My dear Brother and Comrade:
Your letter of June 13th[D] relative to the meeting
called for the 27th, in the interest of a more radical
socialist movement in our church, came duly to hand,
and its invitation to attend, or at least write, was
highly appreciated.
My days for attending things are, I fear, past. I
did not feel able to go to the Annual Convention of
the Socialist Party of Ohio, which met much nearer
here on the same date, June 27th, and ended on the
29th with a great picnic—a communion, as real and
holy, as was ever celebrated. I cannot even be sure
of being with you in the House of Bishops during
the meeting of the General Convention in October.
However, I intended you to have a letter and set
the 26th aside for the writing of it, but I work slowly
now and its hours slipped away while I was making
notes until only one was left. It was spent in trying
to condense all I wanted to say in the letter into a
telegram. What I regard as the best of these efforts
was taken to the office at seven p. m. on that day:
Make world safe for democracy by banishing Gods
from sky, and capitalists from earth.
Here are four of the many other efforts: (1) Come
over and help us. Abandon Christian Socialism for
Marxian Communism; (2) Make world safe for
democracy by turning it upside down with workers
above and owners below; (3) Revolutionize capitalism
out of state and orthodoxy out of church; (4) Come
over and help us. Abandon reformatory for revolutionary
socialism.
What I wanted you to understand is that, in my
judgment, there can be no deliverance for the world
from the troubles by which it is overwhelmed so long
as theism holds the religious field and capitalism the
political field.
Religion and politics are the two halves of the
sphere in which humanity lives, moves and has its
social being. Religion is the ideal and politics the
practical half of this sphere. Both halves naturally
exist as the result of the same natural law of necessity:
the matter-force law which makes it necessary
for a man to feed, clothe and shelter his body in order
to preserve it and its life.
Marxian socialism is at once this religion and politics,
all there is of both of them which is for the good
of the world as a whole.
Marxian socialism is a revolutionary movement
towards doing away with the existing competitive
system for producing and distributing the basic necessities
of life (foods, clothes and houses) for the
profit of a few parasites, and substituting a system for
making and distributing them for the use of all workers.
So far some competing, lying, robbing, enslaving
system for the production and distribution of these
necessities has been the basis of every religion and
politics—of none more than the Christian and American,
and they with the rest have been tried in the
balance of experience and found utterly wanting. Indeed,
they are making a hell, not a heaven, of the
earth in general and of our country in particular.
Christianism as a religion has collapsed. It promised
to secure to the world peace and good will, but
it has never had more of strife and hate. The tremendous
English-German (or if you prefer German-English)
war was a conflict at arms between the most
outstanding among Christian nations and it was solemnly
alleged to have been fought for the high purpose
of ending such conflicts; but in reality it scattered
the hot coals of war throughout the world,
several of which were fanned into blazing by its so-called
peace conference and others are ominously
smouldering.
Americanism as a politics has collapsed. It promised
a classless government of all the people, by all
the people, for all the people, but has instead given a
government of a class, by a class, for a class. This
class, comprising not more than one out of every ten
of the population, is the capitalist class, which owns the
means and machines for the production of the necessities
of life and for their distribution, a class which,
as such, though bearing no necessary relationship
to either one of the branches of this business, yet
realizes enormous profits from both, profits which
are wholly at the expense of the large class, at least
nine out of every ten, which does all the work connected
with the making of the machines and the operating
of them.
This government was to make the country safe for
democracy by securing to it the privilege of free
speech and free assemblage, the existence of an independent
press and the right of appeal for the redress
of grievances; but our fathers did not have any too
much of these liberties, we have had less and, if the
competitive system for the production and distribution
of commodities for the profit of the small owning
class is to continue, our children are to have none.
Indeed, this is already true of the overwhelming
majority, the working class. Its representatives have
little if any real part in the government. They are
completely subjected to the rule of the owning class.
There never has been a body, mind and soul destroying
slavery which equaled theirs, either as to the number
of men, women and children involved in it, or as
to the degrees of misery to which it doomed its victims.
Nor is the end yet. The world war certainly has
taken American slavery out of the frying pan into the
fire rather than into the water.
American slaves appeal to their government as
Jewish slaves appealed to one of their kings for relief
and receive the same answer, not in words but in
deeds which speak louder:
Thy father made our yoke grievous; now therefore
make thou the grievous service of thy father, and his
heavy yoke which he put upon us, lighter, and we will
serve thee. And he said unto them, Depart yet for
three days, then come again to me. And the people
departed. So all the people came the third day as the
king had appointed and the king answered them
roughly, saying: My father made your yoke heavy,
and I will add to your yoke: My father also chastised
you with whips, but I will chastise you with scorpions.
So when all Israel saw that the king harkened not
unto them, the people answered the king, saying,
What portion have we in David?
As to details history does not exactly repeat itself
and, therefore, I do not believe that the other planets
of the universe, of which no doubt there are
many billions, are inhabited by human beings of the
same type as those of the earth, nor that its men,
women and children are to have their bodies reconstructed
and resurrected, after they have been disintegrated
by death. Such beings on other planets and
such reconstructions on this planet would in every
case involve a detailed repetition of infinitely numerous
processes of evolution which had extended
through an eternal past.
Yet in every part of the universe and throughout
all eternity, like causes ever have produced and ever
shall produce like effect. If, therefore, the course of
the Judean masters towards their slaves led to a successful
revolt of ten out of twelve tribes, there is
every reason for believing that the parallel course
which the American masters are pursuing against
their slaves will sooner or later issue in a revolution—a
revolution which shall do away with both
masters and slaves, leaving us with a classless America
and a government concerned with the making of
provisions for enabling all the people who are able
and willing to work to supply themselves in abundance
with the necessities of life and with the most
desirable among the luxuries, rather than a government
which provides that they who produce nothing
shall have the cream and top milk of every necessity
and the whole bottle of every luxury, leaving of the
necessities only the blue milk for the producers of
them and of the luxuries, not even the dregs.
Under this government those who can but will not
work will be allowed to starve themselves into a better
mind and out of their laziness. The young and the
old, the sick and crippled will have their rightful
maintenance from the state and out of the best of
everything.
The deliverance of the world from commercial imperialism
and the making of it safe for industrial
democracy would prevent most of its unnecessary
suffering and this great salvation is above all else
dependent upon a knowledge of the truth. "Ye shall
know the truth and the truth shall make you free"—free
from all the avoidable ills of life, among them the
diabolical trinity of evils, war, poverty and slavery.
The happiness of the world will be promoted in
extent and degree in proportion as the knowledge of
the truth is disseminated by a twofold revelation:
(1) the truth as it is revealed by history according to
the Marxian interpretation thereof, a revelation of the
truth which is saving the world from the robbing impositions
of the capitalistic interpretation of politics,
and (2) the truth as it is revealed by nature, according
to the Darwinian interpretation thereof, a revelation
which is saving the world from the robbing impositions
of the supernaturalistic interpretations of religion.
Man has always had as a basis for his thought,
belief and action, a system for the production and
distribution of the necessities of life. This is the discovery
of Karl Marx which is known as the scientific
or materialistic interpretation of history.
According to the scientific interpretation of history
which is taught by naturalistic socialism, man is what
he is, and his institutions are what they are, because
he has fed, clothed and housed himself as he has.
According to the traditional interpretation of history,
which is taught by supernaturalistic Christianism,
man is what he is because of his thinking, believing
and acting with reference to a revelation of a god,
as it has been interpreted by his inspired representatives,
the great prophets and statesmen, like Isaiah
and Luther, Moses and Washington.
Perhaps the best proof of the correctness of the
scientific or naturalistic explanation of the career of
man and of the incorrectness of the traditional or supernaturalistic
one is afforded by the history of morals,
the soul of both religion and politics, without
which neither could have any existence.
Before the discovery of the art of agriculture, man
was dependent for his food upon fruits and nuts,
game and fish. When these sources of sustenance
failed, the tribes living in the same neighborhood
fought with each other in order that the victorious
might eat the vanquished.
During this period cannibalism was morally right,
and it probably extended through at least two hundred
thousand years, even into the Old Testament
times. So righteous and holy was it that, in the
course of time, the victims were recognized as saviour
gods and the drinking of their blood and eating of their
flesh constituted a Lord's Supper in which the god
was eaten.
Cannibalism is the basis of our sacrament of the
holy communion of bread and wine. As a connecting
link between these extremes there was the form of
communion which consisted in the eating of animal
sacrifices.
By a sacrament with such an origin, you and I render
our highest act of worship, though yours is still
directed towards one among the supernaturalistic
divinities and mine is now directed towards humanity.
You say of a divinity: Thou, Lord, hast made me after
thine own image and my heart cannot be at rest until
I find rest in thee. I say of humanity: Thou, Lord,
hast made me after thine own image and my heart
cannot be at rest until it find rest in thee.
Within the social realm humanity is my new divinity,
and your divinity (my old one) is a symbol of it,
or else, so I think, he is at best a fiction and at worst
a superstition.
You will be surprised, and I do not expect you to
understand me, when I tell you that by translating
the services and hymns from the language of my old
literalism into that of my new symbolism, I am getting
as much good out of them as ever and indeed
more. I love the services, especially that great one,
the Holy Communion, and the hymns, especially those
great ones, Guide Me O Thou Great Jehovah; Lead,
Kindly Light; Abide With Me; and Jesus, Lover of
My Soul.
My experience has convinced me that the sentimental
and poetical elements in religion, to which I
attach as much importance as ever, are as readily
excited and securely sustained by fixing thought and
sympathy upon the martyred human savior, the
working class, as upon a crucified divine saviour,
who after all, as the suffering son of God, is but a symbol
of the suffering sons and daughters of man, the
workers, from whom all good things come.
If grace at dinner means anything, it is addressed to
a god who is the symbol of the many workers who did
the innumerable things necessary to the producing and
serving of it, without whom there would be nothing of
all the good things on the table.
In the representation about my pleasure in the
services of the church and their value to me, and in
many representations scattered throughout this letter,
I have in mind the question of an unanswered
letter of yours, bearing date, February 25th, 1919, the
one in which you ask, in effect, by what right a man
can remain in an institution after he has, as I have,
abandoned its chief doctrines and aims as they are
authoritatively interpreted.
The right of revolution is the one by which I justify
my course, and surely no consistent Protestant Christian
or American citizen will doubt the solidity of this
ground; for Protestantism and Americanism had their
origin in revolutions.
Our national declaration of independence contains
this famous justification of political revolutions, and
it is equally applicable to religious ones, for religion
and politics are but the ideal and practical halves of
the same social reality:
We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all
men are created equal; that they are endowed by their
Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among
these, are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
That to secure these rights, governments are instituted
among men, deriving their just powers from the
consent of the governed: that, whenever any form of
government becomes destructive of these ends, it is
the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to
institute a new government, laying its foundation on
such principles, and organizing its powers in such
form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their
safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate
that governments long established, should not be
changed for light and transient causes; and, accordingly,
all experience hath shown, that mankind are
more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable,
than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to
which they are accustomed. But, when a long train
of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the
same object, evinces a design to reduce them under
absolute despotism, it is their right—and it is their
duty—to throw off such government, and to provide
new guards for their security.
