left of the votive offering of the Lacedæmonians, on the
first pillar of the temple. But the largest of the brazen
statues of Zeus is in Altis, and was a votive offering of the
people of Elis after the war with the Arcadians, it is 27
feet high. And near the temple of Pelops there is a small
statue of Zeus upon a not very lofty pillar, with one
of his hands extended. And opposite it are some votive
offerings in a row, statues of Zeus and Ganymede. The
account of Homer is that Ganymede was carried off by the
gods to be cupbearer to Zeus, and that Tros his father had
some horses given him for his son. And this was a votive
offering of Gnathis the Thessalian, and the work of Aristocles
the pupil and son of Cleœtas. And there is another
Zeus without a beard, among the votive offerings of Micythus.
Who this Micythus was, whence he came, and
why he offered these votive offerings at Olympia, will be
described by me hereafter. And if you go on a little from
the statue I have mentioned, there is straight before you
another statue of Zeus without a beard, the votive offering
of the Elaitæ, who came down from the plain of Caicus to
the sea, and were the first settlers in Æolis. Near this is
another statue of Zeus, and the inscription on it is that
the people of the Chersonese in Cnidus erected it as a
votive offering after a triumph over their enemies. They
erected also on one side of Zeus Pelops, and on the other
the river Alpheus. And most of the city of the Cnidians is
built on the continent of Caria, where they performed most
of their most memorable deeds, and the Chersonese is an
island lying near the continent, and connected with it by
a bridge: and the votive offerings to Olympian Zeus were
dedicated by the dwellers there, just as the Ephesians
dwelling at Coressus could say that their votive offering
was a gift of the Ephesians generally. There is also near
the wall of Altis a statue of Zeus facing west without an
inscription: but tradition says it was erected by Mummius
from the spoils of his war with Achaia. But the
statue of Zeus in the Council Chamber is of all the statues
of Zeus most calculated to frighten wicked men, his Title
is Zeus the God of Oaths, and he has a thunderbolt in
each hand. At this statue it is customary for the athletes,
their fathers and brothers, and also their trainers, to swear
over the entrails of a boar that they will not cheat at the
Olympian games. And the athletes make this further oath
that they have carefully trained for the space of 10 months.
And the umpires also, either of boys or the colts that compete
in the races, swear to give their decisions honestly and
without bribes, and not to reveal the reasons for their
selection of the winners. What they do with the boar
afterwards I forgot to ask, but it was the custom among
all the more ancient sacrificers, that the victim over whom
oaths were taken should not be eaten by anybody: as
Homer’s evidence very plainly shews, for the boar on whose
entrails Agamemnon swore solemnly that Briseis was a
maid as far as he was concerned, was thrown into the sea
by the herald. Witness the following lines:
Such was the ancient use. And before the feet of Zeus
the God of Oaths there is a brazen tablet, on which some
elegiac lines are inscribed, that are meant to inspire fear in
perjurers.
CHAPTER XXV.
Such are the statues of Zeus inside Altis, all of which I
have enumerated. For the statue near the great temple
offered by a Corinthian, is not an offering of the old Corinthians
but of those who rebuilt the city in Cæsar’s time, and
is Alexander the son of Philip to imitate Zeus. I shall
also enumerate all the other statues which are not representations
of Zeus. And the effigies not erected in honour
of the deity, but in honour of men, I shall describe in my
account of the athletes.
The Messenians at the Sicilian Strait, who used to send
to Rhegium, according to old custom, a chorus of 35 boys
and a choir-master and a piper to the national feast, had on
one occasion a terrible disaster, none of those that were
sent were saved, but the vessel that had the boys on board
perished boys and all in the depths of the sea. For the
sea at this strait is a most stormy one: for winds lash it to
fury, and two seas meet, the Sicilian and the Tyrrhenian:
and even when the winds are calm, there is a tremendous
swell in the Strait from the strong ebb and flow. And so
many sea-monsters are there, that the air is tainted with
their scent, so that the shipwrecked mariner has no chance
of getting safe to shore. And if Odysseus had chanced to
be wrecked here, one can never believe that he could have
swum off safe to Italy. But a kind Providence in every
conjuncture brings about some alleviation. And the Messenians
sorrowing at the loss of the boys, besides other
things to honour their memory, placed at Olympia brazen
effigies of them and their choir-master and piper. The old
inscription shewed that these effigies were votive offerings
of the Messenians at the Sicilian Strait: and subsequently
Hippias, who was called by the Greeks the Wise, wrote
some elegiac lines on them. The effigies were by Callon
of Elis.
And there is near the Promontory Pachynus, that faces
towards Libya and the South, the town of Motye, peopled
by Libyans and Phœnicians. And the people of Agrigentum
were at war with the people of Motye, and out of the
spoil and booty they took from them erected as votive
offerings at Olympia some boys in brass, extending their
right hands like people praying to the deity. They are
on the wall at Altis. I conjectured they were by Calamis,
and tradition states the same. The races that inhabit
Sicily are the Sicani and the Siceli and the Phrygians,
some of whom crossed over from Italy, and others came
from the river Scamander and the Troad. And the Phœnicians
and Libyans sailed to the island with a joint fleet,
as a colony of the Carthaginians. Such are the barbarous
races in Sicily. And of Greeks the Dorians and Ionians
dwell in it, and a few Phocians and Athenians.
And on the same wall are votive offerings from Agrigentum,
two statues of boyish Hercules naked. The Hercules
shooting at the Nemean lion is the votive offering
of the Tarentine Hippotion, and the design of the Mænalian
Nicodamus. The other is the votive offering of the Mendæan
Anaxippus, and was brought here by the people of
Elis: it used to be at the end of the road leading from
Elis to Olympia, called the Sacred Road. There are also
statues, from the Achæan race in common, of those who,
when Hector challenged a single Greek to single combat,
drew lots who it should be. They are near the great temple
armed with spears and shields. And right opposite on
another basement is Nestor throwing the lots into his
helmet. And the number of those that drew lots for the
single combat with Hector are 8, for the 9th, which was
Odysseus, they say Nero carried to Rome, and of the 8 Agamemnon
only has his name inscribed, and it is written from
right to left. And the one with the device of a cock on
the shield is Idomeneus, the descendant of Minos and Pasiphae
the daughter of the Sun. And the cock they say is
sacred to the Sun and heralds his approach. The inscription
on the basement is,
“To Zeus the Achæans, descendants of the divine Pelops
the son of Tantalus, erected these votive offerings.”
And the name of the artificer is inscribed on the shield
of Idomeneus,
“This and many besides are the work of the skilful
Onatas, the son of Micon of Ægina.”
And not far from the votive offering of the Achæans is
Hercules fighting with an Amazon on horseback for her
belt. This is the votive offering of Evagoras of Zancle,
and the design of Aristocles of Cydonia. Aristocles may
be reckoned amongst the very ancient sculptors, for though
one cannot state his period exactly, it is manifest that he
lived before the change from the old name Zancle to its
present one of Messene.
The Thasians also (who were Phœnicians originally, and
sailed from Tyre and other parts of Phœnice to Europe
with Thasus the son of Agenor), made a votive offering of
Hercules at Olympia, the base as well as the statue of
brass. The height of the statue is 10 cubits, in the right
hand he holds his club, and in the left his bow. And I
heard in Thasos that they worshipped the same Hercules
as the Tyrians worship, but afterwards, when they
became naturalized as Greeks, they worshipped Hercules
the son of Amphitryon. And the votive offering of the
Thasians at Olympia has the following elegiac couplet
attached to it,
“Onatas the son of Micon made me, a dweller at Ægina.”
This Æginetan Onatas we should regard in the statuary
art as second to none since Dædalus and the Attic school.
CHAPTER XXVI.
The Dorian Messenians also, who received Naupactus
from the Athenians, erected at Olympia a Victory on
a pillar, the design of the Mendæan Pæonius, and made
from spoils taken from the enemy, I imagine, when they
fought with the Acarnanians and Œniadæ. But the Messenians
themselves say that this Victory was erected for
their share with the Athenians in the action at Sphacteria,
and that they did not insert the name of the enemy from
fear of the Lacedæmonians, and they could have had no fear
of the Œniadæ and Acarnanians.
I found also many votive offerings of Micythus scattered
about, and three of them together, next to the statue
of Iphitus of Elis and Truce crowning him, viz. Amphitrite
and Poseidon and Vesta, by the Argive Glaucus.
And near the left side of the great temple he placed Proserpine
the daughter of Demeter, and Aphrodite, and Ganymede,
and Artemis, and of the poets Homer and Hesiod,
and of the gods again Æsculapius and Hygiea. And among
the votive offerings of Micythus is Agon with the dumb
bells. These dumb bells are fashioned as follows. They
are semicircular in shape though not a perfect semi-circle,
and are so constructed that the fingers can pass through,
as they do through the handles of a shield. And next the
statue of Agon is Dionysus, and the Thracian Orpheus, and
the statue of Zeus which I mentioned a little above. These
are works of art of the Argive Dionysius. Others besides
they say were given by Micythus, but were removed by
Nero. And the Argives Dionysius and Glaucus had no
master in their craft that we know of, but the period
when they flourished is shewn by the fact that Micythus
placed their works of art at Olympia. For Herodotus informs
us in his history that this Micythus was the slave of
Anaxilas the king at Rhegium, and was afterwards his
treasurer, and after his death went to Tegea. And the
inscriptions on these votive offerings make Micythus the son
of Chœrus, and the Greek colony of Rhegium, or Messene
near the Strait, his native place. But they do not mention
his ever living at Tegea, and these votive offerings at
Olympia were the fulfilment of a vow for the recovery of
his son, who was wasting away in a consumption.
And near the larger votive offerings of Micythus, the
work of the Argive Glaucus, is a statue of Athene with a
helmet on her head and her Ægis. This was made by
Nicodamus the Mænalian, and is a votive offering of the
people of Elis. And next to Athene is a statue of Victory,
an offering of the Mantineans, for what war is not
specified in the inscription. And it is said to be an imitation
by Calamis of the wooden statue at Athens of Wingless
Victory. And near the smaller votive offerings of
Micythus made by Dionysius are the Labours of Hercules
with the Nemean lion, and the hydra, and Cerberus, and the
Erymanthian boar. They were brought to Olympia by
the men of Heraclea, who overran the territory of the
neighbouring barbarians the Mariandyni. Heraclea is a
town near the Euxine, and was colonized by the Megarians.
The Bœotians of Tanagra also had a share in the colony.
CHAPTER XXVII.
And opposite those I have mentioned are other votive
offerings in a row, facing the South, and very near the
enclosure sacred to Pelops. Among them are the votive
offerings of Mænalian Phormis, who crossed over from
Mænalus to Sicily to Gelon the son of Dinomenes, and in
the army of Gelon, and afterwards in the army of Gelon’s
brother Hiero, displayed great valour, and advanced to
such a pitch of fortune that he offered these votive offerings
at Olympia, and also some others to Apollo at Delphi.
His offerings at Olympia are two horses and two charioteers,
a charioteer by each horse. The first horse and groom is by
Dionysius the Argive, the second by the Æginetan Simo.
And the first has the following inscription on the side, the
first line not in metre,
“Phormis the Arcadian from Mænalus, now a Syracusan,
offered me.”
This is the horse about which the people of Elis have a
tradition on the power of lust in horses. It is evident that
several remarkable properties of this horse come from the
cunning of a magician. In size and beauty it is inferior
to many to be seen in Altis: it has also the tail knocked
off, which makes it more unsightly still. Nevertheless
stallions not only in spring but all the year round are
madly in lust after it. For they rush into Altis, breaking
their reins or escaping from their drivers, and endeavour
to mount this horse, with far greater impetuosity than
they exhibit to the handsomest mare alive whom they had
been accustomed to mount. And though their hoofs slip
on the polished basement they do not cease to neigh
fiercely, and try to mount this horse with frantic energy,
till by whips or sheer strength they get pulled off. There
is no other way of getting them away from this brazen
horse.[75] I have seen in Lydia a different kind of marvel to
this horse of Phormis, but equally the cunning work of a
magician. Among the Lydians called Persici there are
temples at Hierocæsarea and Hypæpa, and in each of these
temples there is a chamber in which are ashes on an altar,
not like other ashes in appearance. And a magician enters
into this chamber, and, after placing dry wood upon the
altar, first of all places a tiara on his head, and then calls on
the gods in a foreign tongue not understood by the Greeks.
And this he chants from a book, and the wood gets lighted
evidently without fire and a bright blaze shines forth from
it. Let this digression suffice.
And among these votive offerings is Phormis himself
contending with an enemy, and fighting with a second
and even a third. And there is an inscription stating that
the soldier fighting is Mænalian Phormis, and that it is a
votive offering of the Syracusan Lycortas, who plainly
offered it out of affection to Phormis. The Greeks however
call these votive offerings of Lycortas the votive offerings of
Phormis. And the Hermes with a ram under his arm, and
a helmet on his head, and a tunic and cloak on, is not one of
the votive offerings of Phormis, but was offered to the god
by the Arcadians of Pheneos. And the inscription states
that Onatas the Æginetan jointly designed it with Calliteles,
who must I think have been the pupil or son of
Onatas. And not far from the votive offering of the people
of Pheneos is another statue of Hermes with his herald’s
wand, and the inscription on it states that it was the votive
offering of Glaucias of Rhegium, and the work of Callon
of Elis. And there are two brazen bulls, one the votive
offering of the people of Corcyra, the other of the Eretrienses,
both by Philesius of Eretria. Why the Corcyræans
offered one bull at Olympia and another at Delphi, I
shall relate in my account of the Phocians. And about
the votive offering at Olympia I have heard the following
circumstance. A little boy sitting down under this
bull had stooped down and was playing, and suddenly lifting
up his head dashed it against the brass, and not many
days afterwards died from the blow. The people of Elis
wanted to remove the bull from Altis as being blood guilty,
but the god at Delphi ordered the same expiatory sacrifices
for the bull as the Greeks ordain for involuntary homicide.
There is under the plane-trees at Altis in the middle of
the grove a brazen trophy, and an inscription on the shield
of the trophy, stating that the people of Elis offered it out of
spoils of the Lacedæmonians. This was the battle in which
the man lost his life who was found in his armour in my
day, when the roof of the temple of Hera was being repaired.
The votive offering of the Mendæans in Thrace very nearly
deceived me to think that it was the effigy of a competitor
for the pentathlum. It is near Anauchidas of Elis, and
has ancient dumb-bells. And the following elegiac couplet
is written on the thigh,
“To Zeus, the king of the Gods, the Mendæans put me
here as firstfruits, after taking Sipte by storm.”
It seems that Sipte is a Thracian fort and city, and the
Mendæans are a Greek race from Ionia, and live a little
inland from the sea, at the town of Ænus.
FOOTNOTES:
[67] Reading ταύτῃ τῇ Σαμία, (altered into Σαμικῷductu literarum).
[75] On this curious story see Bayle on Hippomanes.
BOOK VI.—ELIS. PART II. — CHAPTER I.
Next to my account of the votive offerings comes naturally
mention of the horses that contended, and of the
athletes, and of amateurs also. There are not statues of all
the conquerors at Olympia, for even some who displayed
great prowess in the contests, or elsewhere, have yet not
obtained statues. These my subject bids me to pass over,
for it is not a catalogue of all the athletes that were
victors at Olympia, but an account of the statues and other
votive offerings. Neither shall I mention all the statues,
as I well know some who won the crown of wild olive
from unexpected good fortune rather than their own exertions.
I shall therefore merely mention those who had
more renown or finer statues than others.
On the right of the temple of Hera is a statue of the
wrestler Symmachus, the son of Æschylus, a native of Elis.
And near him, from Pheneos in Arcadia, is Neolaidas the
son of Proxenus, who carried off the prize for boxing among
the boys, and next Archedamus the son of Xenius, also a
native of Elis, who beat all the boys in wrestling. These
statues were made by Alypus the Sicyonian, the pupil of
Naucydes the Argive. And the inscription on the statue
of Cleogenes, the son of Silenus, says that he was of the
district, he won the prize with a fast horse from his own stud.
And next Cleogenes are Dinolochus, the son of Pyrrhus,
and Troilus, the son of Alcinous. They too were natives of
Elis, but their victories were not won in the same manner,
for Troilus owed his victory to his perfect pair of horses
and team of colts: partly also to his being umpire: and
he was victor in the 102nd Olympiad. And from thenceforth
there was a law among the people of Elis that the
umpires’ horses should not be admitted to the races.
His statue was by Lysippus. But the mother of Dinolochus
dreamed that she embraced her son after being crowned,
and moved by this dream he trained, and outran the
other lads: and his statue is by Cleon of Sicyon. As
to Cynisca the wife of Archidamus, I have spoken previously
of her family and victories at Olympia, in my
account of the kings of the Lacedæmonians. And near
the statue of Troilus is a basement of stone, and a chariot
and charioteer, and the effigy of Cynisca herself, by Apelles.
There are inscriptions also in reference to her. And next
her are some Lacedæmonians, who were victors in the
horse-races. Anaxander was the first victor proclaimed in
the chariot-race. And the inscription over him states that
his grandfather was crowned earlier in the pentathlum. He
is represented as praying to the god. And Polycles, surnamed
Polychalcus, was victor in the chariot-race with 4
horses abreast, and his effigy has in its right hand a riband.
