Roger Williams, 1598-1683
1. True Liberty defined.
Cotton Mather, 1663-1728
2. Preservation of New England Principles.
Jonathan Edwards, 1703-1758
3. Meaning of the Phrase Moral Inability.
Samuel Davies, 1725-1761
4. Life and Immortality revealed through the Gospel.
Nathaniel Emmons, 1745-1840
5. Rule of Private Judgment.
Cadwallader Colden, 1688-1776
6. The Five Nations assert their Superiority.
William Stith, 1689-1755
7. The rule of Powhatan.
8. Pocahontas in England.
William Smith, 1728-1793
9. Manners of the People of New York.
John Winthrop, 1587-1649
10. True Liberty defined.
11. Proposed Treatment of the Indians.
William Byrd, 1674-1744
12. The Ginseng and Snakeroot Plants.
Benjamin Franklin, 1706-1790
13. Good Resolutions.—The Croaker.
14. Franklin's Electrical Kite.
15. Motion for Prayers in the Convention.
16. The Ephemeron. An Emblem.
John Woolman, 1730-1772
17. Remarks on Slavery and Labor.
John M. Mason, 1770-1829
18. Grandeur of the Bible Society.
19. The Right of the State to Educate.
Timothy Dwight, 1752-1817
20. The Wilderness reclaimed.
21. The Glory of Nature, from God.
John Henry Hobart, 1775-1830
22. The Divine Glory in Redemption.
Lyman Beecher, 1775-1863
23. The Being of a God.
William Ellery Channing, 1780-1842
24. Character of Napoleon.
25. Grandeur of the prospect of Immortality.
26. The Duty of the Free States.
Edward Payson, 1783-1827
27. Natural Religion.
Joseph S. Buckminster, 1784-1812
28. Necessity of Regeneration.
Nathaniel W. Taylor, 1786-1858
29. Proof of Immortality from the Moral Nature of Man.
Edward Hitchcock, 1793-1864
30. Geological Proof of Divine Benevolence.
John P. Durbin, 1800-
31. First Sight of Mount Sinai.
Leonard Bacon, 1802-
32. The Day approaching.
33. The Benefits of Capital.
James W. Alexander, 1804-1859
34. The Church a Temple.
Martin J. Spaulding, 1810-1872
35. Trials of the Pioneer Catholic Clergy in the West.
James H. Thornwell, 1811-1862
36. Evil tendencies of an act of Sin.
Charles P. McIlvaine, 1799-1873
37. Attestations of the Resurrection.
George W. Bethune, 1805-1862
38. Aspirations towards Heaven.
39. The Prospects of Art in the United States.
William R. Williams, 1804-
40. Lead us not into Temptation.
George B. Cheever, 1807-
41. Sin distorts the judgment.
42. Mont Blanc.
Horace Bushnell, 1804-
43. Unconscious Influence.
44. The True Rest of the Christian.
Alfred T. Bledsoe, about 1809-
45. Moral Evil consistent with the Holiness of God.
Richard Fuller, 1808-
46. The Desire of all Nations shall come. Haggai ii. 7.
Henry Ward Beecher, 1813-
47. A Picture in a College at Oxford.
48. Frost on the Window.
49. Nature designed for our enjoyment.
50. Life in the Country.
51. The Conception of Angels, Superhuman.
John McClintock, 1814-1870
52. The Christian the only true Lover of Nature.
Noah Porter, 1811-
53. Science magnifies God.
William H. Milburn, 1823-
54. The Pioneer Preachers of the Mississippi Valley.
John Dickinson, 1732-1808
55. Aspect of the War in May, 1779.
John Adams, 1735-1826
56. Character of James Otis.
57. The Requisites of a Good Government.
Patrick Henry, 1736-1799
58. The Necessity of the War.
59. The Constitution should be amended before Adoption.
John Rutledge, 1735-1826
60. An Independent Judiciary the Safeguard of Liberty.
Thomas Jefferson, 1743-1826
61. Essential Principles of American Government.
62. Character of Washington.
63. Geographical Limits of the Elephant and the Mammoth.
64. The Unhappy Effects of Slavery.
John Jay, 1745-1829
65. An Appeal to Arms.
Alexander Hamilton, 1757-1804
66. Nature of the Federal Debt.
67. The French Revolution.
Fisher Ames, 1758-1808
68. Obligation of National Good Faith.
Gouverneur Morris, 1752-1816
69. Qualifications of a Minister of Foreign Affairs.
William Pinkney, 1764-1820
70. Responsibility for Slavery.
71. American Belligerent Rights.
James Madison, 1751-1836
72. Value of a Record of the Debates on the Federal Constitution.
73. Inscription for a Statue of Washington.
John Randolph, 1773-1832
74. Change is not Reform.
75. The Error of Decayed Families.
James Kent, 1763-1847
76. Law of the States.
Edward Livingston, 1764-1836
77. The Proper Office of the Judge.
John Quincy Adams, 1767-1848
78. The Right of Petition Universal.
79. The Administration of Washington.
Henry Clay, 1777-1852
80. Emancipation of the South American States.
81. Dangers of Disunion.
John C. Calhoun, 1782-1850
82. Dangers of an Unlimited Power of Removal from Office.
83. Peculiar merit of our Political System.
84. Concurrent Majorities supersede Force.
Daniel Webster, 1782-1852
85. Inestimable Value of the Federal Union;—Extract from the Reply
to Hayne.
86. Object of the Bunker Hill Monument.
87. Benefits of the U.S. Constitution.
88. Right of changing Allegiance.
Joseph Story, 1779-1845
89. Chief Justice Marshall.
90. Progress of Jurisprudence.
Lewis Cass, 1782-1866
91. Policy of Removing the Indians.
Rufus Choate, 1799-1859
92. Conservative Force of the American Bar.
93. The Age of the Pilgrims the Heroic Period of our History.
William H. Seward, 1801-1872
94. Military Services of Lafayette in America.
Abraham Lincoln, 1809-1865
95. Obligation to the Patriot Dead.
Charles Sumner, 1811-1873
96. Prospective Results of the Kansas and Nebraska Bill.
97. Heroic Effort cannot Fail.
98. Our Foreign Relations.
99. Prophetic Voices about America.
Alexander H. Stephens, 1812-
100. Origin of the American Flag.
Benjamin Rush, 1745-1813
101. Life of Edward Drinker, a Centenarian.
John Marshall, 1755-1835
102. The Conquest of Canada.
John Armstrong, 1759-1843
103. Capture of Stoney Point.
Charles Caldwell, 1772-1853
104. A Lecture of Dr. Rush.
Thomas H. Benton, 1783-1858
105. The Character of Macon.
Alexander Slidell Mackenzie, 1803-1848
106. Recapture of the Frigate Philadelphia, at Tripoli.
I.F.H. Claiborne. About 1804-
107. Tecumseh's Speech to the Creek Indians.
George W. Greene, 1811-
108. Foreign Officers in the Revolutionary Army.
James Parton, 1822-
109. Career and Character of Aaron Burr.
110. Henry Clay and the Western Bar.
111. Western Theatres.
John Heckewelder, 1743-1823
112. Settlements of the Christian Indians.
Jeremy Belknap, 1744-1798
113. The Mast Pine.
David Ramsay, 1749-1815
114. Feeling of South Carolina towards the Mother Country.
Henry Lee, 1756-1818
115. Indian Services of General Rodgers Clarke.
116. The career of Captain Kirkwood.
Peter S. Duponceau. 1760-1844
117. Character of William Penn.
Charles J. Ingersoll, 1782-1862
118. Calhoun Characterized.
119. Battle of Chippewa.
Henry M. Brackenridge, 1786-1871
120. Old St. Genevieve, in Missouri.
Gulian C. Verplanck, 1786-1870
121. The Profession of the Schoolmaster.
John W. Francis, 1789-1861
122. Public Changes during a Single Lifetime.
William Meade, 1789-1862
123. Character of the Early Virginia Clergy.
Jared Sparks, 1794-1866
124. The Battle of Bennington.
125. Services, Death, and Character of Pulaski.
William H. Prescott, 1796-1859
126. Moral Consequences of the Discovery of America.
127. Picture-writing of the Mexicans.
128. Ransom and Doom of the Inca.
George Bancroft, 1800-
129. Virginia and its Inhabitants, in early times.
130. Contrast of English and French Colonization in America.
131. Death of Montcalm.
132. Character of the Declaration of Independence.
133. The First Policy of Spain in the American Revolution.
J.G.M. Ramsey. About 1800-
134. The Military Services of General Sevier.
Charles Gayarré, 1805-
135. General Jackson at New Orleans.
Brantz Mayer, 1809-
136. Rekindling the Sacred Fire in Mexico.
Albert J. Pickett, 1810-1858
137. The Indians and the First Settlers in Alabama.
Charles W. Upham, 1803-
138. Defeat of the Indian King Philip.
John L. Motley, 1814-
139. Character of Alva.
140. Siege and Abandonment of Ostend.
141. The Rise of the Dutch Republic.
Alex'r B. Meek, 1814-1865
142. Exiled French Officers in Alabama.
143. The Youth of the Indian Chief, Weatherford.
Abel Stevens, 1815-
144. The Early Methodist Clergy in America.
Francis Parkman, 1823-
145. The Old Western Hunters and Trappers.
146. Marquette Exploring the Upper Mississippi.
John G. Shea, 1824-
147. Difficulties of the Catholic Indian Missionaries.
148. Exploration of the Mississippi.
John G. Palfrey, 1796-
149. Happiness of Winthrop's Closing Years.
Joseph Dennie, 1768-1813
150. Reflections on the Seasons.
William Gaston, 1778-1844
151. The Importance of Integrity.
Jesse Buel, 1778-1839
152. Extent and Defects of American Agriculture.
Robert Walsh, 1784-1859
153. False Sympathy with Criminals.
Thomas S. Grimke, 1786-1834
154. Literary Excellence of the English Bible.
Henry C. Carey, 1793-
155. Agriculture as a Science.
Edmund Ruffin, 1793-1863
156. Improvement of Acid Soils.
Francis Wayland, 1796-1865
157. Superiority of the Moral Sentiments.
Horace Mann, 1796-1857
158. Thoughts for a Young Man.
Orestes A. Brownson, 1800-
159. The Duty of Progress.
160. Catholic Europe in the Seventeenth Century, despotic.
Theodore D. Woolsey, 1801-
161. Importance of the Study of International Law.
Taylor Lewis, 1802-
162. Unity of the Mosaic Account of the Creation.
163. Cruel Intestine Wars caused by National Division.
Horace Greeley, 1811-1872
164. The Problem of Labor.
165. The Beneficence of Labor-saving Inventions.
166. Literature as a Vocation;—the Editor.
167. Tranquility of Rural Life.
Theodore Parker, 1810-1860
168. Winter and Spring.
169. The true idea of a Christian Church.
170. Character of Franklin.
171. Character of Jefferson.
Wendell Phillips, 1811-
172. The War for the Union.
173. Character of Toussaint L'Ouverture.
Thomas Starr King, 1824-1864
174. Great Principles and Small Duties.
William Wirt, 1772-1834
175. The Example of Patrick Henry no argument for Indolence.
176. Jefferson's Seat at Monticello.
Timothy Flint, 1780-1840
177. The Western Boatman.
Washington Irving, 1783-1859
178. Title and Table of Contents of Knickerbocker's History of New
York.
179. The Army at New Amsterdam.
180. A Mother's Memory.
181. Columbus a Prisoner.
182. Arrival of Columbus at Court.
183. A Time of Unexampled Prosperity.
184. Death and Burial of General Braddock.
185. Baron Steuben in the Revolutionary Army.
Richard H. Wilde, 1780-1847
186. Interest of Tasso's Life.
George Ticknor, 1791-1871
187. The Design of Cervantes in writing Don Quixote.
James Hall, 1793-1868
188. Description of a Prairie.
H.R. Schoolcraft, 1793-1864
189. The Chippewa Indian.
Edward Everett, 1794-1865
190. Astronomy for all Time.
191. Description of a Sunrise.
192. The Celtic Immigration.
Hugh S. Legaré. 1797-1843
193. The Study of the Ancient Classics.
194. Disadvantages of Colonial Life.
Francis L. Hawks, 1798-1866
195. Japan interesting in many Aspects.
George P. Marsh, 1801-
196. Method of learning English.
197. The Evergreens of Southern Europe.
George H. Calvert, 1803-
198. Estimate of Coleridge.
Ralph W. Emerson, 1803-
199. Influence of Nature.
200. The power of Childhood.
201. Advantage of working in harmony with Nature.
202. Rules for Reading.
John R. Bartlett, 1805-
203. Lynch Law at El Paso.
Nat'l P. Willis, 1807-1867
204. The American Abroad.
205. Character and Writings of James Hillhouse.
H.W. Longfellow, 1807-
206. The interrupted Legend.
Henry Reed, 1808-1854
207. Legendary Period of Britain.
C.M. Kirkland, 1808-1864
208. The Felling of a Great Tree.
209. The Bee Tree.
Margaret Fuller Ossoli 1810-1850
210. Carlyle characterized.
Oliver W. Holmes, 1809-
211. Consequences of exposing an old error.
212. Pleasures of Boating.
213. The unspoken Declaration.
214. Mechanics of Vital Action.
John Wm. Draper, 1810-
215. Truths in the ancient Philosophies.
216. Future Influence of America.
James R. Lowell, 1810-
217. New England two Centuries ago.
218. From an Essay on Dryden.
219. Love of Birds and Squirrels.
220. Chaucer's love of Nature.
Edgar A. Poe, 1811-1849
221. The Chiming of the Clock.
222. The Philosophy of Composition.
H.T. Tuckerman, 1813-1871
223. The Heart superior to the Intellect.
H.N. Hudson, 1814-
224. Instructive Character of Shakespeare's Works.
Mary H. Eastman. About 1817-
225. Lake Itasca, the Source of the Mississippi.
226. A Plea for the Indians.
Mary E. Moragne, 1815-
227. The Huguenot Town.
Richard H. Dana, Jr., 1815-
228. A Death at Sea.
Evert A. Duyckinck, 1816-
229. Newspapers.
Horace B. Wallace, 1817-1852
230. Art an Emanation of Religious Affection.
H.D. Thoreau, 1817-1862
231. Description of "Poke" or Garget, (Phytolacca Decandra).
232. Walden Pond.
233. Wants of the Age.
Elizabeth F. Ellett, 1818-
234. Escape of Mary Bledsoe from the Indians.
James J. Jarves, 1818-
235. The Art Idea.
Edwin P. Whipple, 1819-
236. Poets and Poetry of America.
J.T.L. Worthington, 1847-
237. The Sisters.
Alice Cary, 1820-1871
238. Clovernook, the End of the History.
Donald G. Mitchell, 1822-
239. A Talk about Porches.
Richard Grant White, 1822-
240. The Character of Shakespeare's Style.
Thos. W. Higginson, 1823-
241. Elegance of French Style.
Charles G. Leland, 1824-
242. Aspect of Nuremberg.
Geo. Wm. Curtis, 1824-
243. Under the Palms.
John L. McConnell, 1826-
244. The Early Western Politician.
Sarah J. Lippincott. About 1833
245. Death in Town, and in Country.
Francis Bret Harte, 1837-
246. Birth of a Child in a Miner's Camp.
Wm. D. Howells, 1837-
247. Snow in Venice.
Mary A. Dodge, 1838-
248. Scenery of the Upper Mississippi.
George Washington, 1732-1799
249. Natural advantages of Virginia.
Matthew F. Maury, 1806-1873
250. The Mariner's Guide across the Deep.
251. The Gulf Stream.
O.M. Mitchell, 1810-1862
252. The Great Unfinished Problems of the Universe.
William Bartram, 1739-1813
253. Scenes on the Upper Oconee, Georgia.
254. The Wood Pelican of Florida.
Alex'r Wilson, 1766-1813
255. Nest of the Red-headed Woodpecker.
256. The White-headed, or Bald Eagle.
Stephen Elliott, 1771-1830
257. Completeness and variety of Nature.
John J. Audubon, 1776-1851
258. The Passenger Pigeon.
259. Emigrants Removing Westward.
260. Interest of Exploration in the Remote West.
Daniel Drake, 1785-1852
261. Objects of the Western Mound Builders.
John Bachman, 1790-1874
262. The Opossum.
J.A. Lapham, 1811-
263. The Smaller Lakes of Wisconsin.
264. Ancient Earthworks.
Chas. W. Webber, 1819-1856
265. The Mocking Bird.
Chas. Lanman, 1819-
266. Maple Sugar-Making among the Indians.
Ephraim G. Squier, 1821-
267. Indian Pottery.
Benj'n Silliman, 1779-1864
268. The Falls of Montmorenci.
John L. Stephens, 1805-1852
269. Discovery of a Ruined City in the Woods.
John C. Fremont, 1813-
270. Ascent of a Peak of the Rocky Mountains.
271. The Columbia River, Oregon.
Elisha K. Kane, 1822-1857
272. Discovery of an Open Arctic Sea.
Bayard Taylor, 1825-
273. Monterey, California.
274. Approach to San Francisco.
275. Swiss Scenery;—a Battlefield;—Picturesque Dwellings.
Chas. Brockden Brown, 1771-1810
276. The Yellow Fever in Philadelphia.
Washington Allston, 1779-1843
277. Impersonation of the Power of Evil.
278. On a Picture by Caracci.
279. Originality of Mind.
James K. Paulding, 1779-1860
280. Characteristics of the Dutch and German Settlers.
281. Abortive Towns.
Jas. Fenimore Cooper, 1789-1851
282. The Shooting Match.
283. Long Tom Coffin.
284. Death of the Old Trapper in the Pawnee Village.
285. Escape from the Wreck.
286. Naval Results of the War of 1812.
Catharine M. Sedgwick, 1789-1867
287. The Minister Condemning Vain Apparel.
288. Kosciusko's Garden at West Point.
John Neal, 1793-
289. The Nature of True Poetry.
John P. Kennedy, 1795-1870
290. The Mansion at Swallow Barn.
291. A Disappointed Politician.
292. Wirt's Style of Oratory.
William Ware, 1797-1852
293. The Christian Martyr.
Lydia M. Child, 1802-
294. Ill temper contagious.
Robert M. Bird, 1803-1854
295. The Quaker Huntsman.
Nathaniel Hawthorne, 1805-1864
296. Portrait of Edward Randolph.
297. Description of an Old Sailor.
298. A Picture of Girlhood.
299. Sculpture: Art and Artists.
300. Ruins of Furness Abbey.
301. Scenery of the Merrimac.
302. A Dungeon of Ancient Rome.
Wm. Gilmore Simms, 1806-1870
303. The Battle of Eutaw.
304. Character and Services of Gen. Marion.
Harriet B. Stowe, 1812-
305. Memorials of a Dead Child.
306. The Old Meeting House.
Maria J. McIntosh, 1815-
307. Debate between Webster and Hayne.
Catharine A. Warfield, 1817-
308. View of the Sky by Night.
Herman Melville, 1819-
309. Sperm-Whale Fishing.
Josiah G. Holland, 1819-
310. The Wedding-Present.
John Esten Cooke, 1830-
311. The Portrait.
312. Aspects of Summer.
Sarah A. Dorsey. About 1835-
313. Scenery at Natchez, Mississippi.
Anne M. Crane,
314. Impression of a Sea-Scene.
Mary C. Ames. About 1837-
315. A Railway Station in the Country.
Francis Hopkinson, 1737-1791
316. From "The Battle of the Kegs."
John Trumbull, 1750-1831
317. From "McFingall."
Philip Freneau, 1752-1832
318. From "An Indian Burying-ground."
David Humphreys, 1753-1818
319. From "The Happiness of America."
Sam'l J. Smith, 1771-1835
320. "Peace, Be Still."
William Clifton, 1772-1799
321. From "Lines to Fancy."
Robert Treat Paine, 1773-1811
322. The Miser.
John Blair Linn, 1777-1804
323. From "The Powers of Genius."
Francis S. Key, 1779-1843
324. "The Star-Spangled Banner."
Washington Allston, 1779-1843
325. From "The Sylphs of the Seasons."
John Pierpont, 1785-1866
326. A Temperance Song.
327. The. Pilgrim Fathers.
Jas. G. Percival, 1786-1856
328. The Coral Grove.
Richard H. Dana, 1787-
329. From "The Buccaneer."
Richard H. Wilde, 1789-1847
330. My Life is like the Summer Rose.
Jas. A. Hillhouse, 1789-1841
331. From "Hadad."
332. From "The Judgment."
John M. Harney, 1789-1825
333. From "Cristalina; a fairy tale."
Charles Sprague, 1791-
334. From "Curiosity."
L.H. Sigourney, 1791-1865
335. The Widow at her Daughter's Bridal.
Wm. O. Butler, 1793-
336. From "The Boatman's Horn."
337. The Battle-field of Raisin.
Wm. C. Bryant, 1794-
338. Lines to a Water Fowl.
339. Freedom Irrepressible.
340. Communion with Nature, Soothing.
341. The Living Lost.
342. The Song of the Sower.
343. The Planting of the Apple-Tree.
Maria Brooks, 1795-1845
344. "Marriage."