Jesus was nothing if he was not a revolutionist.
Anyhow, his alleged mother is authoritatively represented
as believing him to have been foreordained as
one, for this song is put into her mouth:
He hath showed strength with his arm: he hath
scattered the proud in the imagination of their hearts.
He hath put down the mighty from their seat: and
hath exalted the humble and meek.
He hath filled the hungry with good things: and the
rich he hath sent empty away.
This Christian socialism, like Bolshevik socialism,
turns the idle rich empty away; but, whereas the
Christian gives them no chance to get anything to eat,
the Bolshevik allows them to have as much as the
poor, if they will work as hard.
Assuming for the sake of argument, that there may
have been an historical Jesus who taught some of the
doctrines, in accordance with the representations of
the gospel, which are attributed to him, I am nevertheless
justified in claiming that he was quite as
heretical touching the faith of orthodox Judaism as I
am touching that of orthodox Christianism.
As to the Jewish faith he said, in effect, of himself
what I say of myself: I have all of the potentialities
of my own life within myself. I and my god are one.
He dwells in me and I in him, and we are on the earth,
not in the sky.
As to the Jewish church and state, Jesus taught
that they had become utterly antiquated and that it
was the mission of himself and disciples to establish
a new heaven, that is to remodel the church; and a
new earth, that is, to remodel the state; both remodelings
being with reference to the service of humanity
by enlightening its darkness and alleviating its misery
here and now, rather than teaching it to look for light
and happiness elsewhere and elsewhen.[E]
As for the faith and church of orthodox Christianism
there is no reason for believing that he would be
any more loyal to either than am I. His loyalty was
to the truth and to the proletarian, and they (this
faith and church) are disloyal to both, being ever on
the side of tradition against science, and on the side
of the owner against the worker.
Jesus remained in the Jewish church, in spite of his
many and great heresies, until he was put out by death.
My contention is that in view of this example, whether it
be, as you think, of an historical or, as I think, of a
dramatic character, there is no reason why I should
voluntarily go out of the Christian church.
Religion in general and Christianity in particular
are nothing unless they are embodiments of morality,
and morality does not consist in professions of belief
in a god and his revelations as they are recorded in a
bible and condensed in a creed, but in a desire and
effort to acquire a knowledge of the laws of nature in
order that, by conformity to them, life may be made
longer and happier.
When this desire exists and this effort is made
with reference to one's own self, they constitute morality;
when with reference to one's own family and
associates, they constitute religion, and when with
reference to all others of contemporary and future
generations, they constitute Christianity.
But in making such distinctions the fact should not
be lost sight of that at bottom there is no difference
between morality, religion and Christianity. They are
synonyms for the same virtues, the desire and effort
to know and live the truth as it is revealed in the doings
of nature. There are no other revelations of
the truth, nor is there any other morality, religion or
Christianity.
Socialism is for me the one comprehensive term
which is a synonym at once of morality, religion and
Christianity. Marxian and Bolshevikian socialism are
two halves of one thing, the theoretical half and the
practical half. Marxism is socialism in theory. Bolshevism
is (perhaps imperfectly as yet) socialism
in practice.
As long as gods dominate the sky and capitalists
prevail upon the earth, the world will be safe for commercial
imperialism, having a small heaven for the few
rich masters and a large hell for the many poor slaves.
Come over and help us make the world safe for
industrial democracy by banishing the personal, conscious
gods from the sky and the lying, robbing capitalists
from the earth.
But in coming there is no need for leaving your
church any more than there is for leaving your state.
During the short time which is for me, before the
night cometh in which no man can work, I shall remain
in both as long as the powers that be allow it,
and do what little I can to revolutionize them—revolutionize
the church into a school for the teaching of
truth instead of lies, and revolutionize the state into a
hive for the making of commodities for the use of all
instead of for the profit of a few. In doing this I shall
be following in the very footsteps of the human Jesus.
After it was discovered that the ground, by planting
and cultivating, would produce the necessities of
life, when a tribe found that it had too little of it for
its growing population, it would go to war with the
weaker among adjacent tribes for the purpose of securing
its territory; but from this on the vanquished
were not eaten, and it was morally wrong to eat them.
They were kept alive and put to work at raising
harvests for their conquerors, hence arose the institution
of slavery, and hence its moral rightness even
in this country of the free, down to the beginning of
the generation to which I belong.
However, human slavery has never ended, nor will
it ever end while the competitive system for the production
of the necessities of life for profit rather than
use continues. Human slavery is, so to speak, the
basic ingredient of this system.
Speaking broadly, there have been three forms of
human slavery—the chattel, feudal and wage slaveries—the
third much worse than the first, and the second
intermediary between them.
The chattel slave, as the adjective signifies, was the
property of his master, as much so as were the horse
or the mule with which he worked, and he was cared
for in much the same way and for about the same reason.
The feudal slave was as really a chattel as was his
predecessor, only he had to look out for himself to a
greater extent; and, more was expected from him of
accomplishment for the opulence and glory of the master,
especially insofar as these depended upon the success
of his wars.
The wage slave is, likewise, as really owned by his
master as was the chattel or the feudal slave; but, if
the master has no need for his service, he is altogether
down and out, as the feudal slave was not and still
less the chattel, and he has accomplished at least ten
times more for his master than did either of his predecessors.
So far man has produced and distributed the necessities
of life by a competitive system. The existing
form of this competition is known as capitalism. It
has supplanted, or at least overshadowed, every other
form and is, so to speak, monarch of all it surveys.
The system as it now stands divides the world into
two spheres—a small one, in which a few live surfeitingly
by owning, and a large one, in which the
many live starvingly by working; and, yet, ultimately,
absolutely everything for both depends upon the worker
and nothing at all on the owner.
Yes, the worker is indispensable to the owner, as much
so as (to use the classical illustration) the dog
to the flea; but the owner is no more indispensable to
the worker than a flea to a dog. As dogs would be
much better off without fleas, so would workers without
owners.
The discovery that the itch is caused by a parasite
was of an epoch making character because it led to
the discovery that many, if not most of the diseases
by which mankind and also animal kind are afflicted
are of a parasitical character. This is as true of the
social organism as of the physical. Capitalism is the
tape worm of society.
The existence of the master and slave classes inevitably
gives rise to four struggles: (1) the struggle
of the slaves with the master for better conditions,
issuing in rebellions; (2) the struggle between masters
for advantages in markets, issuing in wars; (3) the
struggle between the slaves for jobs, issuing in a body
and soul destroying poverty; and (4) the struggle of
the slaves with the master for a reversal of conditions,
issuing in revolutions.
All this struggling between the classes and within
them tends towards two results with both classes.
In the case of the master class, these results are the
making of the rich fewer and the remaining few
richer.
In the case of the slave class, these results are the
making of the miserable poor more numerous and all
less happy.
While capitalism stands, all talk about peace on
earth and good will among men will be so much hypocrisy;
for, until it falls, the world will be divided
into the slave and master classes and these four contentions
with these results will continue to fill it with
hatred and strife.
The overthrow of capitalism in Russia is the greatest
event in the history of the world and it has converted
International Socialism (the Marxian revolutionary
kind) from a theory into a condition.
Theories come and go. Conditions remain and
work. From this on revolutionary socialism will be
working, night and day, with might and main, here
and there, everywhen and everywhere, and its three
herculean tasks are: (1) to dethrone the great imperialist,
competitive capitalism; (2) to enthrone the
great democrat, co-operative industrialism; and (3)
to make the world safe for an industrial classless democracy.
In less than three years revolutionary socialism in
Russia has accomplished more of these three tasks for
the world, than all the states and all the churches with
all their wars have done in the whole course of man's
career, extending through at least two hundred thousand
years. Indeed they never did anything to these
ends. On the contrary, what progress has been made
towards them was made in spite of their strenuous
opposition at every step.
Revolutionary socialism is a world movement towards
the deliverance of the producing slave from the
non-producing master who has robbed him of the
fruits of his toil and left him half dead on the wayside—the
only effective movement to this humanitarian
end.
Revolutionary socialism is the Good Samaritan of
the despoiled and wounded laborer. The reformatory
kinds of socialism are so many priests and Levites who
pass by on the other side.
Of no reformatory socialism is this more true than
of the Christian kind. Christian socialism is absolutely
worthless, and its utter worthlessness is due to
the essentially parasitic character of supernaturalistic
or orthodox Christianity.
Until the reformation, Christianity was dominated
by monks—parasites who lived by begging, lying, and
persecuting; and since then by capitalists—parasites
who live by robbing, lying and warring.
Monks and capitalists have this in common, that
they are natives of the realm of parasitism.
We shall never have peace on earth and good will
among men until we have a parasiteless humanity,
and we must wait for this until we have a classless
world. Parasitism is a boon companion of classism.
Nor can the earth ever be rid of its parasites until
the celestial world is rid of the class gods which capitalists
have made in their own image and likeness, nor
until the terrestrial world is rid of the class states and
codes, churches and gospels which their respective
class kings or presidents and their class priests or
preachers have had the gods of their making impose
upon this world, in accordance with their interests
and in the furtherance of their lying, robbing, warring
schemes for the promotion of them.
Neither capitalism nor Christianism is anything except
insofar as it is a system of parasitism and as
parasitic systems they have striking resemblances,
nearly as many and close as indistinguishable twins.
Both have gods, churches and priesthoods and these
are in each case nothing but symbols.
However, the god of capitalism, though only a symbol,
is nevertheless real gold, below a real vault, and
nearly all the world sincerely worships it.
But the god of Christianism, though none the less
symbolic, but rather more so, is an unreal imaginary
spirit, a magnified man without a body, above an
imaginary vault, and only a very small part of the
world sincerely worships him.
International socialism of the Marxian or Russian
type, is for those who starvingly live by working, the
most uplifting thing in the world, and for those who
surfeitingly live by owning, it is the most depressing
thing in the world.
Wise people consider theories without losing too
much, if any, sleep on their account, but they study
conditions and lie awake nights over them.
Millions of wise Americans have, in the past, been
studying socialism as a theory but, in the future, they
will study it as a condition, in the only way by which
it can rightly and adequately be studied—the way of
reading its official documents, accredited periodicals
and books. Of all such, the most notable is the
Communist Manifesto by Marx and Engels.