And by him are two boys, one holding the wheel, the other
asking for the riband. And Polycles was victor with his
horses, as the inscription over him states, in the Pythian
Isthmian and Nemean games.
CHAPTER II.
And the statue of the pancratiast next is by Lysippus.
He carried off the victory as pancratiast from the rest
of the Acarnanians, and was the first of his own countrymen.
Xenarches was his name and he was the son of Philandridas.
And the Lacedæmonians, after the invasion
of the Medes, turned their attention more than any other
Greeks to breeding horses. For besides those that I have
already mentioned, there are statues of several other Spartan
horse-breeders, next to the effigy of the Acarnanian
athlete, as Xenarches, and Lycinus, and Arcesilaus, and
Lichas his son. Xenarches also had further victories at
Delphi and Argos and Corinth. And Lycinus brought colts
to Olympia, and as one of them was rejected, he used his
colts in the race of full-grown horses and won the prize.
And he set up two statues at Olympia, by the Athenian
Myro. And Arcesilaus and his son Lichas had two victories
at Olympia, and Lichas, as the Lacedæmonians were
at that time excluded from the games, entered himself for
the chariot-race as a Theban, and bound the victorious
charioteer with a riband. For this the Umpires scourged
him. And it was on account of this Lichas that the Lacedæmonians
under Agis invaded Elis, when the fight took
place at Altis. And at the end of the war Lichas erected
his statue here, but the records of the people of Elis about
the victors at Olympia say that the Theban people, not
Lichas, won the victory.
And near Lichas is the seer of Elis, Thrasybulus, the
son of Æneas of the family of the Iamidæ, who practised
divination for the Mantineans against the Lacedæmonians
under Agis the son of King Eudamidas, I shall enter into the
circumstances more fully in my account about the Arcadians.
And on the effigy of Thrasybulus there is a spotted
lizard creeping on his right shoulder, and a dog lies near
him cut in half as a victim and shewing its liver. Divination
by kids and lambs and calves is clearly an old
practice among mankind, the Cyprians seem also to have
added divination by swine. But no nations are accustomed
to practise divination by dogs. Therefore it was
apparently a peculiarity of Thrasybulus to introduce this
kind of divination. And the seers called the Iamidæ were
descendants of Iamus, who, as Pindar tells us in one of his
Odes, was the son of Apollo, and learnt his divination from
him.
And close to the effigy of Thrasybulus is one of Timosthenes,
a native of Elis, who won the prize for boys in the
course, and one of the Milesian Antipater, the son of Clinopater,
who beat all the boys in boxing. And some Syracusans,
who offered sacrifices at Olympia on behalf of
Dionysius, bribed the father of Antipater to let his son be
declared a Syracusan. But Antipater, despising the tyrant’s
bribe, declared himself a Milesian, and inscribed on his
effigy that he was a Milesian, and the first Ionian that
had had his effigy at Olympia. It was by Polycletus, and
Timosthenes’ was by Eutychides of Sicyon, a pupil of
Lysippus. This Eutychides made a statue of Fortune for
the Syrians by the Orontes, which is greatly honoured by
the people of that district.
And in Altis near the effigy of Timosthenes are statues
of Timon and his son Æsypus, the lad on horseback. For
he won the prize on his racer, while Timon was proclaimed
victor in the chariot race. These statues were
made by Dædalus of Sicyon, who also erected a trophy for
the people of Elis, after their victory over the Laconians at
Altis. And the inscription over the Samian boxer states
that Myco was his trainer, and that the Samians are the
best of the Ionians both as athletes and naval heroes, but
gives no information about the particular boxer.
And next is the statue of the Messenian Damiscus, who
was victor at Olympia when he was only 12. It is a very remarkable
coincidence, that, when the Messenians were
exiles from the Peloponnese, their luck at Olympia also
failed. For except Leontiscus and Symmachus, who were
Sicilian Messenians from the Strait, no Messenian either
from Sicily or Naupactus was victor at Olympia, and
the Sicilians say they were not Messenians but old inhabitants
of Zancle. However when the Messenians returned
to the Peloponnese, their luck also at Olympia returned.
For in the year after the restoration to Messene,
when the people of Elis celebrated the Olympian games,
this Damiscus won the prize from all the boys in the course,
and afterwards won victories both at Nemea and at the
Isthmus in the pentathlum.
CHAPTER III.
Next to Damiscus is the statue of a man whose name
is not recorded, the votive offering of Ptolemy the
son of Lagus. Ptolemy calls himself a Macedonian in the
inscription, though he was king of Egypt. There is an inscription
also over Chæreas of Sicyon a boy-boxer, stating
that his father was Chæremon, and that though young he
was victor. The inscription also states that the statue
was by Asterion, the son of Æschylus. And next to
Chæreas there are statues of the Messenian boy Sophius,
and of Stomius a man of Elis, Sophius outran all the boys,
and Stomius won one victory in the pentathlum at
Olympia, and three at Nemea. And the inscription on
Stomius records further that as leader of the cavalry of
the people of Elis he won a victory, and killed the commander
of the enemy, who had challenged him to single
combat. And the people of Elis say that he came from
Sicyon and was ruler of the Sicyonians, and that they
themselves went on an expedition against Sicyon in friendship
to the Thebans together with a force from Bœotia.
It would appear therefore that an expedition against
Sicyon must have set out from Elis and Thebes after the
reverse of the Lacedæmonians at Leuctra.
Next is the statue of the boxer Labax, the son of Euphron,
who was a native of Lepreus in Elis, and also one of the
wrestlers from Elis, Aristodemus the son of Thrasis, who
had two victories in the Pythian games. And the effigy of
Aristodemus is by Dædalus the Sicyonian, who was the
pupil and son of Patrocles. And the statue of Hippos of
Elis, who beat all the boys in boxing, was by Democritus
of Sicyon, who learnt his art from the Athenian Critias
through 4 intermediate teachers. For Critias was the
tutor of the Corcyræan Ptolichus, and Amphion was the
pupil of Ptolichus, and Piso of Calauria was the pupil of
Amphion, and Democritus was the pupil of Piso. And
Cratinus from Ægira in Achaia was the most handsome of
all his contemporaries, and the greatest wrestler. And as
none of the boys could stand before him in wrestling he
was appointed by the people of Elis as teacher of the boys.
And his statue was by the Sicyonian Cantharus, whose
father was Alexis, and teacher Eutychides.
And the effigy of Eupolemus of Elis was by the Sicyonian
Dædalus, and the inscription informs us about him
that he was victor at Olympia over men in the course, he
also won two crowns at the Pythian games in the pentathlum,
and one crown at the Nemean games. It is further
recorded about Eupolemus that of the three umpires in the
race two adjudged the prize to him, and the third to the
Ambraciote Leo, and that Leo at the Council of Olympia
subsequently got indemnity from both the umpires who had
adjudged the prize to Eupolemus.
And the statue of Œbotas was set up by the Achæans in
the 80th Olympiad in accordance with the oracle at Delphi.
He had been victor in the course in the sixth Olympiad.
How then could he have fought with the Greeks at Platæa?
For it was not till the 75th Olympiad that Mardonius and
the Medes met with the reverse at Platæa. I am bound
to record the traditions of the Greeks, but I need not believe
all of them. All else that happened to Œbotas shall
be told in my account of Achaia.
And the statue of Antiochus was made by Nicodemus.
Antiochus was a native of Lepreus, and won the prize at
Olympia for the pentathlum for men once, and twice in the
Pythian games, twice also at Nemea. For the Isthmians
were not frightened by the people of Lepreus as they were
by the people of Elis, for Hysmon of Elis, whose statue is
next to Antiochus, being an athlete, and having won the
prize for the pentathlum once at Olympia and once at
Nemea, was plainly prevented, like all other people of Elis,
from trying his fortune at the Isthmian games. It is also
recorded of Hysmon that when he was a boy he had a discharge,
and that was why he trained for the pentathlum,
that he might become stronger in constitution, and free
from disease. And this training was destined to get for
him many notable victories. His statue is by Cleon, and
he has in his hands some old-fashioned dumb bells. And
next to Hysmon is the statue of a wrestling boy from
Heræa in Arcadia, Nicostratus the son of Xenoclidas. It
is by Pantias, who by six intermediate links was a pupil
of Aristocles the Sicyonian.
And Dicon the son of Callibrotus won five races in the
Pythian games, and three in the Isthmian, and four at
Nemea, and at Olympia one for boys, two for men. And
he has as many statues as he won victories at Olympia.
He was a native of Caulonia, and so proclaimed as a boy,
though afterwards for money he proclaimed himself a
Syracusan. Now Caulonia is a colony of Achæans in Italy,
its founder was Typhon of Ægium. And when Pyrrhus
the son of Æacus and the Tarentines were at war with
the Romans, and several cities in Italy were destroyed,
some by the Romans, some by the people of Epirus, Caulonia
was laid waste, after being captured by the Campanians,
who were the chief allies of the Romans.
Next to Dicon is a statue of Xenophon, the son of Menephylus,
the pancratiast from Ægium in Achaia, also one
of Pyrilampes the Ephesian, who obtained the victory in
the long course. Xenophon’s statue is by Olympus, Pyrilampes’
by a sculptor of the same name, not a Sicyonian,
but from Messene near Ithome.
The Samians also erected a statue at Olympia to the
Spartan Lysander the son of Aristocritus. And the first
of the inscriptions is,
“In the conspicuous precincts of almighty Zeus I stand,
the votive offering of all the Samians.”
This informs us who erected the statue. And the second
inscription is a panegyric on Lysander,
“Immortal fame, Lysander, on your country and Aristocritus
did you confer by your splendid merit.”
Manifest is it therefore that the Samians and other
Ionians, according to the Ionian proverb, whitewashed two
walls.[76] For when Alcibiades had a strong Athenian fleet
in the neighbourhood of Ionia, most of the Ionians paid
their court to him, and there is a brazen bust of Alcibiades
in the temple of Hera among the Samians. But when the
Athenian fleet was taken at Ægos-potamoi, then the
Samians erected this statue of Lysander at Olympia, and
the Ephesians placed in the temple of Artemis statues of
Lysander himself, and Eteonicus, and Pharax, and other
Spartans of no great renown in Greece. And when fortune
veered round again, and Conon won the sea-fight off
Cnidus and Mount Dorium, then the Ionians changed sides
again, and you may see a brazen statue of Conon and
Timotheus at Samos in the temple of Hera, and likewise
at Ephesus in the temple of Artemis. This has been the
case in all ages, for all men, like these Ionians, pay court
to the strongest.
CHAPTER IV.
And next to Lysander is the effigy of an Ephesian boxer,
whose name was Athenæus, and who beat all the boys
that contended with him, and next him is the Sicyonian
pancratiast Sostratus, whose surname was Acrochersites,
because he laid hold of his adversary’s fingers and tried to
break them, and would not let go till he saw that he was
going to give in. And he had 12 victories at Nemea and
Isthmus both together, and in the Pythian games two, at
Olympia three. The 104th Olympiad, in which this Sostratus
was victor for the first time, the people of Elis do
not record, because the games in that Olympiad were not
instituted by them but by the Pisæans and Arcadians. And
next to Sostratus is the wrestler Leontiscus, a Sicilian
from Messene by the Strait. And he is said to have been
crowned by the Amphictyonians, and twice by the people
of Elis, and his wrestling is said to have been somewhat
similar to that of Sostratus of Sicyon in the pancratium,
for he was not an adept at wrestling his antagonists down,
but he used to beat them by trying to break their fingers.
And his statue was by Pythagoras of Rhegium, an excellent
sculptor if ever there was one. And he learnt his
art they say from Clearchus who was also a native of
Rhegium, and a pupil of Euchirus. This Euchirus was a
Corinthian, and pupil of Syadra and Charta, who were both
Spartans.
And the boy with a fillet on his head must not be omitted
by me, on Phidias’ account and his fame as a statuary, for
otherwise we don’t know who it is a statue of. And there
is a statue of Satyrus of Elis, the son of Lysianax, of the
family of the Iamidæ, who five times won the prize for
boxing at Nemea, and twice at Olympia, and twice at the
Pythian games. This statue is by the Athenian Silanion.
And another Athenian statuary Polycles, the pupil of the
Athenian Stadieus, has made a statue of the Ephesian pancratiast,
Amyntas the son of Hellanicus.
And Chilon the Achæan of Patræ had two victories at
Olympia in wrestling among men, and one at Delphi, and
4 at Isthmus, and 3 at Nemea. And he had a public funeral
from the Achæans, as he was killed in war. The inscription
at Olympia bears me out.
“I won the prize from men in wrestling twice in the
Pythian and Olympian games, three times at Nemea, four
times at the Isthmus near the sea, I Chilon of Patræ the
son of Chilon, whom the Achæans gave a public funeral to
for his valour as he was killed in war.”
Such is what the inscription records. And if one conjectures
from the age of Lysippus, who made the effigy, one
must infer that the war in which Chilon fell was either
at Chæronea when he fought in company with all the
Achæans, or that he alone boldly volunteered to fight at
Lamia in Thessaly against Antipater and the Macedonians.
And next to that of Chilon are two statues: one of Molpion,
who the inscription states was crowned by the people
of Elis, and the other, which has no inscription, is they say
Aristotle of Stagira in Thrace, and it was erected to
him by some pupil or soldier, as he was greatly honoured
by Antipater and earlier still by Alexander. And Sodamas
from Assus in the Troas, near Mount Ida, was the
first Æolian that won the prize for boys in the course at
Olympia. And next to Sodamas is a statue of Archidamus,
the son of Agesilaus, king of the Lacedæmonians. Before
the reign of this Archidamus I cannot find that the Lacedæmonians
erected a statue of anyone beyond their own
borders. But they sent I think a statue of Archidamus to
Olympia, not only on other accounts but also because of his
death, for he died fighting against the barbarians, and was
the only one of the Spartan kings that lacked sepulture. I
have narrated the particulars at full length in my account
of Sparta. And Euanthes of Cyzicus had prizes for boxing,
one at Olympia as a man, and at Nemea and the Isthmian
games as a boy. And next to Euanthes is a horse-trainer
and a chariot, and a girl mounting the chariot. The man’s
name is Lampus, and his native town was the most recent
of the Macedonian towns, and got its name from its founder
Philip the son of Amyntas. And the effigy of Cyniscus, the
boy boxer from Mantinea, was by Polycletus. And Ergoteles
the son of Philanor, who carried off two victories at
Olympia in the long course, and as many at the Pythian
Isthmian and Nemean games, was not originally a native
of Himera, as the inscription states, but is said to have been
a Cretan from Gnossus: and being banished from thence
in some faction he went to Himera, and obtained citizenship
there, and had other honours. This is the probable
explanation of his being proclaimed in the games as a native
of Himera.
CHAPTER V.
The statue which stands on a lofty pedestal is by Lysippus.
It is the statue of Polydamas, the son of Nicias,
the largest man of our times. There may have been larger
men, but only the heroes or some mortal race of giants
earlier than the heroes. Scotusa, which was the native
place of Polydamas, is not inhabited in our day, for Alexander
the king of the Pheræans took it in time of peace, for
when the people of Scotusa were all gathered together in
the theatre, for they held their meetings there at that period,
he surrounded it with targeteers and archers and shot them
all, and slew all besides that were in their prime, and sold
the women and children, and with the proceeds kept up a
mercenary army. This disaster happened to the people of
Scotusa when Phrasiclides was Archon at Athens, in the
102nd Olympiad, in the second year of which Damon of
Thuria was victor for the second time. And those that
escaped of the people of Scotusa were few, and even they
were reduced still further and left the town, when Providence
brought a second reverse upon all the Greeks in the
war with the Macedonians. In the pancratium several had
notable victories, but Polydamas beside his crowns for the
pancratium had further renown for the following remarkable
exploits. The mountainous part of Thrace, inside the
river Nestus that flows through the territory of the people
of Abdera, rears several wild beasts and among them lions,
who on one occasion attacked the army of Xerxes, and made
havoc of the camels that carried the corn. These lions also
frequently prowled about the country in the neighbourhood
of Mount Olympus, one side of which mountain faces Macedonia,
another Thessaly and the river Peneus. Polydamas
unarmed slew a large and stout lion on Mount Olympus:
moved to this exploit from a desire to emulate the actions of
Hercules, who as the tradition goes vanquished the Nemean
lion. Another memorable feat of Polydamas is on record.
He approached a herd of cattle, and seized the strongest
and wildest bull by one of its hind feet, and held on fast by
its hoofs, and would not let it go though it kicked and
struggled, till at last the bull exerting all its strength got
away from him, and left its hoofs in his hands. It is also
recorded of him that he stopped a chariot which the driver
was urging on at full speed, by laying hold of it behind
with one hand, and thus stopped both horses and charioteer.
And Darius, the illegitimate son of Artaxerxes, (who
with the help of the Persian commonalty had deposed Sogdius,
Artaxerxes’ legitimate son, and usurped his kingdom),
when he became king sent messengers, for he had heard of
the exploits of Polydamas, and by promising rewards attracted
him to his court at Susa. And there he slew in
single combat three of the Persians called Immortals who
had challenged him. And some of the exploits which I
have mentioned are recorded on the base of his statue at
Olympia, others in the inscription. But eventually the prophetic
utterance of Homer about trusting too much in one’s
strength proved true of Polydamas, for he too was destined
to perish through too great confidence in his strength.[77] On
one occasion with several boon companions he entered a
cave in summer time, and somehow or other by some
malign fortune the top of the cave cracked, and was evidently
going to fall in in no long time. And when they perceived
the impending disaster all his companions fled, but
Polydamas determined to remain, and stretched out his
hands in the intention of holding up this mass of rock and
not being buried under it, but he was crushed to death.
