CONNECTICUT WIDE-AWAKE SONGSTER.
Whole book · 57 sections
For the accommodation of my numerous friends in various parts of the country who prefer not to be at the expense of frequent visits to New York, I have made arrangements with some of the most reliable houses in the city to supply those who may favor me with their orders for
on such terms as can not but be satisfactory to the purchasers.
The disposition on the part of many merchants to overreach their customers when they have an opportunity of doing so, renders it almost as necessary for merchants to give references to their customers as for customers to give references of their standing to the merchants; hence I have been careful to make arrangements only with honorable and responsible houses who can be fully relied on.
As my trade with those houses will be large in the aggregate, they can afford to allow me a trifling commission and still supply my customers at their lowest rates, which I will engage shall be as low as any regular houses will supply them.
My friends and others are requested to try the experiment by forwarding me orders for anything they may chance to want, and if not satisfied, I will not ask them to repeat the experiment.
Those visiting the city are invited to give me a call before making their purchases, and test the prices of the houses to whom I can with confidence introduce them.
Bills for small lots of goods, if sent by express, can be paid for on delivery, or arrangements can be made for supplying responsible parties on time.
Address,
| PAGE | |
| The Republican Platform | 5 |
| Lincoln and Victory | 9 |
| Strike for the Right | 10 |
| Hurrah Chorus | 11 |
| Hurrah for Abe Lincoln | 12 |
| Lincoln and Liberty | 14 |
| The People’s Nominee | 15 |
| Flag of the Brave | 17 |
| Come On! | 18 |
| Abe of Illinois | 19 |
| Our Country’s Call | 20 |
| The Grand Rally | 21 |
| Lincoln Going to Washington | 22 |
| For Freedom and Reform | 24 |
| Lincoln and Hamlin | 25 |
| Campaign Song | 26 |
| Ridden by the Slave Power | 27 |
| “Vive La Honest Abe” | 29 |
| The Gathering of the Republican Army | 30 |
| Lincoln’s Nomination | 31 |
| Freedom’s Call | 32 |
| Hope for the Slave | 33 |
| Freemen Win when Lincoln Leads | 34 |
| Uncle Sam’s Farm | 35 |
| Song of Freedom | 37 |
| The “Neb-Rascality.” | 38 |
| Free Soil Chorus | 40 |
| The Bay State Hurrah | 42 |
| For Liberty | 43 |
| Voice of Freedom | 44 |
| The Cause of Liberty | 45 |
| Lincoln, the Pride of the Nation | 46 |
| Rallying Song | 47 |
| Abe Lincoln is the Man | 48 |
| The Fate of a Fowler | 49 |
| Rallying Song of Rocky Mountain Club | 51 |
| The Liberty Army | 52 |
| Have You Heard the Loud Alarm? | 53 |
| Hark! ye Freemen | 55 |
| From Bad to Worse | 56 |
| The March of the Free | 57 |
| Our Flag is There | 58 |
| Lincoln and Victory | 59 |
| “Wide Awake” | 61 |
| We’ll Send Buchanan Home | 62 |
| Rallying Song | 64 |
| Lincoln | 65 |
| Song | 66 |
| Campaign Song | 68 |
| Freemen, Banish All Your Fears | 69 |
| “Wide-Awake Club” Song | 70 |
| A Jolly Good Crew We’ll Have | 71 |
Resolved, That we, the delegated representatives of the Republican electors of the United States, in convention assembled, in the discharge of the duty we owe to our constituents and our country, unite in the following declarations:
First—That the history of the nation, during the last four years, has fully established the propriety and necessity of the organization and perpetuation of the Republican party, and that the causes which called it into existence are permanent in their nature, and now, more than ever before, demand its peaceful and constitutional triumph.
Second—That the maintenance of the principles promulgated in the Declaration of Independence, and embodied in our federal Constitution, is essential to the preservation of our Republican institutions, and that the federal Constitution, the rights of the States, and the Union of the States must and shall be preserved.
Third—That to the Union of the States this nation owes its unprecedented increase in population; its surprising development of material resources; its rapid augmentation of wealth; its happiness at home and its honor abroad, and we hold in abhorrence all schemes for disunion, come from whatever source they may; and we congratulate the country that no Republican member of Congress has uttered or countenanced a threat of disunion, so often made by Democratic members of Congress, without rebuke and with applause from their political associates; and we denounce those threats of disunion, in case of a popular overthrow of their ascendancy, as denying the vital principles of a free government, and as an avowal of contemplated treason, which it is the imperative duty of an indignant people strongly to rebuke and forever silence.
Fourth—That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions, according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political faith depend, and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of any state or territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.
Fifth—That the present Democratic administration has far exceeded our worst apprehensions, in its measureless subserviency to the exactions of a sectional interest, as is especially evident in its desperate exertions to force the infamous Lecompton Constitution upon the protesting people of Kansas—in construing the personal relation between master and servant, to involve an unqualified property in persons—in its attempted enforcement everywhere, on land and sea, through the intervention of Congress and the federal courts, of the extreme pretensions of a purely local interest, and in its general and unvarying abuse of the power intrusted to it by a confiding people.
Sixth—That the people justly view with alarm the reckless extravagance which pervades every department of the federal government; that a return to rigid economy and accountability is indispensable to arrest the system of plunder of the public treasury by favored partisans; while the recent startling developments of fraud and corruption at the federal metropolis show that an entire change of administration is imperatively demanded.