This Manifesto is the Marxian gospel. I read two
pages in it every day as faithfully as ever I read a
chapter in the Jesuine gospel, and with much greater
profit; for, whereas the gospel of Marx is exclusively
concerned with this terrestrial world, about which I
know much and for which I can do a little, the gospel
of Jesus is as exclusively concerned with a celestial
world, about which I know nothing and for which I
cannot do the least. Here, as a sample of this gospel,
I give half of yesterday's reading and most of today's:
The immediate aim of the Communists (Socialists)
is the same as that of all the other proletarian parties;
formation of the proletariat into a class, overthrow of
the bourgeois supremacy, conquest of political power
by the proletariat.
The theoretical conclusions of the Communists are
in no way based on ideas or principles that have been
invented, or discovered, by this or that would-be universal
reformer.
They merely express, in general terms, actual relations
springing from an existing class struggle, from
a historical movement going on under our very eyes.
The abolition of existing property relations is not at
all a distinctive feature of Communism.
All property relations in the past have continually
been subject to historical change consequent upon the
change in historical conditions.
The French Revolution, for example, abolished
feudal property in favor of bourgeois property.
The distinguishing feature of Communism is not
the abolition of property generally, but the abolition
of bourgeois property. But modern bourgeois private
property is the final and most complete expression of
the system of producing and appropriating products,
that is based on class antagonism, on the exploitation
of the many by the few.
In this sense, the theory of the Communists may be
summed up in the single sentence: Abolition of
private property.
We Communists have been reproached with the desire
of abolishing the right of personally acquiring
property as the fruit of a man's own labor, which
property is alleged to be the groundwork of all personal
freedom, activity and independence.
Hard-won, self-acquired, self-earned property! Do
you mean the property of the petty artisan and of the
small peasant, a form of property that preceded the
bourgeois form? There is no need to abolish that;
the development of industry has, to a great extent,
already destroyed it, and is still destroying it daily.
Or do you mean modern bourgeois private property?
But does wage-labor create any property for the
laborer? Not a bit. It creates capital, i. e., that kind
of property which exploits wage-labor, and which cannot
increase except upon condition of getting a new
supply of wage-labor for fresh exploitation. Property,
in its present form, is based on the antagonism of
capital and wage-labor. Let us examine both sides
of this antagonism.
To be a capitalist, is to have not only a purely personal,
but a social status in production. Capital is a
collective product, and only by the united action of
many members, nay, in the last resort, only by the
united action of all members of society, can it be set
in motion.
Capital is therefore not a personal, it is a social
power.
When, therefore, capital is converted into common
property, into the property of all members of society,
personal property is not thereby transformed into
social property. It is only the social character of the
property that is changed. It loses its class-character.
Let us now take wage-labor:
The average price of wage-labor is the minimum
wage, i. e., that quantum of the means of subsistence,
which is absolutely requisite to keep the laborer in
bare existence, as his labor merely suffices to prolong
and reproduce a bare existence. We by no means intend
to abolish this personal appropriation of the
products of labor, an appropriation that is made for
the maintenance and reproduction of human life, and
that leaves no surplus wherewith to command the
labor of others. All that we want to do away with
is the miserable character of this appropriation, under
which the laborer lives merely to increase capital, and
is allowed to live only insofar as the interest of the
ruling class requires it.
In bourgeois society, living labor is but a means to
increase accumulated labor. In Communist society,
accumulated labor is but a means to widen, to enrich,
to promote the existence of the laborer.
In bourgeois society, therefore, the past dominates
the present; in Communist society, the present dominates
the past. In bourgeois society capital is independent
and has individuality, while the living person
is dependent and has no individuality.
And the abolition of this state of things is called by
the bourgeois, abolition of individuality and freedom!
And rightly so. The abolition of bourgeois individuality,
bourgeois independence, and bourgeois freedom
is undoubtedly aimed at.
The version of the Marxian gospel which we have
in the Manifesto is among the first of its versions. It
was published about the middle of the last century.
Within the short period which has intervened, it has
changed nearly all of the ideas of a large and rapidly
growing part of every nation about almost everything
social; and before the middle of the present century,
it will revolutionize all nations as it has Russia.
Ludendorff, the greatest among the military authorities
in Germany, saw and terribly feared this, and
called Europe to arms to prevent it. In his almost
frantic appeal he said:
Bolshevism is advancing now and in a gradual
progress from east to west and is crushing everything
between the midland sea and the Atlantic ocean. It
was easy to foresee that the Bolshevist armies would
attack toward the middle of May and defeat the Poles,
as they have now done. The world at large must,
therefore, figure with a Bolshevist advance in Poland
toward Berlin and Prague.
Poland's fall will entail the fall of Germany and
Czecho-Slovakia. Their neighbors to the north and
south will follow. Fate steps along with elementary
force. Let no one believe it will come to a stand
without enveloping Italy, France and England. Not
even the Seven Seas can stop it.
Under the capitalist system most people are and
must continue to be slaves. If you are a slave (all
wage earners, as such, are slaves) the socialist literature,
the greatest of all literatures, will thrill you with
the hope of liberty. Read, note and inwardly digest it.
No wage earner who does this will ever again vote
either the Democratic or the Republican ticket. As a
whole this literature is a brilliantly illuminating and
almost resistlessly persuasive explanation of the most
sane, the most salutary and withal the most promising
movement towards the freeing of all toiling men, women
and children (nine of every ten) from their body and
soul destroying slavery.
Both Socrates and Jesus are recorded as teaching
that the saviour of the world is truth. Among saving
truths (there is no truth without some saving efficacy)
the greatest is the one which was discovered
and formulated concurrently by Karl Marx and Frederick
Engels and it is in substance this: all which
makes for the good of mankind ultimately depends
wholly upon the laborious constructors and operators
of the machines for the cultivation, production and
distribution of the necessities of life, not at all upon
the owners of these machines, who at best are idlers
and at worst schemers, and in any case parasites.
In the beginning was Work. All things were made
by it; and without it was not anything made that was
made. In it was life; and the life was the light of
men.
The opening verses of the gospel according to John
have been thus interpreted. The commentator acknowledges
that they do not read so now, but contends for
good and sufficient reasons, that, if there ever was any
truth in them, something to this effect must have been
their original reading. Certainly there is no truth in
them as they have come down to us.
This representation to the effect that productive
labor is the saviour of the world, its real god, the
divinity in which we live, move and have our being, is
the great truth, the gospel of International Socialism,
the greatest of all movements, the movement which
carries the only rational hope for the freeing of mankind
from all its unnecessary suffering—and the most
poignant sufferings, those imposed by the great trinity
of evils: (war, poverty and slavery) are not necessary.
Capitalism and Christianism are alike not only in
having gods which are symbols, but also in having
great buildings set apart for the worshipping of them.
The representatives of the god below the vault worship
him in banks under the leadership of a threefold
ministry: presidents, cashiers and bookkeepers.
The representatives of the god above the vault worship
him in churches under the leadership of a threefold
ministry: bishops, priests and deacons.
Speaking particularly of Christianity and America
the trouble is not at all with our Brother Jesus and
Uncle Sam divinities, but wholly with what they symbolize,
capitalism—the god of liars, robbers and warriors.
What our Brother Jesus and Uncle Sam should
alike symbolize are the classless divinities: (1) law,
the king of the physical realm, and (2) truth, the
queen of the moral realm.
Law is what nature does. There is no other law,
and this law is the god of the physical realm. The gods
of the supernaturalistic interpretations of religion
(Jesus, Jehovah, Allah, Buddha, and all the rest) are
personifications, or symbols, of this god, or else they
are superstitions.
This representation is proved in practice to be true,
on the one hand, by the fact that no one needs to live
with reference to any among those gods, not even the
god, Jesus; and, on the other hand, by the fact that
none who fail to live with reference to this god, law,
lives at all.
Every act of nature, that is, every physical and psychical
phenomenon which enters into the constitution
of the universe, is a word of the revelation of this god,
and there is no other revelation. All men must constantly
live with reference to it or else immediately
die.
Truth is the interpretation of this law in the light
of human experience, reason and investigation with
the view of making human life, that of self and of all
who come or can be brought within the range of one's
influence, as long and happy as possible.
Any one who desires and endeavors rightly to learn,
interpret and live this law to these ends is moral. In
everything is he wholly good and in nothing at all bad.
Religion is not anything good, except only as it is
a synonym of such morality, and this is equally true
of politics.
War shortens much life and fills more with misery,
hence it is utterly immoral, and this is equally true of
poverty and slavery.
In what I say here and in some other places about
war being essentially evil, the wars referred to are
those by which the world has been cursed through all
the ages—wars between different groups of owners
with conflicting interests, not the war between owners
and workers which is now on. This war will bless, not
curse, the world, because it is for the emancipation of
the slave class, not for the enrichment of one group
of the masters at the expense of another group, at the
cost of increased misery to all the slaves on both sides.
If there is any truth in the representation that real
religion and real politics alike consist in desiring and
endeavoring to make terrestrial life (there is no celestial
life of which aught is known) long and happy,
the advocate of war is the worst of heretics against
Christianism and the worst of traitors against Americanism.
War is a necessary characteristic of vegetables and
animals, because they cannot make and operate machines
for the supplying of their needs.
Peace is the necessary characteristic of humans, because
they can make and operate machines for the supplying
of their needs.
Wars between capitalists are inevitabilities, as much
so as the wars between two hungry dogs, when one
has a bone upon which the lives of both depend. The
only difference between capitalists and dogs is, that
dogs do their own fighting, whereas capitalists first
rob the laborers who produce their commodities, and
then persuade or compel them to fight their battles
with fellow capitalists in their competitive efforts to
distribute them.
On the one hand it is true that a few capitalists do
lose money in wars, and still fewer their lives, but on
the other hand it is equally true that the majority of
them are made richer and that producing and distributing
laborers ultimately bear every cent of the enormous
financial burden, and that for every machine
owning master who is killed or wounded there are a
hundred wage earning slaves.
Yet neither the making nor operating of machines
constitutes a man a human. It is co-operation which
does this. Nor will co-operation in itself suffice. Bees
and ants co-operate and even capitalists do so, yet with
all their co-operating bees and ants remain animals
and so do capitalists. The co-operation which converts
animals into humans is the one which is purposely
inaugurated and sustained with the view of
securing to each one the fruits of his labor while at the
same time increasing them for all—that deliberate co-operation
which consists in conscious living, letting
live and helping to live.
It is this co-operation which constitutes the most
essential difference between the animal and the human.
Only animalism can exist and flourish on a competitive
basis, yet this is the basis upon which men
who falsely claim to be humans are living.
Until mankind begins the construction of a civilization
on a foundation of co-operation in the production
and distribution of the necessities of life, it should not
set up a claim to humanism for itself, because meantime
it cannot sustain such a claim.
It is perfectly natural and absolutely necessary for
dogs to have belligerent contentions for bones, because
they cannot peacefully co-operate in the making of
them; and yet men who can do this are more fierce by
far in their competitive struggles for the bones which
are necessities to their lives.