CHAPTER VI.
And next to the statue of Polydamas are two Arcadian
athletes, and one Athenian one. The first is the Mantinean
Protolaus, the son of Dialces, who beat all the boys
in boxing, by Pythagoras of Rhegium, the second is Narycidas,
the son of Damaretus, a wrestler from Phigalia, by
the Sicyonian Dædalus, and the third is Callias, the Athenian
pancratiast, by the Athenian painter Micon. And there
is a statue, by Nicodamus of Mænalus, of the pancratiast
from Mænalus, Androsthenes the son of Lochæus, who
carried off two victories from men. And next to these is
the statue of Eucles the son of Callianax, a Rhodian by
birth and of the family of the Diagoridæ, (for Diagoras
was his maternal grandfather), who won the prize for
boxing among men at Olympia. His statue is by Naucydes.
And Polycletus the Argive, a pupil of Naucydes,
(not the Polycletus who made the statue of Hera), has
made the statue of a boy-wrestler, the Theban Agenor. It
was made at the expense of the Phocians, to whom Theopompus
the father of Agenor had been friendly. And
Nicodamus, the statuary from Mænalus, made a statue of
Damoxenidas, the man-boxer from Mænalus. There is also
an effigy of Lastratidas the boy of Elis, who won the crown
for wrestling, and also a victory at Nemea among boys and
beardless youths. And Paraballon the father of Lastratidas
won the prize in the double course, and excited the emulation
of posterity, by writing up the names of the victors at
Olympia in the gymnasium at Olympia.
So far for these last mentioned: but I must not omit
Euthymus the boxer, or his victories and other feats. He
was an Italian from Locri near the promontory of Zephyrium,
and his father’s name was Astycles. But the natives
of that country say that he was not the son of Astycles but
of the River Cæcinus, which is the boundary between the
districts of Locri and Rhegium, and has a peculiarity in
respect to grasshoppers. For the grasshoppers in Locri
up to the river Cæcinus sing just as other grasshoppers, but
after you cross the Cæcinus they cease to sing in the district
of Rhegium. Euthymus then is said to be the son of
this River, and he won a boxing prize at Olympia in the
74th Olympiad, but was not equally successful in the following
Olympiad. For Theagenes from Thasos, wishing to
win in the same Olympiad prizes both for boxing and
the pancratium, outboxed Euthymus. Theagenes however
could not receive the wild olive crown for the pancratium,
as in the contest with Euthymus he was exhausted first.
Moreover the umpires fined Theagenes a talent as a fine to
the god, and a talent for the injury done to Euthymus, for
they thought he insulted him in the boxing-match, therefore
they ordered him also to pay privately money to
Euthymus. And in the 76th Olympiad Theagenes paid his
fine to the god, and in his vexation would not again contend
as a boxer: but Euthymus received the crown for boxing
both in that and the next Olympiad. And his statue is
by Pythagoras and is especially fine. And on his return
to Italy he fought against a Hero. The particulars are
as follows. When Odysseus was on his travels after the
capture of Ilium they say he was driven by the winds to
several towns in Italy and Sicily, and among others to
Temesa; there they say one of his sailors in drink violated
a maiden, and for this outrage was stoned to death by the
inhabitants. Thereupon Odysseus not troubling himself
about his death sailed off, but the ghost of the man that
had been stoned relentlessly continued to slay indiscriminately
the people of Temesa, pursuing all ages alike, till
the Pythian Priestess, when they intended to make a
wholesale flitting from Italy, forbade them to leave Temesa,
and bade them propitiate the Hero, by building him a
temple in a grove set apart for that purpose, and annually
giving him as wife the handsomest girl in Temesa. As
they obeyed the orders of the oracle they had no further
trouble with the ghost. But Euthymus happened to arrive
at Temesa at the time when this annual offering to the
ghost was being made, and inquired into the matter,
and had a strong desire to enter the temple and behold
the maiden. And when he saw her, he was first moved
with pity and then with love. And she swore that she
would marry him if he saved her, and Euthymus armed
himself and awaited the approach of the ghost. In the
fight that ensued he was victor, and the Hero left the
country, dived into the sea and was never seen again, and
the men of that region had henceforth no more trouble
from him, and the marriage of Euthymus was celebrated
with much pomp. I have also heard that Euthymus lived
to advanced old age, and did not die, but left mankind
some other way. I have also heard that Temesa is inhabited
still, my informant was a merchant that sails in
those parts. I also have seen a painting, which is an imitation
of an older painting. In it is the young man Sybaris,
and the river Calabrus, and the well Lyca, and a hero-chapel,
and the town of Temesa. There too is the ghost whom
Euthymus expelled, dreadfully swarthy and most formidable
in all his appearance, and dressed in a wolfskin. And
the letters in the painting give his name, Lycas. So much
for this legend.
CHAPTER VII.
And next to the statue of Euthymus is that of Pytharchus
of Mantinea, a runner in the course, and Charmides
a boxer of Elis, both of whom received prizes as
boys. And when you have seen these you will come to the
statues of the Rhodian athletes, Diagoras and his family.
They are all together in the following order, Acusilaus with
the prize for boxing among men, and Dorieus, the youngest,
who won three prizes in succession at Olympia in the
pancratium. Before Dorieus Damagetus, who comes next,
had won the prize against all comers in the pancratium.
Next to his 3 sons comes the statue of Diagoras, who won
a victory among men in boxing. And the statue of Diagoras
is by the Megarian Callicles, the son of that Theocosmus
who made the statue of Zeus at Megara. The sons
also of Diagoras’ daughters practised as boxers and won
prizes at Olympia, among the men Eucles the son of Callianax
and Callipatira (the daughter of Diagoras), and
among the boys Pisirodus, whose mother dressed him up
like a man and brought him to the Olympian games, herself
disguised as a trainer. This Pisirodus also has a statue
in Altis near his maternal grandfather. Diagoras they say
also came to Olympia with his sons Acusilaus and Damagetus.
And the young men being victorious at the festival
bore their father on their shoulders, who was pelted by the
Greeks with flowers and congratulated on his sons. On
the female side Diagoras was a Messenian by extraction,
as he was descended from the daughter of Aristomenes.
And Dorieus the son of Diagoras, besides his victories at
Olympia, had 8 victories in the Isthmian games, and seven
in the Nemean. It is said that he also won in the Pythian
games without a contest. And he and Pisirodus were
entered in the games as Thurians, because they were driven
from Rhodes by faction and migrated to Thurii. But
Dorieus returned to Rhodes subsequently. And of all men
he manifestly was most devoted to the Lacedæmonian
interests, for he fought against the Athenians with a fleet
he had himself equipped, till he was captured by the
Athenian triremes and taken prisoner to Athens. And the
Athenians before Dorieus was brought before them were
very angry against him and used threats, but when they
came to the popular Assembly and saw there so great and
renowned a man a captive, their intention about him
changed and they let him go, and did no harm to him,
while they might have done so with justice. The circumstances
of the death of Dorieus are told by Androtion in
his history of Attica, viz. that the fleet of the great king
was at Caunus and Conon was the Admiral, and the people
of Rhodes were persuaded by Conon to revolt from the
Lacedæmonians, and join the alliance of the Athenians and
the great king, and that Dorieus was at the time absent
from Rhodes in the interior of the Peloponnese, and was
arrested by the Lacedæmonians and taken to Sparta, and
condemned by the Lacedæmonians for treason and put to
death. And if Androtion’s account be correct, he seems to
be desirous of proving the Lacedæmonians as rash as the
Athenians, for the Athenians are charged with acting rashly
with respect to Thrasyllus and those who fought under him
at Arginusæ. To such a pitch of glory then did Diagoras
and his posterity attain.
Alcænetus, the son of Theantus of Lepreus, and his sons
also had victories at Olympia. Alcænetus himself won
prizes for boxing among the men as previously among the
boys. And Hellanicus and Theantus, the sons of Alcænetus,
were proclaimed winners in the boxing match for
boys, Hellanicus in the 89th Olympiad, and Theantus in
the following Olympiad. All three have statues at Olympia.
And next to the sons of Alcænetus are statues of Gnatho,
the Dipæan from the country about Mænalus, and Lycinus
of Elis: who also had prizes for boxing among the boys at
Olympia. That Gnatho, when he conquered, was exceptionally
young is stated in the inscription, his statue is by
Callicles the Megarian. And Dromeus from Stymphelus
was as his name indicates a runner in the long course, and
had two victories at Olympia, two at the Pythian games,
three at the Isthmus, and five at Nemea. It is said also
that he introduced eating flesh during training: for athletes
in training before him used to eat only a particular kind of
cheese. His statue is by Pythagoras, and the next to it is
that of Pythocles of Elis, who won in the pentathlum, by
Polycletus.
CHAPTER VIII.
Who made the statue of Socrates of Pellene, who won
the race for boys, is not recorded, but the statue of
Amertus of Elis, who defeated in wrestling all the men that
came to the Pythian games, was by Phradmon the Argive.
And Euanoridas of Elis won victories in wrestling among the
boys both at Olympia and at Nemea: and he became an
Umpire and made a list of the victors at Olympia.
As to the boxer Damarchus, a Parrhasian from Arcadia,
I cannot credit, except the victory at Olympia, all the
fictions about him made by boastful people, such as that he
changed from a man into a wolf at the sacrifice of Zeus
Lycæus, and that 10 years afterwards he changed into a
man again. Not that this is the tradition apparently of the
Arcadians about him. Else it would have been inserted in
their inscription at Olympia, which runs as follows.
“Damarchus the son of Dinnytas erected this statue, a
Parrhasian from Arcadia.”
This is all the inscription. But Eubotas of Cyrene, as
he had learnt beforehand from the oracle at Libya that
he would gain the prize in the race at Olympia, had his
statue made first, and on the same day was proclaimed
victor and set up his statue. It is said also that he won
the chariot race in that Olympiad which the people of Elis
do not reckon because the Arcadians instituted the games.
And the statue of Timanthes of Cleonæ, who won the
prize for men in the pancratium, is by the Athenian Myro,
and that of Baucis of Trœzen, who beat all the men in
wrestling, is by Naucydes. The following was they say the
end of Timanthes. When he ceased to be an athlete he continued
none the less to make trial of his strength, every
day bending a huge bow: and he went away from home
for a time, and during that period the use of the bow was
suspended: and when on his return he found himself no
longer strong enough to bend his bow, he lighted his funeral
pyre and put himself alive on it. All actions of this kind
whether in the past or in the future seem to me rather
madness than bravery.
And next to Baucis are some statues of Arcadian athletes,
as Euthymenes of Mænalus, who won prizes among men for
wrestling and still earlier among boys, and Philip the son of
Azan from Pellene, who beat all the boys in boxing, and
Critodamus from Clitor, who was himself also proclaimed
victor in the boys’ boxing match. That of Euthymenes was
by Alypus, that of Critodamus by Cleon, and that of Philip
the son of Azan by Myro. As to Promachus the pancratiast,
the son of Dryon of Pellene, I shall state more about
him in my account of Achaia. And not far from Promachus
is the statue of Timasitheus of Delphi, (by Ageladas
the Argive), who won two victories in the pancratium at
Olympia, and three in the Pythian games. He also exhibited
brilliant bravery in war, and had constant good
fortune till then. For his valour on that occasion cost him
his life. For when Isagoras the Athenian occupied the
Acropolis with the view of making himself master of
Athens, Timasitheus joined him, and was one of those who
were captured, and put to death by the Athenians for his
share in the matter.
CHAPTER IX.
And the statue of Theognetus of Ægina, who was
crowned for wrestling among the boys, is by Ptolichus
of Ægina, the pupil of his father Synnoon, who was himself
the pupil of Aristocles of Sicyon, the brother of Canachus
and as famous as a statuary. But why Theognetus
carries in his hand the fruit of the cultivated pine and
pomegranate I cannot conjecture, perhaps among some of
the Æginetans there is some national legend about him.
And next to the statue of the man who the people of Elis
say was not registered with the rest, because he was
proclaimed victor in the trotting-race,[78] is the statue of
Xenocles of Mænalus, who beat all the boys in wrestling,
and Alcetus the son of Alcinous, who beat all the boys in
boxing, an Arcadian from Clitor. His statue is by Cleon,
and Xenocles’ by Polycletus. And the statue of the Argive
Aristeus, who won the prize in the long course, is by the
Chian Pantias, a pupil of his father Sostratus: and next to
him is the statue of Chimon, the father of Aristeus, who
won the prize for wrestling. His statues are in my opinion
the finest works of art of Naucydes, one is at Olympia, and
the other was carried from Argos to the temple of Peace in
Rome. It is also said that Chimon beat Taurosthenes of
Ægina in wrestling, and that in the following Olympiad
Taurosthenes beat all comers in wrestling, and the same
day an apparition very like Taurosthenes appeared at
Ægina and announced his victory. And the statue of
Philles of Elis, who beat all the boys in wrestling, is by
the Spartan Cratinus. As to the chariot of Gelon, I cannot
agree with the opinion of those who have written
before me, who say that it was a votive offering of Gelon
the tyrant of Syracuse. The inscription says that it was a
votive offering of Gelon of Gela, the son of Dinomenes, who
was a victor in the 73rd Olympiad. But Gelon the tyrant
of Sicily was master of Syracuse when Hybilides was
Archon at Athens, in the second year of the 72nd Olympiad,
in which Tisicrates of Croton won the race in the stadium.
Manifestly therefore he would have been entered for the
race as a Syracusan, and not as a native of Gela. So this
Gelon would be some private person, having merely the
same name as the Tyrant. And Glaucias the Æginetan
made both the chariot and statue of Gelon.
In the Olympiad previous to this they say that Cleomedes
of Astypalæa, boxing with Iccus from Epidaurus,
killed him, and was condemned by the Umpires to be deprived
of his prize, and went out of his mind for grief, and
returned to Astypalæa, and standing in a school when
there were about 60 scholars pulled away the pillar which
supported the roof, and when the roof fell in on the boys
he was pelted with stones by the citizens, and fled for
refuge to the temple of Athene: and getting into a chest
which was lying in the temple, and clapping down the lid,
the people of Astypalæa had immense labour to open the
chest. At last they broke open the woodwork, and found
no Cleomedes either alive or dead, and sent messengers to
Delphi to inquire what had become of him. The Pythian
Priestess they say returned this answer,
“Last of the heroes is Cleomedes of Astypalæa, honour
him with sacrifices as no longer a mortal.”
From that time forward the people of Astypalæa pay
honours to him as a hero.
And next to the chariot of Gelon is the statue of Philo
by the Æginetan Glaucias. On this Philo Simonides, the
son of Leoprepes, wrote the very apt elegiac couplet:
“My country is Corcyra, my name Philo. I am the son
of Glaucus, and have won prizes for boxing in two Olympiads.”
There is also a statue of the Mantinean Agametor, who
beat all the boys in boxing.
CHAPTER X.
And next to those I have mentioned is Glaucus of Carystus,
who they say was originally from Anthedon in
Bœotia, and traced his descent from Glaucus the god of the
sea. He was the son of Demylus, and they say originally
was a husbandman. And once when the ploughshare came
off his plough, he put it on again using his hand instead of a
hammer. And Demylus marvelled at his son’s strength, and
in consequence sent him to Olympia as a boxer. And there
Glaucus, being unpractised in that kind of contest, was
badly handled by his antagonists, and, while boxing with
the last remaining of them, seemed likely to faint away
from his punishment. And they say his father cried out,
My boy, remember the ploughshare. Then he put in a terrible
blow at his antagonist, and won the prize. He is said also
to have been twice crowned at the Pythian games, and
eight times in the Nemean and Isthmian games. The
statue of Glaucus was erected by his son, but was made by
Glaucias the Æginetan. And the statue is in the attitude
of one boxing, for Glaucus was the most clever of all his
contemporaries in the noble Science. And after his death
the people of Carystus say that he was buried in the island
still called Glaucus’ island.
And Damaretus of Heræa, and the son and grandson of
Damaretus, had two victories each at Olympia, Damaretus
in the 65th Olympiad, when first the race in heavy armour
was instituted, and also in the next Olympiad. His statue
has a shield like those in use in our day, and a helmet on
the head, and greaves on the feet. This race in heavy
armour was abandoned eventually by the people of Elis and
all the Greeks. And Theopompus, the son of Damaretus,
and afterwards his grandson of the same name won the
prize in the pentathlum, and the grandson Theopompus
won prizes also for wrestling; who made his statue we do
not know, but the statues of his father and grandfather
were according to the inscription by the Argives Eutelidas
and Chrysothemis. It does not however state from whom
they learnt their art. This is the inscription.
“The Argives Eutelidas and Chrysothemis made these
statues, having learnt their art from former generations.”