Joseph R. Drake, 1705-1820
345. The Fay's Departure.
Fitz-Greene Halleck, 1795-1869
346. Marco Bozzaris.
347. The Broken Merchant.
J.G.C. Brainard, 1796-1828
348. From "Lines to the Connecticut River."
Robert C. Sands, 1799-1832
349. From "Weehawken."
George W. Doane, 1799-1859
350. From "Evening."
Geo. P. Morris, 1801-1864
351. Highlands of the Hudson.
Geo. D. Prentice, 1802-1869
352. From "The Mammoth Cave."
Chas. C. Pise, 1802-1866
353. The Rainbow.
354. View at Gibraltar.
E.P. Lovejoy, 1802-1836
355. From "Lines to my Mother."
Edward C. Pinkney, 1802-1828
356. A Health.
R.W. Emerson, 1803-
357. Hymn sung at the Completion of the Concord Monument.
358. Disappearance of Winter.
359. Inspiration of Duty.
Thos. C. Upham, 1799-1873
360. On a Son Lost at Sea.
Jacob L. Martin, 1805-1848
361. The Church of Santa Croce, Florence.
Geo. W. Bethune, 1805-1862
362. Mythology gives place to Christianity.
Chas. F. Hoffman, 1806-
363. The Red Man's Heaven.
Wm. Gilmore Simms, 1806-1870
364. Nature inspires sentiment.
Nath'l P. Willis, 1807-1867
365. From "Hagar in the Wilderness."
366. Unseen Spirits.
H.W. Longfellow, 1807-
367. Lines to Resignation.
368. From The Wedding; The Launch: The Ship.
369. Song of the Mocking-bird, at Sunset.
370. Hiawatha's Departure.
Wm. D. Gallagher, 1808-
371. The Laborer.
John G. Whittier, 1808-
372. What the Voice said.
373. The Atlantic Telegraph.
374. Description of a Snow Storm.
375. The Quaker's Creed.
Albert Pike, 1809-
376. The Everlasting Hills.
Anne C. Lynch Botta. About 1809
377. The Dumb Creation.
Oliver W. Holmes, 1809-
378. From "The Last Leaf."
379. A Mother's Secret.
Willis G. Clark, 1810-1841
380. "An Invitation to Early Piety."
James R. Lowell, 1810-
381 A Song, "The Violet."
382. Importance of a Noble Deed.
383. The Spaniards' Graves at the Isles of Shoals.
Edgar A. Poe, 1811-1849
384. The Raven.
Alfred B. Street, 1811-
385. An Autumn Landscape.
386. The Falls of the Mongaup.
Laura M. H. Thurston, 1812-1842
387. Lines on Crossing the Alleghanies.
Frances S. Osgood, 1812-1850
388. From "The Parting."
Harriet B. Stowe, 1812-
389. The Peace of Faith.
390. Only a Year.
H.T. Tuckerman, 1813-1871
391. The Statue of Washington.
John G. Saxe, 1816-
392. The Blessings of Sleep.
393. "Ye Tailyor man; a contemplative ballad."
394. Ancient and Modern Ghosts contrasted.
395. Boys.
396. Sonnet to a Clam.
Lucy Hooper, 1816-1841
397. The "Death-Summons."
Catharine A. Warfield, 1817-
398. From "The Return to Ashland."
Arthur C. Coxe, 1818-
399. The Heart's Song.
Wm. Ross Wallace, 1819-
400. The North Edda.
Walter Whitman, 1819-
401. The Brooklyn Ferry at Twilight.
Amelia B. Welby, 1819-1852
402. The Bereaved.
R.S. Nichols. About 1820-
403. From "Musings."
Alice Cary, 1820-1871
404. Attractions of our early Home.
Sidney Dyer. About 1820-
405. The Power of Song.
Austin T. Earle, 1822-
406. From "Warm Hearts had We."
Thos. Buchanan Read, 1822-
407. The Mournful Mowers.
408. From "The Closing Scene."
Margaret M. Davidson, 1823-1837
409. From Lines in Memory of her Sister Lucretia.
John R. Thompson, 1823-1873
410. Music in Camp.
Geo. H. Boker, 1824-
411. From the "Ode to a Mountain Oak"
412. Dirge for a Sailor.
Wm. Allen Butler, 1825-
413. From "Nothing to Wear."
Bayard Taylor, 1825-
414. "The Burden of the Day."
John T. Trowbridge, 1827-
415. "Dorothy in the Garret."
Henry Timrod, 1829-1867
416. The Unknown Dead.
Susan A. Talley Von Weiss. About 1830-
417. The Sea-Shell.
Albert Sutliffe, 1830-
418. "May Noon."
Elijah E. Edwards, 1831-
419. "Let me Rest."
Paul H. Hayne, 1831-
420. October.
Rosa V. Johnson Jeffrey. About 1832-
421. From "Angel Watchers."
Sarah J. Lippincott, 1833-
422. "Absolution."
E.C. Stedman, 1833-
423. The Mountain.
John J. Piatt, 1835-
424. Long Ago.
Celia Thaxter, 1835-
425. "Regret."
Theophilus H. Hill, 1836-
426. From "The Song of the Butterfly."
Thos. B. Aldrich, 1836-
427. The Crescent and the Cross.
Francis Bret Harte, 1837-
428. Dickens in Camp.
429. The Two Ships.
Charles Dimitry, 1838-
430. From "The Sergeant's Story."
John Hay, 1841-
431. The Prairie.
Joaquin Miller,
432. The Future of California.
Joel C. Harris, 1846-
433. Agnes.
* * * * *
(The Figures refer to the Number of the Selection.)
* * * * *
ADAMS, JOHN 56, 57
ADAMS, JOHN QUINCY 78, 79
ALEXANDER, JAMES W. 34
ALDRICH, THOMAS B. 427
ALLSTON, WASHINGTON 277, 278, 279, 325
AMES, FISHER 68
AMES, MARY C. 315
ARMSTRONG, JOHN 103
AUDUBON, JOHN J. 258, 259, 260
BACHMAN, JOHN 262
BACON, LEONARD 32, 33
BANCROFT, GEORGE 129, 130, 131, 132, 133
BARTLETT, JOHN R. 203
BARTRAM, WILLIAM 253, 254
BEECHER, HENRY WARD 47, 48, 49, 50, 51
BEECHER, LYMAN 23
BELKNAP, JEREMY 113
BENTON, THOMAS H. 105
BETHUNE, GEORGE W. 38, 39, 362
BIRD, ROBERT M. 295
BLEDSOE, ALBERT T. 45
BOKER, GEORGE HENRY 411, 412
BOTTA, ANNE C. LYNCH 377
BRACKENRIDGE, HENRY M. 120
BRAINARD, JOHN G.C. 348
BROOKS, MARIA 344
BROWN, C. BROCKDEN 276
BROWNSON, ORESTES A. 159, 160
BRYANT, WILLIAM C. 338, 339, 340, 341, 342, 343
BUCKMINSTER, JOSEPH S. 28
BUEL, JESSE 152
BUSHNELL, HORACE 43, 44
BUTLER, WILLIAM ALLEN 413
BUTLER, WILLIAM O. 336, 337
BYRD, WILLIAM 12
CALDWELL, CHARLES 104
CALHOUN, JOHN C. 82, 83, 84
CALVERT, GEORGE H. 198
CAREY, HENRY C. 155
CARY, ALICE 238, 404
CASS, LEWIS 91
CHANNING, WM. ELLERY 24, 25, 26
CHEEVER, GEORGE B. 41, 42
CHILD, LYDIA MARIA 294
CHOATE, RUFUS 92, 93
CLAIBORNE, I.F.H. 107
CLARK, WILLIS G. 380
CLAY, HENRY 80, 81
CLIFTON, WILLIAM 321
COLDEN, CADWALLADER 6
COOKE, JOHN ESTEN 311, 312
COOPER, J. FENIMORE 282, 283, 284, 285, 286
COXE, ARTHUR C. 399
CRANE, ANNE M. 314
CURTIS, GEORGE WM. 243
DANA, RICHARD H. 329
DANA, RICHARD H., JR. 228
DAVIDSON, MARGARET M. 409
DAVIES, SAMUEL 4
DENNIE, JOSEPH 150
DICKINSON, JOHN 55
DIMITRY, CHARLES 430
DOANE, GEORGE W. 350
DODGE, MARY A. 248
DORSEY, SARAH A. 313
DRAKE, DANIEL 261
DRAKE, JOSEPH R. 345
DRAPER, JOHN WM. 215, 216
DUPONCEAU, PETER S. 117
DWIGHT, TIMOTHY 20, 21
DURBIN, JOHN P. 31
DUYCKINCK, EVERT A. 229
DYER, SIDNEY 405
EARLE, AUSTIN T. 406
EASTMAN, MARY H. 225, 226
EDWARDS, ELIJAH E. 419
EDWARDS, JONATHAN 3
ELLETT, ELIZABETH F. 234
ELLIOTT, STEPHEN 257
EMERSON, RALPH WALDO 199, 200, 201, 202, 357, 358, 359
EMMONS, NATHANIEL 5
EVERETT, EDWARD 190, 191, 192
FLINT, TIMOTHY 177
FRANCIS, JOHN W. 122
FRANKLIN, BENJAMIN 13, 14, 15, 16
FREMONT, JOHN C. 270, 271
FRENEAU, PHILIP 318
FULLER, RICHARD 46
GALLAGHER, WILLIAM D. 371
GASTON, WILLIAM 151
GAYARRÉ, CHARLES 135
GREELEY, HORACE 164, 165, 166, 167
GREENE, GEORGE W. 108
GRIMKE, THOMAS S. 154
HALL, JAMES 188
HALLECK, FITZ-GREENE 346, 347
HAMILTON, ALEXANDER 66, 67
HARNEY, JOHN M. 333
HARRIS, JOEL C. 433
HARTE, FRANCIS BRET 246, 428, 429
HAWKS, FRANCIS L. 195
HAWTHORNE, NATHANIEL 296, 297, 298, 299, 300, 301, 302
HAY, JOHN 431
HAYNE, PAUL H. 420
HECKEWELDER, JOHN 112
HENRY, PATRICK 58, 59
HIGGINSON, THOMAS 241
HILL, THEOPHILUS H. 426
HILLHOUSE, JAMES A. 331, 332
HITCHCOCK, EDWARD 30
HOBART, JOHN H. 22
HOFFMAN, CHARLES F. 363
HOLLAND, JOSIAH G. 310
HOLMES, OLIVER W. 211, 212, 213, 214, 378, 379
HOOPER, LUCY 397
HOPKINSON, FRANCIS 316
HUDSON, HENRY N. 224
HOWELLS, WILLIAM D. 247
HUMPHREYS, DAVID 319
INGERSOLL, CHARLES J. 118, 119
IRVING, WASHINGTON 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185
JARVES, JAMES J. 235
JAY, JOHN 65
JEFFERSON, THOMAS 61, 62, 63, 64
JEFFREY, ROSA V. JOHNSON 421
KANE, ELISHA K. 272
KENNEDY, JOHN P. 290, 291, 292
KENT, JAMES 76
KEY, FRANCIS S. 324
KING, THOS. STARR 174
KIRKLAND, CAROLINE M. 208, 209
LANMAN, CHARLES 266
LAPHAM, J.A. 263, 264
LEE, HENRY 115, 116
LEGARÉ, HUGH S. 193, 194
LELAND, CHARLES G. 242
LEWIS, TAYLOR 162, 163
LINCOLN, ABRAHAM 95
LINN, JOHN B. 323
LIPPINCOTT, SARAH J. 245, 422
LIVINGSTON, EDWARD 77
LONGFELLOW, HENRY W. 206, 367, 368, 369, 370
LOVEJOY, ELIJAH P. 355
LOWELL, JAS. RUSSELL 217, 218, 219, 220, 381, 382, 383
MACKENZIE, A. SLIDELL 106
McCLINTOCK, JOHN 52
McCONNELL, JOHN L. 244
McILVAINE, CHARLES P. 37
McINTOSH, MARIA J. 307
MADISON, JAMES 73, 73
MANN, HORACE 158
MARSH, GEORGE P. 196, 197
MARSHALL, JOHN 102
MARTIN, JACOB L. 361
MASON, JOHN M. 18, 19
MATHER, COTTON 2
MAURY, MATTHEW F. 250, 251
MAYER, BRANTZ 136
MEADE, WILLIAM 123
MEEK, ALEXANDER B. 142, 143
MELVILLE, HERMAN 309
MILBURN, WILLIAM H. 54
MILLER, JOAQUIN 432
MITCHELL, DONALD G. 239
MITCHELL, ORMSBY M. 252
MORAGNE, MARY E. 227
MORRIS, GEORGE P. 351
MORRIS, GOUVERNEUR 69
MOTLEY, JOHN L. 139, 140, 141
NEAL, JOHN 289
NICHOLS, REBECCA S. 403
OSGOOD, FRANCIS S. 388
OSSOLI, MARGARET FULLER 210
PAINE, ROBERT T. 322
PALFREY, JOHN G. 149
PARKER, THEODORE 168, 169, 170, 171
PARKMAN, FRANCIS 145, 146
PARTON, JAMES 109, 110, 111
PAULDING, JAMES K. 280, 281
PAYSON, EDWARD 27
PERCIVAL, JAMES G. 328
PHILLIPS, WENDELL 172, 173
PIATT, JOHN J. 424
PICKETT, ALBERT J. 137
PIERPONT, JOHN 326, 327
PIKE, ALBERT 376
PINKNEY, EDWARD C. 356
PINKNEY, WILLIAM 70, 71
PISE, CHARLES C. 353, 354
POE, EDGAR A. 221, 222, 384
PORTER, NOAH 53
PRENTICE, GEORGE 352
PRESCOTT, WILLIAM H. 126, 127, 128
RAMSAY, DAVID 114
RAMSEY, J.G.M. 134
RANDOLPH, JOHN 74, 75
READ, THOS. BUCHANAN 407, 408
REED, HENRY 207
RUFFIN, EDMUND 156
RUSH, BENJAMIN 101
RUTLEDGE, JOHN 60
SANDS, ROBERT C. 349
SAXE, JOHN G. 392, 393, 394, 395, 396
SCHOOLCRAFT, HENRY R. 189
SEDGWICK, CATHARINE M. 287, 288
SEWARD, WILLIAM 94
SHEA, JOHN G. 147, 148
SIGOURNEY, LYDIA H. 335
SILLIMAN, BENJAMIN 268
SIMMS, WM. GILMORE 303, 304, 364
SMITH, SAMUEL J. 320
SMITH, WILLIAM 9
SPARKS, JARED 124, 125
SPAULDING, MARTIN J. 35
SPRAGUE, CHARLES 334
SQUIER, EPHRAIM G. 267
STEDMAN, E.C. 423
STEPHENS, ALEXANDER H. 100
STEPHENS, JOHN L. 269
STEVENS, ABEL 144
STITH, WILLIAM 7, 8
STORY, JOSEPH 89, 90
STOWE, HARRIET BEECHER 305, 306, 389, 390
STREET, ALFRED B. 385, 386
SUMNER, CHARLES 96, 87, 98, 99
SUTLIFFE, ALBERT 418
TAYLOR, BAYARD 273, 274, 275, 414
TAYLOR, NATHANIEL W. 29
THAXTER, CELIA 425
THOMPSON, JOHN R. 410
THORNWELL, JAMES H. 36
THOREAU, HENRY D. 231, 232, 233
THURSTON, LAURA M.H. 387
TICKNOR, GEORGE 187
TIMROD, HENRY 416
TROWBRIDGE, JOHN T. 415
TRUMBULL, JOHN 317
TUCKERMAN, HENRY T. 223, 391
UPHAM, CHARLES W. 138
UPHAM, THOMAS C. 360
VERPLANCK, GULIAN C. 121
VON WEISS, SUSAN A. TALLEY 417
WALLACE, HORACE B. 230
WALLACE, WILLIAM R. 400
WALSH, ROBERT 153
WARE, WILLIAM 293
WARFIELD, CATHERINE A. 308, 398
WASHINGTON, GEORGE 249
WAYLAND, FRANCIS 157
WEBBER, CHARLES W. 265
WEBSTER, DANIEL 85, 86, 87, 88
WELBY, AMELIA B. 402
WHIPPLE, EDWIN P. 236
WHITE, RICHARD GRANT 240
WHITMAN, WALTER 401
WHITTIER, JOHN G. 372, 373, 374, 375
WILDE, RICHARD H. 186, 330
WILLIAMS, ROGER 1
WILLIAMS, WILLIAM R. 40
WILLIS, NATHANIEL P. 204, 205, 365, 366
WILSON, ALEXANDER 255, 256
WINTHROP, JOHN 10, 11
WIRT, WILLIAM 176
WOOLMAN, JOHN 17
WOOLSEY, THEODORE D. 161
WORTHINGTON, JANE T.L. 237
OF
AMERICAN LITERATURE.
* * * * *
=Roger Williams, 1598-1683.= (Manual, pp. 480, 512.)
From his "Memoirs."
=1.= EXTENT OF RELIGIOUS FREEDOM.
There goes many a ship to sea, with many hundred souls in one ship,
whose weal and woe is common, and is a true picture of a commonwealth,
or a human combination or society. It hath fallen out, sometimes, that
both Papists and Protestants, Jews and Turks, may be embarked into one
ship. Upon which supposal, I affirm that all the liberty of conscience,
that ever I pleaded for, turns upon these two hinges; that none of the
Papists, Protestants, Jews, or Turks, be forced to come to the ship's
prayers, nor compelled from their own particular prayers or worship,
if they practice any…. If any of the seamen refuse to perform their
service, or passengers to pay their freight; if any refuse to help, in
person or purse, towards the common charges or defence; if any refuse to
obey the common laws or orders of the ship concerning their common
peace or preservation; if any shall mutiny and rise up against their
commanders and officers; if any should preach or write, that there ought
to be no commanders nor officers, because all are equal in Christ,
therefore no masters nor officers, no laws, nor orders, no corrections
nor punishments,—I say I never denied but in such cases, whatever is
pretended, the commander or commanders may judge, resist, compel, and
punish such transgressors, according to their deserts and merits.
* * * * *
=Cotton Mather, 1663-1728.= (Manual pp. 479, 512.)
From the "Antiquities," or Book I, of the "Magnalia."
=2.= PRESERVATION OF NEW ENGLAND PRINCIPLES.
'Tis now time for me to tell my reader, that in our age, there has
been another essay made, not by French, but by English PROTESTANTS, to
fill a certain country in America with Reformed Churches; nothing
in doctrine, little in discipline, different from that of Geneva.
Mankind will pardon me, a native of that country, if smitten with a
just fear of encroaching and ill-bodied degeneracies, I shall use my
modest endeavors to prevent the loss of a country so signalized for
the profession of the purest Religion, and for the protection of
God upon it in that holy profession. I shall count my country lost, in
the loss of the primitive principles, and the primitive practices,
upon which it was at first established: but certainly one good way to
save that loss, would be to do something, that the memory of the
great things done for us by our God, may not be lost, and that the
story of the circumstances attending the foundation and formation
of this country, and of its preservation hitherto, may be impartially
handed unto posterity. THIS is the undertaking whereto I now address
myself; and now, Grant me thy gracious assistances, O my God! that in
this my undertaking I may be kept from every false way.
* * * * *
=Jonathan Edwards, 1703-1758=. (Manual, p. 479.)
From the "Inquiry, &c., into the Freedom of the Will."
=3.= MEANING OF THE PHRASE "MORAL INABILITY."
It must be observed concerning Moral Inability, in each kind of it, that
the word Inability is used in a sense very diverse from its original
import…. In the strictest propriety of speech, a man has a thing in
his power, if he has it in his choice, or at his election; and a man
cannot be truly said to be unable to do a thing, when he can do it if he
will. It is improperly said, that a person cannot perform those external
actions which are dependent on the act of the will, and which would be
easily performed, if the act of the will were present. And if it be
improperly said, that he cannot perform those external voluntary actions
which depend on the will, it is in some respect more improperly said,
that he is unable to exert the acts of the will themselves; because it
is more evidently false, with respect to these, that he cannot if he
will; for to say so is a downright contradiction: it is to say he cannot
will if he does will. And in this case, not only is it true, that it is
easy for a man to do the thing if he will, but the very willing is the
doing; when once he has willed, the thing is performed; and nothing
else remains to be done. Therefore, in these things to ascribe a
non-performance to the want of power or ability, is not just; because
the thing wanting is not a being able, but a being willing. There
are faculties of mind, and capacity of nature, and everything else
sufficient, but a disposition; nothing is wanting but a will.
* * * * *
=Samuel Davies, 1725-1761.= (Manual, p. 480.)
From his "Sermons."
=4.= LIFE AND IMMORTALITY REVEALED THROUGH THE GOSPEL.
So extensive have been the havoc and devastation which death has made
in the world for near six thousand years, ever since it was first
introduced by the sin of man, that this earth is now become one vast
grave-yard or burying-place for her sons. The many generations that have
followed upon each other, in so quick a succession, from Adam to this
day, are now in the mansions under ground…. Some make a short journey
from the womb to the grave; they rise from nothing at the creative
fiat of the Almighty, and take an immediate flight into the world of
spirits…. Like a bird on the wing, they perch on our globe, rest a
day, a month, or a year, and then fly off for some other regions. It is
evident these were not formed for the purposes of the present state,
where they make so short a stay; and yet we are sure they are not made
in vain by an all-wise Creator; and therefore we conclude they are young
immortals, that immediately ripen in the world of spirits, and there
enter upon scenes for which it was worth their while coming into
existence…. A few creep into their beds of dust under the burden of
old age and the gradual decays of nature. In short, the grave is the
place appointed for all living; the general rendezvous of all the sons
of Adam. There the prince and the beggar, the conqueror and the slave,
the giant and the infant, the scheming politician and the simple
peasant, the wise and the fool, Heathens, Jews, Mahometans, and
Christians, all lie equally low, and mingle their dust without
distinction…. There lie our ancestors, our neighbors, our friends,
our relatives, with whom we once conversed, and who were united to our
hearts by strong and endearing ties; and there lies our friend, the
sprightly, vigorous youth, whose death is the occasion of this funeral
solemnity. This earth is overspread with the ruins of the human frame:
it is a huge carnage, a vast charnel-house, undermined and hollowed with
the graves, the last mansions of mortals.
* * * * *
=Nathaniel Emmons,[1] 1745-1840.=
From his "Sermons."
=5.= THE RIGHT OF PRIVATE JUDGMENT.