Revolutionary socialists of the Marxian or Bolshevikian
type offer the only solution of the two great
questions of the world at this time: (1) how to save
it from its intermittent and lesser hell of suffering by
the bloody wars between rival sets of capitalists, and
(2) how to save it from its perpetual and greater hell
of suffering by the bloodless wars between the machine
owning masters and the machine operating
slaves, which wars, if less excruciating, are yet more
destructive of both life and happiness.
1. As to the bloody wars, a league of nations could
prevent them only while the dogs are sleeping off their
exhaustion.
Nor could government ownership be depended upon
for protection. It would increase the armies and
navies, making it next to impossible that more than a
decade or two should pass before our children must
suffer as much as, or more than, we have by the recent
war between the bull dog and the blood hound.
We are not at all indebted to the victory of the bull
dog (England) over the blood hound (Germany) for
what we have in the way of a guarantee against future
wars, but wholly to the presumption of the Newfoundland
dog (Russia) which has quietly walked off with
the bone of contention while the belligerents were
scrapping over it.
Notwithstanding all appearances and impressions to
the contrary, this bone never was really Paris or Berlin,
but first one and then another country—the Balkan
States, Mexico, Persia, Morocco and Russia.
Of late Russia has been the chief bone of contention.
Hence all the snarling against Russian Bolshevism,
one of a large litter of puppies born to the Newfoundland
since the beginning of the war, representatives of
which have already made their way to several countries
of Europe, and the prospects are that they or
their offspring will soon be in evidence everywhere
throughout the world.
When all these Bolsheviki are grown-ups, they will
make the world safe for democracy sure enough—not
the competitive democracy of the bull dogs and blood
hounds, but the co-operative democracy of the Newfoundland
dog. Then, and not before, will the world
be safe against war.
Since the beginning of the armistice there has been,
every now and then, a widespread fear that it might
not be permanent, because of a successful effort on the
part of the bull dog to put over another war on account
of the Russian bone; but for many this fear has now
been almost quieted by the total collapse of the Kolchak,
Denikin, Yudenich and Wrangel uprisings from
within, which were strongly supported by the Allies;
and by the repulsion of the Polish invasion which had
England, France and the United States behind it.
An astonishing illustration of the truth of the Marxian
theory concerning the materialistic or economic
determination of history, is furnished by the melancholy
fact that the representatives of big business in
the allied countries would gladly respond to Gen.
Ludendorff's call to join the junkers, against whom
they so recently fought, in a war against Russia, of
which war Germany would be the battle field. A concerted
effort was made to organize such a war, but the
wisdom learned in the school of the world war by the
working-men of all the countries to which the call was
made and their consequent opposition to the effort caused
it to fail.
2. But great as the suffering of the world is on account
of the bloody wars of capitalists with each other,
it is but a drop in the bucket of sorrow as compared
with its suffering on account of the bloodless wars between
masters and slaves—between the machine owners
and operators. When this bloodless war ceases,
as it will with the triumph of international socialism,
the bloody wars will cease and not until then.
Under the capitalist system every institution (state,
church, school, legislature, court, business, yes, even
charity) is necessarily a robbing instrumentality by
which a small class of non-producers, fat masters, rob
a large class of producers, lean slaves, and rob them
twice, each time thrice:
1. The master non-producers rob the slave producers
of the three great necessities of physical (body)
life—food, clothing and houses.
Even in the United States of America, "the land of
plenty," at this time and at all times, seventy-five out
of every one hundred are insufficiently fed, clothed and
housed.
2. The master non-producers rob the slave producers
of the necessities of psychical (soul) life—the liberty
to learn the facts of nature, the liberty to humanly
interpret and live them and the liberty to teach their
discoveries and interpretations.
Even in the United States of America, "the home
of political and religious freedom," there is not one
who can learn, live and teach the truth without danger
of being put out of a synagogue and into a penitentiary;
and this will continue until imperialistic
capitalism and supernaturalistic Christianism, the father
and mother of the whole brood of robbers, liars,
persecutors and warriors, have been dethroned.
The gods of the capitalistic interpretations of politics
and the gods of the supernaturalistic interpretations
of religion, symbolize the same reality, parasitic
robbery.
Yet within the religious realm the trouble is not
with the Jehovahs any more than within the political
realm it is with the Sams, but only with what they
symbolize.
For one I should feel that both the religious and political
realms, which are but halves of the same realm—religion
the ideal half, and politics the practical half—would
be poorer without their respective Jehovahs
and Sams, even as the realm of childhood would be
without its Santa Claus.
If symbols are not absolute necessities to the religious
and political realms, nevertheless they always
have been, now are and probably ever shall be ornaments
of them; I hope for their continuance, but as
subjectivities, not objectivities.
All the imperialistic interpretations of politics and
all the supernaturalistic interpretations of religion must
be overthrown, else the world will be lost. The omnipotent,
omnipresent saviour who can and will deliver
us from them is already in the world. His name
is International Communism, the greatest and holiest
name which has ever been framed and pronounced;
and the gospel of this saviour as it is translated by
Thomas Carlyle is written on every wall so that it
may be read by all:
Understand that well, it is the deep commandment,
dimmer or clearer, of our whole being, to be freed.
Freedom is the one purpose, wisely aimed at, or unwisely,
of all man's struggles, toilings, and sufferings,
on this earth.
Morality is the greatest thing in the world because
without it human life would not be worth the living,
or even possible; but, paradoxical as the assertion may
seem, freedom or liberty is greater because without it
morality would be an impossibility.
One can attain to the very highest standard of
morality, religion and sainthood without the least
necessity of the slightest reference to what the gods
of the supernaturalistic religions said or did, and this
is quite as true of Jesus as of any other among such
gods, but no man can reach even the lowest standard
of morality, and so of course not of religion or sainthood,
without constant reference to the god of truth.
Yet there is a difference between a law and a truth.
The law is a doing or act of nature, and as such it is a
fact or revelation. There are no other facts or revelations.
According to the traditional superstitious conception,
a truth is the revelation of the will of a god, involving
a service to be rendered directly or indirectly
to him, and morality consists in a fulfillment of it.
According to the modern scientific conception, a
truth is the interpretation of a fact involving a service
to be rendered to men. On the scientific theory each
man must have what truth he has, either by his own
interpretation or by the adoption for himself of another's
interpretation.
No man can live the moral part of his psychical
(soul) life on the truth of another any more than he
can live his physical (body) life on the meals of another.
Every one must have his own truths, even as
he must have his own meals.
Hence the necessity of freedom to morality. Hence,
too, the impossibility of the moral life under restraint,
such as is imposed by orthodox churches in their official
dogmas, and such as is imposed by belligerent
states in their espionage laws.
Capitalism is essentially competitive and therefore
necessarily belligerent in character: hence a complete,
an ideal moral life is an utter impossibility under it,
but even the little of moral life which otherwise might be
possible is lessened to one-half by official dogmas and
espionage laws; if, then, the governments of churches
and nations have any regard for the morality of their
memberships and citizenships they will at once repeal
them, and never enact others.
The democracy which means freedom to learn the
laws of the physical realm of nature and to interpret
them into laws for the regulation of human life (a
democracy which will secure to each one the longest
and happiest life which, under the most favorable of
conditions, would be within the range of possibilities
for him) must wait until the competitive system of
capitalism for the production and distribution of the
necessities has been universally and completely supplanted
by the co-operative system of socialism.
The conclusion of the whole matter, as it is well put
by an able contributor to the excellent Proletarian, is
this:
What is needed is a complete revolution of the
economic system. Private ownership of the tools of
wealth production stands in the way of further peaceful
social development and private ownership must be
eliminated. The capitalists themselves will not eliminate
it. That is certain. It remains for the working
class to do so. In order to accomplish this task it will
be necessary for the workers to take control of the
institution by which the capitalists maintain their
ownership of the tools of production—the political
state. That is the historic mission of the working
class. The mission of the Socialist is to organize and
train the workers for this "conquest of political
power."
Among the signs of the times which unmistakably
point to the great day of the happy consummation of
the movement towards the proletarian revolution, and
the glorious sky is full of them, is the fact that the
world has recently learned from the great war that
man must work out his own salvation without the
least help from the gods of the supernaturalistic interpretations
of religion:
And that inverted Bowl they call the Sky,
Whereunder crawling coop'd we live and die,
Lift not your hands to It for help—for It
As impotently moves as you or I.
—Omar.
Yes, and a god moves more impotently than a man;
for, whereas the god is driven hither and thither by
the laws of matter and force, according to which they
co-exist and co-operate through evolutionary processes
to the making of the universe what it is, and the god
cannot help himself by making it or conditioning himself
otherwise, the man, if only he will learn those
laws, may combine, guide and ride them to almost any
predetermined destination, even out of the class hell
of competitive capitalism to the classless heaven of
co-operative socialism.
The salvation of the world from its unnecessary
sufferings is dependent upon such an equitable sharing
of the labor involved in the making and operating of
the machines of production and distribution, and upon
such an equitable sharing of the products as shall issue
in a classless mankind by doing away, through a revolution,
with the class which lives by owning the means
and machines of production and distribution.
It is this advocacy of classless levelism which constitutes
the theoretical core of revolutionary socialism.
Those who oppose this socialism proceed upon the
assumption of the permanency of existing religious
and political institutions, the most ruinous of all
heresies.
What this heresy is and the fatal policy to which it
gives rise has its classic expression, so far as religion
is concerned, in the exhortation—"earnestly contend
for the faith once for all delivered to the saints"—and,
so far as politics is concerned, in the representation—"the
laws of the Medes and Persians which altereth
not."
There is no such faith in religion, and cannot be, for
as a creed becomes stereotyped it loses the religious
character and degenerates into superstition.
There are no such laws in politics, and cannot be,
for as a law becomes stereotyped it loses the political
character and degenerates into tyranny.
Religion, which is the ideal half, and politics, which
is the practical half, of the same reality, human socialism,
are like all else in the universe, constantly
changing, and necessarily so, because life and progress
are dependent upon change.
Orthodoxy in religion and politics is the blight of
the ages, because of its assumption that the great institutions,
the family, state and church with their customs,
laws and doctrines, as they exist for the time
being, constitute the foundation of society, without
which it could not exist; that these institutions are
almost if not altogether what they should be, and that,
therefore, the welfare of society, if not indeed its
existence, is dependent upon their continuance with
but little if any change.
But the foundation of society always has been a
system for the production and distribution of the
necessities of life, and hence social institutions, customs,
laws and creeds are what they are at any time
because an economic system is what it is.
If we compare an economic system for the production
of the primary necessities of life (foods,
clothes and houses) to a king or bishop (we may
well do so, for in all ages such systems have been
the power behind every regal and episcopal throne)
we shall see that states, with their rulers, codes and
police, armies and jails; and churches, with their gods,
revelations, heavens and hells, are but so many expediencies
for the protection of the system from
change.