And Iccus the son of Nicolaidas the Tarentine won the
prize at Olympia in the pentathlum, and afterwards became
the best trainer of his day. And next to Iccus is the
statue of Pantarces of Elis, who beat all the boys in wrestling,
and was beloved by Phidias. And next to Pantarces
is the chariot of Cleosthenes, a man of Epidamnus, by
Ageladas, behind the Zeus erected by the Greeks after the
battle of Platæa. He conquered in the 66th Olympiad,
and he erected not only his own statue but also that of
his charioteer and horses. And the names inscribed on
the horses are Phœnix and Corax, and of those in the
traces, on the right Cnacias, and on the left Samos. And
there is this elegiac couplet on the chariot:
“Cleosthenes the Pontian from Epidamnus erected me,
after winning the prize with his horses in the noble contest
of Zeus.”
And of all that reared horses among the Greeks this
Cleosthenes was the first that erected his statue at Olympia.
For the votive offering of Euagoras the Lacedæmonian is
only his chariot, and not Euagoras in it: and as to Miltiades
the Athenian, what he erected at Olympia I shall
narrate elsewhere. And the Epidamnians have the same
territory as formerly, but the town in our days is not the
old one, but one at a little distance: and its name is now
Dyrrhachium from its founder.
And there is a statue of Lycinus, the native of Heræa
who won in the race for boys, by Cleon, and of three who
won victories among the boys for boxing, Epicradius of
Mantinea by Ptolichus of Ægina, and Tellon the Oresthasian
by what statuary is not on record, and Agiadas of
Elis by Serambus of Ægina.
CHAPTER XI.
Next to these are votive offerings of the people of Elis,
as Philip the son of Amyntas, and Alexander the son
of Philip, and Seleucus, and Antigonus; the statues of all
but Antigonus are on horseback, he alone is on foot.
And not far from these kings is a statue of Theagenes
of Thasos, the son of Timosthenes. But the Thasians say
that he was not the son of Timosthenes, who was a priest
of Hercules at Thasos, but that Hercules disguised as
Timosthenes had an intrigue with the mother of Theagenes.
And when the lad was nine years of age, and was going
home from school, he fancied they say the brazen statue
of one of the gods in the market-place, and seized it and
put it upon one of his shoulders and took it home. And
the citizens being angry with him for what he had done, a
man of repute and advanced age would not let them kill the
lad, but bade him restore the statue back to its place, and
he did so. And immediately the fame of the lad for
strength spread abroad, and his exploit was talked of all
over Greece. The most notable of his exploits at Olympia
I have already recorded, and how he beat Euthymus in
boxing, and how he was fined by the people of Elis. At
that time Dromeus of Mantinea won the victory in the
pancratium, for the first time on record without a contest.
But he was beaten by Theagenes the Olympiad afterwards
in the pancratium. And Theagenes had three victories
in the Pythian games for boxing, and 9 at Nemea
and 10 at the Isthmus for the pancratium and boxing together.
And at Phthia in Thessaly he neglected boxing
and the pancratium, and endeavoured to become illustrious
among the Greeks in racing, and beat all comers in the
long course. I cannot but think he was desirous of emulating
Achilles, and to win in the race in the country of the
swiftest of heroes. All the crowns he won were as many
as 1400. And when he died, one of his enemies went up
to his statue every night, and scourged the brass as if it
were Theagenes alive he was maltreating. But at last the
statue fell on him and killed him and so stopped his outrage,
but after his death his sons indicted the statue for murder:
and the Thasians threw the statue into the sea, obeying
the code of Draco, who in legislating for the Athenians
banished even inanimate things if they killed anyone by
falling upon him. But in process of time, as the earth
yielded no fruit to the Thasians, they sent envoys to
Delphi, and the god bade them restore from exile those
that had been banished. Some were accordingly recalled
from exile, but the dearth was not removed. They went
therefore a second time to Delphi, saying that, though
they had done what the oracle ordered, yet the wrath of
the gods remained. Then the Pythian Priestess answered.
“Your great Theagenes you have forgotten.”
And when they were quite in despair how to recover the
statue of Theagenes, some fishermen (they say) putting
out to sea for the purpose of catching fish caught the
statue in their net and brought it to land. And the
Thasians restoring it to its original site sacrificed to it as to
a god. And I know that there are statues of Theagenes in
various parts of Greece and among the barbarians also, and
that he is reckoned to cure diseases, and has various
honours from the people of Thasos. His statue in Altis is
by the Æginetan Glaucias.
CHAPTER XII.
And at no great distance is a brazen chariot and a man
in it, and some race-horses are on each side of it, and
boys on the horses. They are memorials of the victories in
the Olympian contests of Hiero the son of Dinomenes, the
tyrant of Syracuse after his brother Gelon. They were not
however sent by Hiero, but Dinomenes the son of Hiero
offered them to the god. The chariot is by Onatas the
Æginetan, and the horses on both sides and the boys on
them are by Calamis.
And next to the chariot of Hiero is Hiero the son of
Hierocles, of the same name as the son of Dinomenes, and
also himself tyrant of Syracuse. This Hiero after the
death of Agathocles, the former tyrant of Syracuse, rose to
the same power in the second year of the 126th Olympiad,
in which Idæus of Cyrene won in the stadium. This Hiero
had friendly relations with Pyrrhus the son of Æacides and
became his kinsman by marriage, Gelon his son marrying
Nereis Pyrrhus’ daughter. And when the Romans fought
with the Carthaginians for the possession of Sicily the
Carthaginians had more than half the island, and on the
commencement of the war Hiero resolved to throw in his
lot with the Carthaginians, but in no long time thinking
the Roman power stronger and likely to be more lasting he
joined them. He was assassinated by Dinomenes, a Syracusan
who had an especial hatred to tyranny, and who
afterwards endeavoured to kill Hippocrates the brother of
Epicydes, who had just come to Syracuse from Erbessus
and was endeavouring to talk over the people. But he
defended himself, and some of his guards came up and cut
Dinomenes to pieces. And the statues of Hiero in Olympia,
one on horseback and the other on foot, were erected by
his sons, and made by the Syracusan Mico the son of
Niceratus.
And next to the statues of Hiero are Areus, the son of
Acrotatus, king of the Lacedæmonians, and Aratus the son
of Clinias, and a second one of Areus on horseback: that of
Aratus is the votive offering of the Corinthians, that of
Areus of the men of Elis. Of both Aratus and Areus I
have given an account earlier in this work. Aratus was
also proclaimed victor at Olympia in the chariot-race. And
Timon, the son of Ægyptus, who entered horses at Olympia,
a native of Elis, has a brazen chariot, and on it a maiden who
I think is Victory. And Callon the son of Harmodius and
Hippomachus the son of Moschion, both of Elis and victors
among boys in the boxing, have statues, Callon’s is by
Daippus, we do not know who designed Hippomachus’,
but they say he wrestled down three antagonists and received
no blow or hurt. And the inscription on the
chariot states that Theochrestus of Cyrene, (who trained
horses according to the national custom of the Libyans),
and his grandfather also of the same name, had victories
with their horses at Olympia, and that the father of Theochrestus
was victorious at the Isthmian games. And that
Agesarchus of Tritæa the son of Hæmostratus beat men in
boxing at the Olympian, Nemean, Pythian and Isthmian
games is stated in an elegiac couplet, which also states untruly,
as I have discovered, that the people of Tritæa are
Arcadians. For of the towns that have attained celebrity
in Arcadia all about their founders is well known, and those
that were obscure from their origin, and lost their population
through their weakness, were absorbed into Megalopolis
by a decree from the commonalty of the Arcadians. Nor can
we find any other Tritæa in Greece but the one in Achaia.
One would infer therefore that the people of Tritæa were
reckoned among the Arcadians, as now some of the Arcadians
are reckoned in Argolis. And the statue of Agesarchus
is by the sons of Polycles, of whom we shall make
mention later on.
CHAPTER XIII.
And the statue of Astylus of Croton is by Pythagoras,
he was victorious at three Olympiads in succession in
the stade and in the double course. But because in the two
latter Olympiads he entered himself as a Syracusan, to ingratiate
himself with Hiero the son of Dinomenes, the
people of Croton voted that his house should be turned into
a public prison, and removed his statue from the temple
of Lacinian Hera.
There is also at Olympia a pillar which recounts the
victories of the Lacedæmonian Chionis. They are simple
who think that Chionis erected this statue himself, and not
the Lacedæmonian public. For granted that there is on the
pillar no mention of a race in heavy armour, how could
Chionis know that the people of Elis would not one day institute
one? They are still more simple who think that
the statue on the pillar is by Chionis, seeing it is by
the Athenian Myro.
Very similar fame to that of Chionis was won by the
Lycian Hermogenes Xanthius, who won the wild olive
crown eight times in three Olympiads, and was nicknamed
Horse by the Greeks. Polites too you would hold in great
admiration. He was from Ceramus in Caria, and manifested
great swiftness of foot at Olympia. For he won the
longest race in the shortest time on record, and on the same
day he won the long race, and the race in the stadium, and
the double race. And on the second day, when they only
allow four chosen by lot to compete in the race and not all
comers, and the victors in each department only contend
for these prizes, Polites was victor again: for the person
who is crowned for the race in the stadium will go off with
two victories. However the most remarkable victories in
the race were won by Leonidas of Rhodes, for in four
Olympiads he was in his prime, and 12 times conqueror
through his swiftness of foot. And not far from the pillar
of Chionis at Olympia is the statue of Scæus the Samian,
the son of Duris, who beat all the boys in boxing, his statue
is by Hippias, and the inscription on it states, that Scæus
was victor when the Samian populace fled from their island,
and the statue was put up when they were restored. And
next to the tyrant is a statue of Diallus the son of Pollis, a
native of Smyrna, and the inscription states that he was the
first Ionian that won the prize in the pancratium for boys.
And the statues of Thersilochus of Corcyra, and Aristion of
Epidaurus, the son of Theophiles, the latter victor in boxing
among men, the former among boys, are by the Argive
Polycletus. And the statue of Bycelus, who was the first
of the Sicyonians to conquer among boys in boxing, is by
the Sicyonian Canachus, who was a pupil of the Argive
Polycletus. And next to Bycelus is the hoplite Mnaseas of
Cyrene, surnamed Libyan, by Pythagoras of Rhegium.
And the inscription on Agemachus of Cyzicus states that
he came to Argos from the mainland of Asia Minor. As
to Naxos in Sicily, which was colonized by some of the
Chalcidians near the Euripus, there are no ruins even of
the town in our day, and that its name has come down to
posterity is mainly due to Tisander the son of Cleocritus.
For 4 times he beat all the men in boxing at Olympia, and
had as many victories in the Pythian games. There was
not at that time any record of the victors in the Corinthian
games, nor did the Argives keep any record of the victors
in the Nemean games.
And the mare of the Corinthian Phidolas, which was
called as the Corinthians inform us Aura, though its rider
fell off at the beginning of the race, yet ran straight and
turned at the goal, and when it heard the sound of the
trumpet ran on all the faster, and beat all the other horses
by the decision of the Umpires, and knew that it had come
in first, and stopped running. And the people of Elis proclaimed
Phidolas victor, and allowed him to set up a statue
of this mare. The sons of Phidolas also won victories on
a race-horse, and a statue of the horse was put on a pillar
with the following inscription.
“Once in the Isthmian games, twice at Olympia, did
Lycus the swift courser win the race, and honour for the
sons of Phidolas.”
However this inscription and the records in Elis of the
victors at Olympia do not tally, for in the 68th Olympiad
only do those records record any victory of the sons of
Phidolas. Let anyone inquire into this further who likes.
And there are statues of Agathinus the son of Thrasybulus,
and Telemachus who was victorious with his horses, the
former was an offering of the Achæans of Pellene. The
Athenian people also set up a statue to Aristophon the
son of Lycinus who beat all the men in the pancratium at
Olympia.
CHAPTER XIV.
And Pherias the Æginetan, whose statue is next the
Athenian Aristophon, was not allowed in the 78th
Olympiad to enter the contest because he appeared very
young, and was not thought fit to compete in the wrestling,
but the following year he was allowed to wrestle among the
boys and won the prize. A different fortune to this of
Pherias was that of Nicasylus the Rhodian at Olympia.
For being 18 he was not allowed to contend with the boys
by the people of Elis, but was entered as a man and won the
prize. He was proclaimed victor also at the Nemean and
Isthmian games. But he died in his 20th year, before he
could return home to Rhodes. But the feat of this Rhodian
wrestler at Olympia was outdone in my opinion by Artemidorus
of Tralles. He was unsuccessful at Olympia
in his endeavour to win the pancratium among the boys,
but the reason of his failure was his excessive youth.
For when the season came for the contest which the
Ionians have at Smyrna his strength had become so great
that he beat on the same day all his antagonists from
Olympia in the pancratium, and all the boys that they call
unbearded, and thirdly all the best of the men. And
they say that he was cheered on by the trainer in the contest
with the boys, but that in the contest with the men he
was reviled by the pancratiast. And Artemidorus won at
Olympia the victory among men in the 212th Olympiad.
And near the statue of Nicasylus is a small brazen horse,
the votive offering of Crocon of Eretria when he won the
victory with a race-horse, and near this horse is an effigy of
Telestas the Messenian, who beat all the boys in boxing, by
Silanion.
And the statue of Milo the son of Diotimus is by Dameas,
both natives of Croton. This Milo had six prizes for wrestling
at Olympia, one of them among boys, and at Pythia
six among men and one among boys. And he came to
Olympia to wrestle for the 7th time. But he could not
beat in wrestling Timasitheus, a citizen and quite young, as
Timasitheus would not contend with him at close quarters
in the arena at all. And Milo is said to have carried
his own statue to Altis. There are also traditions about
Milo in reference to a pomegranate and a quoit. He held
a pomegranate so fast that nobody could get it from him,
and yet he did not hurt it. And on one occasion standing on
an oiled quoit he excited laughter among those who jostled
him and tried to push him off it. And several other
things he did in display. He tied a cord round his forehead
as if it were a fillet or a crown, and holding his
breath and filling the veins of his head with blood he would
snap the cord by the strength of his veins. It is recorded
also that he would place against his side his right arm from
the elbow to the shoulder, and stretch out the hand, and
turn his thumb up while the fingers remained together,
and no one could with any exertion move the little finger
from its place. And they say he was killed by wild beasts.
For he chanced in the country near Croton on a withered
tree, in which some wedges were driven to separate the
wood, and he took it into his head to keep the wood apart
with his hands. And the wedges slipt out and he was imprisoned
in the tree, and became a prey to the wolves, which
prowl about in great numbers in that neighbourhood. Such
was the end of Milo.
And Pyrrhus the son of Æacides having been king in
Thesprotia in Epirus, and having done many remarkable
deeds, which I have described in my account of Attica,
Thrasybulus of Elis erected his statue in Altis. And next
to Pyrrhus is the statue of a little man with pipes in his
hand on a pillar. This man had a prize for his piping, the
first time such prizes were bestowed since the Argive
Sacadas. Sacadas first conquered in the games established
by the Amphictyonians (when no prize was given), and
after that he won two prizes. And Pythocritus of Sicyon
won in six of the Pythian contests successively, being the
only piper. It is plain also at the contest at Olympia that
he was piper six times in the pentathlum. For all this he
had a pillar at Olympia with the inscription on it,
“This is the memorial of Pythocritus, (the son of Callinicus),
the piper.”
The Ætolians also erected a public statue to Cylon, who
freed the people of Elis from the tyranny of Aristotimus.
And Gorgus the Messenian, the son of Eucletus, who won
the victory in the pentathlum has a statue by the Bœotian
Theron, and Damaretus, also a Messenian, who beat all the
boys in boxing has a statue by the Athenian Silanion.
And Anauchidas of Elis, the son of Philys, won a wrestling
prize among the boys and afterwards among the men.
Who his statue is by we do not know. And the statue of
Anochus the Tarentine, the son of Adamatas, who won the
victory both in the stadium and in the double course, is by
Ageladas the Argive. And the boy seated on a horse and
the man standing by the horse are as the inscription says
Xenombrotus of Cos in Meropis, who was proclaimed
victor in the horse-race, and Xenodicus who was proclaimed
victor in the boxing matches for boys, the latter is by Pantias,
and the former by Philotimus of Ægina. And the
two statues of Pythes, the son of Andromachus, an Abderite,
were made by Lysippus, but his soldiers had them made.
Pythes seems to have been a leader of mercenaries, or
in some other way to have shewn himself a good soldier.
Here are also statues of those who won prizes in the
course for boys, as Meneptolemus from Apollonia on the
Ionian gulf, and Philo from Corcyra, and Hieronymus from
Andros, who beat Tisamenus of Elis in the pentathlum at
Olympia, that Tisamenus who was afterwards a prophet
for the Greeks against Mardonius and the Medes at Platæa.
And next to the statue of Hieronymus is the statue of a boy-wrestler
also from Andros, Procles the son of Lycastidas.
Stomius made the statue of Hieronymus, and Somis that
of Procles. And Æschines of Elis had two victories in the
pentathlum, and has two statues.
CHAPTER XV.