Seventh—That the new dogma that the constitution of its own force carries slavery into any or all the territories of the United States, is a dangerous political heresy, at variance with the explicit provisions of that instrument itself, with contemporaneous exposition, and with legislative and judicial precedent, is revolutionary in its tendency, and subversive of the peace and harmony of the country.
Eighth—That the normal condition of all the territory of the United States is that of freedom; that as our republican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all our national territory, ordained that no person should be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law, it becomes our duty, by legislation, whenever legislation is necessary, to maintain this provision of the constitution against all attempts to violate it; and we deny the authority of Congress, of a territorial legislature, or of any individuals, to give legal existence to slavery in any territory of the United States.
Ninth—That we brand the recent reopening of the African slave trade, under the cover of our national flag, aided by perversions of judicial power, as a crime against humanity, a burning shame to our country and age, and we call upon Congress to take prompt and efficient measures for the total and final suppression of that execrable traffic.
Tenth—That in the recent vetoes by their federal governors of the acts of the Legislature of Kansas and Nebraska, prohibiting slavery in those territories, we find a practical illustration of the boasted Democratic principle of non-intervention and popular sovereignty, embodied in the Kansas and Nebraska bill, and a denunciation of the deception and fraud involved therein.
Eleventh—That Kansas should of right be immediately admitted as a State under the constitution recently formed and adopted by her people, and accepted by the House of Representatives.
Twelfth—That while providing revenue for the support of the general government, by duties upon imposts, sound policy requires such an adjustment of these imposts as to encourage the development of the industrial interest of the whole country, and we commend that policy of national exchanges which secures to the workingmen liberal wages, to agriculture remunerating prices, to mechanics and manufacturers an adequate reward for their skill, labor, and enterprise, and to the nation commercial prosperity and independence.
Thirteenth—That we protest against any sale or alienation to others of the public lands held by actual settlers, and against any view of the free homestead policy, which regards the settlers as paupers or supplicants for public bounty, and we demand the passage by Congress of the complete and satisfactory homestead measure, which has already passed the house.
Fourteenth—That the National Republican party is opposed to any change in our naturalization laws, or any State legislation by which the rights of citizenship, hitherto accorded to immigrants from foreign lands shall be abridged or impaired; and in favor of giving a full and efficient protection to the rights of all classes of citizens, whether native or naturalized, both at home or abroad.
Fifteenth—That appropriations by Congress for river and harbor improvements of a national character, required for the accommodation and security of an existing commerce, are authorized by the constitution, and justified by an obligation of the government to protect the lives and property of its citizens.
Sixteenth—That a railroad to the Pacific Ocean is imperatively demanded by the interests of the whole country; that the federal government ought to render immediate and efficient aid in its construction, and that, as preliminary thereto, a daily overland mail should be promptly established.
Seventeenth—Finally, having thus set forth our distinctive principles and views, we invite the co-operation of all citizens, however differing on other questions, who substantially agree with us in their affirmance and support.
[A] The highest gift of the Nation—the office of President.
The following Campaign Song was written by Samuel Copp, Esq., aged 75 years, for the “Lincoln and Hamlin Club” of Stonington, Conn., a place rendered memorable by the gallant repulse of a naval attack by the British, on the 9th, 10th, 11th, and 12th of Aug., 1814, in which four days’ contest Mr. Copp took a part. The original song is furnished to us by the author’s friend, Samuel C. Brewster, Esq.:
BY REV. E. H. CHAPIN, D.D.
Reported as Delivered, and Revised and Corrected by the
Author.
The subjects treated in these able and truly eloquent discourses are:
“One peculiarity of these Discourses is, that they present no distinct characteristics which would render them objectionable to Christians of any denomination, while the matter they contain can not fail to meet with the highest approval of all truly Christian minds and hearts.”—Life Illustrated.
“They abound in bursts of spontaneous eloquence which it is not easy to preserve under the process of elaborate composition.”—New York Tribune.
“They are valuable to all mankind in one respect, that they not only teach spiritual truth, but touch the sources of spiritual joy. The power of some preachers paralyzes, that of Mr. Chapin inspires. All the strength he possesses he communicates; he not only announces good principles, but quickens good motives.”—Boston Transcript.
“They are remarkable performances, admirable in spirit, full of earnestness, persuasive, and powerful.”—The Welcome Guest, Boston.
“Almost every page we have turned might be cited in illustration of the first qualities of extemporaneous address.”—Christian Examiner.
“We are quite sure that his extemporaneous efforts are not inferior in their effect upon the hearer to his more carefully prepared discourses; and we should not be surprised if it proved that in their printed form they were more sought for and read than his other works.”—Albion.
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Obvious punctuation errors repaired. Song layouts were adjusted where an anomaly occurred such as on page 20, where the last line of the third verse was not indented, but the rest of the final lines were. To match the rest, this line was indented.
Advertisement, inside front cover, “so” changed to “to” (as for customers to)
Page 7, “eucourage” changed to “encourage” (encourage the development)
Page 24, “aud” changed to “and” in final line of first verse (We’re for Freedom and Reform)
Page 45, “o’en” changed to “o’er” (Soon o’er the world)
Page 65, “nations’s” changed to “nation’s” (A nation’s hand has)
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