What is true in this respect of the state and church
is equally so of the family, the school, the press, the
lodge, the club, the library, the theater, the chautauqua
and, in short, every institution.
Why all these age-long safeguards against change?
Because, so far, every economic system has divided
society into two classes, a comparatively small class
who own things and a large one who make things,
and if the few honest owners are to hold their own
as divinely favored "grab-it-alls," they must be protected
at every point against the many dishonest
makers who are diabolically tempted to be "keep-somes!"
These rounded out children of god have nothing in
common with these caved in imps of the devil, no
more than the flea and the dog, or the tapeworm and
the man.
David hastily said: All men are liars. He might
leisurely have said this of every representative of any
religious or political orthodoxy, for they insist that
their religion and politics are the permanent elements
in social truth which remain unchanged from
generation to generation through all ages, whereas no
religion or politics continues the same during one decade,
nor even a single year.
Orthodox Christians say that Jesus founded their
sectarian churches, though each sect insists that he
had to do with only one church, theirs. I doubt that
he lived. In any case, I am certain that if he did
live and founded a church in the first century and
were to come to earth again in this twentieth century,
he could not if he would and would not if he
could become a member of it, because of its changes.
Our own country is different by the width of the
whole space of the heavens from what it was before
the war, and it is destined to a much wider change.
So far are churches with their doctrines, and states
with their laws from being changeless, that they are
more or less modified by every development in the
economic system to which they owe their existence
and of which they are servants.
In the case of every nation its king, the economic
system, has always been a robber and enslaver of the
overwhelming majority of the people, and the church
and state have been the hands by which he accomplished
the robbing and enslaving.
Insofar as they differ, Roman orthodoxy is what
it is because of its starting out as the religious
product of the feudal system of economics; and
Protestant orthodoxy is what it is because of its
starting out as the religious product of the capitalistic
system of economics.
Protestantism is preferred before Romanism by
most of the leading people in the financial world, because
it is the child of capitalism, their sister, so to
speak, whereas its rival is only a cousin.
As to the Roman and Protestant orthodoxies they
are on the same footing. I would not turn my hand
over for the difference between them. If literally
interpreted in the light of modern science, both are
utterly antiquated and irrational.
Orthodox Romanists and Protestants have essentially
the same bible and creed. In my opinion,
as in that of all Marxian and Darwinian socialists,
every supernaturalistic representation in both must
be regarded as having either a figurative or a
superstitious character, for there is not one among
them which can endure a scientific and rational
analysis; yet, this is an age of science and reason.
The difference between Romanism and Protestantism
is not at all a question of relative supernaturalism,
nor of rightness and wrongness, but
wholly one of the difference between the systems of
economics which gave them birth.
If you ask, is not this difference at least partly a
question of the age in which they took their rise, I
reply, yes; but the age itself depends upon the system.
However, it is a fact that while an economic system
does constitute the foundation of every religious
and political superstructure, yet below the
foundation itself there is always a bed rock upon
which it ultimately rests, and this is a question
of machinery by which the necessities of life are produced
and distributed.
The age of feudalism was essentially traditional or
theoretical in its character.
The age of capitalism is essentially scientific or
experimental in its character.
This difference between these ages is due to the
fact that during the earlier age things were made with
hand tools, and during the later one with machine
tools.
Machinery in a theoretical or traditional age would
be an anachronism. It must have an experimental or
scientific age for its development, and, paradoxical as
it may seem, this the machinery must make for itself.
Every period in human history has had its
determining character from the tools which brought
it into being.
Supernaturalism has no place in the observations,
investigations or experimentations which are necessary
to the invention, construction and operation of
a great machine and, hence, the machines have
banished the gods from the roof of the earth and the
devils from its cellar, leaving it to us to make of it
what we please, a heaven or a hell without reference
to them. In his brilliant work entitled "Social and
Philosophical Studies", translated by Charles H. Kerr,
Paul Lafargue writes:
The labour of the mechanical factory puts the wage-worker
in touch with terrible natural forces unknown
to the peasant, but instead of being mastered by them
he controls them. The gigantic mechanism of iron
and steel which fills the factory, which makes him
move like an automaton, which sometimes clutches
him, bruises him, mutilates him, does not engender
in him a superstitious terror as the thunder does in
the peasant, but leaves him unmoved, for he knows
that the limbs of the mechanical monster were
fashioned and mounted by his comrades, and that he
has but to push a lever to set it in motion or stop it.
The machine, in spite of its miraculous power and
productiveness, has no mystery for him. The labourer
in the electrical works, who has but to turn a crank
on a dial to send miles of motive power to tramways,
or light the lamps of a city, has but to say, like the
God of Genesis, "let there be light," and there is light.
Never sorcery more fantastic was imagined, yet for
him this sorcery is a simple and natural thing. He
would be greatly surprised if one were to come and
tell him that a certain god might, if he chose, stop the
machines and extinguish the lights when the electricity
had been turned on; he would reply that this
anarchistic god would be simply a misplaced gearing
or a broken wire, and that it would be easy for him
to seek and find this disturbing god. The practice of
the modern factory teaches scientific determinism to
the wage-worker, without it being necessary for him
to pass through the theoretic study of the sciences.
Earth must be a hell as long as we allow the
capitalist system to continue on it and to enslave the
vast majority of its inhabitants. Marxian socialism
will ring out the old era with its hell of human
slavery and ring in the new era with its heaven of
machine slavery.
One point must be grasped and held by all who
would understand the changes which take place
within the social realm and it is this: they are due
to the differences in the instrumentalities or machines
by which the necessities of life are produced.
Man has risen above the lower animals which have
common ancestors with his own, because of the
superiority of the hand by which he does things to
the hands by which they do things. If a man's body
in general and hand in particular were not a great
improvement over the bodies and hands of the apes,
his mind and morality would differ but little from
theirs.
The superiority of the civilization of this age over
its predecessors is a question of instrumentalities by
which the efficiency of the hand is increased.
If all the modern machinery were taken from this
generation and replaced by the implements of the
stone age the civilization of the next generation would
begin to sink, and within a century it would reach
the ancient level.
Strong expression is also given to the great truth
upon which we are here dwelling by the Socialist
Party of Great Britain in its noteworthy Manifesto:
Obviously, in order that there may be ideas and
human history, two material things must first be
present: human beings, and food and shelter for them.
And the fundamental fact that is so seldom realized
is, that where, by what means, and how much, food
and shelter can be obtained, determines if, where, and
how, man shall live, and the forms his social institutions
and ideas shall take.
It is, indeed, the very basis of Socialist philosophy
that, in the words of Frederick Engels:
"In every historical epoch the prevailing mode of
economic production and exchange, and the social
organization necessarily following from it, form the
basis upon which is built up, and from which, alone
can be explained, the political and intellectual history
of that epoch."
This materialist concept is the Socialist key to history.
It is the first principle of a science of society,
and, being directly antagonistic to all religious philosophy,
it is destined to drive this "philosophy" and
all its superstitions from their last ditch.
Civilization will not die with the death of the
capitalist system of production any more than it did
with the feudal system. It improved under capitalism,
because of the improvement in the machinery of production,
and it is destined to continue its progress
so long as new and better machines are made and
this will be to the end.
Marxian socialism is a machine optimism. Under
this socialism the number and efficiency of machines
would increase more rapidly than they have under
capitalism and feudalism, because its aim will be
the production of commodities for use within the
shortest time by the least exertion at the slightest
risk of injury.
Up to the point of over production, that is, of glutting
the markets, it is to the interest of capitalism to
encourage improvements in machinery, but the
ability to do this has been reached, as is evident
from what we hear at increasingly frequent intervals
about an over production of commodities.
What machinery we now have renders it possible
to produce more commodities than can be sold without
employing all the labor power. But the idle,
starving slave is a danger to the idle, surfeiting master.
Hence, under capitalism there can be no further
development of machinery, at least not on a large
scale.
An industrial government would have for its aim
to produce enough of everything for all with the least
expenditure of energy and time. Hence, the greatest
benefactors and heroes under socialism would be the
inventors of labor saving, leisure giving machinery.
We hear much about the mental superiority of the
representatives of the master class over those of the
slave class, but there is little or no truth in it.
On the contrary, it can be shown that the invention
of a great labor saving, rapid-producing machine is,
upon the whole, the greatest triumph of the human
mind and that nearly all among such machines are
invented, made, operated, kept in order and improved
by the laborer.
Masters may be more cunning than slaves, but
cunningness is not an evidence of a high order of
intellectual power. Many of the lower animals are
quite the equals, if not indeed the superiors, of
capitalists in this quality, but no animal is the equal
of any man, not to speak of the exceptionally skilled
laborer, in the power to produce efficient machines
for the production and distribution of the necessities
of life.
Romanism began its career as a child of the feudal
system for the production and distribution of commodities
for the profit of the owners of the land and
the means for its cultivation. The mission to which
it was born was the assistance of its father, feudalism,
in robbing and enslaving the workers who tilled the
soil, and never did a servant more faithfully or
efficiently perform a task during a longer period.
Protestantism began its career as a child of the
capitalistic system for the production and distribution
of commodities for the profit of the owners of the
means and machines for their manufacturing. The
mission to which it was born was the assistance of
its father, capitalism, in robbing and enslaving the
workers, who make and operate the machines, and
never did a servant more faithfully and efficiently perform
a task in a larger or more fruitful field.
Hitherto all systems of economics have had the
same soul, competition; and, because of it, every one
among them has been a diabolical trinity of which
lying is the father; robbing is the son, who proceeds
from the father; and murder is the spirit, who proceeds
from the father and the son.
Labor, "the certain man" of every nation, is half
dead lying in the ditch by the wayside, despoiled and
wounded, the victim of capitalism, the greatest liar,
robber and murderer of all the ages.
The church is the archangel or prime minister
through which this Beelzebub, capitalism, has done
most of his lying, though within the last hundred
years the business has become so great that the office
of coadjutor to this archangel was created, and the
press appointed to it.
The state is the archangel or prime minister through
which this prince of devils, capitalism, has done most
of his robbing and killing, though the church has
often taken a helpful hand in these departments of
the devil's work, the great work of converting earth
into a hell.
Nearly all of the backwardness of the world and
more than half of its unnecessary sufferings have been
due to efforts to prevent changes in religion and
politics. Our nation is passing through the darkest
period of its history because of such efforts on the
part of the powers which be in the state, and they
are supported by those in the church.
Speaking of the change with which we are here
especially concerned, the one involved in the supplanting
of an old economic system by a new, there
have been several revolutions due to such changes,
and another is inevitable and imminent.
When an economic system fails, as the capitalistic
one is failing, to feed, clothe and house the workers
of the world who produce all foods, clothes and
houses, the time when it must give place to another
is manifestly near at hand.