And Archippus of Mitylene, who beat all comers at
boxing, had according to the Mitylenæans this further
fame, that he was crowned at the Olympian Pythian
Nemean and Isthmian games when he was only 20. And
the statue of Xenon, the son of Calliteles, of Lepreus in
Triphylia, who beat all the boys in the stadium, was made
by the Messenian Pyrilampes; we do not know who made
the statue of Clinomachus of Elis, who was proclaimed
victor in the pentathlum. And the inscription of the
Achæans on Pantarches’ statue states that he was a native
of Elis; he made peace between the Achæans and people
of Elis, and all the prisoners who were captured on both
sides were let go mainly through him. He won his victory
on a race-horse, and there is a record of his victory at
Olympia. And the statue of Olidas of Elis was set up by
the Ætolians. And Charinus of Elis has a statue for the
double course and for a victory in heavy armour, and near
him is Ageles the Chian, who beat all the boys in boxing,
by Theomnestus of Sardis.
And the statue of Clitomachus the Theban was erected
by Hermocrates his father. His exploits were as follows.
In the Isthmian games he beat all comers in wrestling, and
on one day won prizes from all competitors in boxing and
in the pancratium. And all his 3 victories in the Pythian
games were in the pancratium. And at Olympia he was
proclaimed second to Theagenes of Thasos in the pancratium
and in boxing. And in the 141st Olympiad he won
the prize in the pancratium. And the next Olympiad found
him a competitor in the pancratium and in boxing, and
Caprus of Elis was on the same day anxious to compete in
the pancratium and in wrestling. And when Caprus had
won the wrestling-prize, Clitomachus hinted to the umpires
that it was only fair to call for the pancratium before he
was battered about by boxing. What he said seemed
reasonable, and when the pancratium was called on he
was beaten by Caprus, though he exhibited afterwards in
the boxing a stout heart and untired body.
And the Ionians of Erythræ erected a statue to Epitherses
the son of Metrodorus, who won two victories in
boxing at Olympia, and two at each of the Pythian Nemean
and Isthmian games, and the Syracusan public erected two
statues to Hiero, and his sons erected a third. As I stated
a little above this Hiero had the same name as the son of
Dinomenes, and was like him Tyrant of Syracuse. And
the inhabitants of Pale, one of the four tribes in Cephallenia,
set up a statue to Timoptolis of Elis the son of
Lampis. These people of Pale were originally called
Dulichii. There is also a statue of Archidamus the son of
Agesilaus, and a man like a hunter. And the statues of
Demetrius, who led an army against Seleucus and was
taken prisoner in the battle, and of Antigonus the son of
Demetrius, were let any one know votive offerings of the
Byzantians. And the Spartan Eutelidas had two victories
for wrestling among the boys in the 308th Olympiad, and a
third in the pentathlum: at that time the boys were called
on first, and last in the pentathlum. And there is an
ancient statue of Eutelidas, the writing on the base is obscure
through lapse of time. And next to Eutelidas is
another one of Areus, the king of the Lacedæmonians, and
next him Gorgus of Elis, who is the only man up to my
day who had four victories at Olympia in the pentathlum,
and one victory for the double course, and one for the race
in heavy armour.
And the person by whom some boys are standing is they
say Ptolemy the son of Lagus, and next him are two statues
of Caprus of Elis, the son of Pythagoras, who won on the
same day for the first time on record prizes for wrestling
and the pancratium. I have already shown how successful
he was against Clitomachus in the pancratium, and he
beat in wrestling Pæanius of Elis, who had carried off the
prize for wrestling in former Olympiads, and had been
crowned in the Pythian games on the same day for boxing
among boys, and for wrestling and boxing among men.
CHAPTER XVI.
Caprus won his victories not without great effort and
mighty energy: and Anauchidas and Pherenicus, who
were natives of Elis, had statues at Olympia, and won prizes
for wrestling among the boys. And the Thespians erected
the statue of Plistænus, the son of Eurydamus, who was
the general of the Ætolians against the Galati. And Tydeus
of Elis erected statues to Antigonus, the father of Demetrius,
and to Seleucus. And the name of Seleucus was
noised abroad among all men on other accounts but chiefly
for his capture of Demetrius. And Timon won victories
in the pentathlum in all the Greek games but the Isthmian
(for like all the other men of Elis he was shut out of competition
in them), and the inscription on his statue mentions
this further particular about him, that he took part in the
expedition of the Ætolians against the Thessalians, and
out of friendship to the Ætolians was leader of the garrison
at Naupactus. And not far from the statue of Timon
are statues of Greece and Elis in juxtaposition: Greece
with one hand crowning Antigonus, the Regent for Philip
the son of Demetrius, and with the other Philip himself;
and Elis crowning Demetrius, who marched against Seleucus,
and Ptolemy the son of Lagus.
And the inscription on his statue states that Aristides of
Elis won a victory in heavy armour at Olympia, and in the
double course in the Pythian games, and as a boy in the
horse-race at Nemea. The length of the horse-race is
twice the double course. This race, which had fallen into
desuetude at the Nemean and Isthmian games, was restored
by the Emperor Adrian to the Argives at the winter games
at Nemea.
And next to the statue of Aristides is Menalcas of Elis,
who was proclaimed victor at Olympia in the pentathlum,
and Philonides the son of Zotus, who was from the Cretan
Chersonese, and the courier of Alexander the son of Philip.
And next is Brimias of Elis, who beat all the men in boxing,
and the statue of Leonidas from Naxos in the Ægæan,
the votive offering of the Psophidian Arcadians, and the
statue of Asamon who beat all the men in boxing, and that
of Nicander, who had two victories at Olympia in the
double course, and six at Nemea for racing generally.
Asamon and Nicander were both natives of Elis, and the
statue of the latter was by Daippus, that of the former by
the Messenian Pyrilampes. There are statues also to
Eualcidas of Elis and Seleadas the Lacedæmonian, the
former was victor among the boys in boxing, the latter in
wrestling among the men. Here too is the small chariot of
the Lacedæmonian Polypithes, and on the same pillar
Calliteles (the father of Polypithes) the wrestler, who won
victories by his wrestling, as Polypithes by his horses.
And the statues of some private individuals of Elis, as
Lampus the son of Arniscus, and the son of Aristarchus,
were erected by the Psophidian Arcadians, either because
they were their Consuls, or were otherwise friendly to them.
And between them is Lysippus of Elis, who beat all boys who
contended with him in wrestling, his statue is by Andreas
the Argive.
And the Lacedæmonian Dinosthenes won a victory over
men at Olympia in the course, and set up a pillar in Altis
next to his statue: the distance from this pillar by road
to another pillar at Lacedæmon is 660 stades. And Theodorus,
who was victor in the pentathlum, and Pyttalus,
the son of Lampis, who beat all the boys in boxing, and
Nicolaidas, who carried off the victory in the course and
in the race in heavy armour, were let any one know natives
of Elis. As to Pyttalus they record still further that, when
there was a dispute between the Arcadians and the men of
Elis about their borders, he was made the arbitrator.
His statue is by the Olynthian Sthennis. And next is a
statue of Ptolemy on horseback, and by him the athlete of
Elis Pæanius the son of Demetrius, who won one prize for
wrestling at Olympia, and two in the Pythian games.
There too is Clearetus of Elis, who won in the pentathlum,
and the chariot of the Athenian Glaucon (the son of Eteocles),
who was proclaimed victor in the chariot race with
a full-grown horse.
CHAPTER XVII.
What I have just mentioned are the most notable
things as you approach Altis, but, if you go on the
right from the monument of Leonidas to the great altar, you
will behold the following memorable objects. There are
statues of Democrates of Tenedos and Criannius of Elis, the
latter victor in the contest in heavy armour, the former in
wrestling among men. The statue of Democrates is by the
Milesian Dionysicles, that of Criannius by the Macedonian
Lysus. And the Clazomenian Herodotus, and the Coan
Philinus, the son of Hegepolis, have statues erected to them
by their native cities, to Herodotus because he was the first
Clazomenian pronounced victor (his victory was among
boys in the course), and to Philinus because of his renown,
for he had five victories in running at Olympia, and four
in the Pythian games, four in the Nemean, and eleven in
the Isthmian. And the statue of Ptolemy, the son of
Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, was the offering of Aristolaus a
Macedonian. There is also a statue of a boxer who was
victorious over boys, Butas the Milesian, the son of Polynices,
and Callicrates from Magnesia near the river Lethæus,
who won two victories in the race in heavy armour. His
statue is by Lysippus. And there are statues of Emaution
and Alexibius, the former victor in the course for boys, the
latter in the pentathlum. Heræa in Arcadia was the native
place of Alexibius and his statue is by Acestor, where
Emaution came from the inscription does not state, it only
declares he was an Arcadian. And the Colophonians Hermesianax
the son of Agoneus, and Icasius the son of Lycinus
by the daughter of Hermesianax, beat all the boys in
wrestling, and Hermesianax had his statue erected by the
Colophonian community.
Next to these are natives of Elis that beat all the boys in
boxing, Chœrilus by the Olynthian Sthennis, and Theotimus
by the Sicyonian Dætondas. Theotimus was the son
of Moschion, who joined Alexander the son of Philip in
his expedition against Darius and the Persians. And next
are two from Elis again, Archidamus who conquered in
the four-horse-race, and Eperastus (the son of Theogonus)
who was victor in the race in heavy armour. And Eperastus
states that he was a seer, and descended from the family of
the Clytidæ, at the close of the inscription on his statue.
“I boast to be a seer of the family of the holy-mouthed
Clytidæ, of the blood of the godlike descendants of Melampus.”
Mantius was the father of Œcles, and the son of Melampus
the son of Amythaon. And Clytius was the son of
Alcmæon, the son of Amphiaraus the son of Œcles. And
Alcmæon was father of Clytius by the daughter of Phegeus,
and he changed his residence to Elis, objecting to live with
his mother’s brothers, because he knew that they had contrived
the murder of Alcmæon.
And there are some statues interspersed among some not
very remarkable votive offerings, as Alexinicus of Elis (by
the Sicyonian Cantharus), who won a wrestling prize among
the boys, and Gorgias of Leontini, whose statue was placed
at Olympia by Eumolpus, great-grandson of Deicrates
who had married Gorgias’ sister. So Eumolpus himself
tells us. This Gorgias was the son of Carmantides, and
is said to have been the first to have practised Rhetoric,
which had been altogether neglected and nearly come into
desuetude among men. And they say Gorgias was famous
for his eloquence at the public festival at Olympia, and went
with Tisias on an embassy to the Athenians. Tisias too contributed
something to oratory, and most plausibly did he
plead in the case of a Syracusan woman touching some
money, but Gorgias had still greater fame among the
Athenians, and Jason the tyrant in Thessaly put him above
Polycrates, who had the highest renown in the schools at
Athens. And they say Gorgias lived 105 years. And the
town of Leontini, which was dispeopled by the Syracusans,
was in my day colonized again.
CHAPTER XVIII.
And there is the brazen chariot of Cratisthenes of
Cyrene, and Victory and Cratisthenes on the chariot.
Plainly then he won his victory in the chariot race. There
is a tradition also that he was the son of Mnaseas the runner,
who was surnamed by the Greeks Libyan. And these
votive offerings to him at Olympia are by Pythagoras of
Rhegium.
Here too I found the statue of Anaximenes, who wrote a
History of all Antiquities in Greece, and of the exploits of
Philip the son of Amyntas, and afterwards of Alexander.
This honour in Olympia he owed to the people of Lampsacus:
for the following is recorded about him. He got
round Alexander, who was by no means a mild king but
excessively passionate, by the following contrivance. The
people of Lampsacus having espoused the cause of the king
of the Persians, or being thought to have done so by Alexander,
he boiled over in anger against them and threatened
them with the most condign chastisement. And they in all
haste sent Anaximenes to supplicate for their wives and
children and country, as he had been well known to
Alexander and earlier still to Philip. And Anaximenes
went to Alexander, who had learnt the motive of his errand,
and had sworn they say by all the gods that he would do exactly
contrary to what he entreated. Then Anaximenes said,
“O King oblige me with this favour, enslave the women
and children at Lampsacus, and raze the whole town to its
foundations, and burn the temples of the gods.” This is
what he said, and Alexander having no contrivance to meet
his cunning, and being compelled by his oath, very unwillingly
pardoned the people of Lampsacus. Anaximenes
seems also to have known how to punish an enemy very
cleverly and exemplarily. He was naturally a sophist and
a very good imitator of the arguments of the sophists.
And having a quarrel with Theopompus, the son of Damasistratus,
he wrote a book full of abuse against the Athenians
and Lacedæmonians and Thebans. And as he had imitated
his style very accurately, and put the name of Theopompus
on the title page, and distributed the book about in various
towns, though he himself was really the writer, general
odium was stirred up throughout Greece against Theopompus.
Nor did any one earlier than Anaximenes practise
extempore oratory. But I cannot think that he was
author of the verses about Alexander that run in his
name.
And Sotades, (who was proclaimed a Cretan, as indeed
he was), won the prize in the long course in the 99th Olympiad,
but in the next Olympiad, being bribed by the Ephesian
people, he registered himself as an Ephesian, and the
Cretans exiled him for it.
And the first athletes who had effigies at Olympia were
Praxidamas the Æginetan, who won the prize for boxing in
the 59th Olympiad, and the Opuntian Rhexibius, who won
the prize in the pancratium in the 61st Olympiad. And
their effigies are made of wood, Rhexibius’ of figwood, and
the Æginetan’s of cypress. This last has suffered less than
the other.
CHAPTER XIX.
And there is in Altis a base of tufa stone to the North
of the temple of Hera, at its back is the mountain of
Cronos. On this base are treasuries such as some of the
Greeks have made for Apollo at Delphi. There is a
treasury at Olympia called the treasury of the Sicyonians,
the votive offering of Myron the King of the Sicyonians.
It was constructed by Myron after his chariot victory in
the 33rd Olympiad. In this treasury he constructed two
chambers, one of Doric the other of Ionic architecture.
I myself have seen them: they are of brass: but whether
the brass comes from Tartessus, according to the tradition
of the people of Elis, I do not know. The river Tartessus
is they say in the country of the Iberes, and has two outlets
to the sea, and there is a town of the same name that
lies between the outlets of the river. And it is the largest
river in Iberia, and in later times was called Bætis from its
ebb and flow. And the Iberes who inhabit the town of
Carpia believe that their town was originally called Tartessus.
And on the smaller of the two chambers at
Olympia there are inscriptions, one on the lintel stating that
there are 500 talents there, another as to the givers of the
votive offering, stating that they were Myron and the
people of the Sicyonians. In this treasury there are three
quoits, which they use in the contest for the pentathlum.
And there is a brazen shield curiously painted inside, and
helmet and greaves to match. And there is an inscription
on this armour that they are an offering to Zeus from the
Myanes. As to who these Myanes were different people
have different ideas. I remember that Thucydides in his
account of the Locrians near Phocis mentions several
towns, among others the Myones.[79] These Myanes on the
shield are in my opinion the same as the Myones in the
Locrian mainland: and the letters on the shield are a little
worn away, in consequence of its great antiquity. There
are also here several other curious articles, as the sword of
Pelops with golden hilt, and the horn of Amalthea in
ivory, the votive offering of Miltiades the son of Cimon,
who was the first of his family that reigned in the Thracian
Chersonese: and this is the inscription on the horn in old
Athenian letters,
“I was offered to Zeus by the warriors that took the
fort of Aratus on the Chersonese: their leader was Miltiades.”
There is also a statue of Apollo made of boxwood with the
head gilt: the inscription states that it was a votive offering
of the Locrians at the promontory of Zephyrium, and
by Patrocles of Croton, the son of Catillus.
And next to the treasury of the Sicyonians is that of the
Carthaginians, constructed by Pothæus and Antiphilus and
Megacles. And the votive offerings in it are a huge Zeus
and three linen breastplates, presented by Gelon and the
Syracusans who beat the Phœnicians either on land or sea.
And the third and fourth treasuries are the votive offering
of the people of Epidamnus. They contain the world
upheld by Atlas, and Hercules and the apple tree in the
garden of the Hesperides with the dragon coiled round it,
carved in cedar-wood, the carving of Theocles (the son of
Hegylus) who says his son joined him in the carving of the
world. And the Hesperides, which were removed by the
people of Elis, were in my time in the temple of Hera. And
Pyrrhus and his sons Lacrates and Hermon made this
treasury for the people of Epidamnus.
The people of Sybaris also built a treasury next to that
of the people of Byzantium. Those who have inquired
most carefully into the history of Italy and its towns say
that Lupiæ, which lies between Brundisium and Hydrus,
has changed its name, and was originally called Sybaris.
And the haven for ships was made by navvies in the reign
of the Emperor Adrian.
And next to the treasury of the people of Sybaris is the
treasury of the Libyans at Cyrene, containing statues of
the Roman kings. The Carthaginians expelled the Selinuntian
Siceliotes in war, but before that disaster happened
to them, they had got together the treasury for
Zeus at Olympia. Dionysus is there with his face toes and
hands of ivory.
And in the treasury of the people of Metapontum, which
is next to that of the Selinuntians, is a statue of Endymion,
all ivory but the dress. The cause of the ruin of Metapontum
I do not know, but in my time nothing but the
theatre and walls round the town was left. The Megarians
also near Attica have a treasury and votive offerings in
it, figures in cedar overlaid with gold, to represent the battle
of Hercules and Achelous. There are Zeus and Deianira
and Achelous and Hercules, and Ares is helping Achelous.