The right of private judgment involves the right of forming our opinions
according to the best light we can obtain. After a man knows what
others have said or written, and after he has thought and searched the
Scriptures, upon any religious subject, he has a right to form his own
judgment exactly according to evidence. He has no right to exercise
prejudice or partiality; but he has a right to exercise impartiality, in
spite of all the world. After all the evidence is collected from every
quarter, then it is the proper business of the understanding or judgment
to compare and balance evidence, and to form a decisive opinion or
belief, according to apparent truth. We have no more right to judge
without evidence than we have to judge contrary to evidence; and we have
no more right to doubt without, or contrary to, evidence, than we have
to believe without, or contrary to, evidence. We have no right to keep
ourselves in a state of doubt or uncertainty, when we have sufficient
evidence to come to a decision. The command is, "Prove all things; hold
fast that which is good." The meaning is, Examine all things; and after
examination, decide what is right.
[Footnote 1: A Congregational clergyman of Massachusetts, original in
theology, and eminently lucid in style.]
* * * * *
=Cadwallader Colden,[2] 1688-1776.=
From "The History of the Five Nations."
=6.= CONVICTION OF THEIR SUPERIORITY
The Five Nations think themselves by nature superior to the rest of
mankind…. All the nations round them have, for many years, entirely
submitted to them, and pay a yearly tribute to them in wampum; they
dare neither make war nor peace without the consent of the Mohawks.
Two old men commonly go, about every year or two, to receive this
tribute; and I have often had opportunity to observe what anxiety the
poor Indians were under while these two old men remained in that part of
the country where I was. An old Mohawk Sachem, in a poor blanket and
a dirty shirt, may be seen issuing his orders with as arbitrary an
authority as a Roman dictator. It is not for the sake of tribute,
however, that they make war, but from the notions of glory which they
have ever most strongly imprinted on their minds; and the farther they
go to seek an enemy, the greater glory they think they gain; there
cannot, I think, be a greater or stronger instance than this, how
much the sentiments impressed on a people's mind conduce to their
grandeur…. The Five Nations, in their love of liberty and of their
country, in their bravery in battle, and their constancy in enduring
torments, equal the fortitude of the most renowned Romans.
[Footnote 2: A native of Scotland, but for many years a resident of New
York, where he was eminent in politics and science.]
* * * * *
=William Stith, 1755.= (Manual, p. 490.)
From "The History of Virginia."
=7.= THE RULE OF POWHATAN.
Although both himself and people were very barbarous, and void of all
letters and civility, yet was there such a government among them, that
the magistrates for good command, and the people for due subjection,
excelled many places that would be counted very civil. He had under him
above thirty inferior Kings or Werowances, who had power of life and
death, but were bound to govern according to the customs of their
country. However, his will was in all cases, their supreme law, and must
be obeyed. They all knew their several lands, habitations, and limits,
to fish, fowl, or hunt in. But they held all of their great Werowance,
Powhatan; to whom they paid tribute of skins, beads, copper, pearl,
deer, turkies, wild beasts, and corn. All his subjects reverenced him,
not only as a King, but as half a God; and it was curious to behold,
with what fear and adoration they obeyed him. For at his feet they
presented whatever he commanded; and a frown of his brow would make
their greatest Spirits tremble. And indeed it was no wonder; for he was
very terrible and tyrannous in punishing such as offended him, with
variety of cruelty, and the most exquisite torture.
* * * * *
=8.= POCAHONTAS IN ENGLAND.
However, Pocahontas was eagerly sought and kindly entertained
everywhere. Many courtiers, and others of his acquaintance, daily
flocked to Captain Smith to be introduced to her. They generally
confessed that the hand of God did visibly appear in her conversion,
and that they had seen many English ladies worse favored, of less exact
proportion, and genteel carriage than she was…. The whole court were
charmed and surprised at the decency and grace of her deportment; and
the king himself, and queen, were pleased honorably to receive and
esteem her. The Lady Delawarr, and those other persons of quality,
also waited on her to the masks, balls, plays, and other public
entertainments, with which she was wonderfully pleased and delighted.
And she would, doubtless, have well deserved, and fully returned, all
this respect and kindness, had she lived to arrive in Virginia.
* * * * *
=William Smith, 1793.= (Manual, p. 490.)
From "The History of the Province of New York."
=9.=. MANNERS OF THE INHABITANTS.
New York is one of the most social places on the continent. The men
collect themselves into weekly evening clubs. The ladies, in winter, are
frequently entertained either at concerts of music or assemblies, and
make a very good appearance. They are comely, and dress well, and scarce
any of them have distorted shapes. Tinctured with a Dutch education,
they manage their families with becoming parsimony, good providence, and
singular neatness. The practice of extravagant gaming, common to the
fashionable part of the fair sex in some places, is a vice with which
my countrywomen cannot justly be charged. There is nothing they
so generally neglect as reading, and indeed all the arts for the
improvement of the mind; in which, I confess, we have set them the
example. They are modest, temperate, and charitable; naturally
sprightly, sensible, and good-humored; and, by the helps of a more
elevated education, would possess all the accomplishments desirable
in the sex. Our schools are in the lowest order: the instructors want
instruction; and, through a long, shameful neglect of all the arts and
sciences, our common speech is extremely corrupt, and the evidences of
a bad taste, both as to thought and language, are visible in all our
proceedings, public and private.
The history of our diseases belongs to a profession with which I am
very little acquainted. Few physicians amongst us are eminent for
their skill. Quacks abound like locusts in Egypt, and too many have
recommended themselves to a full practice and profitable subsistence.
Loud as the call is, to our shame be it remembered, we have no law
to protect the lives of the king's subjects from the malpractice of
pretenders. Any man, at his pleasure, sets up for physician, apothecary,
and chirurgeon. The natural history of this province would of itself
furnish a small volume; and, therefore, I leave this also to such as
have capacity and leisure to make useful observations in that curious
and entertaining branch of natural philosophy.
The clergy of this province are, in general, but indifferently
supported, it is true they live easily, but few of them leave any thing
to their children…. As to the number of our clergymen, it is large
enough at present, there being but few settlements unsupplied with a
ministry and some superabound. In matters of religion we are not so
intelligent in general as the inhabitants of the New England colonies,
but both in this respect and good morals we certainly have the advantage
of the Southern provinces. One of the king's instructions to our
governors recommends the investigation of means for the conversion of
negroes and Indians. An attention to both, especially the latter, has
been too little regarded. If the missionaries of the English Society for
propagating the Gospel instead of being seated in opulent christianized
towns had been sent out to preach among the savages, unspeakable
political advantages would have flowed from such a salutary measure.
* * * * *
=John Winthrop, 1587-1649.= (Manual, p. 490.)
From his "Life and Letters."
=10.= TRUE LIBERTY DEFINED.
For the other point concerning liberty, I observe a great mistake in the
country about that. There is a twofold liberty,—natural (I mean as our
nature is now corrupt) and civil, or federal. The first is common to man
with beasts and other creatures. By this, man, as he stands in relation
to man simply, hath liberty to do what he lists: it is a liberty to evil
as well as to good. This liberty is incompatible and inconsistent with
authority, and cannot endure the least restraint of the most just
authority. The exercise and maintaining of this liberty makes men grow
more evil, and, in time, to be worse than brute beasts. This is
that great enemy of truth and peace, that wild beast, which all the
ordinances of God are bent against, to restrain and subdue it. The other
kind of liberty I call civil, or federal; it may also be termed moral,
in reference to the covenant between God and man in the moral law, and
the politic covenants and constitutions amongst men themselves. This
liberty is the proper end and object of authority, and cannot subsist
without it; and it is a liberty to that only which is good, just, and
honest. This liberty you are to stand for, with the hazard not only of
your goods, but of your lives, if need be.
* * * * *
From "The History of New England."
=11.= PROPOSED TREATMENT OF THE INDIANS.
We received a letter at the General Court from the magistrates of
Connecticut, and New Haven, and of Aquiday,[3] wherein they declared
their dislike of such as would have the Indians rooted out, as being of
the cursed race of Ham, and their desire of our mutual accord in seeking
to gain them by justice and kindness, and withal to watch over them to
prevent any danger by them, &c. We returned answer of our consent with
them in all things propounded, only we refused to include those of
Aquiday in our answer, or to have any treaty with them.
[Footnote 3: The original name of Rhode Island.]
* * * * *
=William Byrd,[4] 1674-1744.=
From "History of the Dividing Line between Virginia and North Carolina."
=12.= THE GINSENG AND SNAKEROOT PLANTS.
Though practice will soon make a man of tolerable vigor an able footman,
yet, as a help to bear fatigue, I used to chew a root of ginseng as I
walked along. This kept up my spirits, and made me trip away as nimbly
in my half jack-boots as younger men could in their shoes…. The
Emperor of China sends ten thousand men every year on purpose to gather
it…. Providence has planted it very thin in every country. Nor,
indeed, is mankind worthy of so great a blessing, since health and
long life are commonly abused to ill purposes. This noble plant grows
likewise at the Cape of Good Hope. It grows also on the northern
continent of America, near the mountains, but as sparingly as truth and
public spirit.
Its virtues are, that it gives an uncommon warmth and vigor to the
blood, and frisks the spirits beyond any other cordial. It cheers the
heart even of a man that has a bad wife, and makes him look down with
great composure on the crosses of the world. It promotes insensible
perspiration, dissolves all phlegmatic and viscous humors that are apt
to obstruct the narrow channels of the nerves. It helps the memory, and
would quicken even Helvetian dullness. 'Tis friendly to the lungs, much
more than scolding itself. It comforts the stomach and strengthens the
bowels, preventing all colics and fluxes. In one word, it will make a
man live a great while, and very well while he does live; and, what
is more, it will even make old age amiable, by rendering it lively,
cheerful, and good-humored….
I found near our camp some plants of that kind of Rattlesnake
root, called star-grass. The leaves shoot out circularly, and grow
horizontally and near the ground. The root is in shape not unlike the
rattle of that serpent, and is a strong antidote against the bite of it.
It is very bitter, and where it meets with any poison, works by violent
sweats, but where it meets with none, has no sensible operation but
that of putting the spirits into a great hurry, and so of promoting
perspiration.
The rattlesnake has an utter antipathy to this plant, insomuch that if
you smear your hands with the juice of it, you may handle the viper
safely. Thus much I can say on my own experience, that once in July,
when these snakes are in their greatest vigor, I besmeared a dog's nose
with the powder of this root, and made him trample on a large snake
several times, which, however, was so far from biting him, that it
perfectly sickened at the dog's approach, and turned his head from him
with the utmost aversion.
In our march one of the men killed a small rattlesnake, which had no
more than two rattles. Those vipers remain in vigor generally till
towards the end of September, or sometimes later, if the weather
continues a little warm. On this consideration we had provided three
several sorts of rattlesnake root, made up into proper doses, and ready
for immediate use, in case any one of the men or their horses had been
bitten….
In the low grounds the Carolina gentlemen shewed us another plant, which
they said was used in their country to cure the bite of the rattlesnake.
It put forth several leaves, in figure like a heart, and was clouded so
like the common Assarabacca, that I conceived it to be of that family.
[Footnote 4: A native of Virginia:—was sent to England for his
education, where he became intimate with the wits of Queen Anne's time.
On his return to Virginia, he became a prominent official. He has left
very pleasing accounts of his explorations.]
* * * * *
=Benjamin Franklin, 1706-1790.= (Manual, pp. 478, 486.)
Extract from his Autobiography.
=13.= GOOD RESOLUTIONS.—THE CROAKER.
I grew convinced, that truth, sincerity, and integrity, in dealings
between man and man, were of the utmost importance to the felicity of
life, and I formed written resolutions, which still remain in my journal
book, to practice them ever while I lived. Revelation had indeed no
weight with me, as such; but I entertained an opinion, that, though
certain actions might not be bad, because they were forbidden by it,
or good because it commended them; yet probably those actions might be
forbidden because they were bad for us, or commanded because they were
beneficial to us, in their own natures, all the circumstances of things
considered. And this persuasion, with the kind hand of Providence,
or some guardian angel, or accidental favorable circumstances or
situations, or all together, preserved me, through this dangerous
time of youth, and the hazardous situations I was sometimes in among
strangers, remote from the eye and advice of my father, free from any
wilful gross immorality or injustice, that might have been expected
from my want of religion. I say wilful because the instances I have
mentioned had something of necessity in them, from my youth,
inexperience, and the knavery of others. I had therefore a tolerable
character to begin the world with; I valued it properly, and determined
to preserve it.
We had not been long returned to Philadelphia, before the new types
arrived from London. We settled with Keimer and left him by his consent
before he heard of it. We found a house to let near the market, and took
it. To lessen the rent, which was then but twenty-four pounds a year,
though I have since known it to let for seventy, we took in Thomas
Godfrey, a glazier, and his family, who were to pay a considerable part
of it to us, and we to board with them. We had scarce opened our letters
and put our press in order, before George House, an acquaintance of
mine, brought a countryman to us, whom he had met in the street,
inquiring for a printer. All our cash was now expended in the variety of
particulars we had been obliged to procure, and this countryman's five
shillings, being our first-fruits, and coming so seasonably, gave me
more pleasure than any crown I have since earned; and the gratitude
I felt towards House has made me often more ready, than perhaps I
otherwise should have been, to assist young beginners.
There are croakers in every country, always boding its ruin. Such a one
there lived in Philadelphia; a person of note, an elderly man, with
a wise look and a very grave manner of speaking; his name was Samuel
Mickle. This gentleman, a stranger to me, stopped me one day at my
door, and asked me if I was the young man, who had lately opened a new
printing-house? Being answered in the affirmative, he said he was sorry
for me, because it was an expensive undertaking, and the expense would
be lost; for Philadelphia was a sinking place, the people already half
bankrupts, or near being so; all the appearances of the contrary, such
as new buildings and the rise of rents, being to his certain knowledge
fallacious; for they were in fact among the things that would ruin us.
Then he gave me such a detail of misfortunes now existing, or that were
soon to exist, that he left me half melancholy. Had I known him before
I engaged in this business, probably I never should have done it. This
person continued to live in this decaying place, and to declaim in the
same strain, refusing for many years to buy a house there, because all
was going to destruction; and at last I had the pleasure of seeing him
give him five times as much for one, as he might have bought it for when
he first began croaking.
* * * * *
From a Letter to Peter Collinson.
=14.= FRANKLIN'S ELECTRICAL KITE.
As frequent mention is made in public papers from Europe of the success
of the Philadelphia experiment for drawing the electric fire from
clouds, by means of pointed rods of iron erected on high, buildings,
&c., it may be agreeable to the curious to be informed that the same
experiment has succeeded in Philadelphia, though made in a different and
more easy manner, which is as follows:
Make a small cross of two light strips of cedar, the arms so long as
to reach to the four corners of a large thin silk handkerchief, when
extended; tie the corners of the handkerchief to the extremities of
the cross, so you have the body of a kite; which, being properly
accommodated with a tail, loop, and string, will rise in the air, like
those made of paper; but this, being of silk, is fitter to bear the wet
and wind of a thundergust without tearing. To the top of the upright
stick of the cross is to be fixed a very sharp-pointed wire, rising a
foot or more above the wood. To the end of the twine, next the hand, is
to be tied a silk ribbon, and where the silk and twine join, a key may
be fastened. This kite is to be raised when a thundergust appears to be
coming on, and the person who holds the string must stand within a door
or window, or under some cover, so that the silk ribbon may not be wet;
and care must be taken that the twine does not touch the frame of the
door or window. As soon as any of the thunder-clouds come over the kite,
the pointed wire will draw the electric fire from them, and the kite,
with all the twine, will be electrified, and the loose filaments of
the twine will stand out every way, and be attracted by an approaching
finger. And when the rain has wetted the kite and twine, so that it
can conduct the electric fire freely, you will find it stream out
plentifully from the key on the approach of your knuckle. At this key
the phial may be charged; and all the other electric experiments be
performed, which are usually done by the help of a rubbed glass globe
or tube, and thereby the sameness of the electric matter with that of
lightning be completely demonstrated.
* * * * *
=15.= MOTION FOR PRAYERS IN THE CONVENTION.
Mr. President:
The small progress we have made, after four or five weeks close
attendance and continual reasonings with each other, our different
sentiments on almost every question, several of the last producing
as many Noes as Ayes, is, methinks, a melancholy proof of the
imperfection of the human understanding. We indeed seem to feel our
own want of political wisdom, since we have been running all about
in search of it. We have gone back to ancient history for models of
government, and examined the different forms of those republics, which,
having been originally formed with the seeds of their own dissolution,
now no longer exist; and we have viewed modern States all round Europe,
but find none of their constitutions suitable to our circumstances.
In this situation of this assembly, groping, as it were, in the dark to
find political truth, and scarce able to distinguish it when presented
to us, how has it happened, Sir, that we have not hitherto once
thought of humbly applying to the Father of Lights to illuminate our
understandings? In the beginning of the contest with Britain, when we
were sensible of danger, we had daily prayers in this room for the
divine protection. Our prayers, Sir, were heard; and they were
graciously answered. All of us, who were engaged in the struggle, must
have observed frequent instances of a superintending Providence in
our favor. To that kind Providence we owe this happy opportunity of
consulting in peace on the means of establishing our future national
felicity. And have we now forgotten that powerful Friend? or do we
imagine we no longer need His assistance? I have lived, Sir, a long
time; and the longer I live, the more convincing proofs I see of this
truth, that God governs in the affairs of men. And if a sparrow cannot
fall to the ground without his notice, is it probable that an empire can
rise without his aid? We have been assured, Sir, in the Sacred Writings,
that "except the Lord build the house, they labor in vain that build
it." I firmly believe this; and I also believe, that without his
concurring aid, we shall succeed in this political building no better
than the builders of Babel; we shall be divided by our little, partial,
local interests, our projects will be confounded, and we ourselves shall
become a reproach and a by-word down to future ages. And, what is worse,
mankind may hereafter, from this unfortunate instance, despair of
establishing government by human wisdom, and leave it to chance, war,
and conquest.
I therefore beg leave to move,
That henceforth, prayers, imploring the assistance of Heaven and its
blessing on our deliberations, be held in this assembly every morning
before we proceed to business; and that one or more of the clergy of
this city be requested to officiate in that service.
* * * * *
From his "Essays."
=16.= THE EPHEMERON. AN EMBLEM.
"It was," said he, "the opinion of learned philosophers of our race,
who lived and flourished long before my time, that this vast world, the
Moulin Joly, could not itself subsist more than eighteen hours; and I
think there was some foundation for that opinion, since, by the apparent
motion of the great luminary that gives life to all nature, and which in
my time has evidently declined considerably towards the ocean at the end
of our earth, it must then finish its course, be extinguished in the
waters that surround us, and leave the world in cold and darkness,
necessarily producing universal death and destruction. I have lived
seven of those hours—a great age, being no less than four hundred and
twenty minutes of time. How very few of us continue so long! I have seen
generations born, flourish, and expire … And I must soon follow them;
for, by the course of nature, though still in health, I cannot expect to
live above seven or eight minutes longer. What now avail all my toil
and labor in amassing honey-dew on this leaf, which I cannot live to
enjoy!—what the political struggles I have been engaged in for the good
of my compatriot inhabitants of this bush, or my philosophical studies
for the benefit of our race in general! for in politics what can laws
do without morals? Our present race of ephemera will, in a course of
minutes, become corrupt, like those of other and older bushes, and
consequently as wretched. And in philosophy how small our progress!
Alas! art is long, and life is short. My friends would comfort me with
the idea of a name they say I shall leave behind me…. But what will
fame be to an ephemeron who no longer exists? and what will become of
all history, in the eighteenth hour, when the world itself, even the
whole Moulin Joly, shall come to its end, and be buried in universal
ruin?"
* * * * *
=John Woolman,[5] 1720-1772.=
From his "Life and Travels."
=17.= REMARKS ON SLAVERY AND LABOR.
A people used to labor moderately for their living, training up their
children in frugality and business, have a happier life than those who
live on the labor of slaves. Freemen find satisfaction in improving and
providing for their families; but negroes, laboring to support others
who claim them as their property, and expecting nothing but slavery
during life, have not the like inducement to be industrious…. Men
having power, too often misapply it: though we make slaves of the
negroes, and the Turks make slaves of the Christians, liberty is the
natural right of all men equally…. The slaves look to me like a
burdensome stone to such who burden themselves with them. The burden
will grow heavier and heavier, till times change in a way disagreeable
to us…. I was troubled to perceive the darkness of their imaginations,
and, in some pressure of spirits, said the love of ease and gain are the
motives, in general, of keeping slaves; and men are wont to take hold of
weak arguments to support a cause which is unreasonable….
I was silent during the meeting for worship, and, when business came on,
my mind was exercised concerning the poor slaves, but did not feel my
way clear to speak. In this condition I was bowed in spirit before the
Lord, and, with tears and inward supplication, besought him so to open
my understanding that I might know his will concerning me; and at length
my mind was settled in silence.
At times when I have felt true love open my heart towards my
fellow-creatures, and have been engaged in weighty conversation in the
cause of righteousness, the instructions I have received under these
exercises in regard to the true use of the outward gifts of God, have
made deep and lasting impressions on my mind. I have beheld how the
desire to provide wealth and to uphold a delicate life has grievously
entangled many, and has been like a snare to their offspring, and though
some have been affected with a sense of their difficulties, and have
appeared desirous at times to be helped out of them, yet for want of
abiding under the humbling power of truth, they have continued in these
entanglements; expensive living in parents and children hath called for
a large supply, and in answering this call, the faces of the poor have
been ground away, and made thin through hard dealing….
… In the uneasiness of body which I have many times felt by too much
labor, not as a forced but a voluntary oppression, I have often been
excited to think on the original cause of that oppression which is
imposed on many in the world. The latter part of the time wherein I
labored on our plantation, my heart, through the fresh visitations of
heavenly love, being often tender, and my leisure time being frequently
spent in reading the life and doctrines of our blessed Redeemer, the
account of the sufferings of martyrs, and the history of the first rise
of our Society, a belief was gradually settled in my mind, that if such
as had great estates, generally lived in that humility and plainness
which belong to a Christian life, and laid much easier rents and
interests on their lands and moneys, and thus led the way to a right use
of things, so great a number of people might be employed in things
useful, that labor both for men and other creatures would need to be no
more than an agreeable employ, and divers branches of business, which
serve chiefly to please the natural inclinations of our minds, and which
at present seem necessary to circulate that wealth which some gather,
might, in this way of pure wisdom, be discontinued.