Capitalism is failing in this, the only legitimate
mission of an economic system. It has indeed over-supplied
the needs of about one in ten, but in doing
this it has shown partiality, for the remaining nine
are left more or less foodless, clotheless and houseless,
and this notwithstanding they have done all the
feeding, clothing and housing. Those favored by the
system will not be able to prevent its overthrow by
those who are wronged.
With our materials, factories, railroads and skill,
all should have enough and to spare of every necessity,
but so far is this from being the case that millions
are insufficiently fed, clothed, housed and warmed,
and are doomed to a perpetual and exhaustive
drudgery which leaves neither leisure nor energy for
the cultivation of their soul life.
The economical and statistical experts of our
government's Department of Labor represent that
the bare necessities of a comfortable and efficient life
for a family of five require an annual income of
$1,500, and that the simple luxuries, which are next
to being indispensable, require an additional $1,000,
in all $2,500, per year.
How many American families of five have even the
smaller of these sums at their disposal? The overwhelming
majority have less than $1,000. Let us be
honest with the peoples of other nations by ceasing
to speak of our country as "the land of plenty and
the home of the free," until there is a great change
for the better.
Wage slavery may be prolonged by a military
coercion but it cannot have a successor in any other
form of human slavery. Military coercion prolonged
chattel slavery, and by so doing brought what is
known as the dark ages upon the world. If wage
slavery is to be prolonged by military coercion the
world must pass through a second dark age. The
league of nations is fixing for this; but let us hope
that this coalition will not stand and that wage
slavery will soon be followed by machine slavery, the
form of slavery which will end human slavery; not
until then shall we have peace on earth and good will
among men.
Then they shall beat their swords into plowshares,
and their spears into pruning hooks: nation shall not
lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn
war any more.
Do you not now see with me that the christ of the
world is not a conscious, personal god, but an unconscious,
impersonal machine? It is the machine
of man, not a lamb of god, to which we may hopefully
look for the taking away of the sins of the
world.
Ignorance is the great misfortune of the world, its
devil, and slavery is his hell. The machine is the
redeemer who shall save man from this devil and
hell.
Yes, strange, even blasphemous, as the representation
may seem, it is nevertheless true, the machine
is the only name given under heaven whereby the
world can be saved.
Civilization is salvation. The civilization which
is salvation depends on leisure and it on slavery, but
so long as leisure is dependent upon the slavery of
man, civilization must be limited to a diminishing
few.
Marxian socialism is a movement towards the
equalization and universalization of leisure by doing
away with the master and slave classes, through
transference of slavery from man to machine.
If there is any truth in my naturalistic representation
about the dependence of morality upon a system
for the production of the necessities of life, there
is none in the supernaturalistic one, which makes it
dependent on any among the gods; and, what is true
of the realm of morality is equally so of the realm of
history, and this whether it be the history of the
universe in general or man in particular.
Lavoisier and Mayer showed that no god (Jesus,
Jehovah, Allah, Buddha) created the universe out of
nothing, for the matter and force which enter into its
constitution are eternalities and universalities.
Kant and Laplace showed that the earth and the
heavenly bodies were not created by any god at all,
but evolved from gaseous nebulae.
Kepler and Newton showed that these bodies were not
governed in their motions by a god but by the law
of gravitation.
Darwin and Wallace showed that the species of
animal and vegetable life were not created by any
among the gods, but evolved from a common protoplasm.
Marx and Engels showed that man's career has not
been determined by any among the gods, but by his
systems for producing and distributing the necessities
of life.
These ten men are the greatest teachers the world
has had, and this is the sum of all their great teachings:
The universe is self-existing, self-sustaining
and self-governing, having all the potentialities of its
own life within itself, and what is true of it in general
is equally so of all the phenomena which enter into
its constitution, including man; who, though he is
the highest among them, is only a phenomenon, on a
level with all the rest, not excepting the lowest. A
microbe and a man are on the same footing, both as
to their origin and destiny, and as to their having
within themselves all power which is available for
making the most of their respective lives.
"We are part
Of every rock and bird and beast and hill,
One with the things that prey on us,
And one with what we kill."
Darwinism and Marxism constitute one gospel, the
only true, comprehensive and sufficient gospel which
the world has ever had or can have, and there is no
hope for the future of mankind except in it. If it
fails the world is lost, but it shall not and indeed cannot
fail, for its words are so many acts or facts of
nature.
There is no fact which is not such an act, and every
such fact is a part of the one only law upon the
knowing and doing of which terrestrial life and its
happiness are wholly and solely dependent.
Yes, life, long life, happy life, all there is of such
human life, or divine life, (if there be any), depends
entirely upon a knowledge of and conformity to this
law which is the doing of nature, and not at all upon
any law which is the willing of a god, if indeed there
is such a law.
Neither the religion nor the politics which enters
into the constitution of Marxian or proletarian
socialism is at all concerned about the heaven above
or the hell below the earth, if there are such places:
but the concern of both is wholly to ring out a hell
from the earth and to ring in a heaven upon it.
Nor have the religion and politics which constitute
this socialism the least concern about the service of
a celestial divinity (Jesus, Jehovah, Allah, Buddha or
any other) by doing his will; but both are much concerned
with the service of humanity, which consists
in rightly learning, interpreting and using the laws
of nature, wholly for the purpose of making the
terrestrial lives of men, women and children as long
and happy as possible, and with absolutely no
reference to any celestial life which may be either
above or below the earth.
Religion and politics are the complementary and
inseparable halves of the social sphere, religion being
its idealism and politics its practicalism.
Religious idealism is a social soul of which the
church should be the embodiment.
Political practicalism is a social soul of which the
state should be the embodiment.
Contrary to the representations of orthodox
Christianism it is impossible for any soul to exist
without an embodiment.
In truth the body produces the soul, not the soul
the body. We must have the church and state in
order that we may have their souls, idealism and
practicalism.
Why, if the Soul can fling the Dust aside
And naked on the Air of Heaven ride,
Were't not a Shame—were't not a Shame for him
In this clay carcass crippled to abide?
—Omar.
The church and the state are on the same level as
to their origin and importance. Both are human institutions
and each is indispensable to the other. It
is not at all desirable or possible to rid the world of
either, but it is absolutely necessary that both should
be revolutionized, the church by having its bible and
creed rewritten or at least reinterpreted, on the basis
of truth as it is revealed by nature, and the state by
having its institutions reorganized on the basis of
service to all instead of only to those of a small class,
the owner or master class.
All the idealistic aims of churches and all the
practical undertakings of states should be directly
concerned with the answer to three questions: (1)
the question as to how to reach the goal where
terrestrial life shall in the case of each man, woman
and child be as long and happy as it is within the
range of possibilities to make it, by the fullest of
attainable knowledge concerning the laws of nature;
(2) the question as to how to make the most successful
endeavor universally to disseminate such knowledge,
and (3) the question as to how resistlessly to
persuade to the living of it.
These are the only concerns and aims of Marxian
socialism and they cannot be promoted or even
avowed by Christian socialists.
The great crime of the ages is the robbing of the
producer of the basic necessities of human life by the
non-producer.
Capitalism is the robber, and the politics and religion
of the old states and churches are the right and
left hands by which he has been and is doing the
robbing.
Marxian socialism is an undertaking which has for
its task the overthrow of the system which makes it
possible for those who produce nothing to live
surfeitingly, and renders it necessary for those who
produce everything to live starvingly.
Poverty is a disease caused by the unjust wage
system of competitive capitalism for producing and
distributing the necessities of life (food, clothing and
shelter) for the profit of capitalists, the few who live
by owning the materials and machines of production
and distribution; and this blighting malady cannot
be cured by charity, but it will spread until this system
is supplanted by the just one of co-operative
industrialism, a system by which these necessities shall
be produced and distributed for the use of laborers,
those who live by making and operating the machines.
Every gift to charity by a rich man is a robbery of
a poor man. You will not see this at once, if ever,
and I shall not blame you for the failure to do so. It
was not seen by me until I was much older than you;
but I am now seeing it as clearly as I ever saw the
sun on a cloudless noonday, and this is true of rapidly
growing millions who are resolutely resolved to do
away with the prevailing conception of charity, according
to which capitalists may rob laborers of the
fruit of their toil, giving them of it barely enough to
keep body and soul together and to raise up children
who are doomed to follow in their footsteps; and
then, when the strength of their victim fails, to make
amends for the robberies, by giving the most highly
favored among them beds in hospitals, poor-houses
in which to die prematurely, and nameless graves in
potter's fields in which to await hopefully a resurrection
and ascension to an inheritance of happiness in a
sky, which was denied them on the earth.
The time is at hand when everywhere the unemployed
and the underpaid shall begin a resistless march towards
the goal of economic levelism under a banner containing
this slogan: We want no charity but the right to
work and the fruits of our labors that we and our helpless
dependents may have every necessity to the fullest
life for body and soul.
During more than a whole generation Mrs. Brown
and I have not produced a spoonful of any food,
a thread of any garment or a shingle of any
house; and yet we have had foods, garments and
houses in abundance with some to spare, while their
producers have had them in scarcity with much to
want.
While the world war was on, an ill wind for the
producers blew a thousand dollars to us and an ill
wind for us blew it into the hands of a committee,
ostensibly for investment on behalf of a hospital of
which we approved, but really for the purchase of a
bond in the interest of a war of which we disapproved.
The fathers of the present generation of producers
and distributors of the necessities of life were robbed
in order that we might inherit the property from
which our income is derived; the sons and daughters
are being robbed over and over again and again, year
after year, in order that the property may continue
to yield this income to us.
We therefore paid nothing of our own for this
bond. What we gave for it was of the spoils which
the great robber, capitalism, has bestowed upon us,
its favorite children, from what it has taken from its
unfortunate victims.
The same persons or their children and successors
were or shall be robbed first to create our
property, then to pay the income of it, next to buy
the bond, and now they are being robbed to meet the
interest on it and finally they will be robbed to pay
its face value. If capitalism stands, of course the
victims of the last of these robberies will belong,
probably, to a remote generation; but this delay is a
misfortune in store for many of all intervening
generations.
If the robbery connected with this bond were
limited to its original cost, one thousand dollars, and
to its accruing interest, which is likely in time to aggregate
several thousand dollars, it would indeed be
bad enough, yet not nearly as much so as it is under the
melancholy circumstances; for the money paid on
account of the bond goes towards killing or wrecking
its producers, if not those who produced this particular
thousand dollars, yet others of their class to
whom the world owes all of its wealth; therefore the
thousand dollars which went into this bond has been
devoted to the robbery of those who were robbed of
it and of the most precious of all things: life and limb.
You will ask: how can you and Mrs Brown, in the
face of your theory, according to which all who live
by owning are robbers of those who live by working,
consistently receive and expend the income of your
inheritance?