And Athene stands as if in alliance with Hercules, near
the Hesperides that are now in the temple of Hera. And
on a gable of this treasury is the war between the gods and
the giants: and over the gable is a shield, which states
that the Megarians offered the treasury, after triumphing
over the Corinthians. I think they won this victory when
Phorbas was Archon at Athens, who was Archon all his
life, for the Archonship was not yet a yearly office at
Athens, nor were the Olympiads registered at this period
by the people of Elis. The Argives are also said to have
assisted the Megarians against the Corinthians. This
treasury at Olympia was constructed by the Megarians
some years after the battle. But the votive offerings they
probably had from old time, since they were made by the
Lacedæmonian Dontas, the pupil of Dipœnus and Scyllis.
And the last of the treasuries is near the course, and the
inscription on it states that it and its statues are the votive
offerings of the people of Gela. The statues however are
no longer there.
CHAPTER XX.
Cronos’ mountain is, as I have already said, behind
the base, and extends the length of these treasuries.
And on the summit of the mountain those that are called
Basilæ sacrifice to Cronos at the vernal equinox in the
month of Elaphius. And at the North end of Mount
Cronos there is between the treasuries and the mountain a
temple of Ilithyia, and in it is honoured Sosipolis the
tutelary deity of the people of Elis. Ilithyia they surname
the Olympian, and select annually a priestess for her:
the old priestess of Sosipolis also performs holy rites according
to the custom of the people of Elis, brings lustral
water to the goddess, and sets before her cakes kneaded
with honey. In the vestibule of the temple is the altar
of Ilithyia, as also the approach to the temple for people
generally: inside Sosipolis is honoured, and no one but the
priestess of the god must enter his sanctuary, with a white
veil drawn over her head and face. And the maidens that
reside in the temple of Ilithyia and the women sing hymns
to Sosipolis, and burn incense to him, but are not accustomed
to pour libations of wine to his honour. And their
most binding oath is by Sosipolis. And it is said that,
when the Arcadians invaded Elis with an army, and the
people of Elis were drawn up in battle array against them,
a woman came to the generals of Elis, with a baby boy at her
breast, saying that she was mother of the boy, and offered
him according to a dream she had had to help the people
of Elis. And the authorities, crediting the woman’s tale,
put the child in the front of the army all naked as it was.
And the Arcadians commenced the attack, and the child
was changed into a dragon, and the Arcadians were troubled
at the sight and began to flee, and the people of Elis pursued
them hotly, and won a notable victory and called the god
Sosipolis. And where the dragon appeared to glide off
after the battle, they built a temple, and resolved to worship
it and Ilithyia jointly, for they thought it was she who had
introduced the child into the world. And the Arcadians
who were slain in the battle have a monument on the hill
towards the west after you have crossed the Cladeus. And
near Ilithyia there are ruins of a temple of celestial Aphrodite,
to whom they sacrifice on the altars which still remain.
And inside Altis, at the processional entrance, is what
is called the Hippodamium, surrounded by a wall, occupying
about an acre. This is the entrance every year for
the women, who sacrifice to Hippodamia and perform other
rites in her honour. They say Hippodamia fled to Midea
in Argolis, when Pelops was especially angry with her
owing to the death of Chrysippus: and they say that
according to the oracle they afterwards placed her remains
at Olympia. And at the end of the statues which they
erected out of fines imposed on the athletes is the entrance
which they call Private. For by it the Umpires and combatants
enter the course. There is also an embankment,
and seats for the managers of the games. And opposite
the Umpires is an altar of white stone, seated on which the
priestess of Demeter Chamyne watches the Olympian
games, an honour which different priestesses at different
times have received from the people of Elis, for they do
not prevent maidens from seeing the games. And at the
starting-place is the tomb of Endymion, according to the
tradition of the people of Elis.
And near the place where the Umpires sit is the
ground appointed for the horse-races and the starting-place,
which is in shape like the prow of a ship with its beak
turned to the course. And the prow is broad where it
joins the Portico called Agnaptus. And there is a brazen
dolphin upon a bar at the extremity of the beak. Each
side of the starting-place is more than 400 feet in length,
and there are some buildings there, which those who enter
for the horse-races get by lots. And in front of the chariots
and race-horses is extended a rope as a sort of barrier.
And there is an altar of unbaked brick erected near the
middle of the beak every Olympiad, whitewashed outside.
And there is a brazen eagle on this altar with its
wings stretched out wide. When the clerk of the course
touches a piece of mechanism on this altar, the eagle is so
constructed as to mount aloft so as to be visible to the
spectators, while the dolphin falls to the ground. First
the ropes on each side of the Portico called Agnaptus are
slackened, and the horses in position there start first, and
run on till they come to the horses in the second position,
and then the ropes there are slackened, and so on along the
whole course where the horses are in position, till they
can all start fair at the beak. Then commences the exhibition
of the skill of the charioteers and the swiftness of
the horses. Cleœtas originally contrived this method of
starting, and plumed himself upon his invention, as we find
by the inscription on his statue at Athens,
“I was made by Cleœtas the son of Aristocles, who
invented at Olympia the start for horses.”
They say too that Aristides subsequently somewhat improved
the invention.
But the other side of the Hippodrome is more extended,
being also of raised earth, and at its outlet is Taraxippus
the terror of horses, which is in the shape of a circular
altar, and as the horses run past it they are immediately
seized with strong fear without any apparent cause, and
this fear generates terror, insomuch that chariots are
often smashed up, and the charioteers badly injured. And
the charioteers sacrifice to avoid this, and pray that Taraxippus
will be propitious to them. About Taraxippus the
Greeks have various views; some say it is the tomb of
an Autochthon, famous for his skill with horses, whose name
was Olenius, and say that the rock Olenia in Elis was named
after him. Others say that Dameon the son of Phlius, an
associate with Hercules in the expedition against Augeas
and the people of Elis, was killed together with the horse
on which he rode by Cteatus the son of Actor, and that
this is the joint tomb of Dameon and his horse. Others say
that Pelops erected here a cenotaph to Myrtilus, and sacrificed
to him to avert his anger for his murder, and named
him Taraxippus, because the horses of Œnomaus were disturbed
by his contrivance. But some say that Œnomaus
himself hindered the horses in the course. And I have
heard the blame put upon Alcathous the son of Porthaon,
who was buried here after having been slain by Œnomaus as
one of the unsuccessful suitors of Hippodamia, and who, in
consequence of his bad success in the Hippodrome, has an
evil eye and is a malevolent demon to race-horses. But an
Egyptian told me that Pelops received something from Amphion
and buried it on the spot called Taraxippus, and
that in consequence of what was buried there the horses
of Œnomaus formerly, and everybody’s horses since, have
been terrified. This Egyptian also thought that Amphion
and the Thracian Orpheus were wonderful magicians, and
that by their charms wild beasts followed Orpheus, and
stones formed themselves into houses for Amphion. The
most plausible account however of Taraxippus seems to
me that which makes it a surname of Poseidon Hippius.
There is also at the Isthmus a Taraxippus, Glaucus the
son of Sisyphus, who they say was killed by horses, when
Acastus was holding the funeral games to his father. And
at Nemea in Argolis there is no hero that terrifies horses,
but there is a gleam like fire from a red stone where the
horses turn which frightens the horses. But Taraxippus at
Olympia is far the most formidable panic-inspirer in horses.
And at one of the goals there is a brazen statue of Hippodamia
with a fillet, about to bind Pelops with it for his
victory.
CHAPTER XXI.
And the other part of the hippodrome is not an embankment,
but a hill of no great size, on the top of which
is a temple built to Demeter under the name of Chamyne.
And some think that title of hers an ancient one, and that
the earth opened there and took in the chariot of Pluto, and
closed again. Others say that Chamynus of Pisa, (who
opposed the dominion in Pisa of Pantaleon, the son of Omphalion,
and stirred the people up to revolt from Elis), was
slain by Pantaleon, and that it was out of his property that
the temple to Demeter was built. And in lieu of the old ones
new statues of Proserpine and Demeter were erected in Pentelican
marble by the Athenian Herodes. And in the gymnasium
at Olympia they practise for the pentathlum and
the races. And in the open air there is a basement of
stone, and originally on the basement there was a trophy
for a victory over the Arcadians. On the left of the entrance
to the gymnasium there is a smaller enclosure where
the athletes practise wrestling. And at the Portico of the
gymnasium facing East are some buildings for the Athletes
facing South and West. And after you have crossed the
river Cladeus you come to the tomb of Œnomaus, a mound
piled up with stones, and above the tomb are some remains
of buildings where they say the horses of Œnomaus were
stabled. And here are the boundaries towards Arcadia,
which now belong to the people of Elis, but formerly belonged
to the people of Pisa.
After you have crossed the river Erymanthus, near the
ridge called after Saurus, is the tomb of Saurus, and a
temple of Hercules, ruins of which are to be seen in our
day. Saurus they say used to molest wayfarers and the
people of the country, till he was killed by Hercules.
From the south side of the ridge called after this robber
a river falls into the Alpheus nearly opposite Erymanthus.
Its name is Diagon, and it divides the district of Pisa
from Arcadia. And 40 stades onwards from the ridge of
Saurus is the temple of Æsculapius, surnamed Demænetus
from the name of the builder. It is in ruins too, and is
built on the high ground along the Alpheus. And not
far from it is the temple of Dionysus Lucyanites, hard by
the river Lucyanias, which rises in Mount Pholoe, and flows
into the Alpheus. When you have crossed the Alpheus you
are in the district of Pisa.
Here you will see a hill with a steep acclivity, and on it
are ruins of the town of Phrixa, and a temple of Athene
Cydonia, not in my time in complete preservation, there is
only an altar. They say Clymenus, a descendant of Idæan
Hercules, erected the temple to the goddess. He came
from Cydonia in Crete and from the river Iardanus. The
people of Elis say also that Pelops sacrificed to Athene
Cydonia before his race with Œnomaus. And as you
advance a little further you come to the river Parthenia,
on whose banks the horses of Marmax are buried. The
story is that Marmax was the first suitor of Hippodamia,
and that he was slain before the rest by Œnomaus,
and the names of his horses were Parthenia and Eripha,
and Œnomaus cut their throats and buried them with their
master, and the river Parthenia got its name from one
of them. There is also another river called Harpinates,
and at no great distance from it some remains of a town
Harpina especially altars: they say that Œnomaus built
the town and gave it its name after his mother Harpina.
A little further is a lofty mound of earth, the tomb of
the suitors of Hippodamia, Œnomaus did not (they say)
bury them in the ground near one another as a mark of
honour, but it was Pelops subsequently who gave them a
common sepulchre, in honour to them and out of affection
to Hippodamia, and I think also as a record to posterity
how many worthy gentlemen Œnomaus had slain before
he Pelops vanquished him. Indeed according to the poem
called the Great EϾ the following were killed by
Œnomaus, Alcathous the son of Porthaon next to Marmax,
and next to Alcathous Euryalus and Eurymachus
and Crotalus. Their parents and native lands I could not
ascertain. But Acrias, who was killed next, one would
infer to have been a Lacedæmonian and the founder of
Acriæ. And next to Acrias Œnomaus slew Capetus and
Lycurgus and Lasius and Chalcodon and Tricolonus, who
the Arcadians say was a descendant as well as namesake of
Tricolonus the son of Lycaon. And after Tricolonus fate
overtook in this fatal race Aristomachus and Prias and
Pelagon and Æolius and Cronius. Some also add to the
list I have given Erythras, the son of Leucon and grandson
of Athamas, who gave his name to the town in Bœotia
called Erythræ, and Eioneus, the son of Magnes and grandson
of Æolus. Here then is the tomb of all these, and they
say Pelops offered them funeral rites every year when he
was king of Pisa.
CHAPTER XXII.
And if you go about a stade forward from this tomb
there are traces of a temple of Artemis surnamed Cordace,
because the attendants of Pelops used to offer their
sacrifices to the goddess there, and dance the national dance
of Sipylus called the cordax. And not far from the temple is
a building not very large, and in it is a brazen coffer, in
which are deposited the remains of Pelops. And there is
no vestige of a wall or any other building, but vines are
planted all over the site on which Pisa was built. The
founder of the town was they say Pisus, the son of Perieres
and grandson of Æolus. And the people of Pisa brought on
their own misfortunes by making themselves objectionable
to the people of Elis, and by their desire to start the Olympian
games instead of the people of Elis, and in the 8th
Olympiad they invited Phido the Argive, the most haughty
of all the Greek tyrants, and made him the patron of the
games. And in the 34th Olympiad the people of Pisa and
their king Pantaleon, the son of Omphalion, assembled together
the neighbouring people, and instituted the Olympian
games instead of the people of Elis. During these
Olympiads, and also in the 104th Olympiad which was set
on foot by the Arcadians, the people of Elis kept no register,
nor do they include them in the Olympiads. And in the
48th Olympiad Damophon the son of Pantaleon gave the
people of Elis reason to suspect that he intended to act
treacherously against them, so they invaded Pisæa, but did
not at this time do any damage, because they returned
home again being persuaded by entreaties and promises.
But when Pyrrhus the son of Pantaleon succeeded his
brother Damophon on the throne, then the people of Pisa of
their own accord commenced war with the people of Elis.
And the people of Macistus and Scillus in Triphylia
joined them in their revolt from the people of Elis, and of
the other neighbouring people the Dyspontii, whose relations
had always been very friendly with the people of
Pisa, and whose founder Dysponteus was they state the
son of Œnomaus. And the people of Elis eventually razed
Pisa to the ground and all the towns that had assisted her
in the war.
The ruins of Pylos in Elis are visible as you go over the
mountains from Olympia to Elis. And from Pylos to Elis
is 80 stades’ distance. This Pylos was built, as I have
already mentioned, by the Megarian Pylon the son of
Cleson. And being destroyed by Hercules, and once again
peopled by the people of Elis, it was destined once more to
lack inhabitants. Near it the river Ladon flows into the
Peneus. And the people of Elis say that it is about this
Pylos that the lines of Homer[80] are.
“He derived his origin from the river Alpheus, which
flows in broad volume through the territory of Pylos.”
And they persuaded me by what they said, for the
Alpheus flows through this district, and the lines cannot
refer to the other Pylos. For by the Pylos near the island
Sphacteria the Alpheus does not flow at all, nor do we
know of any town in Arcadia formerly called Pylos. And
about 50 stades from Olympia is the village belonging to
Elis called Heraclea, and near it is the river Cytherus.
There is a well that flows into the river, and there is a
temple to the Nymphs by the well. And the proper names
of these Nymphs individually are Calliphæa and Synallaxis
and Pegæa and Iasis, and collectively Ionides. And people
bathing in this well get cured from pains and aches of all
kinds. And they say the Nymphs got their name Ionides
from Ion, the son of Gargettus, who migrated to this place
from Athens.
But if you wish to go to Elis through the plain, it is 120
stades to Letrini, and 180 from Letrini to Elis. Letrini
was a small town originally founded by Letreus the son
of Pelops, but now there are only a few buildings, and
a temple and statue of Alphean Artemis. They give the
following legend to account for the goddess being called
Alphean. Alpheus they say was deeply in love with her,
and when he found he could not marry her for all his
wooing and vows, he had the boldness to try and force her,
and went to a nightly revel at Letrini, which was to be
held by her and the Nymphs with whom she associated in
sport: and she, suspecting his plot, smeared with mud her
own face and the faces of all the Nymphs present, and so
Alpheus when he got there could not distinguish her
from the Nymphs, and accordingly had to depart without
effecting his object. So the people of Letrini called the
goddess Alphean from Alpheus’ passion for her. And the
people of Elis, for they had an ancient friendship for the
people of Letrini, say that they borrowed their worship of
the Elaphiæan Artemis from them, and used to perform
rites to her as Alphea, but in process of time the name
Elaphiæa prevailed. But in my opinion the people of Elis
called Artemis Elaphiæa from her love of hunting deer:
but their own tradition is that Elaphius was the name of a
woman who was Artemis’ nurse. And about six stades
beyond Letrini is a perennial lake about three stades in
diameter.
CHAPTER XXIII.
And the notable things in Elis are an old gymnasium,
in which before they go to Olympia the athletes go
through all the customary training. There are some lofty
plane-trees inside a wall growing all along the course,
and the whole enclosure is called Colonnade, because Hercules
the son of Amphitryon used to exercise there, and all
the thorns and weeds that grew there were plucked up
every day. There is a course called by the people of the
place sacred, set apart for the races, and there is another
course where they practise for the races and the pentathlum.
There is also in the gymnasium a place
called Plethrium, where the Umpires pit the athletes together
according to their ages or difference in their training,
and put them to wrestling to test their capacities.
And there are in the gymnasium altars to some of
the gods, as Idæan Hercules under the title of Champion,
and Eros, and the god whom the Athenians and people of
Elis alike call Anteros, and Demeter and Proserpine.
There is no altar to Achilles, but he has a cenotaph in
accordance with an oracle. And at the commencement of
the general festival on a given day, when the sun begins to
set, the women of Elis among other rites in honour of
Achilles are wont to wail and strike the breast.
And there is another enclosure, smaller than the gymnasium
but adjacent to it, which they call from its shape the
Square. And here the athletes practise their wrestling, and
here they test the athletes who are past wrestling, sometimes
even applying blows with mild whips. And one of the
statues is erected here, which were made of Zeus out of the
fine-money of Sosander of Smyrna and Polyctor of Elis.