[Footnote 5: A Quaker preacher, a native of New Jersey, whose Travels
and Autobiography have been much admired abroad, notably by Charles
Lamb.]
* * * * *
=John M. Mason,[6] 1770-1829.=
From the Address in behalf of the Bible Society.
=18.= GRANDEUR OF THE ENTERPRISE.
If there be a single measure which can overrule objection, subdue
opposition, and command exertion, this is the measure. That all our
voices, all our affections, all our hands, should be joined in the grand
design of promoting "peace on earth and good will toward man"—that
they should resist the advance of misery—should carry the light of
instruction into the dominions of ignorance, and the balm of joy to the
soul of anguish; and all this by diffusing the oracles of God—addresses
to the understanding an argument which cannot be encountered; and to the
heart an appeal which its holiest emotions rise up to second….
People of the United States; Have you ever been invited to an
enterprise of such grandeur and glory? Do you not value the Holy
Scriptures? Value them as containing your sweetest hope; your most
thrilling joy? Can you submit to the thought that you should be torpid
in your endeavors to disperse them, while the rest of Christendom is
awake and alert? Shall you hang back in heartless indifference, when
princes come down from their thrones, to bless the cottage of the poor
with the gospel of peace; and imperial sovereigns are gathering their
fairest honors from spreading abroad the oracles of the Lord your God.
Is it possible that you should not see, in this state of human things,
a mighty motion of Divine providence? The most heavenly charity treads
close upon the march of conflict and blood! The world is at peace!
Scarce has the soldier time to unbind his helmet, and to wipe away the
sweat from his brow, ere the voice of mercy succeeds to the clarion of
battle, and calls the nations from enmity to love! Crowned heads bow to
the head which is to wear "many crowns," and, for the first time since
the promulgation of Christianity, appear to act in unison for the
recognition of its gracious principles, as being fraught alike with
happiness to man, and honor to God.
What has created so strange, so beneficent an alteration. This is no
doubt the doing of the Lord, and it is marvelous in our eyes. But what
instrument has he thought fit chiefly to use. That which contributes in
all latitudes and climes to make Christians feel their unity, to rebuke
the spirit of strife, and to open upon them the day of brotherly
concord—the Bible!—the Bible!—through Bible Societies!
[Footnote 6: A Presbyterian clergyman of great distinction, long settled
in New York; rarely surpassed in controversial acuteness, and in
religious eloquence.]
* * * * *
=19.= THE RIGHT OF THE STATE TO EDUCATE.
No sagacity can foretell what characters shall be developed, or what
parts performed, by these boys and girls who throng our streets, and
sport in our fields. In their tender breasts are concealed the germs, in
their little hands are lodged the weapons, of a nation's overthrow
or glory. Would it not, then, be madness, would it not be a sort of
political suicide, for the commonwealth to be unconcerned what direction
their infant powers shall take, or into what habits their budding
affections shall ripen? or will it be disputed that the civil authority
has a right to take care, by a paternal interference on behalf of
the children, that the next generation shall not prostrate in an hour,
whatever has been consecrated to truth, to virtue, and to happiness by
the generations that are past?
* * * * *
=Timothy Dwight, 1752-1817.= (Manual, pp. 479, 504.)
From "Travels in New England," &c.
=20.= THE WILDERNESS RECLAIMED.
In these countries lands are universally held in fee simple. Every
farmer, with too few exceptions to deserve notice, labors on his own
ground, and for the benefit of himself and his family merely. This,
also, if I am not deceived, is a novelty; and its influence is seen to
be remarkably happy in the industry, sobriety, cheerfulness, personal
independence, and universal prosperity of the people at large…. A
succession of New England villages, composed of neat houses, surrounding
neat schoolhouses and churches, adorned with gardens, meadows, and
orchards, and exhibiting the universal easy circumstances of the
inhabitants, is, at least in my own opinion, one of the most delightful
prospects which this world can afford.
The conversion of a wilderness into a desirable residence for man,
is an object which no intelligent spectator can behold, without being
strongly interested in such a combination of enterprise, patience, and
perseverance. Few of those human efforts which have excited the applause
of mankind, have demanded equal energy, or merited equal approbation. A
forest changed within a short period into fruitful fields covered with
houses, schools, and churches, and filled with inhabitants possessing
not only the necessaries and comforts, but also the conveniences of
life, and devoted to the worship of Jehovah, when seen only in prophetic
vision, enraptured the mind even of Isaiah; and when realized, can
hardly fail to delight that of a spectator. At least, it may compensate
the want of ancient castles, ruined abbeys, and fine pictures.
* * * * *
From the Theology.
=21.= THE GLORY OF NATURE, FROM GOD.
There is another and very important view in which this subject demands
our consideration. Theology spreads its influence over the creation
and providence of God, and gives to both almost all their beauty and
sublimity. Creation and providence, seen by the eye of theology,
and elucidated by the glorious commentary on both furnished in the
Scriptures, become new objects to the mind; immeasurably more noble,
rich, and delightful, than they can appear to a worldly, sensual mind.
The heavens and the earth, and the great as well as numberless events
which result from the divine administration, are in themselves vast,
wonderful, frequently awful, in many instances solemn, in many
exquisitely beautiful, and in a great number eminently sublime. All
these attributes, however, they possess, if considered only in the
abstract, in degrees very humble and diminutive, compared with the
appearance which they make, when beheld as the works of Jehovah.
Mountains, the ocean, and the heavens, are majestic and sublime. Hills
and valleys, soft landscapes, trees, fruits, and flowers, and many
objects in the animal and mineral kingdoms, are beautiful. But what is
this beauty, what is this grandeur, compared with that agency of God, to
which they owe their being? Think what it is for the Almighty hand to
spread the plains, to heave the mountains, and to pour the ocean. Look
at the verdure, flowers, and fruits which in the mild season adorn the
surface of the earth; the uncreated hand fashions their fine forms,
paints their exquisite colors, and exhales their delightful perfumes. In
the spring, his life re-animates the world; in the summer and autumn,
his bounty is poured out upon the hills and valleys; in the winter, "his
way is in the whirlwind, and in the storm; and the clouds are the dust
of his feet." His hand "hung the earth upon nothing," lighted up the
sun in the heavens, and rolls the planets, and the comets through the
immeasurable fields of ether. His breath kindled the stars; his voice
called into existence worlds innumerable, and filled the expanse with
animated being. To all he is present, over all he rules, for all he
provides. The mind, attempered to divine contemplation, finds him in
every solitude, meets him in every walk, and in all places, and at all
times, sees itself surrounded by God.
* * * * *
=John Henry Hobart,[7] 1775-1830.=
From a "Sermon."
=22.= THE DIVINE GLORY IN REDEMPTION.
At the display of the divine power and glory that created the world,
"the morning stars sang together, and all the sons of God shouted for
joy." Surely not less universal, not less ardent the exultation in those
pure and perfect spirits that continually surround the Divine Majesty
at the view of the infinite wisdom, love, and power which planned the
redemption of a fallen world—which thus devised the mode by which
pardon could be extended to the sinner without sanctioning his sin, and
favor to the offending rebel against the divine government, without
weakening its authority, impeaching its holiness, or subverting its
justice. In the nature of the divine Persons thus counselling for man's
redemption, it is not for him, blind, and erring, and impotent, it is
not for angels, it is not for cherubim or seraphim, for a moment to
look. The inner glory of the divine nature burns with a blaze, if I may
so with reverence speak, too intense, too radiant, for finite vision.
But in its manifestations, in its outer, its more distant rays, shining
on the plan of man's redemption, all is mildness, and softness, and
peace. Holiness, and justice, and mercy are seen blending their sacred
influences, and conveying light and joy in that truth which the counsels
of the Godhead alone could render possible. God can be just, and yet
justify the sinner.
… Let us not, then, neglect this wonderful counsel of God for our
salvation; let us not be unaffected by this most stupendous display of
divine power, love, and mercy; let us not reject the offers of peace and
salvation from the God whom we have offended, and the Sovereign who is
finally to judge us. But, on the contrary, let us gratefully adore the
mercy and the grace of the Godhead in the plan of redemption, effected
in the incarnation, the obedience, the sufferings, the death, and the
triumphant resurrection of our Lord and Saviour, Jesus Christ. Let it be
our great object to be conformed to the likeness of his death, in
mortifying all our corrupt affections, and to experience the power of
his resurrection in living a new and holy life, that we may enjoy the
new and lively hopes of everlasting glory, which his resurrection
assures to all true believers.
[Footnote 7: An eminent divine and bishop of the Episcopal church; a
native of Pennsylvania.]
* * * * *
=Lyman Beecher,[8] 1775-1803.=
From the "Lectures on Political Atheism."
=23.= THE BEING OF A GOD.
It is a thing eminently to be desired that there should be a supreme
benevolent Intelligence, who is the creator and moral governor of the
universe, whose subjects and kingdom shall endure for ever. Such a one
the nature of man demands, and his whole soul pants after.
We feel our littleness in presence of the majestic elements of nature,
our weakness compared with their power, and our loneliness in the vast
universe, unenlightened, unguided, and unblessed, by any intelligence
superior to our own. We behold the flight of time, the passing fashion
of the world, and the gulf of annihilation curtained with the darkness
of an eternal night.
At the side of this vortex, which covers with deep oblivion the past,
and impenetrable darkness the future, nature shudders and draws back,
and the soul, with sinking heart, looks mournfully around upon this fair
creation, and up to these beautiful heavens, and in plaintive accents
demands, "Is there, then, no deliverance from this falling back into
nothing? Must this conscious being cease—this reasoning, thinking power,
and these warm affections, their delightful movements? Must this eye
close in an endless night, and this heart fall back upon everlasting
insensibility? O, thou cloudless sun, and ye far-distant stars, in all
your journeyings in light, have ye discovered no blessed intelligence
who called you into being, lit up your fires, marked your orbits, wheels
you in your courses, around whom ye roll, and whose praises ye silently
celebrate? Are ye empty worlds, and desolate, the sport of chance? or,
like our sad earth, are ye peopled with inhabitants, waked up to a brief
existence, and hurried reluctantly, from an almost untested being, back
to nothing? O that there were a God, who made you greater than ye all,
whose being in yours we might see, whose intelligence we might admire,
whose will we might obey, and whose goodness we might adore!" Such,
except where guilt seeks annihilation as the choice of evils, is the
unperverted, universal longing after God and immortality.
[Footnote 8: A Congregational clergyman, prominent, in the early part
of this century, for his zeal and piety, and for the eloquence and
originality of his sermons: father of a numerous family distinguished in
theology and literature.]
* * * * *
=William Ellery Channing, 1780-1842.= (Manual, p. 480.)
From the Essay on Napoleon Bonaparte.
=24.= CHARACTER OF NAPOLEON.
With powers which might have made him a glorious representative and
minister of the beneficent Divinity, and with natural sensibilities
which might have been exalted into sublime virtues, he chose to separate
himself from his kind, to forego their love, esteem, and gratitude,
that he might become their gaze, their fear, their wonder; and for this
selfish, solitary good, parted with peace and imperishable renown.
His insolent exaltation of himself above the race to which he belonged,
broke out in the beginning of his career. His first success in Italy
gave him the tone of a master, and he never laid it aside to his last
hour. One can hardly help being struck with the natural air with which
he arrogates supremacy in his conversation and proclamations. We never
feel as if he were putting on a lordly air. In his proudest claims, he
speaks from his own mind, and in native language. His style is swollen,
but never strained, as if he were conscious of playing a part above his
real claims. Even when he was foolish and impious enough to arrogate
miraculous powers and a mission from God, his language showed that he
thought there was something in his character and exploits to give a
color to his—blasphemous pretensions. The empire of the world seemed
to him to be in a measure his due, for nothing short of it corresponded
with his conceptions of himself; and he did not use mere verbiage,
but spoke a language to which he gave some credit, when he called his
successive conquests "the fulfilment of his destiny." This spirit
of self-exaggeration wrought its own misery, and drew down upon him
terrible punishments; and this it did by vitiating and perverting his
high powers. First, it diseased his fine intellect, gave imagination the
ascendency over judgment, turned the inventiveness and fruitfulness of
his mind into rash, impatient, restless energies, and thus precipitated
him into projects, which, as the wisdom of his counsellors pronounced,
were fraught with ruin. To a man, whose vanity took him out of the rank
of human beings, no foundation for reasoning was left. All things seemed
possible. His genius and his fortune were not to be bounded by the
barriers which experience had assigned to human powers. Ordinary rules
did not apply to him. He even found excitement and motives in obstacles
before which other men would have wavered; for these would enhance the
glory of triumph, and give a new thrill to the admiration of the world.
To us there is something radically and increasingly shocking in the
thought of one man's will becoming a law to his race; in the thought of
multitudes, of vast communities, surrendering conscience, intellect,
their affections, their rights, their interests, to the stern mandate of
a fellow-creature. When we see one word of a frail man on the throne
of France, tearing a hundred thousand sons from their homes, breaking
asunder the sacred ties of domestic life, sentencing myriads of the
young to make murder their calling, and rapacity their means of support,
and extorting from nations their treasures to extend this ruinous sway,
we are ready to ask ourselves, Is not this a dream? and, when the sad
reality comes home to us, we blush for a race which can stoop to such an
abject lot. At length, indeed, we see the tyrant humbled, stripped of
power, but stripped by those who, in the main, are not unwilling to play
the despot on a narrower scale, and to break down the spirit of nations
under the same iron sway.
* * * * *
=Manning.=
From a Discourse upon Immortality.
=25.= GRANDEUR OF THE PROSPECT.
To me there is but one objection against immortality, if objection it
may be called, and this arises from the very greatness of the truth.
My mind sometimes sinks under its weight, is lost in its immensity; I
scarcely dare believe that such a good is placed within my reach. When I
think of myself, as existing through all future ages, as surviving this
earth and that sky, as exempted from every imperfection and error of my
present being, as clothed with an angel's glory, as comprehending with
my intellect and embracing in my affections, an extent of creation
compared with which the earth is a point; when I think of myself as
looking on the outward universe with an organ of vision that will reveal
to me a beauty and harmony and order not now imagined, and as having
an access to the minds of the wise and good, which will make them in
a sense my own; when I think of myself as forming friendships with
innumerable beings of rich and various intellect and of the noblest
virtue, as introduced to the society of heaven, as meeting there the
great and excellent, of whom I have read in history, as joined with "the
just made perfect" in an ever-enlarging ministry of benevolence, as
conversing with Jesus Christ with the familiarity of friendship, and
especially as having an immediate intercourse with God, such as the
closest intimacies of earth dimly shadow forth;—when this thought of my
future being comes to me, whilst I hope, I also fear; the blessedness
seems too great; the consciousness of present weakness and unworthiness
is almost too strong for hope. But when, in this frame of mind, I
look round on the creation, and see there the marks of an omnipotent
goodness, to which nothing is impossible, and from which every thing may
be Loped; when I see around me the proofs of an Infinite Father, who
must desire the perpetual progress of his intellectual offspring; when
I look next at the human mind, and see what powers a few years have
unfolded, and discern in it the capacity of everlasting improvement: and
especially when I look at Jesus, the conqueror of death, the heir of
immortality, who has gone as the forerunner of mankind into the mansions
of light and purity, I can and do admit the almost overpowering thought
of the everlasting life, growth, felicity, of the human soul.
* * * * *
From Remarks on the case of the Ship Creole.
=26.= THE DUTY OF THE FREE STATES.
I have now finished my task. I have considered the Duties of the Free
States in relation to Slavery, and to other subjects of great and
immediate concern. In this discussion I have constantly spoken of Duties
as more important than Interests; but these in the end will be found to
agree. The energy by which men prosper is fortified by nothing so much
as by the lofty spirit which scorns to prosper through abandonment of
duty.
I have been called by the subjects here discussed to speak much of the
evils of the times, and the dangers of the country; and in treating of
these a writer is almost necessarily betrayed into what may seem a tone
of despondence. His anxiety to save his country from crime or calamity,
leads him to use unconsciously a language of alarm which may excite the
apprehension of inevitable misery. But I would not infuse such fears. I
do not sympathize with the desponding tone of the day. It may be that
there are fearful woes in store for this people; but there are many
promises of good to give spring to hope and effort; and it is not wise
to open our eyes and ears to ill omens alone. It is to be lamented that
men who boast of courage in other trials, should shrink so weakly from
public difficulties and dangers, and should spend in unmanly reproaches,
or complaints, the strength which they ought to give to their country's
safety. But this ought not to surprise us in the present case: for
our lot, until of late, has been singularly prosperous, and great
prosperity enfeebles men's spirits, and prepares them to despond when it
shall have passed away. The country, we are told, is "ruined." What! the
country ruined, when the mass of the population have hardly retrenched
a luxury! We are indeed paying, and we ought to pay, the penalty of
reckless extravagance, of wild and criminal speculation, of general
abandonment to the passion for sudden and enormous gains. But how are
we ruined? Is the kind, nourishing earth about to become a cruel
step-mother? Or is the teeming soil of this magnificent country sinking
beneath our feet? Is the ocean dried up? Are our cities and villages,
our schools and churches, in ruins? Are the stout muscles which have
conquered sea and land, palsied? Are the earnings of past years
dissipated, and the skill which gathered them forgotten? I open my eyes
on this ruined country, and I see around me fields fresh with verdure,
and behold on all sides the intelligent countenance, the sinewy limb,
the kindly look, the free and manly bearing, which indicate any thing
but a fallen people. Undoubtedly we have much cause to humble ourselves
for the vices which our recent prosperity warmed into being, or rather
brought out from the depths of men's souls. But in the reprobation which
these vices awaken, have we no proof that the fountain of moral life in
the nation's heart is not exhausted. In the progress of temperance, of
education, and of religious sensibility, in our land, have we no
proof that there is among us an impulse towards improvement, which no
temporary crime or calamity can overpower.
After all, there is a growing intelligence in this community; there is
much domestic virtue, there is a deep working of Christianity; there is
going on a struggle of higher truths with narrow traditions, and of a
wider benevolence with social evils; there is a spirit of freedom, a
recognition of the equal rights of men; there are profound impulses
received from our history, from the virtues of our fathers, and
especially from our revolutionary conflict; and there is an indomitable
energy, which, after rearing an empire in the wilderness, is fresh for
new achievements.
There is one Duty of the Free States of which I have not spoken; it is
the duty of Faith in the intellectual and moral energies of the country,
in its high destiny, and in the good Providence which has guided it
through so many trials and perils to its present greatness. We indeed
suffer much, and deserve to suffer more. Many dark pages are to be
written in our history. But generous seed is still sown in this nation's
mind. Noble impulses are working here. We are called to be witnesses to
the world, of a freer, more equal, more humane, more enlightened social
existence, than has yet been known. May God raise us to a more thorough
comprehension of our work! May he give us faith in the good which we are
summoned to achieve! May he strengthen us to build up a prosperity not
tainted by slavery, selfishness, or any wrong; but pure, innocent,
righteous, and overflowing, through a just and generous intercourse, on
all the nations of the earth!
* * * * *
=Edward Payson, 1733-1827,= (Manual, p. 480.)
From the "Selections."
=27.= NATURAL RELIGION.
I know that those who hate and despise the religion of Jesus because it
condemns their evil deeds, have endeavored to deprive him of the honor
of communicating to mankind the glad tidings of life and immortality. I
know that they have dragged the mouldering carcass of paganism from the
grave, animated her lifeless form with a spark stolen from the sacred
altar, arrayed her in the spoils of Christianity, re-lighted her
extinguished taper at the torch of revelation, dignified her with the
name of natural religion, and exalted her in the temple of reason, as a
goddess, able, without divine assistance, to guide mankind to truth and
happiness. But we also know, that all her boasted pretensions are vain,
the offspring of ignorance, wickedness, and pride. We know that she is
indebted to that revelation which she presumes to ridicule, and contemn,
for every semblance of truth or energy which she displays. We know that
the most she can do, is to find men blind and leave them so; and to
lead them still farther astray, in a labyrinth of vice, delusion, and
wretchedness. This is incontrovertibly evident, both from past and
present experience; and we may defy her most eloquent advocates to
produce a single instance in which she has enlightened or reformed
mankind. If, as is often asserted, she is able to guide us in the path
of truth and happiness, why has she ever suffered her votaries to
remain a prey to vice and ignorance. Why did she not teach the learned
Egyptians to abstain from worshiping their leeks and onions? Why not
instruct the polished Greeks to renounce their sixty thousand gods?
Why not persuade the enlightened Romans to abstain from adoring their
deified murderers? Why not prevail on the wealthy Phoenicians to refrain
from sacrificing their infants to Saturn? Or, if it was a task beyond
her power to enlighten the ignorant multitude, reform their barbarous
and abominable superstitions, and teach them that they were immortal
beings, why did she not, at least, instruct their philosophers in the
great doctrine of the immortality of the soul, which they so earnestly
labored in vain to discover? They enjoyed the light of reason and
natural religion, in its fullest extent, yet so far were they from
ascertaining the nature of our future and eternal existence, that
they—could not determine whether we should exist at all Bevon the
grave; nor could all their advantages preserve them from the grossest
errors, and the most unnatural crimes.
* * * * *
=Joseph S. Buckminster, 1784-1812.= (Manual, p. 480.)
From the "Sermons."
=28.= NECESSITY OF REGENERATION.