The answer was given to a friend who asked us why
we did not follow the heroic example of a young American
who had recently renounced what had been inherited
by him, and this is, in effect, what we said:
As we look at the question, our course is more
rational than his, because the wealth which he renounces
may go to some one who is without his
sympathy for the proletariat. We prefer to receive
our inheritance and use it to overthrow the economic
system which makes it possible for us to do nothing
and have everything, and for those who do everything
to have nothing.
Capitalists, as such, people who live by the owning
of the machines of production and distribution, instead
of by the making and operating of them, have
much to say against the alleged anarchism of
socialists and yet they are necessarily what they
accuse anarchism of being, robbers and murderers.
Every cent of profit, interest and rent is so much robbing,
and all wars are so many conflicts between the
capitalistic bandits or robbers in the countries involved,
and the peace conferences, which follow them, are so
many attempts of the bandits on the successful side to
have the spoils as large as possible, and to satisfactorily
divide them.
It is Holy Week 1921. The week in which during
all the years of many and long ages benighted
people sacrificed their Christs to Shylock gods. If
Jesus lived and was a Christ, unhappily He was
neither the first nor the last, for there were many
both before and after Him. Were they who superstitiously
led these victims to their Golgothas greater
sinners against humanity than those who did
avariciously during the war drive large armies of
young men to the terrible trenches, a wholesale sacrifice
of the lords of power and wealth and who do now
drive the vast majority of the nations involved in that
war to a terrible body and soul destroying poverty and
slavery? No. The modern robbers even more than
the ancient ones are in need of the prayer: Forgive
them for they know not what they do.
Communism and Christianism have, indeed, this in
common, that their object is to promote life, long life,
and happy life, both lives in a large and full measure,
pressed down, shaken together and running over.
Yet, with this sameness in the gospels of Communism
and Christianism there is this difference in the aims
of the christs who preached them, which separate them
as widely as the east is from the west, leaving a great
and impassable gulf between them.
Marx, the christ of the Communist gospel, said: I am
come that the world might have terrestrial life for
body, mind and soul, and have it for each in the
fullest of possible measures by co-operation with each
other in the discovery of the laws of nature and in
making them serve men, women and children by
securing for them food, clothing, shelter, health and
comfort for the body, and leisure for the mind to think
and for the soul to grow.
Jesus, the christ of the Christian gospel, according
to orthodoxy, said: I am come that ye might have
celestial life for mind, body and soul and have it for
each in the largest and fullest possible measure by
co-operation in persuading each other in particular
and the world in general to receive a revelation of
the will of a conscious, personal God, made through
prophets, preserved in the bible and interpreted by
the church.
With me it is a melancholy but resistless and
deepening conviction, that, if orthodox Christianism
should become associated with Marxian socialism, as
Kingsley and you would associate them, we should
soon have a glaring illustration of the truth of two
proverbs: a house divided against itself cannot
stand; and no man can serve two masters.
Moreover, I believe that if Christian socialism were
to become a door to Marxian socialism, through which
orthodox Christianism could enter and make itself
at home, the revolutionary aims of the slave class
would be thwarted and the world would enter upon
a new dark age, as it did when Constantine was converted
to Christianity and Christians became the
most loyal citizens and valiant soldiers of the Empire.
At that time chattel slavery had run its course as
wage slavery has now; and, if it had not been prolonged
by a military despotism, as I fear this may
be, the world would have had something of the
feudal slavery, but nothing of the dark age. This
age was the baneful fruit of Christianism. Christianity
has held the world back from civilization instead of
advancing it towards civilization.
The Christianization of Marxian communism, in accordance
with the program of Kingsley and our
Church Socialist League, would spell another military
despotism for the prolongation of a second system of
slavery, which has run its course and is in a fair way
of being overthrown; but if the revolutionists fail,
as the result of being trampled under the iron heel,
we are at the threshold of a second dark age and
shall soon be passing through all the miseries of it.
My interest in the movement within our church
looking towards a Christian socialism of a more
radical and revolutionary type would be great, if only
I could feel as I should so much like, that the
Christian socialism to which you have consecrated
the whole prime of your life, and the Marxian
socialism, to which I have consecrated all of the little
that remains of mine, the fag-end, are not utter incompatibilities,
so much so that it is absolutely impossible
that they can co-exist and co-operate to any
good purpose.
The irreconcilable incompatibility of Christian
socialism and Marxian socialism is due to the fact
that, whereas the Christian is essentially imperialistic
in its character, the Marxian is as essentially democratic.
The reason for this fundamental and ineradicable difference,
and the consequent incompatibleness, is the fact
that orthodoxism, whether Christian, Jewish, Mohammedan
or Buddhistic, is nothing unless it is supernaturalistic
and traditional; and Marxism is nothing
unless it is naturalistic and scientific, as much so as is
Darwinism.
In order that you may see the reason, as I understand
it, for this wide, deep and bridgeless difference,
I draw the following contrasts between the essential
beliefs of Marxian socialists and orthodox Christians:
1. Marxian socialism is essentially naturalistic.
Orthodox Christianism is essentially supernaturalistic.
The consistent socialist says: I have all the potentialities
of my own life within myself. The consistent
Christian says: My strength is from God.
2. Marxian socialism is essentially classless.
Orthodox Christianism is essentially a class system
by which the world is divided into two classes, saints
and sinners. The consistent socialist says: Every man
is my brother. The consistent Christian (like the
theist of every name—Jew, Mohammedan, Buddhist
and the rest) says: Every true believer is my brother,
but those who are not are only potential brethren.
3. Marxian socialism is essentially terrestrial.
Orthodox Christianism is essentially celestial. The
consistent socialist says: Earth is my home. The consistent
Christian says: Heaven is my home.
4. Marxian socialism is essentially materialistic.
Orthodox Christianism is essentially spiritualistic.
The consistent socialist says: The basic necessities of
life, and therefore its first concern, are foods, raiments,
shelters, comfort and leisure. The consistent Christian
says: Take no primary thought for these, but only for
faith in and obedience to God, regarding all else of
secondary importance.
5. Marxian socialism is essentially proletarian.
Orthodox Christianism is essentially bourgeois.
The consistent socialist says: I am, by reason of my
antecedents, a man, a woman, a child of nature on an
essential level as to my origin and destiny with every
other representative of humanity and indeed animality.
The consistent Christian, like the theist of every
name, says: I am (by reason of my faith, baptism or
conversion) a prince or princess, the son or daughter
of a king, God.
6. Marxian socialism is essentially democratic.
Orthodox Christianism is essentially imperialistic.
The consistent socialist says: I live with reference to
the will of the majority. The consistent Christian
says: I live with reference to the will of a God.
7. Marxian socialism is essentially pacific.[F]
Orthodox Christianism is essentially belligerent.
The consistent socialist says: Since you are a man, I
co-operate with you. The consistent Christian says:
Since you are not a believer, I contend with you.
8. Marxian socialism is essentially non-sectarian.
The consistent socialist says: All the world is my
home and the desire and effort to render service to
men, women and children is my religion. The consistent
Christian says: Only Christendom is my home
and the desire and effort to serve a God is my religion.
9. Marxian socialism is, as to the source of knowledge
and the means of attaining it, essentially scientific.
Orthodox Christianism is essentially traditional.
The consistent socialist says: The salvation of the
world is dependent upon what is learned by natural
experience, observation and investigation about the
doings of a matter-force-law, nature. The consistent
Christian says: This salvation depends upon what is
learned by revelation, tradition and inspiration about
the willings of a father-son-spirit, God.
10. Marxian socialism explains the history of mankind
on the naturalistic theory that it has been determined
during every period by the existing system
for supplying the materialistic necessities of life.
Orthodox Christianism explains this history on the
supernaturalistic theory that it is determined by the
providential directions of a triune divinity. The consistent
socialist says: If you will tell me of the
economic system by which a people have fed, clothed
and housed themselves, I will tell you, at least in
general outline, what has been their history. The
consistent Christian says: If you will tell me what the
providences of my God have been towards a people,
I will tell you their history.
11. Marxian socialism has inscribed on one of its
banners: Liberty. Orthodox Christianism has this
inscription on its corresponding banner: Obedience.
The consistent socialist says: This Liberty-banner is
the symbol of my freedom as a son of man to be
progressively learning, living and teaching the unfolding
revelations of nature—to know and to live
which is to have life, terrestrial life in an ever increasing
measure, all the life there is here and now
or elsewhere and elsewhen, if there is to be a conscious,
personal life anywhere or anywhen else. The
consistent Christian says: This Obedience-banner is
a symbol of my slavery as a son of God by which I
am bound to receive, live and teach the faith once for
all delivered to the saints in the Old and New Testaments
or else lose the permanent life in the sky which
is to follow this temporary one on the earth.
12. Marxian socialism has inscribed on another of
its banners: Justice to Man. Orthodox Christianism
has on its corresponding banner: Love to God. The
consistent socialist says: It is my aim to do unto
others as I would have them do unto me if our circumstances
were reversed. The consistent Christian says:
It is my aim to love God with all my heart, mind and
soul.
And if there be any further contrast between this
Christianism and Socialism, it is briefly comprehended
in these three statements,—in themselves sufficient to
show how absolutely impossible it is for a consistent
Jesuine Christian to be a consistent Marxian Socialist:
1. Marx seeks to save by doing away with both the
master and slave classes—Jesus by exalting the slave
class above the master class.
2. Marx exhorts the slave class to look to itself
for deliverance—Jesus taught it to look to a God for
this.
3. Marx promises salvation for this world here
and now, a world about which everybody knows
much—Jesus promised it for another world elsewhere
and elsewhen, a world about which nobody knows
anything.
The world has never had a gospel which is at all
comparable in its excellency to that of Marxian
Socialism. The gospel of Jesuine Christianism, according
to the orthodox interpretation of it, is no exception;
for, granting it to be superior to the Mosaic,
Buddhistic, Mohammedan and other gospels, it is,
nevertheless, almost infinitely inferior to the Marxian
gospel. Gospels are for the purpose of saving the
world from its suffering. The Jesuine and Marxian
gospels are alike in having for their object the salvation
of the proletarian world.
About three years ago I discovered that I had
spent a long, strenuous and open-handed ministry in
preaching lies to the permanent ruin of my health and
the temporary embarrassment of my purse; therefore
I had the unhappy experience of being forced
to see that all this part of my life, its prime, had
been mostly, if not wholly wasted and worse. What
was to be done?
My friends told me as plainly as they could, and
some succeeded in making it brutally plain, that in
losing my faith in the supernaturalistic dogmas of
traditional Christianism, as they are literally interpreted
in the doctrinal standards of the orthodox
churches, I had lost the pearl of great price.
My soul told me that I had never possessed this
jewel, but that, even with the little time and enfeebled
strength that remained to me, I might yet find it, if
only I should cease looking for it in the field of supernaturalism,
under the direction of divine authority,
and begin looking for it in the field of naturalism,
under the direction of human reason.