There is also a third enclosure used as a gymnasium, which
is called Maltho from the softness of its floor, and this is
given up to the lads all the time the general festival lasts.
And in a corner of Maltho there is a statue of Hercules,
merely the head and shoulders, and in one of the wrestling-places
is a figure of Eros and Anteros, Eros has
a branch of palm which Anteros is trying to take away.
And on each side of the entrance to Maltho is the statue of
a boy-boxer, and the Custos Rotulorum at Elis says that it
is a native of Alexandria above the island Pharos, called
Serapion, who came to Elis and gave the people food when
they were short of corn. That was why he received these
honours: and the date when he received the crown at
Olympia, and did this kindness to the people at Elis,
was the 217th Olympiad. In this gymnasium the people
of Elis also have a council chamber, where they practise
extempore rhetoric, and submit all kinds of writings to
public criticism: it is called Lalichmium from the name of
its originator. And round it are some shields hung up,
well worth seeing, not made for purposes of war, but simply
for ornament.
You go from the gymnasium to the baths by the street
called Silence near the temple of Artemis the Lover of
Youths. The goddess was so called from her proximity to
the gymnasium. And the street was called Silence from
the following circumstance. Some men in the army of
Oxylus being sent forward to reconnoitre Elis, and having
cheered one another on the road, when they got near the
walls, passed round the word for silence, and to listen if
they could hear any sound within the town, and so stole
into the town without being observed by this street, and
returned again to Ætolia after having got the wished for
intelligence. And the street received its name from the
silence of these spies.
CHAPTER XXIV.
Another way out of the gymnasium leads to the
market-place, and to what is called the Umpires’ Hall
beyond the tomb of Achilles, and it is by this way that the
Umpires are accustomed to enter the gymnasium. And
they enter the gymnasium to pit together the runners
before the sun gets too powerful, and at noon they call the
competitors together for the pentathlum and the arduous
contests.
And the market-place at Elis is not like that of the
Ionians, or of the Greek cities in Ionia, but is built after a
more antique type, with porticoes and streets at regular
intervals. And the name of the market-place in our day is
Hippodrome, and there the people of the place exercise their
horses. The architecture of the portico facing South is
Doric, and it is divided into 3 portions by pillars: it is
there that the Umpires mostly spend the day. And there
are altars erected to Zeus, and several other altars in the
open air in the market-place, and they are easily removed as
they are only improvised altars. And at the end of this
portico, on the left as you go to the market-place, is the Umpires’
Hall, and a street separates it from the market-place.
In this Umpires’ Hall those who are chosen as Umpires live
ten months together, and are instructed by the Custodes
Rotulorum in all things that appertain to the games. And
near the portico where the Umpires spend the day is
another portico, called the Corcyræan, and a street runs
between the two porticoes. It was so called because when
the Corcyræans invaded Elis in their ships, the people
of Elis they say drove them off and took much booty
from them, and built their portico with a tenth of the
spoil. And the architecture of the portico is Doric: it has
a double row of pillars, one towards the market-place, the
other in the opposite direction. In the middle are no
pillars, but a wall supports the roof, and there are statues
on either side of this wall. And at the end of the portico
near the market-place is a statue of Pyrrho the son of the
Sophist Pistocrates, who had great persuasiveness on any
topic. Pyrrho’s tomb is at no great distance from Elis, at
a place called Petra, an old hamlet according to tradition.
And the people of Elis have in the open air near the market-place
a most noble temple and statue of Apollo the
Healer. This would probably be much the same title as
his Athenian title of Averter of Evil.[81] And on another side
are stone statues to the Sun and Moon, she has horns on
her head, he has his beams. There is also a temple to the
Graces, and their wooden statues, their dresses gilt, and
their heads hands and feet of white marble, and one of
them holds a rose, the second dice, and the third a small
branch of myrtle. The meaning of which things we may conjecture
thus. The rose and myrtle are sacred to Aphrodite,
and have a place in the legend of Adonis, and the Graces
have most intimate connection with Aphrodite: and dice
are playthings of striplings and maidens, who have not yet
lost all grace through old age. And on the right of the
Graces is a statue of Eros on the same pedestal. There
is also there a temple of Silenus, dedicated to Silenus
alone, and not in common to him and Dionysus, and
Drunkenness is filling his cup. That the Sileni are mortal
we should infer from their tombs, for there is the tomb of
one Silenus in the country of the Hebrews, and of another
at Pergamum.[82] And in the market-place the people of Elis
have the following remarkable thing, which I have myself
seen, in the shape of a temple. It is no great height, and
has no walls, and the roof is supported by pillars made of
oak. The people of the country say that it is a monument,
but whose they do not record, but if the account of the old
man whom I asked be correct, it would be the monument
of Oxylus. There is also in the market-place a room for the
16 matrons, where they weave the shawl for Hera.[83]
CHAPTER XXV.
And next the market-place is an ancient temple, a colonnade
with pillars all round. The roof is fallen in with
age, and there is no statue remaining. It was dedicated to
the Roman Emperors.
And behind the Corcyræan Portico is a temple of
Aphrodite, and a grove in the open air sacred to her, not
far from the temple. The statue of the goddess in the
temple is called Celestial Aphrodite, and is by Phidias
in ivory and gold, she has one foot on a tortoise. Her
grove is surrounded by a wall, and inside the grove is
a basement on which is a brazen statue by Scopas of the
Pandemian Aphrodite sitting on a brazen he-goat. The
meaning of the tortoise and he-goat I leave my readers to
guess.
And the sacred precincts and temple of Pluto (for the
people of Elis have both) are opened once every year, but
no one may enter them even then but the sacrificing priest.
And as far as we know the men of Elis are the only ones
that honour Pluto, for the following reason. When Hercules
led an army against Pylos in Elis they say Athene
cooperated with him. Then it was that Pluto came and
helped the people of Pylos out of hostility to Hercules, and
was accordingly honoured at Pylos. And they cite as their
witness Homer’s lines in the Iliad.[84]
“Mighty Pluto also endured the swift arrow, when this
man, the son of Ægis-bearing Zeus, wounded him at Pylos,
and gave him pain among the dead.”
Nor if in the expedition of Agamemnon and Menelaus
against Ilium Poseidon, according to the tradition of
Homer, helped the Greeks, was it against probability that
Pluto should have helped the people of Pylos in the opinion
of the same poet. Anyway the people of Elis erected this
temple to Pluto as being friendly to them and hostile to
Hercules. And once every year they are accustomed to
open the temple to indicate, I think, that men once descend
to Pluto’s gloomy realm. The people of Elis have also a
temple to Fortune, and in the portico of this temple is a
huge statue of wood, gilt all over except the head the
hands and the toes, which are of white marble. Here too
Sosipolis is honoured on the left of Fortune, in a rather small
shrine: represented, according to the appearance of him seen
in a dream, as a boy with a particoloured cloak on covered
with stars, and in one of his hands the horn of Amalthea.
And in that part of the town where the people of Elis
have most of their population, there is a statue not larger
than life of a beardless man, who has his feet crossed, and leans
against his spear with both his hands, his dress is of wool
and linen and flax. This statue is said to be of Poseidon,
and was worshipped of old at Samicum in Triphylia. And
it was honoured even still more when removed to Elis, and
they give it the name of Satrapes and not Poseidon, having
learnt this name from their neighbours at Patræ. And
Satrapes is the surname of Corybas.
CHAPTER XXVI.
And the old theatre between the market-place and the
temple of the goddess Mene is the theatre and temple
of Dionysus, the statue of the god is by Praxiteles. And of
all the gods the people of Elis honour Dionysus most, and
say that he frequents their festival in his honour called the
Thyia, a festival which they celebrate about 8 stades from
the city. The priests deposit 3 empty flagons in the
chapel, in the presence of the citizens and strangers who
may chance to be at the feast, and the priests themselves or
any others who like seal the doors of the chapel. And the
next day they come to the chapel to observe the miracle, and
on entering find the flagons full of wine. Those held in the
highest repute at Elis, and strangers as well, have sworn
that this is as I have said, I was not myself there at the
time of the festival. The people of Andros also say that
annually at the feast of Dionysus wine flows spontaneously
from the temple. If one can believe the Greeks in this
matter, one might equally credit the tradition of the
Ethiopians beyond Syene as to the Table of the Sun.
And in the citadel at Elis is a temple of Athene, her
statue is of ivory and gold, and said to be by Phidias, and
on her helmet is a cock, because that bird is said to be
most pugnacious, or perhaps because it is sacred to Athene
the Worker.
And about 120 stades from Elis is Cyllene, which faces
Sicily, and is a fine harbour for ships. The dockyard
belongs to the people of Elis but got its name from an
Arcadian. Homer has not mentioned Cyllene in his Catalogue
of the people of Elis, but subsequently in the Iliad
shews that he knew that there was such a town as Cyllene.
“And Polydamas killed Otus of Cyllene, the companion
of Phyleides, the leader of the brave Epeans.”[85]
The gods who have temples in Cyllene are Æsculapius
and Aphrodite. Hermes also has an Ithyphallic statue,
which the natives pay extravagant honour to.
The country of Elis is fertile in fruits of all kinds but
especially in flax. As to hemp and flax all sow them whose
land is favourable to their growth. But the threads which
the Seres make their garments of are not from any plant,
but are produced in the following manner. There is an
insect on the earth which the Greeks called Ser, but the
Seres give it another name. Its size is about double that
of the largest beetle, and in other respects it is like the
spiders that weave their webs under trees, and has also 8
feet like spiders. These insects the Seres breed, and put
summer and winter into little domiciles specially constructed
for them. And what these insects produce is a slender
thread, which rolls round their feet. For 4 years they feed
them on grain, and in the fifth year (for they know they
will not live longer) they give them green reed to eat.
This food is the most agreeable of all to this insect, and
when it has taken its fill of this it bursts from repletion.
And when it is dead they find the thread in its inside. It
is well-known that the island Seria is in the Red Sea. But
I have heard that it is not the Red Sea, but a river called
the Ser that makes this island, just as in Egypt the Delta
is formed by the Nile and not by sea. Such a kind of
island is Seria. The Seres are of Ethiopian race, and so
are those that inhabit the neighbouring islands Abasa and
Sacæa. Some however say that they are not Ethiopians
but a cross-breed of Scythians and Indians. Such are the
various traditions.
As you go from Elis to Achaia it is about 127 stades to
the river Larisus, which is in our day the boundary between
Elis and Achaia, but in ancient times the boundary was the
promontory Araxus near the sea.
FOOTNOTES:
[76] This proverb means to play fast and loose, to be a turn-coat, a Vicar
of Bray. The best illustration is Cicero ad Fam. vii. 29. “Noli hanc
epistolam Attico ostendere: sine eum errare et putare me virum bonum
esse nec solere duo parietes de eadem fidelia dealbare.” See also
Erasmus’ Adagia.
(The number in Roman Notation is the number of the Book, the number
in Arabic Notation the number of the Chapter.)
Achelous, a river in Ætolia, iv. 34;
viii. 24.
Its contest with Hercules, iii. 18; vi. 19.
Father of Callirhoe, viii. 24,
of the Sirens, ix. 34,
of Castalia, x. 8.
Acheron, a river in Thesprotia, i. 17;
v. 14; x. 28.
Acichorius, a general of the Galati, x. 19, 22, 23.
Acrisius, son of Abas, ii. 16.
Husband of Eurydice, iii. 13.
Constructs a brazen chamber for his daughter Danae, ii. 23;
x. 5.
Killed unintentionally by his grandson Perseus, ii. 16.
Ægos-potamoi, iii. 8, 11,
17, 18; iv. 17;
ix. 32; x. 9.
Æneas, the son of Anchises, ii. 21, 23;
iii. 22; v. 22; viii. 12;
x. 17, 26.
Æschylus, the son of Euphorion, i. 2,
14, 21, 28;
ii. 13, 20, 24;
viii. 6, 37; ix. 22; x. 4.
Æsculapius, the son of Apollo, ii. 10,
26, 27, 29;
iii. 23; vii. 23; viii. 25.
His temples, i. 21; ii. 10,
13, 23; iii. 22,
26; iv. 30, 31;
vii. 21, 23, 27; viii. 25.
Æsymnetes, vii. 19, 20.
Æthra, wife of Phalanthus, her love for her husband, x. 10.
Ætna, its craters, how prophetic, iii. 23.
Eruption of Ætna, x. 28.
Agamemnon, i. 43; ii. 6,
18; iii. 9; vii. 24; ix. 40.
His tomb, ii. 16; iii. 19.
Ageladas, an Argive statuary, iv. 33;
vi. 8, 10, 14;
vii. 24; viii. 42; x. 10.
Aglaus of Psophis, happy all his life, viii. 24.
Ajax, the son of Oileus, his violation of Cassandra, i. 15;
x. 26, 31.
Alcmena, the daughter of Amphiaraus and Eriphyle, and wife of Amphitryon,
deceived by Zeus, v. 18.
Hated by Hera, ix. 11.
Mother of Hercules, v. 14.
Alcyone, the daughter of Atlas, ii. 30;
iii. 18; ix. 22.
Alexander, son of Alexander the Great by Roxana, i. 6;
ix. 7.
Alexander the Great, i. 9; v. 21;
vii. 5; ix. 23, 25.
Said by the Macedonians to be the son of Ammon, iv. 14.
Very passionate, vi. 18.
Tradition about his death, viii. 18.
Buried at Memphis, i. 6.
His corpse removed thence by Ptolemy, i. 7.
Statues of him, i. 9; v. 25;
vi. 11.
Cassander’s hatred of him, ix. 7.
Alpheus, a river in Pisa, iii. 8; v. 7;
vi. 22.
Enamoured of Artemis, vi. 22;
of Arethusa, v. 7.
Women may not cross the Alpheus on certain days, v. 6.
Leucippus lets his hair grow to the Alpheus, viii. 20.
Aphrodite, Anadyomene, ii. 1; v. 11.
Mother of Priapus, according to the people of Lampsacus, ix. 31.
The tutelary saint of the men of Cnidus, i. 1.
Ancient temple of her and Adonis in common in Cyprus, ix. 41.
Her clients, ii. 34; ix. 38.
Her statue by Dædalus, ix. 40.
The myrtle in connection with her, vi. 24.
The Celestial and Pandemian Aphrodite, vi. 25; ix. 16.
(The Latin Venus.)
Apollo, helps Alcathous, i. 42.
Herds the cattle of Laomedon, vii. 20.
Inventor of the lute, iii. 24; v. 14;
viii. 31.
Jealous of Leucippus, viii. 20.
Jealous of Linus, ix. 29.
His altar in common with Hermes, v. 14.
See also Delphi.
Art, the noble art of self-defence, vi. 10;
viii. 40.
Artemis, (the Latin Diana,) iii. 22;
iv. 30; viii. 3, 27.
Especially worshipped at Hyampolis, x. 35.
Temple of the goddess at Aulis, ix. 19.
Events there, do.
Athamas, son of Æolus, vii. 3.
Brother of Sisyphus, ix. 34.
Desirous to kill his children Phrixus and Helle, ix. 34.
Athene, (the Latin Minerva,) why grey-eyed, i. 14.
Her birth, i. 24.
Disputes as to territory between her and Poseidon, i. 24;
ii. 30.
Gives Erichthonius to the daughters of Cecrops, i. 18.
A colossal statue of the goddess at Thebes, ix. 11.
Athens, sacred to Athene, i. 26.
Captured by Sulla, i. 20.
Athenians, very pious, i. 17, 24;
x. 28. (Cf. Acts xvii. 22.)
Helped in war by the gods, viii. 10.
Their forces at Marathon and against the Galati, iv. 25;
x. 20.
Their expedition to Sicily, viii. 11; x. 11, 15.
The only democracy that ever rose to greatness, iv. 35.
Their magistrates, iii. 11; iv. 5,
15.
Their townships, i. 3, 32,
33.
Their law-courts, i. 28.
Their Eponymi, i. 5.
Their expeditions beyond Greece, i. 29.
Their heroes, x. 10.
Cocytus, i. 17. (Cf. Virgil, Æneid,
vi. 132, “Cocytusque sinu labens circumvenit
atro,” and Horace, Odes, ii. 14-17, 18.)
Colophon, vii. 3, 5; ix. 32.
Colossuses, i. 18, 42.
(If gentle reader objects to this plural let me cite Sir T. Herbert, “In that isle
he also defaced an hundred other colossuses.”—Travels, p. 267.)
Comætho, her love-passages with Melanippus, vii. 19.
Dædalus, the famous Athenian, son of Palamaon, why called Dædalus,
ix. 3.
A contemporary of Œdipus, x. 17.
Fled to Crete, why, i. 21; vii. 4; viii. 53.
His pupils, ii. 15; iii. 17;
v. 25.
His works of art, i. 27; ii. 4;
viii. 16, 35, 46; ix. 11, 39.
Dædalus of Sicyon, statuary also, vi. 2,
3, 6; x. 9.
Damophon, the best Messenian statuary, iv. 31;
vii. 23; viii. 31, 37.
Danae, daughter of Acrisius and mother of Perseus, her brazen chamber,
ii. 23; x. 5. (Horace’s “turris aenea.”)
Danaus, how he became king of Argos, ii. 19.