Look back, my hearers, upon your lives, and observe the numerous
opinions that you have adopted and discarded, the numerous attachments
you have formed and forgotten, and recollect how imperceptible were
the revolutions of your sentiments, how quiet the changes of your
affections. Perhaps, even now, your minds may be passing through some
interesting processes, your pursuits may be taking some new direction,
and your character may soon exhibit to the world some unexpected
transformation. Compare with this the spiritual regeneration of the
heart. So is every one that is born of the Spirit. Perhaps the following
may not be an imperfect description of the process that takes place in
a mind which is the subject of a radical conversion. The motion of the
wind is unseen, its effects are visible; the trees bend and fields are
laid waste; though the altering sentiments and affections are unnoticed,
the altered character obtrudes itself upon our observation. Truths
before contemplated without concern, now seize the mind with a grasp
too firm to be shaken. The world which is to succeed the present is no
longer a subject of accidental thought, of wavering belief, or lifeless
speculation; a region to which no tie binds us, and which no curiosity
leads us to explore. To the regenerated mind, the character and
condition of man appears in a new, and interesting light. To a being
whose existence has but just commenced, death is only a boundary, a
line, that marks off the first, the smallest portion of existence.
Earth with her retinue of allurements, her band of fascinating
syrens, exclaims, "We have lost our hold on this man! He is no longer
ours!" Religion welcomes her new adherent; she beckons him to turn his
steps into a new,—a pleasanter path; and God himself looks down from
heaven with complacency and love, illuminating his track by the light
of his countenance, marking the first step he takes in religion, and
supporting him by the staff of his grace,—the aid of his Holy Spirit.
The first objects that engage the dawning mind of the child are objects
of sense. That which is born of the flesh is flesh. It is a selfish,
sensual creature, ignorant of its Creator, of its destination;
uninclined to the purity, the spirituality, the power of religion;
alienated from the life of God, the life of the soul. Unrenewed by the
influence of religious truth, undirected by the guiding hand of an
Almighty Father, how shall such a creature reach the regions of immortal
bliss? Is it enthusiasm, is it folly, is it hypocrisy, to say to such, a
creature, "You must be born again before you can see the kingdom of
God?" Is that Redeemer to be disclaimed who offers you his divine aid to
form anew your character, to exalt your affections, to enlighten your
dreary and desolate understanding?
* * * * *
=Nathaniel W. Taylor[9] 1781-1871.=
From the "Lectures on the Moral Government of God."
=29.= PROOF OF IMMORTALITY FROM THE MORAL NATURE OF MAN.
The argument from the moral nature of man is made still more
impressive by the superiority of its design and object. If there is no
existence for man beyond the present state, what can we suppose to be
the design of his Creator in forming him a moral being? What powers,
what capacities are involved in his nature! What capacity to enjoy, and
what power to impart happiness to others! Who can reflect on the nature
of such a creature, his intelligence, his susceptibility, his will, his
conscience, the dignity, the excellence of which he is capable, the
moral victories and triumphs he may win, his fitness to hold on his way
with archangels, strong in advancing all that good which infinite wisdom
could devise, and infinite benevolence could love, the graces with which
he may be adorned, and the beatitudes with which he may be blessed,
and not believe that he is made to be one with the God who has created
him—a partaker of his blessedness, a companion of his eternity.
If we consider what an almost total failure there is, even on the
part of every good man, to attain in any respect the great end of his
creation; how weak in resolution and feeble in heart—how little success
in subduing his passions and governing his temper—how much of life is
spent before he even begins to live in obedience to the demands of
duty and of conscience—how remote he is from the uniform and settled
tranquility of perfect virtue—what dissatisfaction he feels with, the
present, unappeased by all the world can offer—what an Impatience and
disgust with the littleness of all he finds—what an ever-restless
aspiration after nobler and higher things—what anticipations and hopes
from futurity never realized, here on earth—how does our spirit labor
under a sense of the incongruity between his attainments and his powers!
and, unless there is a future state, what an insignificance is imparted
to all that can be called virtue here on earth, and also to man himself!
[Footnote 9: An eminent Congregational divine, long professor of
theology in Tale College, and distinguished by the vigor and originality
of his thinking.]
* * * * *
=Edward Hitchcock, 1793-1804.= (Manual, p. 532.)
From "The Religion of Geology."
=30.= GEOLOGICAL PROOF OF DIVINE BENEVOLENCE.
My second argument in proof of the divine benevolence is derived from
the disturbed, broken, and overturned condition of the earth's crust.
To the casual observer the rocks have the appearance of being lifted up,
shattered, and overturned; but it is only the geologist who knows
the vast extent of this disturbance. He never finds crystalline,
non-fossiliferous rocks which have not been more or less removed from
their original position. The older fossiliferous strata exhibit almost
equal evidence of the operation of a powerful disturbing force, though
sometimes found in their original horizontal position. The newer rocks
have experienced less of this agency, though but few of them have not
been elevated or dislocated.
If these strata had remained horizontal, as they were originally
deposited, it is obvious that all the valuable ores, minerals, and
rocks, which man could not have discovered by direct excavation,
must have remained forever unknown to him. Now, man has very seldom
penetrated the rocks below the depth of half a mile, and rarely so deep
as that; whereas, by the elevations, dislocations, and overturnings
that have been described, he obtains access to all deposits of useful
substances that lie within fifteen or twenty miles of the surface; and
many are thus probably brought to light from a greater depth. He is
indebted, then, to this disturbing agency for nearly all the useful
metals, coal, rock salt, marble, gypsum, and other useful minerals;
and when we consider how necessary these substances are to civilized
society, who will doubt that it was a striking act of benevolence which
thus introduced disturbance, dislocation, and apparent ruin into the
earth's crust?
* * * * *
=John P. Durbin,[10] 1800.=
From "Observations in the East."
=31.= FIRST SIGHT OF MOUNT SINAI.
For two hours we ascended this wild, narrow pass, enclosed between
stupendous granite cliffs, whose debris encumbered the defile, often
rendering the passage difficult and dangerous. Escaping from the pass,
we crossed the head of a basin-like plain, which declined to the
south-west, and ascending gradually, gloomy, precipitous, mountain
masses rose to view on either hand, with detached snow-beds lying in
their clefts. The caravan moved slowly, and apparently with a more
solemn, measured tread. The Bedouins became serious and silent, and
looked steadily before them, as if to catch the first glimpse of some
revered object. The space before us gradually expanded, when suddenly
Tualeb, pointing to a black, perpendicular cliff, whose two riven and
rugged summits rose some twelve or fifteen hundred feet directly in
front of us, exclaimed, "Gebel Mousa!" How shall I describe the effect
of that announcement? Not a word was spoken by Moslem or Christian, but
slowly and silently we advanced into the still expanding plain, our eyes
immovably fixed on the frowning precipices of the stern and desolate
mountain. We were doubtless on the plain where Israel encamped at the
giving of the law, and that grand and gloomy height before us was Sinai,
on which God descended in fire, and the whole mountain was enveloped In
smoke, and shook under the tread of the Almighty, while his presence was
proclaimed by the long, loud peals of repeated thunder, above which
the blast of the trumpet was heard waxing loader and louder, and
reverberating amid the stern and gloomy mountain heights around; and
then God spoke with Moses.
[Footnote 10: A native of Kentucky; is deemed one of the most eloquent
divines in the Methodist church.]
* * * * *
=Leonard Bacon, 1802.= (Manual, p, 480.)
From a "Missionary Sermon."
=32.= THE DAY APPROACHING.
The time is to come when the world will be filled with the knowledge,
the fear, and the praise of God Not always will war deluge the earth
with fire and blood. Not always will idolatry offend the heavens with
its abominations. Not always will despotism, political and spiritual,
national and domestic, degrade and corrupt the masses of mankind. Not
always will superstition, on the one hand, and infidelity, on the other,
reject and despise the blessed revelation of forgiveness for sinners
through Jesus, the Lamb of God. Not always will cold philosophy, and
erratic enthusiasm, and fanaticism fierce and malignant, conspire to
corrupt and pervert the gospel itself, turning even the streams from the
fountain of life into waters of bitterness and poison. No, no; the time
will come when the sun, in his daily journey round the renovated world,
shall waken with his morning beam in every human dwelling the voice of
joyful, thankful, spiritual worship. Then shall the boundless soul of
Immanuel, who once travailed in the agony of the world's redemption, "be
satisfied" with his victories over death and sin. The ransomed of the
Lord shall return and come to Zion with songs, and with garlands of
everlasting joy; and from the earth, no longer accursed for the sake of
man, sorrow and sighing shall flee away.
* * * * *
From the New Englander.
=33.= THE BENEFITS OF CAPITAL.
What wealth can be created without capital? Robinson Crusoe, on his
lonely island, was a capitalist as well as a laborer and a land-holder.
Put him down there without any capital—simply a naked, featherless,
two-legged and two-handed, animal, without clothes, without a gun or a
fish-hook, without hoe, or hatchet, or knife, or rusty nail, without a
particle of food to keep him from fainting, and what will become of him?
He gathers perhaps some wild fruits from the bushes; he picks up perhaps
some shell-fish from the water's edge; he surprises a fawn or a kid, and
throttles it and tears it to pieces with his fingers; he kindles a fire
perhaps by rubbing two dry sticks together till they ignite with the
friction; and so he keeps himself alive for a few days; but how little
progress does he make! But let him by any means have a little to begin
with in the shape of implements and materials; give him an axe or a
spade, a jack-knife, or only a fragment of an iron hoop, give him a gill
of seed wheat, or a single potato, or no more than a grain of maize, for
planting; and how soon will his condition be changed! He has begun to
be, even in this small way, a capitalist; and his labor, drawing
something from the past, begins to reach into the future. Instead of
spending all his time and strength in a constant scratching for the food
of to-day, how soon will he have a blanket of skins, and a hut, and a
garden in which he is preparing to-day the food of future months. Give
him now a little more capital; let him have the means of stocking his
farm with some sort of domestic animals; give him only a steer and a
heifer, or even a pair of goats, and how soon will he begin to be rich.
* * * * *
=James W. Alexander, 1804-1859.= (Manual, p. 480.)
From his "Discourses on Christian Faith and Practice."
=34.= THE CHURCH A TEMPLE.
In surveying the past, we observe a beautiful fitness and an enchanting
variety in the materials which have been already built into that part
of the edifice which has thus far been reared. How unlike the corps
of prophets to the corps of apostles; and how unlike the several
individuals of each. We have Scripture authority for placing these
among the most honorable and sustaining parts of the fabric, near the
corner-stone: for we are "built upon the foundation of the apostles and
prophets." Isaiah with his evangelic clarion. Jeremiah with his pastoral
reed of sorrows, and David with his many-voiced harp, sometimes loud in
notes of triumph, and sometimes subdued to the voice of weeping, stand
out with a marked individuality which becomes the more surprising, the
more nearly we examine the distinctive features. They may be likened
to those immense but goodly stones, carried up in courses, along the
precipitous side of the valley, to form the basis for the temple of
Solomon. The twelve apostles, including the last, and humanly speaking,
the greatest, though brethren, how unlike. Who for an instant, could
mistake Paul for Peter, or either of them for John. They occupy salient
angles of the great foundation, and lie nearest to the corner-stone,
elect and precious. Some of their brethren, though not visible in the
front which meets the eye, may have done equal service in the bearing
up of the mass. Martyrs and confessors found their place, in succeeding
ages, as the wall advanced; some as glorious for ornament as strong for
use. When love needed a signal display, amidst the blood of martyrdom,
we see it immortalized in an Ignatius and a Polycarp. When stalking
heresy needed a front of steel to stand unmoved against all its columns,
we find an "Athanasius against the world." When the language of
Greece is to be elevated to new dignity by conveying the wonders of
Christianity, we hear the golden eloquence of a Basil and a Chrysostom.
When Roman philosophy had died out of the world, we behold it revived in
an Augustine, the father of the fathers. Later down in ages, we catch
glimpses even amidst Romish corruptions of a Bernard and a Kempis. The
note of alarm is given to a sleeping carnal church, first by Wicliff,
Huss, and Jerome, then by Zwingle, Luther, Calvin, and Knox.
* * * * *
=Martin John Spaulding,[11] 1810-1872.=
From "Sketches of the Early Catholic Missions in Kentucky."
=35.= LIFE IN THE NEW SETTLEMENTS.
The early Catholic emigrants to Kentucky, in common with their brethren
of other denominations, had to endure many privations and hardships.
As we may well conceive, there were few luxuries to be found in the
wilderness, in the midst of which they had fixed their new habitations.
They often suffered even for the most indispensable necessaries of life.
To obtain salt, they had to travel many miles to the licks, through a
country infested with savages; and they were often obliged to remain
there for several days, until they could procure a supply.
There were then no regular roads in Kentucky. The forests were filled
with a luxuriant undergrowth, thickly interspersed with the cane, and the
whole closely interlaced with the wild pea-vine. These circumstances
rendered them nearly impassable; and almost the only chance of effecting
a passage through this vegetable wilderness, was by following the paths
or traces made by the herds of buffalo and other wild beasts. Luckily
these traces were numerous, especially in the vicinity of the licks,
which the buffalo were in the habit of frequenting, to drink the salt
water, or lick the earth impregnated with salt.
The new colonists resided in log-cabins, rudely constructed, with no
glass in the windows, with floors of dirt, or, in the better sort of
dwellings, of puncheons of split timber, roughly hewed with the axe.
After they had worn out the clothing brought with them from the old
settlements, both men and women were under the necessity of wearing
buckskin or homespun apparel. Such a thing as a store was not known
in Kentucky for many years: and the names of broadcloth, ginghams
and calicoes, were never even so much as breathed. Moccasins made of
buckskin, supplied the place of our modern shoes, blankets thrown over
the shoulder, answered the purpose of our present fashionable coats and
cloaks; and handkerchiefs tied around the head served instead of hats
and bonnets. A modern fashionable bonnet would have been a matter of
real wonderment in those days of unaffected simplicity.
The furniture of the cabins was of the same primitive character. Stools
were used instead of chairs: the table was made of slabs of timber,
rudely put together. Wooden vessels and platters supplied the place
of our modern plates and china-ware; and a "tin cup was an article of
delicate furniture, almost as rare as an iron-fork[12]," The beds were
either placed on the floor, or on bedsteads of puncheons, supported by
forked pieces of timber, driven into the ground, or resting on pins
let into auger-holes in the sides of the cabin. Blankets, and bear and
buffalo-skins, constituted often the principal bed-covering.
One of the chief resources for food was the chase. All kinds of game
were then very abundant; and when the hunter chanced, to have a goodly
supply of ammunition, his fortune was made for the year. The game was
plainly dressed, and served up on wooden platters, with corn-bread, and
the Indian dish-the well known hominy. The corn was ground with great
difficulty, on the laborious hand-mills; for mills of other descriptions
were then, and for many years afterwards, unknown in Kentucky.
Such was the simple manner of life led by our "pilgrim fathers." They
had fewer luxuries, but perhaps were, withal, more happy than their more
fastidious descendants. Hospitality was not then an empty name; every
log-cabin was freely thrown open to all who chose to share in the best
cheer its inmates could afford. The early settlers of Kentucky were
bound together by the strong ties of common hardships and dangers—to
say nothing of other bonds of union—and they clung together with great
tenacity. On the slightest alarm of Indian invasion, they all made
common cause, and flew together to the rescue. There was less
selfishness, and more generous chivalry; less bickering, and more
cordial charity, then, than at present; notwithstanding all our boasted
refinement.
[Footnote 11: Born in Kentucky, and long eminent as a controversial
writer and a Prelate of the Roman Catholic church. His "sketches" give
much interesting information respecting the early history of that church
at the West.]
[Footnote 12: Marshall—History of Kentucky.]
* * * * *
=James Henry Thornwell,[13] 1811-1862.=
From the "Discourses on Truth."
=36.= EVIL TENDENCIES OF AN ACT OF SIN.
There is a double tendency in every voluntary determination, one to
propagate itself, the other to weaken or support, according to its own
moral quality, the general principle of virtue. Every sin, therefore,
imparts a proclivity to other acts of the same sort, and disturbs and
deranges, at the same time, the whole moral constitution, it tends to
the formation of special habits, and to the superinducing of a general
debility of principle, which lays a man open to defeat from every
species of temptation. The extent to which a single act shall produce
this double effect, depends upon its intensity, its intensity depends
upon the fullness and energy of will which will enter into it, and the
energy of will depends upon the strength of the motives resisted. An
act, therefore, which concludes an earnest and protracted conflict,
which has not been reached without a stormy debate in the soul, which
marks the victory of evil over the love of character, sensibility to
shame, the authority of conscience and the fear of God, an act of this
sort concentrates in itself the essence of all the single determinations
which preceded it, and possesses power to generate a habit and to
derange the constitution, equal to that which the whole series of
resistances to duty, considered as so many individual instances of
transgression, is fitted to impart. By one such act a man is impelled
with an amazing momentum in the path of evil. He lives years of sin in a
day or an hour. It is always a solemn crisis when the first step is to
be taken in a career of guilt, against which nature and education,
or any other strong influences protest. The results are unspeakably
perilous when a man has to fight his way into crime. The victory creates
an epoch in his life. He is from that hour, without a miracle of grace,
a lost man. The earth is strewed with wrecks of character which were
occasioned by one fatal determination at a critical point in life, when
the will stood face to face with duty, and had to make its decision
deliberately and intensely for evil.
[Footnote 13: A Presbyterian divine, and professor of Theology, in South
Carolina, his native state: a distinguished theological writer of the
South.]
* * * * *
=Charles P. McIlvaine,[14] 1799-1873.=
From a Sermon on the Resurrection of Christ.
=37.=. ATTESTATIONS OF THE RESURRECTION.
Here we remark, in general, that his resurrection was the great sign
and crowning miracle to which our Lord, all the way of his ministry, to
the day of his crucifixion, referred both friends and opposers, for the
final confirmation of all his claims and doctrines. He staked all on the
promise that he would rise from death. The Jews asked of him a sign,
that they might believe. He answered, "There shall no sign be given, but
the sign of the prophet Jonas. For as Jonas was three days and nights
in the whale's belly, so shall the Son of Man be three days and three
nights in the heart of the earth." Thus on that single; event, the
resurrection of Christ, the whole of Christianity, as it all centres in,
and depends on him, was made to hinge. Redemption waited the evidence
of resurrection. Nothing was to be accounted as sealed and finally
certified, till Jesus should deliver himself from the power of death.
All of the gospel, all the hopes it brings to us, all the promises with
which it comforts us, were taken for their final verdict, as true or
false, sufficient or worthless, to the door of that jealously-guarded
and stone-sealed sepulchre, waiting the settlement of the question,
will he rise?
But an event so momentous was not left to but one class of evidences.
There was a way by which thousands at once were made to receive as
powerful assurance that Christ was risen, as if they had seen him in his
risen body. Jesus, before his death, had made a great promise to his
disciples, to be fulfilled by him only after his death and resurrection;
a promise impossible to be fulfilled if his resurrection failed; because
then, not only would he be under the power of death, but all his claim
to divine power would be brought to nought. It was the promise of the
Holy Ghost. "When the Comforter is come whom I will send unto you from
the Father, even the Spirit of Truth, which proceedeth from the Father,
he shall testify of me, he shall glorify me."
It was after he had "shown himself alive after his passion, by many
infallible proofs, being seen of his disciples forty days, and speaking
to them of the things pertaining to the Kingdom of God," that the day
for the accomplishment of that promise came. The day was that which
commemorated the giving of the law on Mount Sinai. It was now to
witness the going forth of the gospel from Jerusalem. I need not relate
to you the wonderful events of that day of Pentecost, the coming of the
Holy Ghost with the "sound as of a rushing mighty wind" that "filled all
the house;" the cloven tongues "like as of fire," which sat on each of
the disciples; the evidence that it was the Spirit of God which had then
come, given in the sudden and astonishing change which immediately came
over the apostles, transforming them from weak and timid men to the
boldest and strongest; in the change which suddenly came upon the power
of their ministry, converting it from the weak agent it had previously
been in contact with all the unbelief and wickedness of men into an
instrument so mighty that out of a congregation of Jews of all nations,
many of whom had probably partaken in the crucifixion of Christ, three
thousand that day were bowed down to repentance and subdued to his
obedience.
Thus was the day of Pentecost, a great day of testimony to the life and
divine power, and consequently the resurrection of Christ. Each of those
who heard the divers tongues of the ministry of that day, each of the
three thousand, was a witness of the same.
[Footnote 14: A native of New Jersey; in early life Chaplain and
Professor of Moral Philosophy in the Military Academy at West Point
and long time Bishop of Ohio in the Protestant Episcopal Church. His
Treatise on the Evidences of Christianity has great merit, and his
theological and controversial writings are in high esteem: greatly
venerated for his truly evangelical character.]
* * * * *
=George W. Bethune, 1805-1862.= (Manual, p. 487.)
From the "Expository Lectures on the Heidelberg Catechism."
=38.= ASPIRATIONS TOWARDS HEAVEN.
Our Christian life is a course through, this world, which we are to run
looking unto Jesus, at the right hand of the throne of God. The mark of
the prize of the high calling is in heaven. Nay, it is the hope of
heaven which keeps our souls surely and steadfastly. No matter what
other proofs of his being a Christian, a man may think that he has—what
moral virtue, what present zeal, what reverence for God and sacred
things, what kindness and faithfulness to his fellow-men,—if he have
not this longing thirst for heaven, he should doubt his Christianity.
The regenerate soul can be satisfied with nothing short of awaking with
the divine likeness. We cannot pray aright without hoping for heaven,
for there only will the askings of a pious heart be fully granted. We
cannot give thanks aright without hoping for heaven, for there are the
consummate blessings of the Redeemer's purchase. We cannot serve God
aright without hoping for heaven, for there only is our faithfulness to
be acknowledged, and our wages paid. Our hopes should be submissive, and
our longing patient; we should be willing to remain so long as God has
work for us here, but ever with a yearning sense that to depart and be
with Christ is far better. Grace in the heart is an ascensive power,
ever lifting its desires upward and upward, and so above the temptations
of time and earth. We can never drive this world out of our hearts, but
by bringing heaven into them. And heaven meets our affections when they
ascend, as it met Jesus; and he who so walks, climbing the arduous way
from the Valley of Baca to the temple on the mount (for we must walk
until we get our wings of angelic strength), will so approach the
heavenly threshold, as, like holy Enoch, he can cross it at a step.