Happily, where faith went out courage came in, and
it increased with my desperation until (though
standing on the shore of death where the deep and
unknown stream lies darkly between the present and
future) I could and I did undertake the supreme task
of my life—the breaking of the chains by which I
was bound as a slave to the degrading superstition
that I was, both by an inherited and cultivated disposition,
a doomed man, and by an inherent weakness,
a helpless one with no power to emancipate myself.
Of such enslaving chains I mention three among
the strongest, the severed parts of which, with those
of all the rest, now lie scattered about me: (1) the
chain of the fear of God; (2) the chain of the fear
of the devil, and (3) the chain of the fear of man.
Hitherto I had been a child, thinking as a child,
understanding as a child and speaking as a child.
Henceforth I was to be a man, the greatest, conscious,
personal being who has anything to do with
this world; and as a man, I put away the things of a
child, especially the most childish of all things, fear,
the fear of God, the fear of devil and the fear of man.
Preachers of the supernaturalistic interpretations
of religion say that the fear of God is salvation. It
is damnation. No one who has fear of any conscious,
personal master whomsoever or wheresoever, God in
heaven, devil in hell or man on earth, is free or other
than a slave. Nor has any such attained to the full
stature of manhood.
There is only one fear which saves and that is the
fear of ignorance. The world's destroyer-god is
ignorance. There is no other devil on earth or in
hell below it, and this one lives, moves and has his
being in the fear of knowledge.
The world's saviour-god is knowledge. There is
no other Christ on earth or in any heaven above it,
and this one lives, moves and has his being in the
fear of ignorance.
Happily, I listened to my soul and I have found
the pearl of great price, yes, a whole bed of them, so
that I am now in position to substitute in my preaching
a truth for every lie I used to preach, and thus
save myself; but woe unto me unless I make the
substitution by ringing out the lie and ringing in the
truth.
Within the last three years I have learned that, as
I have not been, since the beginning of my Christian
ministry, more than a generation ago, a producer, I
have nothing of my own to give to charity, and what
is true of me is true of Mrs. Brown.
No one is a producer who does not grow things on
the farm, make things in a shop, discover things in a
laboratory or render some necessary or helpful
service to those who do such things. I have done
nothing of the kind. If I had been preaching truths
I might have rendered such service, but I preached
lies.
Every possession rightfully belongs to the productive
worker and nothing to the unproductive idler.
This is one of the two greatest and most salutary
among all the truths known to mankind. Recently I
made acknowledgment of it on the pledges to a good
cause, that of the Red Cross, by writing on their
upper left hand corners: "The gift of Unknown
Laborers through Bishop and Mrs. Brown, whose
possessions are the fruits of their enforced toil and
sacrifices."
By this acknowledgment I rang out a great lie—the
lie which makes the salvation of the world depend
upon the capitalists with their servants, the
preachers on the right and the politicians on the left
hand.
Salvation or, what is the same reality, civilization,
always has been and always will be dependent upon
the producer. It will never be attained until the laboring
class has done away with the capitalist class. The
ideal civilization (which is the salvation of the world
from its unnecessary sufferings, especially the overwhelming
ones due to the great trinity of evils, war,
poverty and slavery) is in the very nature of things
an impossibility on the basis of class sectarianism,
such as we have even in our Anglo-American
Christianity, the best interpretation of traditional religion,
and in our American democracy, the best interpretation
of traditional politics.
Among the pathetic things about war, there is this,
the laboring class makes by far the greater sacrifices,
not only of life and limb, but also of money.
Quite contrary to the general impression, capitalists,
as such, pay no part of the enormous and ruinous
pecuniary cost of war. When Mr. Rockefeller pays
out three million dollars in war taxes he is disposing
of what rightfully belongs to laborers, because they,
not he, earned it. Capitalists, as such, neither earn
nor pay anything, in time of either war or peace.
So much for one of the two great truths. The
other, which is the greater because it includes its companion,
is this: Man has within himself all the
potentialities of his own life. This is true of the
universe as a whole, and, therefore, necessarily so of
all that therein is.
The sum of both truths is that the salvation of the
world is wholly dependent upon productive laborers
and that they must look individually only to the
exertion of their own mental and physical powers
and collectively to co-operation with each other for
the accomplishment of their mission.
Through the whole of my past ministry in the field
I rang out these great truths and rang a great lie in
by representing that the salvation of the world depends
upon a potentiality which is in the sky and not
in man, that heaven is above the earth and hell below
it, not on it.
When I commenced my present ministry in the
study,
I sent my Soul through the Invisible,
Some letter of that After-life to spell;
And by and by my Soul return'd to me,
And answer'd 'I Myself am Heaven and Hell!'
Omar, the poetic astronomer, might have added a
stanza which would have closed. "I myself am God."
This is, in effect, what Jesus did say: "I and my
Father are one." This is as true of you and me and
of every man, woman and child as it was of Jesus.
And Jesus represented that God, both as Father
and Son, dwells in the hearts of believers. But every
relevant fact which has been scientifically established
as such (and there is a whole mountain of such facts)
points to the conclusion that Christians are no more
divine than other people, and that, as to his essential
nature, no man would be less divine than he is if
Jesus had never been born.
Gods in the skies (Jesus, Jehovah, Allah, Buddha)
are all right as subjective symbols of human
potentialities and attributes and of natural laws, even
as the Stars and Stripes on a pole, Uncle Sam in the
capitol and Santa Claus in a sleigh are all right as
such symbols; but such gods are all wrong, if regarded
as objective realities existing independently of those
who created them as divinities and placed them in celestial
habitations.
What is true of the gods is equally so of all the
supernaturalistic dogmas of the several traditional
interpretations of religion. Insofar as they are not
pure superstitions they are symbols of imaginary
events which people think should or must have
occurred in the past or should or must occur in the
future; not statements of historical events which have
occurred or are to occur.
So far I have not found it necessary to renounce
the Christian God or any of the things which go with
him and I have no idea of doing this, any more than
I have of renouncing the American Uncle Sam and
the things which go with him, but I place the Brother
Jesus of the Christian religion and the Uncle Sam of
the American politics on the same footing with each
other and with others of their kind as subjective
realities. I could be a Jew and an Englishman as
conscientiously as a Christian and an American.
Many of the early Christians were also Pagans, worshippers
of other Gods than Jesus.
Nor is this all or even much more than half of my
religious and political levelism.
On the one hand as a religionist I can be any and
everything but an orthodox sectarian. This orthodoxy
is a libel against humanity. The world owes to it a
great part of all its unnecessary troubles—those which
are brought about by the triune devil of persecution,
ignorance and superstition.
On the other hand as a politician I can be any and
everything but a nationalistic sectarian. This
nationalism is a libel against humanity. The world
owes to it a great part of all its unnecessary troubles—those
which are brought upon it by the triune devil
of war, poverty and slavery.
Hoping that you will abandon Jesuine socialism for
Marxian communism and join me in an effort to banish
the fictitious, superstitious gods from the skies and
the lying, robbing capitalists from the earth, I am
with every good wish,
Very cordially yours,
WM. M. BROWN.
Brownella Cottage,
Galion, Ohio.
[D] This letter was written in July, 1919, and sent to the
press in September, 1920. In the interim several of its
representations and arguments were made more complete:
therefore, some among the additions bear the marks
of dates belonging to later months.
[E] According to the showing of the science of biblical
criticism there is more than one Jesus of whom we have
an account in the New Testament: (1) a naturalistic,
this-worldly, pacific, human Jesus, and (2) a supernaturalistic,
other-worldly, belligerent, divine Jesus, the
Jesus of orthodox Christians.
[F] This shall be true of Marxian socialism when it is
triumphant, but it will not be so while it is persecuted.
Socialist Russia has asked for peace after every war which
the capitalist nations (England, France, Italy and America)
have waged against her, not because she could no
longer defend herself, but for the reason that her
socialism, being co-operative in its character, necessarily
imposes humaneness; yet they could not grant it, because
their capitalism, being competitive in its character, as
necessarily imposes inhumaneness. The hand of the
capitalist world is aggressively against socialist Russia,
and must be, because the life of capitalism depends upon
her death: and her hand is defensively against all the
capitalist nations. Capitalism and socialism cannot
occupy the earth together. Either the one or the other
must have all of it. Mankind in general is illustrating
the truth of the proverb which has been illustrated by
so many families in particular—a house divided against
itself cannot stand.
The hour has struck for the Grand March! Onward, Comrades,
all together! Fall in line! Start the New Year with a
cheer! Let us join the world's procession marching toward a
glad tomorrow. Strong of hope and brave in heart the West
shall meet the East! March with us, brothers every one!
March with us to all things new! Climb with us the hills of
God to a wider, holier life. Onward, Comrades, all together,
onward to meet the Dawn!
Leave behind you doubts and fears! What need have we
for "ifs" and "buts"? Away with parties, schools and leagues!
Get together, keep in step, shoulder to shoulder, hearts throbbing
as one! Face the future, out-daring all you have dared!
March on, O Comrades, strong and free, out of darkness, out
of silence, out of hate and custom's deadening sway! Onward,
Comrades, all together, onward to the wind-blown Dawn!
With us shall go the New Day, shining behind the dark.
With us shall go Power, Knowledge, Justice, Truth. The time
is full! A new world awaits us. Its fruits, its joys, its opportunities
are ours for the taking! Fear not the hardships of the
road—the storm, the parching heat or winter's cold, hunger
or thirst or ambushed foe! There are bright lights ahead of
us, leave the shadows behind! In the East a new star is risen!
With pain and anguish the Old Order has given birth to the
New, and behold, in the East a man-child is born! Onward,
Comrades, all together! Onward to the camp-fires of Russia!
Onward to the coming Dawn!
Through the night of our despair rings the keen call of the
New Day. All the powers of darkness could not still that
shout of joy in far-away Moscow! Meteor-like through the
heavens flashed the golden words of light, "Soviet Republic
of Russia". Words sun-like piercing the dark, joyous radiant
love-words banishing hate, bidding the teeming world of men
to wake and live! Onward, Comrades, all together, onward to
the bright, redeeming Dawn!
With peace and brotherhood make sweet the bitter way of
men! Today, and all the days to come, repeat the Word of
Him who said, "Thou shall not kill". Send on psalming winds
the angel-chorus, "Peace on earth, good-will to men". Onward
march, and keep on marching until His Will on earth is
done! Onward, Comrades, all together, onward to the life-giving
fountain of Dawn!
All along the road beside us throng the peoples sad and
broken, weeping women, children hungry, homeless like little
birds cast out of their nest. With their hearts aflame, untamed,
glorying in martyrdom they hail us passing quickly, "Halt not,
O Comrades, yonder glimmers the star of our hope, the red-centered
dawn in the East! Halt not, lest you perish ere you
reach the Land of Promise". Onward, Comrades, all together,
onward to the sun-red Dawn!
KARL MARX
CHARLES DARWIN