His daughters’ savageness, ii. 16, 24;
x. 10.
How he got them second husbands, iii. 12.
Daphne, and the crown of laurel in the Pythian games, x. 7.
Darius, the son of Hystaspes, iii. 4,
9, 12; vii. 10.
Dionysus, (the Latin Bacchus,) father of Priapus, ix. 31.
Son of Zeus by Semele, iii. 24.
Fetches up Semele from Hades, ii. 31, 37.
Punishes Antiope, ix. 17.
Takes Ariadne from Theseus, x. 29.
Many legends about him, x. 29.
His orgies, x. 33; ii. 2, 7.
Dioscuri (Castor and Pollux), iii.
13, 26; iv. 31.
Visit the house of Phormio, iii. 16.
Their anger against the Messenians, iv. 16, 26.
Origin of their anger, iv. 27.
Their particular kind of hats, iii. 24; iv. 27.
Called Anactes, ii. 36; x. 38.
Dragon, viii. 8.
Guards the apples of the Hesperides, vi. 19.
One wonderfully killed, ix. 26.
Seed of the dragon’s teeth, ix. 10.
Dragons sacred to Æsculapius, ii. 11, 28.
Also to Trophonius, ix. 39.
Yoked to the chariot of Triptolemus, vii. 18.
Epaminondas, iv. 26, 31;
viii. 11, 27, 49, 52; ix. 13, 14, 15.
Epeus, the constructor of the famous Wooden Horse, i. 23;
ii. 29; x. 26.
Ephesus, temple of Artemis at, vii. 5. (Cf. Acts; xix. 27, 28. Farrar
very aptly quotes Appul. Metam. ii. “Diana Ephesia, cujus nomen unicum, multiformi
specie, ritu vario, nomine multijugo, totus veneratur orbis.”)
Greeks, apt to admire things out of their own country, ix. 36.
Numbers that fought against Xerxes and the Galati, x. 20.
Munificence of in their worship of the gods, v. 12.
Hephæstus, (the Latin Vulcan,) i. 20;
ii. 31; iii. 17; viii. 53;
ix. 41.
Hera, (the Latin Juno,) i. 18;
ii. 15; v. 16; vi. 24.
Story about her quarrel and reconciliation with Zeus, ix. 3.
Becomes a virgin again annually, ii. 38.
The cuckoo in connection with her, ii. 17.
The peacock sacred to her, ii. 17.
Heraclidæ, Return of the, ii. 13, 18;
iii. 1; iv. 3.
Hercules, the Egyptian, x. 13.
Hercules, the son of Amphitryon, his Colonnade, vi. 23.
Hunts the Erymanthian boar, viii. 24.
Fights against the Amazons, v. 11, 25.
Relieves Atlas, v. 10, 11.
Brings up Cerberus from Hades, ii. 31, 35;
iii. 25; ix. 34.
Cleans Elis, v. 1, 10; ix.
11.
Drives off the oxen of Geryon, iii. 16, 18;
iv. 36; v. 19.
Overcomes the Nemean lion, iii. 18; v. 11;
vi. 5; viii. 13.
Has an eating contest with Lepreus, v. 5.
First accounted a god by the people of Marathon, i. 15,
32.
Taken to heaven by Athene, iii. 18, 19.
Kills Nessus, iii. 18.
Introduces into Greece the white poplar, v. 14.
Liberates Prometheus, v. 10.
His club, ii. 31.
His Labours, iii. 17; v. 10,
26.
Hermes, (the Latin Mercury,) vii. 27; viii. 14.
Steals Apollo’s oxen, vii. 20.
Takes the goddesses to Paris for the choice of beauty, iii. 18;
v. 19.
Invents the lyre, ii. 19; v. 14;
viii. 17.
Herodes Atticus, i. 19; ii. 1;
vi. 21; vii. 20; x. 32.
Herodotus, quoted or alluded to, i. 5,
28, 43; ii. 16,
20, 30; iii. 2,
25; v. 26; viii. 27; ix. 23,
36; x. 20, 32, 33.
Herophile, a Sibyl, x. 12.
Hesiod, i. 2; ix. 30, 31, 38; x. 7.
Quoted or alluded to, i. 24; ii. 9.
Iolaus, nephew of Hercules, vii. 2; viii. 14.
Shares in his uncle’s Labours, i. 19; viii. 45.
Kills Eurystheus, i. 44.
Colonizes Sardinia, vii. 2; x. 17.
His hero-chapel, ix. 23.
Labyrinth of the Minotaur in Crete, i. 27.
(Cf. Virg. Æneid, v. 588-591.
Ovid, Metamorphoses, viii. 159-168.)
Lacedæmonians go out on campaign only when the moon is at its full,
i. 28.
Go out to battle not to the sound of the trumpet, but to flutes lyres and harps, iii.
17.
Care not for poetry, iii. 8.
Tactics in battle, iv. 8.
Always conceal their losses in battle, ix. 13.
Their forces at Thermopylæ, x. 20.
Their kings, how tried, iii. 5.
Love, its power, vii. 19.
Success in love, vii. 26.
Cure of melancholy caused by, vii. 5.
Little sympathy with lovers from older people, vii. 19.
Tragedies through love, i. 30; vii 21; viii. 20.
Scythians, travel in waggons, viii. 43.
(Compare Horace, Odes, Book iii. Ode 24. 9-11.
“Campestres melius Scythae, Quorum plaustra vagas rite trahunt domos, Vivunt.”)
Zeus, (the Latin Jupiter,) the chief of the gods, viii. 36.
Assumed the appearance of Amphitryon, v. 18.
Traditions about his early years, iv. 33; v. 7;
viii. 8, 28, 36, 38.
His two jars, viii. 24.
Represented with three eyes, why, ii. 24.
END OF VOL. I.
CHISWICK PRESS:—C. WHITTINGHAM AND CO., TOOKS COURT,
CHANCERY LANE.
The cover image was created by the transcriber and is placed in the public domain.
The index has been copied from Volume 2 for the convenience of the reader.
Some incorrect references have been removed.
Minor spelling and punctuation errors have been corrected. In addition many
errors and inconsistent spellings have been corrected as follows:
Changed acordance to accordance on page 365 in “in accordance with the oracle at Delphi”.
Changed Æchylus to Æschylus on page 116 in “next to that of Æschylus”.
Changed Ægos-Potamoi to Ægos-potamoi on page 207 in “the victory at Ægos-potamoi”.
Changed Ægospotamoi to Ægos-potamoi on page 204 in “the other at Ægos-potamoi”,
page 261 in “Afterwards too at Ægos-potamoi”,
page 278 in “the Athenians at Ægos-potamoi” and
page 366 in “was taken at Ægos-potamoi”.
Changed Aglauros to Aglaurus on page 5 in “Erse, and Aglaurus, and Pandrosus”.
Changed Amphiarus to Amphiaraus on page 68 in “oracular responses of Amphiaraus”.
Changed Amphisse to Amphissa on page 186 in “the Locrians of Amphissa”.
Changed Aphidne to Aphidna on page 204 in “the spoils from Aphidna”.
Changed Aristus to Aristæus on page 46 in “says Aristæus the Proconnesian”.
Changed arts to parts on page 90 in “maritime parts of Attica”.
Changed Auxesias to Auxesia on page 150 in “what concerns Auxesia
and Lamia”.
Changed Bææ to Bœæ on page 52 in “Bœæ in the neighbouring country”.
Changed bas-relief to bas relief on page 92 in “in bas relief the sons of Tyndareus”.
Changed bearhunting to bear-hunting on page 212 in “superfine deer-hunting and bear-hunting”.
Changed boarhunting to boar-hunting on page 212 in “excellent goat-hunting and boar-hunting”.
Changed Caphereus to Caphareus on page 301 in “Such was the case with Caphareus”.
Changed Cappodocians to Cappadocians on page 202 in “the Cappadocians who live near the Euxine”.
Changed Cephissus to Cephisus on page 129 in “built to the river Cephisus” and
page 129 in “the temple of the Cephisus”.
Changed Chersonnese to Chersonese on page 20 in “conveyed it to the Chersonese” and
page 68 in “as Eleus in the Chersonese”.
Changed child-birth to childbirth on page 103 in “Xenodice, who died in childbirth”.
Changed Cnidos to Cnidus on page 351 in “the people of the Chersonese in Cnidus”.
Changed co-operated to cooperated on page 170 in “They cooperated also with Grais”.
Changed Colossusses to Colossuses on page 34 in “the Colossuses at Rhodes and Rome”.
Changed council-chamber to council chamber on page 6 in “next to it a council chamber” and
page 6 in “And in the council chamber”.
Changed Council-Chamber to Council Chamber on page 352 in “statue of Zeus in the Council Chamber”.
Changed deathbed to death-bed on page 28 in “on his death-bed”.
Changed deerhunting to deer-hunting on page 212 in “superfine deer-hunting and bear-hunting”.
Changed Demarchus to Damarchus on page 375 in “Damarchus the son of Dinnytas”.
Changed doublecourse to double course on page 113 in “and two in the double course”.
Changed dropt to dropped on page 253 in “dropped its shield” and
page 259 in “dropped his shield”.
Changed Eleusininian to Eleusinian on page 293 in “sanctity to the Eleusinian Mysteries”.
Changed Endæus to Endœus on page 50 in “Endœus was an Athenian by race” and
page 50 in “and Endœus designed it”.
Changed Eœœ to Eœæ on page 230 in “the Great Eœæ”.
Changed equi-distant to equidistant on page 64 in “equidistant from Athens and Carystus”.
Changed Eubæa to Eubœa on page 9 in “who settled at Eubœa”.
Changed Eumolphus to Eumolpus on page 117 in “Eumolpus remained at Eleusis”.
Changed Eurypulus to Eurypylus on page 227 in “in their singing to Eurypylus”.
Changed figtree to fig tree on page 73 in “gave him in return a fig tree”,
page 266 in “he took Aristomenes to this fig tree” and
page 270 in “lately did the wild fig tree teach the same lesson”.
Changed fluteplayer to flute-player on page 88 in “the Samian flute-player Telephanes”.
Changed fluteplayers to flute-players on page 134 in “the anger of Apollo against flute-players”.
Changed fluteplaying to flute-playing on page 315 in “the Pythian flute-playing was introduced”.
Changed Gelenor to Gelanor on page 120 in “Gelanor the son of Sthenelas”.
Changed Geraneia to Gerania on page 78 in “the top of Mount Gerania”.
Changed goathunting to goat-hunting on page 212 in “excellent goat-hunting and boar-hunting”.
Changed greatgrandson to great-grandson on page 78 in “and a great-grandson Sciron”.
Changed head-quarters to headquarters on page 228 in “where the royal headquarters were established”.
Changed hegoat to he-qoat on page 266 in “When he-goat drinks of Neda’s winding stream”.
Changed Herse to Erse on page 33 in “to her sisters Erse and Pandrosus”.
Changed jaw-bone to jawbone on page 217 in “which they call Ass’ jawbone”.
Changed Lacedamonians to Lacedæmonians on page 6 in “the slaughter of the Lacedæmonians at Leuctra”.
Changed Lacedemon to Lacedæmon on page 28 in “the plague at Lacedæmon”.
Changed Lacedemonian to Lacedæmonian on page 2 in “the Lacedæmonian fleet off Cnidus” and
page 25 in “a Lacedæmonian led a hostile force”.
Changed Lacedemonians to Lacedæmonians on page 6 in “who were sent to aid the Lacedæmonians”,
page 6 in “the help that came to the Lacedæmonians”,
page 25 in “the territory of the Lacedæmonians”,
page 28 in “a poem on him for the Lacedæmonians”,
page 29 in “at Œnoe in Argive territory, against the Lacedæmonians” and
page 30 in “the Lacedæmonians who were captured”.
Changed Lamias to Lamia on page 150 in “what concerns Auxesia and Lamia”.
Changed Lawgiving to Law-giving on page 62 in “a temple to Law-giving Demeter”.
Changed lawgiving to Law-giving on page 83 in “a temple of Law-giving Demeter”.
Changed Lethæum to Lethæus on page 70 in “Among the Magnesians at Lethæus”.
Changed lightarmed to light-armed on page 242 in “the light-armed troops of the Messenians”.
Changed Market Place to Market-Place on page 332 in “an altar of Artemis of the Market-Place”.
Changed market place to market-place on page 152 in “In the market-place is a temple” and
page 217 in “And near the market-place are fountains”.
Changed Market-place to Market-Place on page 331 in “an altar of Artemis of the Market-Place” and
page 331 in “an altar of Zeus of the Market-Place”.
Changed marketplace to market-place on page 104 in “from the temple of Dionysus to the market-place”,
page 105 in “in the middle of the present market-place”,
page 108 in “And in the part of the market-place”,
page 109 in “Not far from the market-place”,
page 131 in “And not far from the building in the market-place”,
page 158 in “a statue in the market-place”,
page 189 in “there is a handsome market-place”,
page 189 in “public buildings in the market-place”,
page 189 in “But the most notable thing in the market-place”,
page 191 in “As you go from the market-place”,
page 193 in “people of Ægæ in Achaia in their market-place”,
page 193 in “And there is another outlet from the market-place”,
page 196 in “As you go westwards from the market-place”,
page 215 in “In the market-place they have statues”,
page 218 in “in the market-place of Bœæ”,
page 223 in “a conduit in the market-place”,
page 289 in “And in the market-place at Messene” and
page 295 in “a brazen statue of Zeus Soter in the market-place”.
Changed Mnasinus to Mnasinous on page 134 in “their sons, Anaxis and Mnasinous”.
Changed Munichia to Munychia on page 2 in “The Athenians have also another harbour at Munychia”.
Changed Nausicae to Nausicaa on page 42 in “Odysseus suddenly making his appearance as Nausicaa”.
Changed Œclees to Œcles on page 192 in “Amphiaraus the son of Œcles”.
Changed Œniadœ to Œniadæ on page 277 in “marched against the Messenians at Œniadæ” and
page 278 in “they quietly slipped out of Œniadæ”.
Changed Olmpiad to Olympiad on page 318 in “And in the 2nd Olympiad after this”.
Changed Pandrosos to Pandrosus on page 5 in “Erse, and Aglaurus, and Pandrosus”.
Changed Pan-hellenium to Pan-Hellenium on page 150 in “the mountain Pan-Hellenium has nothing of note”.
Changed Panhellenian to Pan-Hellenian on page 150 in “the mountain of Pan-Hellenian Zeus”.
Changed pell-mell to pell mell on page 65 in “thrown them in pell mell”.
Changed Peloponnesse to Peloponnese on page 26 in “pressed into the Peloponnese”.
Changed Pergamum North to Pergamum north on page 326 in “at Pergamum north of the river Caicus”.
Changed pine trees to pine-trees on page 312 in “full of wild pine-trees”.
Changed pinetrees to pine-trees on page 91 in “the robber Sinis took two pine-trees”,
page 91 in “he tied to these pine-trees” and
page 92 in “and on the other pine-trees planted in a row”.
Changed plane tree to plane-tree on page 295 in “the water flows from a plane-tree”.
Changed plane trees to plane-trees on page 407 in “There are some lofty plane-trees”.
Changed planetrees to plane-trees on page 165 in “And the grove of plane-trees”.
Changed Planetrees to Plane-Trees on page 159 in “Apollo called The God of the Plane-Trees”.
Changed Plotemy to Ptolemy on page 1 in “Ptolemy, the son of Lagus”.
Changed porticos to porticoes on page 195 in “a place which has porticoes forming a square”.
Changed Pyrrhicus to Pyrrhichus on page 223 in “And the temples at Pyrrhichus are two”.
Changed racecourse to race-course on page 155 in “what is called Hippolytus’ race-course”,
page 160 in “and near it some remains of a race-course” and
page 292 in “in the race-course at Messene”.
Changed rase to raze on page 395 in “raze the whole town to its foundations”.
Changed rased to razed on page 349 in “Mycenæ and Tiryns were razed to the ground” and
page 405 in “razed Pisa to the ground”.
Changed Sacades to Sacadas on page 134 in “the sepulchre of Sacadas”.
Changed seafight to sea-fight on page 60 in “five Attic triremes present at the sea-fight” and
page 72 in “fought the great sea-fight against Xerxes”.
Changed seafish to sea fish on page 294 in “And some sea fish swim up it”.
Changed stopt to stopped on page 385 in “knew that it had come in first, and stopped running”.
Changed Stromius to Stomius on page 364 in “and Stomius won one victory in the pentathlum”.
Changed Tamagra to Tanagra on page 191 in “And the fifth victory was at Tanagra”.
Changed thighbones to thigh-bones on page 185 in “and threw the thigh-bones of the victims”.
Changed vissitudes to vicissitudes on page 31 in “the life of man and its vicissitudes”.
Changed wes to was on page 161 in “Chthonia was conveyed to Hermione by Demeter”.
Changed who’s to whose on page 232 in “he whose lot came up first”.
Changed wildboars to wild boars on page 110 in “And they offer in sacrifice to her the thighs of any victims but wild boars”.
On page 41 the word white was changed to black
in “And Ægeus seeing the ship with black sails”
to make the text agree with the well-known story of Theseus and Ægeus.
On page 217 the sentence
“Marius indeed has plenty of water if any place”
does not make much sense.
Other translations indicate that Marius has an unsurpassed supply of water.