Oh, dear friends, what an advantage have they whose Jesus is in heaven,
over those first disciples when they had him with them personally on
earth. They were for building tabernacles on Tabor, looking for a
temporal kingdom, walking by sight and not by faith; but our Lord now
above, draws up to a better, higher, holier home, our aims, our desires,
and our love.
* * * * *
From "A Lecture:" Philadelphia, 1840.
=39.= THE PROSPECTS OF ART IN THE UNITED STATES.
It is well for those who have sufficient wealth, to bring among us good
works of foreign or ancient masters, especially if they allow free
access to them for students and copyists. The true gems are, however,
rare, and very costly. A single masterpiece would swallow up the whole
sum which even the richest of our countrymen would be willing to devote
in the way of paintings. I hope, however, soon to see the day when
there shall be a fondness for making collections of works by American
artists, or those resident among us. Such collections, judiciously
made, would supply the best history of the rise and progress of the arts
in the United States. They would, more than any other means, stimulate
artists to a generous emulation. They would reflect high honor upon
their possessors, as men who love Art for its own sake, and are willing
to serve and encourage it. They would highly gratify the foreigner of
taste who comes curious to observe the working of our institutions and
our habits of life. He does not cross the sea to find Vandykes and
Murillos. He can enjoy them at home; but he wishes to discover what the
children of the West can do in following or excelling European example.
The expense of such a collection could not be very great. A few
thousands of dollars, less than is often lavished upon the French plate
glass and lustres, damask hangings, and Turkey carpets of a pair of
parlors (more than which few of our houses can boast), would cover their
walls with good specimens of American art, and do far more credit to the
taste and heart of the owner.
* * * * *
=William R. Williams,[15] 1804.= (Manual, p. 480.)
From "The Lectures on the Lord's Prayer."
=40.= LEAD US NOT INTO TEMPTATION.
We are warranted in praying to be brought through, temptation, when it
is not of our own seeking, but of God's sending. If we walk without
care and without vigilance, if we acknowledge not God in our ways, and
take counsel at Ekron, and not at Zion,—leaving the Bible unread, and
the closet unvisited,—if the sanctuary and the Sabbath lose their
ancient hold upon us, and we then go on frowardly in the way of our own
eyes, and after the counsel of our own heart, we have reason to tremble.
A conscience quick and sensitive, under the presence of the indwelling
Spirit, is like the safety-lamp of the miner, a ready witness and a
mysterious guardian against the deathful damps, that unseen, but fatal,
cluster around our darkling way. To neglect prayer and watching, is to
lay aside that lamp, and then, though the eye see no danger and the
ear hear no warning, spiritual death may be gathering around us her
invisible vapors, stored with ruin, and rife for a sudden explosion. We
are tempting God, and shall we be delivered?
And if this be so with, the negligent professor of religion, is it not
applicable also to the openly careless, who never acknowledged Christ's
claims to the heart and the life?
With an evil nature, and a mortal body, and a brittle and brief tenure
of earth, you are traversing perilous paths. Had you God for your
friend, your case would be far other than it is. Peril and snare might
still beset you; but you would confront and traverse them, as the
Hebrews of old did the weedy bed of the Red Sea, its watery walls
guarding their dread way, the pillar of light the vanguard, and the
pillar of cloud the rearguard of their mysterious progress, the ark
and the God of the ark piloting and defending them…. You are like a
presumptuous and unskilful traveller, passing under the arch of the
waters of Niagara. The falling cataract thundering above you; a
slippery, slimy rock beneath your gliding feet; the smoking, roaring
abyss yawning beside you; the imprisoned winds beating back your
breath; the struggling daylight coming but mistily to the bewildered
eyes,—what is the terror of your condition if your guide, in whose
grasp your fingers tremble, be malignant, and treacherous, and suicidal,
determined on destroying your life at the sacrifice of his own? He
assures you that he will bring you safely through upon the other side of
the fall. And SUCH is SATAN. Lost himself, and desperate, he is set on
swelling the number of his compeers in shame, and woe, and ruin.
[Footnote 15: A Baptist divine, born in New York city, where he has long
been settled over a church; eminent for general scholarship and literary
ability.]
* * * * *
=George B. Cheever, 1807-=(Manual, pp. 480, 490.)
From "The Wanderings of a Pilgrim."
=41.= MONT BLANC.
It is like those heights of ambition so much coveted in the world, and
so glittering in the distance, where, if men live to reach them, they
cannot live upon them. They may have all the appliances and means of
life, as these French savants carried their tents to pitch upon the
summit of Mont Blanc; but the peak that looked so warm and glittering in
the sunshine, and of such a rosy hue in the evening rays, was too deadly
cold, and swept by blasts too fierce and cutting; they were glad to
relinquish the attempt, and come down. The view of the party a few hours
below the summit, was a sight of deep interest. So was the spectacle of
the immeasurable ridges and fields, gulfs and avalanches, heights and
depths, unfathomable chasms and impassable precipices, of ice and snow,
of such dazzling whiteness, of such endless extent, in such gigantic
masses.
* * * * *
From "Lectures on the Pilgrim's Progress."
=42.=. SIN DISTORTS THE JUDGMENT.
On the other hand, those who do not love God, cannot expect to find in
his Word a system of truth that will please their own hearts. A sinful
heart can have no right views of God, and of course will have defective
views of his Word: for sin distorts the judgment, and overturns the
balance of the mind on all moral subjects, far more than even the best
of men are aware of. There is, there can be, no true reflection of God
or of his Word, from the bosom darkened with guilt, from the heart at
enmity with him. That man will always look at God through the medium of
his own selfishness, and at God's Word through the coloring of his own
wishes, prejudices, and fears.
A heart that loves the Saviour, and rejoices in God as its Sovereign,
reflects back in calmness the perfect view of his character, which
it finds in his Word. Behold on the borders of a mountain lake, the
reflection of the scene above, received into the bosom of the lake
below! See that crag projecting, the wild flowers that, hang out from
it, and bend as if to gaze at their own forms in the water beneath.
Observe that plot of green grass above, that tree springing from the
cleft, and over all, the quiet sky reflected in all its softness and
depth from the lake's steady surface. Does it not seem as if there were
two heavens. How perfect the reflection! And just as perfect and clear,
and free from confusion and perplexity, is the reflection of God's
character, and of the truths of his Word, from the quietness of the
heart that loves the Saviour, and rejoices in his supreme and sovereign
glory.
Now look again. The wind is on the lake, and drives forward its waters
in crested and impetuous waves, angry and turbulent. Where is that sweet
image? There is no change above: the sky is as clear, the crag projects
as boldly, the flowers look just as sweet in their unconscious
simplicity; but below, banks, trees, and skies are all mingled in
confusion. There is just as much confusion in every unholy mind's idea
of God and his blessed Word. God and his truth are always clear, always
the same, but the passions of men fill their own hearts with obscurity
and turbulence; their depravity is itself obscurity; and through all
this perplexity and wilful ignorance, they contend that God is just such
a being as they behold him, and that they are very good beings in his
sight. We have heard of a defect in the bodily vision, that represents
all objects upside down; that man would certainly be called insane,
who, under the influence of this misfortune, should so blind his
understanding, as to believe and assert that men walked on their heads,
and that the trees grew downwards. Now, is it not a much greater
insanity for men who in their hearts do not love God, and in their lives
perhaps insult and disobey him, to give credit to their own perverted
misrepresentations of him and of his Word? As long as men will continue
to look at God's truth through the medium of their own pride and
prejudice, so long will they have mistaken views of God and eternity, so
long will their own self righteousness look better to them for a resting
place, than the glorious righteousness of Him, who of God is made unto
us our Wisdom, Righteousness, Sanctification, and Redemption.
* * * * *
=Horace Bushnell, 1804-= (Manual, p, 480.)
From the "Sermons for the New Life."
=43.= UNCONSCIOUS INFLUENCE.
The Bible calls the good man's life a light, and it is the nature of
light to flow out spontaneously in all directions, and fill the world
unconsciously with its beams. So the Christian shines, it would say, not
so much because he will, as because he is a luminous object. Not that
the active influence of Christians is made of no account in the figure,
but only that this symbol of light has its propriety in the fact
that their unconscious influence is the chief influence, end has the
precedence in its power over the world. And yet there are many who will
be ready to think that light is a very tame and feeble instrument,
because it is noiseless. An earthquake for example, is to them a much
more vigorous, and effective agency. Hear how it comes thundering
through the solid foundations of nature. It rocks a whole continent. The
noblest works of man—cities, monuments, and temples—are in a moment
levelled to the ground or swallowed down the opening gulfs of fire….
But lot the light of the morning cease, and return no more: let the
hour of morning come, and bring with it no dawn; the outcries of a
horror-stricken world fill the air, and make, as it were, the darkness
audible. The beasts go wild and frantic at the loss of the sun. The
vegetable growths turn pale and die. A. chill creeps on, and frosty
winds begin to howl across the freezing earth. Colder and yet colder
is the night. The vital blood, at length, of all creatures stops,
congealed. Down goes the frost toward the earth's centre. The heart of
the sea is frozen; nay, the earthquakes are themselves frozen in,
under their fiery caverns. The very globe itself, too, and all the
fellow-planets that have lost their sun, are become mere balls of ice,
swinging silent in the darkness. Such is the light which revisits us in
the silence of the morning. It make no shock or scar. It would not wake
an infant in his cradle. And yet it perpetually new creates the world,
rescuing it each morning as a prey from night and chaos. So the
Christian is a light, even "the light of the world;" and we must not
think that, because he shines insensibly or silently, as a mere luminous
object, he is therefore powerless. The greatest powers are ever those
which lie back of the little stirs and commotions of nature: and I
verily believe that the insensible influences of good men are as much
more potent than what I have called their voluntary or active, as the
great silent powers of nature are of greater consequence than her little
disturbances and tumults. The law of human influence is deeper than many
suspect, and they lose sight of it altogether. The outward endeavors
made by good men or bad, to sway others, they call their influence;
whereas it is, in fact, but a fraction, and in most cases, but a very
small fraction, of the good or evil that flows out of their lives.
* * * * *
From "Christ and His Salvation."
=44.= THE TRUE REST OF THE CHRISTIAN.
Once more the analogies of the sleep of Jesus suggest the Christian
right, and even duty, of those relaxations, which are necessary, at
times, to loosen the strain of life and restore the freshness of its
powers. Christ, as we have seen, actually tore himself away from
multitudes waiting to be healed, that he might refit himself by sleep.
He had a way, too, of retiring often to mountain solitudes and by-places
on the sea, partly for the resting of his exhausted energies. Sometimes
also he called his disciples off in this manner, saying, "come ye
yourselves apart into a desert place and rest awhile." Not that every
disciple is, of course, to retire into solitudes and desert places, when
he wants recreation. Jesus was obliged to seek such places to escape
the continual press of the crowd. In our day, a waking rest of travel,
change of scene, new society, is permitted, and when it is a privilege
assumed by faithful men, to recruit them for their works of duty they
have it by God's sanction, and even as a part of the sound economy of
life. Going after a turn of gaiety, or dissipation, not after Christian
rest, or going after rest only because you are wearied and worried by
selfish overdoings, troubled and spent by toils that serve an idol, is
a very different matter. The true blessing of rest is on you, only when
you carry a good mind with you, able to look back on works of industry
and faithfulness, suspended for a time, that you may do them more
effectually. Going in such a frame, you shall rest awhile, as none but
such can rest. Nature will dress herself in beauty to your eye, calm
thoughts will fan you with their cooling breath, and the joy of the Lord
will be strength to your wasted brain and body. Ah, there is no luxury
of indulgence to be compared with this true Christian rest! Money will
not buy it, shows and pleasures can not woo its approach, no conjuration
of art, or contrived gaiety, will compass it even for an hour: but it
settles, like dew, unsought, upon the faithful servant of duty, bathing
his weariness and recruiting his powers for a new engagement in his
calling. Go ye thus apart and rest awhile if God permits.
* * * * *
=Albert Taylor Bledsoe,[16] about 1809-=
From "The Theodicy."
=45.= MORAL EVIL CONSISTENT WITH THE HOLINESS OF GOD.
The argument of the atheist assumes, as we have seen, that a Being of
infinite power could easily prevent sin, and cause holiness to exist. It
assumes that it is possible, that it implies no contradiction, to create
an intelligent moral agent, and place It beyond all liability to sin.
But this is a mistake. Almighty power itself, we may say with, the most
profound reverence, cannot create such a being, and place it beyond the
possibility of sinning. If it could not sin, there would be no merit, no
virtue, in its obedience. That is to say, it would not be a moral agent
at all, but a machine merely. The power to do wrong, as well as to do
right, is included in the very idea of a moral and accountable agent,
and no such agent can possibly exist without being invested with such
a power. To suppose such an agent to be created, and placed beyond all
liability to sin, is to suppose it to be what it is, and not what it is,
at one and the same time; it is to suppose a creature to be endowed with
a power to do wrong, and yet destitute of such a power, which is a plain
contradiction. Hence Omnipotence cannot create such a being, and deny to
it a power to do evil, or secure it against the possibility of sinning.
[Footnote 16: The most prominent among the living philosophical writers
of the South: at present editor of the Southern Review.]
* * * * *
=Richard Fuller,[17] 1808-=
From a Sermon.
=46.= THE DESIRE OF ALL NATIONS SHALL COME. Haggai ii. 7.
Follow the adorable Jesus from scene to scene of ever deepening insult
and sorrow, tracked everywhere by spies hunting for the precious blood.
Behold his sacred face swollen with tears and stripes; and, last of all,
ascend Mount Calvary, and view there the amazing spectacle: earth and
hell gloating on the gashed form of the Lord of Glory; men and devils
glutting their malice in the agony of the Prince of Life; and all the
scattered rays of vengeance which would have consumed our guilty race,
converging and beating in focal intensity upon Him of whom the Eternal
twice exclaimed, in a voice from heaven, "This is my beloved Son, in
whom I am well pleased." After this, what are our emotions? Can we ever
be cold or faithless? No, my brethren, it is impossible, unless we
forget this Saviour, and lose sight of that cross on which he poured out
his soul for us.
That is an affecting passage in Roman history which records the death
of Manlius. At night, and on the Capitol, fighting hand to hand, had he
repelled the Gauls, and saved the city, when all seemed lost. Afterwards
he was accused; but the Capitol towered in sight of the forum where he
was tried, and, as he was about to be condemned, he stretched out his
hands, and pointed, weeping, to that arena of his triumph. At this the
people burst into tears, and the judges could not pronounce sentence.
Again the trial proceeded, but was again defeated; nor could he be
convicted until they had removed him to a low spot, from which the
Capitol was invisible. And behold my brethren, what I am saying. While
the cross is in view, vainly will earth and sin seek to shake the
Christian's loyalty and devotion; one look at that purple monument of
a love which alone, and when all was dark and lost, interposed for our
rescue, and their efforts will be baffled. Low must we sink, and blotted
from our hearts must be the memory of that deed, before we can become
faithless to the Redeemer's cause, and perfidious to his glory.
[Footnote 17: A Baptist divine of much distinction: a native of South
Carolina but long settled in Baltimore.]
* * * * *
=Henry Ward Beecher, 1813-= (Manual, p. 480.)
From the "Star Papers."
=47.= A PICTURE IN A COLLEGE AT OXFORD.
I was much affected by a head of Christ. Not that it met my ideal of
that sacred front, but because it took me in a mood that clothed it with
life and reality. For one blessed moment I was with the Lord. I know
him. I loved him. My eyes I could not close for tears. My poor tongue
kept silence; but my heart spoke, and I loved and adored. The amazing
circuit of one's thoughts in so short a period is wonderful. They circle
round through all the past, and up through the whole future; and both
the past and future are the present, and are one. For one moment there
arose a keen anguish, like a shooting pang, for that which I was; and I
thought my heart would break that I could bring but only such a nature
to my Lord; but in a moment, as quick as the flash of sunlight which
follows the shadow of summer clouds across the fields, there seemed to
spring out upon me from my Master a certainty of love so great and noble
as utterly to consume my unworth, and leave me shining bright, as if it
were impossible for Christ to love a heart without making it pure and
beautiful by the resting on it of that illuming affection, just as the
sun bathes into beauty the homeliest object when he looks full upon it.
* * * * *
=48.= FROST ON THE WINDOW.
But the indefatigable night repairs the desolation. New pictures supply
the waste ones. New cathedrals there are, new forests, fringed and
blossoming, new sceneries, and new races of extinct animals. We are rich
every morning, and poor every noon. One day with us measures the space
of two hundred years in kingdoms—a hundred years to build up, and a
hundred years to decay and destroy; twelve hours to overspread the
evanescent pane with glorious beauty, and twelve to extract and
dissipate the pictures…. Shall we not reverently and rejoicingly
behold in these morning pictures, wrought without color, and kissed upon
the window by the cold lips of Winter, another instance of that Divine
Beneficence of beauty which suffuses the heavens?
* * * * *
From "Lectures to Young Men."
=49.= NATURE, DESIGNED FOR OUR ENJOYMENT.
The necessity of amusement is admitted on all hands. There is an
appetite of the eye, of the ear, and of every sense, for which God has
provided the material. Gaiety of every degree, this side of puerile
levity, is wholesome to the body, to the mind, and to the morals. Nature
is a vast repository of manly enjoyments. The magnitude of God's works
is not less admirable than its exhilarating beauty. The rudest forms
have something of beauty; the ruggedest strength is graced with some
charm; the very pins, and rivets, and clasps of nature, are attractive
by qualities of beauty, more than is necessary for mere utility. The sun
could go down without gorgeous clouds; evening could advance without its
evanescent brilliance; trees might have flourished without symmetry;
flowers have existed without odor, and fruit without flavor. When I have
journeyed through forests, where ten thousand shrubs and vines exist
without apparent use; through prairies, whose undulations exhibit sheets
of flowers innumerable, and absolutely dazzling the eye with their
prodigality of beauty—beauty, not a tithe of which is ever seen by
man—I have said, it is plain that God is himself passionately fond of
beauty, and the earth is his garden, as an acre is man's. God has
made us like Himself, to be pleased by the universal beauty of the
world. He has made provision in nature, in society, and in the family,
for amusement and exhilaration enough to fill the heart with the
perpetual sunshine of delight.
Upon this broad earth, purfled with flowers, scented with odors,
brilliant in colors, vocal with echoing and re-echoing melody, I take
my stand against all demoralizing pleasure. Is it not enough that our
Father's house is so full of dear delights, that we must wander prodigal
to the swine-herd for husks, and to the slough for drink?—when the
trees of God's heritage bend over our head and solicit our hand to pluck
the golden fruitage, must we still go in search of the apples of Sodom,
outside fair and inside ashes.
Men shall crowd to the circus to hear clowns, and see rare feats of
horsemanship; but a bird may poise beneath the very sun, or flying
downward, swoop from the high heaven; then flit with graceful ease
hither and thither, pouring liquid song as if it were a perennial
fountain of sound—no man cares for that.
Upon the stage of life, the vastest tragedies are performing in every
act; nations pitching headlong to their final catastrophe; others,
raising their youthful forms to begin the drama of existence. The world
of society is as full of exciting interest, as nature is full of beauty.
The great dramatic throng of life is bustling along—the wise, the fool,
the clown, the miser, the bereaved, the broken-hearted. Life mingles
before us smiles and tears, sighs and laughter, joy and gloom, as the
spring mingles the winter-storm and summer-sunshine. To this vast
Theatre which God hath builded, where stranger plays are seen than ever
author writ, man seldom cares to come. When God dramatizes, when nations
act, or all the human kind conspire to educe the vast catastrophe, men
sleep and snore, and let the busy scene go on, unlocked, unthought
upon…. It is my object then, not to withdraw the young from pleasure,
but from unworthy pleasures; not to lessen their enjoyments, but to
increase them, by rejecting the counterfeit and the vile.
* * * * *
From "Norwood."
=50.= LIFE IN THE COUNTRY.
It was this union of seclusion and publicity that made Norwood a place
of favorite resort, through the summer, of artists, of languid scholars,
and of persons of quiet tastes. There was company for all that shunned
solitude, and solitude for all that were weary of company. Each house
was secluded from its neighbor. Yards and gardens full of trees and
shrubbery, the streets lined with venerable trees, gave the town at a
little distance the appearance of having been built in an orchard or a
forest-park. A few steps and you could be alone—a few steps too would
bring you among crowds. Where else could one watch the gentle conflict
between sounds and silence with such dreamy joy?—or make idleness seem
so nearly like meditation?—or more nimbly chase the dreams of night
with even brighter day-dreams, wondering every day what has become of
the day before, and each week where the week has gone, and in autumn
what has become of the summer, that trod so noiselessly that none knew
how swift were its footsteps! The town filled by July, and was not empty
again till late October.
There are but two perfect months in our year—June and October. People
from the city usually arrange to miss both. June is the month of
gorgeous greens; October, the month of all colors. June has the full
beauty of youth; October has the splendor of ripeness. Both of them are
out-of-door months. If the year has anything to tell you, listen now! If
these months teach the heart nothing, one may well shut up the book of
the year.
* * * * *
From "The Life of Jesus the Christ."
=51.= THE CONCEPTION OF ANGELS, SUPERHUMAN.
The angels of the oldest records are like the angels of the latest. The
Hebrew thought had moved through a vast arc of the infinite cycle of
truth, between the days when Abraham came from Ur of Chaldea, and the
times of our Lord's stay on earth. But there is no development in angels
of later over those of an earlier date. They were as beautiful, as
spiritual, as pure and noble, at the beginning as at the close of the
old dispensation. Can such creatures, transcending earthly experience,
and far out-running any thing in the life of man, be creations of the
rude ages of the human understanding? We could not imagine the Advent
stripped of its angelic lore. The dawn without a twilight, the sun
without clouds of silver and gold, the morning on the fields without
dew-diamonds,—but not the Saviour without his angels? They shine within
the Temple, they bear to the matchless mother a message which would have
been a disgrace from mortal lips, but which from theirs fell upon her
as pure as dew-drops upon the lilies of the plain of Esdraelon. They
communed with the Saviour in his glory of transfiguration, sustained
him in the anguish of the garden, watched at the tomb; and as they had
thronged the earth at his coming, so they seem to have hovered in the
air in multitudes at the hour of his ascension. Beautiful as they seem,
they are never mere poetic adornments. The occasions of their appearing
are grand. The reasons are weighty. Their demeanor suggests and befits
the highest conception of superior beings. These are the very elements
that a rude age could not fashion. Could a sensuous age invent an order
of beings, which, touching the earth from a heavenly height on its most
momentous occasions, could still, after ages of culture had refined
the human taste and moral appreciation, remain ineffably superior in
delicacy, in pure spirituality, to the demands of criticism? Their very
coming and going is not with earthly movement. They suddenly are seen
in the air as one sees white clouds round out from the blue sky, in
a summer's day, that melt back even while one looks upon them. They
vibrate between the visible and the invisible. They come without motion.
They go without flight. They dawn and disappear. Their words are few,
but the Advent Chorus yet is sounding its music through the world.
* * * * *
=John McClintock,[18] 1814-1870.=
From a Sermon on "The Ground of Man's Love to God."
=52.= THE CHRISTIAN THE ONLY TRUE LOVER OF NATURE.
It is not too much to say that the only true lover of nature, is he
that loves God in Christ. It is as with one standing in one of those
caves of unknown beauty of which travellers tell us. While it is dark,
nothing can be seen but the abyss, or at most, a faint glimmer of
ill-defined forms. But flash into it the light of a single torch, and
myriad splendors crowd upon the gaze of the beholder. He sees long-drawn
colonnades, sparkling with gems; chambers of beauty and glory open on
every hand, flashing back the light a thousand fold increased, and in
countless varied hues. So the sense of God's love in the heart gives an
eye for nature, and supplies the torch to illuminate its recesses of
beauty. For the ear that can hear them, ten thousand voices speak, and
all in harmony, the name of God! The sun, rolling in his majesty,—
"And with his tread, of thunder force,
Fulfilling his appointed course,"—
is but a faint and feeble image of the great central Light of the
universe. The spheres of heaven, in the perpetual harmony of their
unsleeping motion, swell the praise of God; the earth, radiant with
beauty, and smiling in joy, proclaims its Maker's love; and the
ocean,—that
"Glorious mirror, where the Almighty's form
Glasses itself in tempests,"—
as it murmurs on the shore, or foams with its broad billows over the
deep, declares its God; and even the tempests, that, in their "rising
wrath, sweep sea and sky," still utter the name of Him who rides upon
the whirlwind and directs the storm. In a word, the whole universe is
but a temple, with God for its deity, and the redeemed man for its
worshipper.
[Footnote 18: Distinguished among the Methodist clergy for eloquence and
learning; a native of Pennsylvania.]
* * * * *
=Noah Porter,[19] 1811-=
From "The Science of Nature versus the Science of Man."
=53.= SCIENCE MAGNIFIES GOD.
We contend at present only for the position that we cannot have a
science of nature which does not regard the spirit of man as a part of
nature. But is this all? Do man and nature exhaust the possibilities of
being? We cannot answer this question here. But we find suggestions from
the spectrum and the spectroscope which may be worth our heeding. The
materials with which we have to do in their most brilliant scientific
theories seem at first to overwhelm us with their vastness and
complexity. The hulks are so enormous, the forces are so mighty, the
laws are so wide-sweeping, and at times so pitiless, the distances are
so over-mastering, even the uses and beauties are so bewildering, that
we bow in mute and almost abject submission to the incomprehensible all;
of which we hesitate to affirm aught, except what has been manifest to
our observant senses and connected by our inseparable associations. We
forget what our overmastering thought has done in subjecting this
universe to its interpretations. Its vast distances have been
annihilated, for we have connected the distant with the near by the one
pervading force which Newton divined. We have analyzed the flame that
burns in our lamp, and the flame that burns in the sun, by the same
instrument,—connecting by a common affinity, at the same instant and
under the same eye, two agents, the farthest removed in place and the
most subtle in essence. As we have overcome distances, so we have
conquered time, reading the story of antecedent cycles with a confidence
equal to that with which we forecast the future ages. The philosopher
who penetrates the distant portions of the universe by the
omnipresence of his scientific generalizations, who reads the secret
of the sun by the glance of his penetrating eye, has little occasion to
deny that all its forces may be mastered by a single all-knowing and
omnipresent Spirit, and that its secrets can be read by one all-seeing
eye. The scientist who evolves the past in his confident thought, under
a few grand titles of generalized forces and relations, and who develops
and almost gives law to the future by his faith in the persistence of
force, has little reason to question the existence of an intellect
capable of deeper insight and larger foresight than his own, which can
grasp all the past and the future by an all-comprehending intelligence,
and can control its wants by a personal energy that is softened to
personal tenderness and love.
[Footnote 19: A Congregational divine, born in Connecticut, long
Professor of Metaphysics in Yale College, and writer of many critical
Essays and Reviews. His treatise on "The Human Intellect," is the most
elaborate American work upon Psychology.]
* * * * *
=William Henry Milburn,[20] 1823-=
From "Lectures."
=54.= THE PIONEER PREACHERS OF THE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY.
The spoken eloquence of New England is for the most part from
manuscript. Her first settlers brought old-world forms, and fashions
from the old world, with them. Their preachers were set an appalling
distance from their congregations. Between the pulpit, perched far up
toward the ceiling, and the seats, was an awful abysmal depth. Above the
lofty desk was dimly seen the white cravat, and above that the head
of the preacher. His eye was averted and fastened downward upon his
manuscript, and his discourse, or exercitation, or whatever it might be,
was delivered in a monotonous, regular cadence, probably relieved
from time to time by some quaint blunder, the result of indistinct
penmanship, or dim religious light. It was not this preacher's business
to arouse his audience. The theory of worship of the period was
opposed to that. This people did not wish excitement, or stimulus, or
astonishment, or agitation. They simply desired information; they wished
to be instructed; to have their judgment informed, or their reason
enlightened. Thus the preacher might safely remain perched up in his far
distant unimpassioned eyrie.
But how would such a style of eloquence—if, indeed, truth will permit
the name of eloquence to be applied to the reading of matter from a
preconcerted manuscript—how would such a style of delivery be received
out in the wild West? Place your textual speaker out in the backwoods,
on the stump, where a surging tide of humanity streams strongly around
him, where the people press up toward him on every side, their keen
eyes intently perusing his to see if he be in real earnest,—"dead in
earnest"—and where, as with a thousand darts, their contemptuous scorn
would pierce him through if he were found playing a false game, trying
to pump up tears by mere acting, or arousing an excitement without
feeling it. Would such a style of oratory succeed there? By no means.
The place is different; the hearers are different; the time, the thing
required, all the circumstances, are totally different. Here, in the
vast unwalled church of nature, with the leafy tree-tops for a ceiling,
their massy stems for columns; with the endless mysterious cadences of
the forest for a choir; with the distant or nearer music and murmur of
streams, and the ever-returning voice of birds, sounding in their ears
for the made-up music of a picked band of exclusive singers: here stand
men whose ears are trained to catch the faintest foot-fall of the
distant deer, or the rustle of their antlers against branch or bough of
the forest track—whose eyes are skilled to discern the trail of savages
who leave scarce a track behind them; and who will follow upon
that trail—utterly invisible to the untrained eye—as surely as a
blood-hound follows the scent, ten or twenty, or a hundred miles, whose
eye and hand are so well practised that they can drive a nail, or snuff
a candle, with the long, heavy western rifle. Such men, educated for
years, or even generations, in that hard school of necessity, where
every one's hand and wood-man's skill must keep his head; where
incessant pressing necessities required ever a prompt and sufficient
answer in deeds; and where words needed to be but few, and those
the plainest and directest, required no delay nor preparation, nor
oratorical coquetting, nor elaborate preliminary scribble; no hesitation
nor doubts in deeds; no circumlocution in words. To restrain, influence,
direct, govern, such a surging sea of life as this, required something
very different from a written address.
[Footnote 20: Born in Philadelphia; a Methodist divine, long afflicted
with blindness; but widely popular as a preacher and lecturer.]
* * * * *
=John Dickinson, 1732-1808.= (Manual, p. 486.)
From "The Address of Congress to the States." May 26, 1779.
=55.= THE ASPECT OF THE WAR.
To our constituents we submit the propriety and purity of our
intentions, well knowing they will not forget that we lay no burdens
upon them but those in which we participate with them—a happy sympathy,
that pervades societies formed on the basis of equal liberty. Many
cares, many labors, and may we not add, reproaches, are peculiar to us.
These are the emoluments of our unsolicited stations; and with these we
are content, if YOU approve our conduct. If you do not, we shall return
to our private condition, with no other regret than that which will
arise from our not having served you as acceptably and essentially as
we wished and strove to do, though as cheerfully and faithfully as we
could.
Think not we despair of the commonwealth, or endeavor to shrink from
opposing difficulties. No! Your cause is too good, your objects too
sacred, to be relinquished. We tell you truths because you are freemen,
who can bear to hear them, and may profit by them; and when they reach
your enemies, we fear not the consequences, because we are not ignorant
of their resources or our own. Let your good sense decide upon the
comparison….
We well remember what you said at the commencement of this war. You
saw the immense difference between your circumstances and those of your
enemies, and you knew the quarrel must decide on no less than your
lives, liberties, and estates. All these you greatly put to every
hazard, resolving rather to die freemen than to live slaves; and justice
will oblige the impartial world to confess you have uniformly acted on
the same generous principle. Persevere, and you insure peace, freedom,
safety, glory, sovereignty, and felicity to yourselves, your children,
and your children's children.
Encouraged by favors already received from Infinite Goodness, gratefully
acknowledging them, earnestly imploring their continuance, constantly
endeavoring to draw them down on your heads by an amendment of your
lives, and a conformity to the Divine will, humbly confiding in the
protection so often and wonderfully experienced, vigorously employ the
means placed by Providence in your hands for completing your labors.
Fill up your battalions—be prepared in every part to repel the
incursions of your enemies—place your several quotas in the continental
treasury—lend money for public uses—sink the emissions of your
respective States—provide effectually for expediting the conveyance of
supplies for your armies and fleets, and for your allies—prevent the
produce of the country from being monopolized—effectually superintend
the behavior of public officers—diligently promote piety, virtue,
brotherly love, learning, frugality, and moderation—and may you be
approved before Almighty God, worthy of those blessings we devoutly wish
you to enjoy.
* * * * *
=John Adams, 1735-1826.= (Manual, p. 486.)
From his "Life and Works."
=56.= CHARACTER OF JAMES OTIS.
JAMES OTIS, of Boston, sprang from families among the earliest of the
planters of the Colonies, and the most respectable in rank, while the
word rank, and the idea annexed to it, were tolerated in America. He
was a gentleman of general science and extensive literature. He had been
an indefatigable student during the whole course of his education in
college and at the bar. He was well versed in Greek and Roman history,
philosophy, oratory, poetry, and mythology. His classical studies had
been unusually ardent, and his acquisitions uncommonly great…. It
was a maxim which he inculcated on his pupils, as his patron in the
profession, Mr. Gridley, had done before him, "that a lawyer ought
never to be without a volume of natural or public law, or moral
philosophy, on his table or in his pocket." In the history, the common
law, and statute laws, of England, he had no superior, at least in
Boston.
Thus qualified to resist the system of usurpation and despotism,
meditated by the British ministry, under the auspices of the Earl
of Bute, Mr. Otis resigned his commission from the crown, as
Advocate-General,—an office very lucrative at that time, and a sure
road to the highest favors of government in America,—and engaged in
the cause of his country without fee or reward. His argument, speech,
discourse, oration, harangue,—call it by which name you will, was the
most impressive upon his crowded audience of any that I ever heard
before or since, excepting only many speeches by himself in Faneuil
Hall, and in the House of Representatives, which he made from time to
time for ten years afterwards. There were no stenographers in those
days. Speeches were not printed; and all that was not remembered, like
the harangues of Indian orators, was lost in air. Who, at the distance
of fifty-seven years, would attempt, upon memory, to give even a sketch
of it? Some of the heads are remembered, out of which Livy or Sallust
would not scruple to compose an oration for history. I shall not essay
an analysis or a sketch of it at present. I shall only say, and I do say
in the most solemn manner, that Mr. Otis's oration against "writs of
assistance" breathed into this nation the breath of life.
* * * * *
From the "Thoughts on Government."
=57.= REQUISITES OF A GOOD GOVERNMENT.
The dignity and stability of government in all its branches, the morals
of the people, and every blessing of society, depend so much upon an
upright and skilful administration of justice, that the judicial power
ought to be distinct from both the legislative and executive, and
independent upon both, that so it may be a check upon both, as both
should be checks upon that.
… Laws for the liberal education of youth, especially of the lower
class of people, are so extremely wise and useful, that, to a humane
and generous mind, no expense for this purpose would be thought
extravagant…. You and I, my dear friend, have been sent into life at a
time when the greatest lawgivers of antiquity would have wished to live.
How few of the human race have ever enjoyed an opportunity of making
an election of government, more than of air, soil, or climate, for
themselves or their children! When, before the present epocha, had
three millions of people full power and a fair opportunity, to form
and establish the wisest and happiest government that human wisdom can
contrive?
* * * * *
=Patrick Henry, 1736-1799.= (Manual, p. 484.)
From "Speech in the Convention of Virginia," 1775.
=58.= THE NECESSITY OF THE WAR.
I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of
experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past.
And judging by the past, I wish to know what has been the conduct of
the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with
which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the house.
Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately
received. Trust it not, Sir, it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer
not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this
gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike
preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and
armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown
ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in
to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the
implements of war, and subjugation—the last arguments to which kings
resort. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free, if
we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we
have been so long contending, if we mean not basely to abandon the
noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have
pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our
contest is obtained, we must fight, I repeat it, sir, we must fight. An
appeal to arms and to the God of Hosts is all that is left us.
They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable
an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week,
or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when
a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather
strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of
effectual resistance, by lying supinely on our backs, and hugging the
delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and
foot?
Sir, we are not weak, if we make a proper use of those means which the
God of nature hath placed in our power. Three millions of people, armed
in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we
possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against
us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just
God, who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up
friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the
strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides,
sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is
now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in
submission and slavery. Our chains are forged. Their clanking may be
heard on the plains of Boston. The war is inevitable—and let it come! I
repeat it, sir, let it come!
It is vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace,
peace; but there is no peace. The war is actually begun. The next
gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of
resounding arms. Our brethren are already in the field. Why stand we
here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life
so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains
and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may
take, but as for me, give me liberty, or give me death!
* * * * *
From a Speech on the Ratification of the Federal Constitution.
=59.= NECESSITY OF AMENDMENT BEFORE ADOPTION.
I exhort gentlemen to think seriously, before they ratify this
constitution, and to indulge a salutary doubt of their being able to
succeed in any effort they may make to get amendments after adoption.
With respect to that part of the proposal, which says that every power
not specially granted to Congress remains with the people; it must be
previous to adoption, or it will involve this country in inevitable
destruction. To talk of it, as a thing to be subsequently obtained,
and not as one of your unalienable rights, is leaving it to the casual
opinion of the Congress who shall take up the consideration of that most
important right. They will not reason with you about the effect of
this constitution. They will not take the opinion of this committee
concerning its operation. They will construe it even as they please.
If you place it subsequently, let me ask the consequences? Among ten
thousand implied powers which they may assume, their may, if we be
engaged in war, liberate every one of your slaves if they please. And
this must and will be done by men, a majority of whom have not a common
interest with you. They will, therefore, have no feeling for your
interests…. Is it not worth while to turn your eyes for a moment from
subsequent amendments, to the real situation of your country? You may
have a union, but can you have a lasting union in these circumstances?
It will be in vain to expect it. But if you agree to previous
amendments, you will have union, firm, solid, permanent. I cannot
conclude without saying, that I shall have nothing to do with it, if
subsequent amendments be determined upon. Oppressions will be carried on
as radically by the majority when adjustments and accommodations will
be held up. I say, I conceive it my duty, if this government be adopted
before it is amended, to go home. I shall act as I think my duty
requires. Every other gentleman will do the same. Previous amendments,
in my opinion, are necessary to procure peace and tranquility. I fear,
if they be not agreed to, every movement and operation of government
will cease, and how long that baneful thing, civil discord, will stay
from this country, God only knows. When men are free from restraint,
how long will you suspend their fury? The interval between this and
bloodshed is but a moment. The licentious and wicked of the community
will seize with avidity every thing you hold. In this unhappy situation,
what is to be done? It surpasses my stock of wisdom to determine. If you
will, in the language of freemen, stipulate that there are rights which
no man under heaven can take from you, you shall have me going along
with you; but not otherwise.
* * * * *
=John Rutledge, 1739-1800.= (Manual, p. 484.)
From "Speech on the Judiciary Establishment."
=60.= AN INDEPENDENT JUDICIARY THE SAFEGUARD OF LIBERTY.
While this shield remains to the states, it will be difficult to
dissolve the ties which knit and bind them together. As long as this
buckler remains to the people, they cannot be liable to much, or
permanent oppression. The government may be administered with violence,
offices may be bestowed exclusively upon those who have no other merit
than that of carrying votes at elections,—the commerce of our country
may be depressed by nonsensical theories, and public credit may suffer
from bad intentions; but so long as we have an independent judiciary,
the great interests of the people will be safe. Neither the president,
nor the legislature, can violate their constitutional rights. Any
such attempt would be checked by the judges, who are designed by the
constitution to keep the different branches of the government within
the spheres of their respective orbits, and say thus far shall you
legislate, and no further. Leave to the people an independent judiciary,
and they will prove that man is capable of governing himself,—they will
be saved from what has been the fate of all other republics, and they
will disprove the position that governments of a republican form cannot
endure.
We are asked by the gentleman from Virginia, if the people want judges
to protect them? Yes, sir, in popular governments constitutional checks
are necessary for their preservation; the people want to be protected
against themselves; no man is so absurd as to propose the people
collectedly will consent to the prostration of their liberties; but if
they be not shielded by some constitutional checks, they will suffer
them to be destroyed—to be destroyed by demagogues, who at the time
they are soothing and cajoling the people, with bland and captivating
speeches, are forging chains for them; demagogues who carry, daggers in
their hearts, and seductive smiles in their hypocritical faces, who are
dooming the people to despotism, when they profess to be exclusively the
friends of the people; against such designs and such artifices, were our
constitutional checks made, to preserve the people of this country.
* * * * *
=Thomas Jefferson, 1743-1826.= (Manual, pp. 486, 490.)
From his "Inaugural Address", March 4th, 1801.
=61.= ESSENTIAL PRINCIPLES OF AMERICAN GOVERNMENT.
Kindly separated by nature and a wide ocean from the exterminating havoc
of one quarter of the globe, too high-minded to endure the degradations
of the others, possessing a chosen country with room enough for our
descendants to the hundredth and thousandth generation, entertaining a
due sense of our equal right to the use of our own faculties, to the
acquisitions of our industry, to honor and confidence from our fellow
citizens, resulting not from birth but from our actions and their sense
of them, enlightened by a benign religion, professed, indeed, and
practised, in various forms, yet all of them including honesty, truth,
temperance, gratitude, and the love of man; acknowledging and adoring
an overruling Providence, which by all its dispensations proves that
it delights in the happiness of man here and his greater happiness
hereafter; with all these blessings, what more is necessary to make us
a happy and prosperous people? Still one thing more, fellow-citizens, a
wise and frugal government, which shall restrain men from injuring one
another, which shall leave them otherwise free to regulate their own
pursuits of industry and improvement, and shall not take from the mouth
of labor the bread it has earned. This is the sum of good government,
and this is necessary to close the circle of our felicities.
About to enter, fellow-citizens, on the exercise of duties which
comprehend everything dear and valuable to you, it is proper that
you should understand what I deem the essential principles of
our government, and consequently those which ought to shape its
administration. I will compress them within the narrowest compass they
will bear, stating the general principle, but not all its limitations.
Equal and exact justice to all men, of whatever state or persuasion,
religious, or political; peace, commerce, and honest friendship, with
all nations, entangling alliances with none; the support of the state
governments in all their rights, as the most competent administrations
for our domestic concerns and the surest bulwarks against
anti-republican tendencies; the preservation of the general government
in its whole constitutional vigor, as the sheet anchor of our peace at
home and safety abroad; a jealous care of the right of election by the
people, a mild and safe corrective of abuses which are lopped by the
sword of revolution where peaceable remedies are unprovided; absolute
acquiescence in the decisions of the majority, the vital, principle
of republics, from which there is no appeal but to force, the vital
principle and immediate parent of despotism; a well disciplined militia,
our best reliance in peace and for the first moments of war, till
regulars may relieve them; the supremacy of the civil over the military
authority; economy in the public expense, that labor may be lightly
burdened; the honest payment of our debts send sacred preservation of
the public faith; encouragement of agriculture, and of commerce as its
handmaid; the diffusion of information and the arraignment of all abuses
at the bar of public reason; freedom of religion; freedom of the press;
freedom of person under the protection of the habeas corpus; and
trial by juries impartially selected; these principles form the bright
constellation which has gone before us, and guided our steps through an
age of revolution and reformation. The wisdom of our sages and the blood
of our heroes have been devoted to their attainment. They should be
the creed of our political faith, the text of civil instruction, the
touchstone by which to try the services of those we trust; and should we
wander from them in moments of error or alarm, let us hasten to retrace
our steps and to regain the road which alone leads to peace, liberty,
and safety.
* * * * *
=62.= CHARACTER OF WASHINGTON.
His mind was great and powerful, without being of the very first order;
his penetration strong, though not so acute as a Newton, Bacon, or
Locke; and as far as he saw no judgment was ever sounder. It was slow in
operation, being little aided by invention or imagination, but sure in
conclusion. Hence the common remark of his officers, of the advantage he
derived from councils of war, where hearing all suggestions, he selected
whatever was best; and certainly no General ever planned his battles
more judiciously. But if deranged during the course of the action, if
any member of his plan was dislocated by sudden circumstances, he was
slow in re-adjustment. The consequence was that he often failed in the
field, and rarely against an enemy in station, as at Boston and York.
He was incapable of fear, meeting personal dangers with the calmest
unconcern. Perhaps the strongest feature in his character was prudence;
never acting until every circumstance, every consideration was maturely
weighed; refraining if he saw a doubt, but when once decided, going
through with his purpose, whatever obstacles opposed. His integrity was
most pure, his justice the most inflexible I have ever known; no motives
of interest or consanguinity, of friendship or hatred, being able to
bias his decision. He was indeed in every sense of the words, a wise,
a good, and a great man. His temper was naturally irritable, and high
toned; but reflection and resolution had obtained a firm and habitual
ascendancy over it. If ever however it broke its bonds, he was most
tremendous in his wrath. In his expenses he was honorable, but exact;
liberal in contributions to whatever promised utility, but frowning and
unyielding on all visionary projects, and all unworthy calls on his
charity. His heart was not warm in its affections; but he exactly
calculated every man's value, and gave him a solid esteem proportioned
to it. His person, you know, was fine, his stature exactly what one
would wish, his deportment easy, erect, and noble; the best horseman of
his age, and the most graceful figure that could be seen on horseback.
Although in the circle of his friends, where he might be unreserved with
safety, he took a free share in conversation, his colloquial talents
were not above mediocrity, possessing neither copiousness of ideas, nor
fluency of words. In public, when called on for a sudden opinion, he was
unready, short, and embarrassed. Yet he wrote readily, rather diffusely,
in an easy and correct style. This he had acquired by conversation with
the world, for his education was merely reading, writing, and common
arithmetic, to which he added surveying at a later day. His time was
employed in action chiefly, reading little, and that only in agriculture
and English history. His correspondence became necessarily extensive,
and with journalizing his agricultural proceedings, occupied most of his
leisure hours within doors. On the whole, his character was in its mass,
perfect; in nothing, bad; in few points indifferent; and it may truly be
said that never did nature and fortune combine more perfectly to make a
man great.
* * * * *
From the "Notes on Virginia."
=63.= GEOGRAPHICAL LIMITS OF THE ELEPHANT AND THE MAMMOTH. 1781.
From the thirtieth degree of south latitude to the thirtieth of north
are nearly the limits which nature has fixed for the existence
and multiplication of the elephant known to us. Proceeding thence
northwardly to thirty-six and a half degrees, we enter those assigned
to the mammoth. The farther we advance north, the more their vestiges
multiply, as far as the earth has been explored in that direction; and
it is as probable as otherwise, that this progression continues to the
pole itself, if land extends so far. The centre of the frozen zone,
then, may be the acme of their vigor, as that of the torrid is of the
elephant. Thus nature seems to have drawn a belt of separation between
these two tremendous animals, whose breadth indeed is not precisely
known, though at present we may suppose it to be about six and a half
degrees of latitude; to have assigned to the elephant the regions
south of these confines, and those north to the mammoth, founding the
constitution of the one in her extreme of heat, and that of the other
in the extreme of cold. When the Creator has therefore separated their
nature as far as the extent of the scale of animal life allowed to this
planet would permit, it seems perverse to declare it the same, from a
partial resemblance of their tusks and bones. But to whatever animal we
ascribe these remains, it is certain such a one has existed in America,
and that it has been the largest of all terrestrial beings.
* * * * *
=64.= THE UNHAPPY EFFECTS OF SLAVERY.
These must doubtless be an unhappy influence on the manners of our
people produced by the existence of slavery among us…. With the morals
of the people, their industry also is destroyed. For in a warm climate
no man will labor for himself who can make another labor for him. This
is so true, that of the proprietors of slaves a very small proportion
indeed are ever seen to labor. And can the liberties, of a nation be
thought secure when we have removed their only firm basis—a conviction
in the minds of the people that they are the gift of God? that they are
not to be violated but with his wrath? Indeed, I tremble for my country
when I reflect that God is just; that his justice cannot sleep forever;
that considering numbers, nature, and natural means only, a revolution
of the wheel of fortune, an exchange of situation, is among possible
events; that it may become probable by supernatural interference.
The Almighty has no attribute which can take sides with us in such
a contest. But it is impossible to be temperate, and to pursue this
subject through the various considerations of policy, of morals, of
history, natural and civil. We must be contented to hope they will force
their way into every one's mind. I think a change already perceptible
since the origin of the present revolution. The spirit of the master
is abating, that of the slave is rising from the dust, his condition
mollifying, the way I hope preparing, under the auspices of Heaven, for
a total emancipation.
* * * * *
=John Jay, 1745-1829.= (Manual, pp. 484, 486.)
From the "Address from the Convention." December 23, 1776.
=65.= AN APPEAL TO ARMS.
Rouse, brave citizens! Do your duty like men; and be persuaded that
Divine Providence will not permit this western world to be involved in
the horrors of slavery. Consider that, from the earliest ages of the
world, religion, liberty, and reason have been bending their course
towards the setting sun. The holy Gospels are yet to be preached to
these western regions; and we have the highest reason to believe that
the Almighty will not suffer slavery and the gospel to go hand in hand.
It cannot, it will not be.
But if there be any among us dead to all sense of honor and love
of their country; if deaf to all the calls of liberty, virtue, and
religion; if forgetful of the magnanimity of their ancestors, and the
happiness of their children; if neither the examples nor the success of
other nations, the dictates of reason and of nature, or the great duties
they owe to their God, themselves, and their posterity have any effect
upon them; if neither the injuries they have received, the prize they
are contending for, the future blessings or curses of their children,
the applause or the reproach of all mankind, the approbation or
displeasure of the great Judge, or the happiness or misery consequent
upon their conduct, in this and a future state can move them,—then let
them be assured that they deserve to be slaves, and are entitled to
nothing but anguish and tribulation…. Let them forget every duty,
human and divine, remember not that they have children, and beware how
they call to mind the justice of the Supreme Being.
* * * * *
=Alexander Hamilton, 1757-1804.= (Manual, pp. 484, 486.)
From "Vindication of the Funding System."
=66.= CHARACTER OF THE DEBT.
A person who, unacquainted with the fact, should learn the history
of our debt from the declamations with which certain newspapers are
perpetually charged, would be led to suppose that it is the mere
creature of the present government, for the purpose of burthening the
people with taxes, and producing an artificial and corrupt influence
over them; he would, at least, take it for granted that it had been
contracted in the pursuit of some wanton or vain project of ambition or
glory; he would scarcely be able to conceive that every part of it was
the relict of a war which had given independence, and preserved liberty
to the country; that the present government found it as it is, in point
of magnitude (except as to the diminutions made by itself), and has done
nothing more than to bring under a regular regimen and provision, what
was before a scattered and heterogeneous mass.
And yet this is the simple and exact state of the business. The whole of
the debt embraced by the provisions of the funding system, consisted of
the unextinguished principal and arrears of interest, of the debt which
had been contracted by the United States in the course of the late war
with Great Britain, and which remained uncancelled, and the principal
and arrears of interest of the separate debts of the respective States
contracted during the same period, which remained, outstanding, and
unsatisfied, relating to services and supplies for carrying on the war.
Nothing more was done by that system, than to incorporate these two
species of debt into the mass, and to make for the whole, one general,
comprehensive provision. There is therefore, no arithmetic, no logic,
by which it can be shown that the funding system has augmented the
aggregate debt of the country. The sum total is manifestly the same;
though the parts which were before divided are now united. There is,
consequently, no color for an assertion, that the system in question
either created any new debt, or made any addition to the old.
And it follows, that the collective burthen upon the people of the
United States must have been as great without as with the union of
the different portions and descriptions of the debt. The only difference
can be, that without it that burthen would have been otherwise
distributed, and would have fallen with unequal weight, instead of being
equally borne as it now is.
These conclusions which have been drawn respecting the non-increase of
the debt, proceed upon the presumption that every part of the public
debt, as well that of the States individually, as that of the United
States, was to have been honestly paid. If there is any fallacy in this
supposition, the inferences may be erroneous; but the error would imply
the disgrace of the United States, or parts of them,—a disgrace from
which every man of true honor and genuine patriotism will be happy to
see them rescued.
When we hear the epithets, "vile matter," "corrupt mass," bestowed upon
the public debt, and the owners of it indiscriminately maligned as the
harpies and vultures of the community, there is ground to suspect that
those who hold the language, though they may not dare to avow it,
contemplate a more summary process for getting rid of debts than that of
paying them. Charity itself cannot avoid concluding from the language
and conduct of some men, (and some of them of no inconsiderable
importance,) that in their vocabularies creditor and enemy are
synonymous terms, and that they have a laudable antipathy against every
man to whom they owe money, either as individuals or as members of the
society.
* * * * *
From a "Letter to Lafayette," October 6, 1789.
=67.= THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
I have seen, with a mixture of pleasure and apprehension, the progress
of events which have lately taken place in your country. As a friend to
mankind and to liberty, I rejoice in the efforts which you are making to
establish it, while I fear much for the final success of the attempts,
for the fate of those I esteem who are engaged in them, and for the
danger in case of success, of innovations greater than will consist with
the real felicity of your nation. If your affairs still go well when
this reaches you, you will ask why this foreboding of ill, when all the
appearances have been so much in your favor. I will tell you: I dread
disagreements among those who are now united (which will be likely to be
improved by the adverse party) about the nature of your constitution; I
dread the vehement character of your people, whom I fear you may find it
more easy to bring on, than to keep within proper bounds after you
have put them in motion. I dread the interested refractoriness of your
nobles, who cannot all be gratified, and who may be unwilling to
submit to the requisite sacrifices. And I dread the reveries of your
philosophic politicians, who appear in the moment to have great
influence, and who, being mere speculatists, may aim at more refinement
than suits either with human nature, or the composition of your nation.
* * * * *
=Fisher Ames, 1738-1808.= (Manual, p. 487.)
From the "Speech on the British Treaty." April 15, 1795.
=68.= OBLIGATION OF NATIONAL GOOD FAITH.
The consequences of refusing to make provision for the treaty are not
all to be foreseen. By rejecting, vast interests are committed to the
sport of the winds: chance becomes the arbiter of events, and it is
forbidden to human foresight to count their number, or measure their
extent. Before we resolve to leap into this abyss, so dark and so
profound, it becomes us to pause, and reflect upon such of the dangers
as are obvious and inevitable. If this assembly should be wrought into
a temper to defy these consequences, it is vain, it is deceptive, to
pretend that we can escape them. It is worse than weakness to say, that
as to public faith, our vote has already settled the question. Another
tribunal than our own is already erected; the public opinion, not merely
of our own country, but of the enlightened world, will pronounce a
judgment that we cannot resist, that we dare not even affect to despise.
… This, sir, is a cause that would be dishonored and betrayed if I
contented myself with appealing only to the understanding. It is too
cold, and its processes are too slow, for the occasion. I desire to
thank God that since he has given me an intellect so fallible, he has
impressed upon me an instinct that is sure. On a question of shame and
honor, reasoning is sometimes useless, and worse. I feel the decision in
my pulse; if it throws no light upon the brain, it kindles a fire at the
heart.
What is patriotism? Is it a narrow affection for the spot where a man
was born? Are the very clods where we tread entitled to this ardent
preference, because they are greener? No, sir, this is not the character
of the virtue, and it soars higher for its object. It is an extended
self-love, mingling with all the enjoyments of life, and twisting itself
with the minutest filaments of the heart. It is thus we obey the laws of
society, because they are the laws of virtue. In their authority we
see not the array of force and terror, but the venerable image of our
country's honor. Every good citizen makes that honor his own, and
cherishes it not only as precious, but as sacred. He is willing to risk
his life in its defence; and is conscious that he gains protection,
while he gives it. For what rights of a citizen will be deemed
inviolable, when a state renounces the principles that constitute
their security? Or, if his life should not be invaded, what would
its enjoyments be in a country odious in the eyes of strangers, and
dishonored in his own? Could he look with affection and veneration to
such a country as his parent? The sense of having one would die within
him; he would blush for his patriotism, if he retained any, and justly.
for it would be a vice; he would be a banished man in his native land.
I see no exception to the respect that is paid among nations to the law
of good faith. If there are cases in this enlightened period when it
is violated, then are none when it is decried. It is the philosophy of
politics, the religion of governments. It is observed by barbarians; a
whiff of tobacco smoke, or a string of beads, gives not merely binding
force, but sanctity, to treaties. Even in Algiers, a truce may be bought
for money; but when ratified, even Algiers is too wise or too just, to
disown and annul its obligation. Thus we see, neither the ignorance of
savages, nor the principles of an association for piracy and rapine,
permit a nation to despise its engagements. If, sir, there could be a
resurrection from the foot of the gallows, if the victims of justice
could live again, collect together, and form a society, they would,
however loath, soon find themselves obliged to make justice, that
justice under which they fell, the fundamental law of their state. They
would perceive it was their interest to make others respect, and they
would, therefore, soon pay some respect themselves, to the obligations
of good faith.
* * * * *
=Gouverneur Morris, 1752-1816.= (Manual, p. 484.)
From a "Report to Congress in 1780."
=69.= QUALIFICATIONS OF A MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
A minister of foreign affairs should have a genius quick, lively,
penetrating; should write on all occasions with clearness and
perspicuity; be capable of expressing his sentiments with dignity, and
conveying strong sense and argument in easy and agreeable diction; his
temper mild, cool, and placid; festive, insinuating, and pliant, yet
obstinate; communicative, and yet reserved. He should know the human
face and heart, and the connections between them; should be versed
in the laws of nature and nations, and not ignorant of the civil and
municipal law; should be acquainted with the history of Europe, and with
the interests, views, commerce, and productions of the commercial and
maritime powers; should know the interests and commerce of America,
understand the French and Spanish languages, at least the former, and be
skilled in the modes and forms of public business; a man educated more
in the world than in the closet, that by use, as well as by nature, he
may give proper attention to great objects, and have proper contempt for
small ones. He should be attached to the independence of America, and
the alliance with France, as the great pillars of our politics; and this
attachment should not be slight and accidental, but regular, consistent,
and founded in strong conviction. His manners, gentle and polite;
above all things, honest, and least of all things, avaricious. His
circumstances and connections should be such as to give solid pledges
for his fidelity; and he should by no means be disagreeable to the
prince with whom we are in alliance, his ministers, or subjects.
* * * * *
=William Pinkney,[21] 1764-1820.=
From "Speech in the Maryland Legislature." 1798.
=70.= RESPONSIBILITY FOR SLAVERY.
For my own part, I would willingly draw the veil of oblivion over this
disgusting scene of iniquity, but that the present abject state of those
who are descended from these kidnapped sufferers, perpetually brings it
forward to the memory.
But wherefore should we confine the edge of censure to our ancestors,
or those from whom they purchased? Are not we equally guilty? They
strewed around the seeds of slavery; we cherish and sustain the
growth. They introduce the system; we enlarge, invigorate, and
confirm it. Yes, let it be handed down to posterity, that the people of
Maryland, who could fly to arms with the promptitude of Roman citizens,
when the hand of oppression was lifted up against themselves; who could
behold their country desolated and their citizens slaughtered; who could
brave with unshaken firmness every calamity of war before they would
submit to the smallest infringement of their rights—that this very
people could yet see thousands of their fellow-creatures, within the
limits of their territory, bending beneath an unnatural yoke, and,
instead of being assiduous to destroy their shackles, be anxious to
immortalize their duration, so that a nation of slaves might forever
exist in a country whose freedom is its boast.
[Footnote 21: Highly distinguished as a lawyer, orator, and diplomatist;
a native of Maryland.]
* * * * *
From "Speech in the Nereide Case."
=71.= WAR, AND AMERICAN BELLIGERENT RIGHTS.
I throw into the opposite scale the ponderous claim of War; a claim of
high concernment, not to us only, but to the world; a claim connected
with the maritime strength of this maritime state, with public honor and
individual enterprise, with all those passions and motives which can be
made subservient to national success and glory, in the hour of national
trial and danger. I throw into the same scale the venerable code of
universal law, before which it is the duty of this Court, high as it is
in dignity, and great as are its titles to reverence, to bow down with
submission, I throw into the same scale a solemn treaty, binding upon
the claimant and upon you. In a word, I throw into that scale the rights
of belligerent America, and, as embodied with them, the rights of these
captors, by whose efforts and at whose cost the naval exertions of the
government have been seconded, until our once despised and drooping flag
has been made to wave in triumph, where neither France nor Spain could
venture to show a prow. You may call these rights by what name you
please. You may call them iron rights:—I care not. It is more than
enough for me that they are RIGHTS. It is more than enough for me that
they come before you encircled and adorned by the laurels which we have
torn from the brow of the naval genius of England: that they come before
you recommended, and endeared, and consecrated by a thousand
recollections, which it would be baseness and folly not to cherish, and
that they are mingled in fancy and in fact with all the elements of our
future greatness….
We are now, thank God, once more at peace. Our belligerent rights may
therefore sleep for a season. May their repose be long and profound! But
the time must arrive when the interests and honor of this great nation
will command them to awake; and when it does arrive, I feel undoubting
confidence that they will rise from their slumber in the fullness of
their strength and majesty, unenfeebled and unimpaired by the judgment
of this high court.
The skill and valor of our infant navy, which has illuminated every sea,
and dazzled the master states of Europe by the splendor of its triumphs,
have given us a pledge which I trust will continue to be dear to every
American heart, and to influence the future course of our policy, that
the ocean is destined to acknowledge the youthful dominion of the West.
* * * * *
=James Madison, 1751-1836.= (Manual, p. 486.)
From his "Report of Debates in the Federal Convention."
=72.= VALUE OF A RECORD OF THE DEBATES.
The close of the war, however, brought no cure for the public
embarrassments. The states relieved from the pressure of foreign danger,
and flushed with the enjoyment of independent and sovereign power,
instead of a diminished disposition to part with it, persevered in
omissions, and in measures, incompatible with their relations to the
federal government, and with those among themselves.
… It was known that there were individuals who had betrayed a bias
towards monarchy, and there had always been some not unfavorable to a
partition of the Union into several confederacies; either from a better
chance of figuring on a sectional theatre, or that the sections would
require stronger governments, or by their hostile conflicts lead to a
monarchical consolidation. The idea of dismemberment had recently made
its appearance in the newspapers.
Such were the defects, the deformities, the diseases, and the ominous
prospects, for which the convention were to provide a remedy, and
which ought never to be overlooked in expounding and appreciating the
constitutional charter—the remedy that was provided.
The curiosity I had felt during my researches into the history of the
most distinguished confederacies, particularly those of antiquity, and
the deficiency I found in the means of satisfying it, more especially
in what related to the process, the principles, the reasons, and the
anticipations, which prevailed in the formation of them, determined me
to preserve, as far as I could, an exact account of what might pass in
the convention whilst executing its trust—with the magnitude of which
I was fully impressed, as I was by the gratification promised to future
curiosity by an authentic exhibition of the objects, the opinions, and
the reasonings, from which the new system of government was to receive
its peculiar structure and organization. Nor was I unaware of the value
of such a contribution to the fund of materials for the history of a
constitution, on which would be staked the happiness of a people great
even in its infancy, and possibly the cause of liberty throughout the
world.
Of the ability and intelligence of those who composed the Convention
the debates and proceedings may be a test, as the character of the work
which was the offspring of their deliberations must be tested by the
experience of the future added to that of nearly half a century that has
passed.
But whatever may be the judgment pronounced on the competency of the
architects of the Constitution, or whatever may be the destiny of the
edifice prepared by them, I feel it a duty to express my profound and
solemn conviction, derived from my intimate opportunity of observing and
appreciating the views of the Convention, collectively and individually,
that there never was an assembly of men, charged with a great, and
arduous trust, who were more pure in their motives, or more exclusively
or anxiously devoted to the object committed to them, than were the
members of the Federal Convention of 1787, to the object of devising and
proposing a constitutional system which should best supply the defects
of that which it was to replace, and best secure the permanent liberty
and happiness of their country.
* * * * *
=73.= INSCRIPTION FOR A STATUE OF WASHINGTON.
The General Assembly of Virginia have caused this statue to be erected
as a monument of affection and gratitude to George Washington, who,
uniting to the endowments of the hero the virtues of the patriot, and
exerting both in establishing the liberties of his country, has rendered
his name dear to his fellow-citizens, and given to the world an immortal
example of true glory.
* * * * *
=John Randolph, 1773-1832.= (Manual, p. 487.)
From a Speech in the Virginia Convention.
=74.= "CHANGE IS NOT REFORM."
Sir, I see no wisdom in making this provision for future changes. You
must give Governments time to operate on the People, and give the People
time to become gradually assimilated to their institutions. Almost any
thing is better than this state of perpetual uncertainty. A People may
have the best form of Government that the wit of man ever devised, and
yet, from its uncertainty alone, may, in effect, live under the worst
Government in the world. Sir, how often must I repeat, that change is
not reform? I am willing that this new Constitution shall stand as
long as it is possible for it to stand; and that, believe me, is a very
short time. Sir, it is vain to deny it. They may say what they please
about the old Constitution,—the defect is not there. It is not in the
form of the old edifice,—neither in the design nor in the elevation; it
is in the material, it is in the People of Virginia. To my knowledge
that People are changed from what they have been. The four hundred men
who went out with David were in debt. The fellow-laborers of Catiline
were in debt. The partizans of Caesar were in debt. And I defy you
to show me a desperately indebted People, anywhere, who can bear a
regular, sober Government. I throw the challenge to all who hear me. I
say that the character of the good old Virginia planter,—the man who
owned from five to twenty slaves, or less, who, lived by hard work, and
who paid his debts,—is passed away. A new order of things is come. The
period has arrived of living by one's wits; of living by contracting
debts that one cannot pay; and above all, of living by office-hunting.
Sir, what do we see? Bankrupts,—branded bankrupts,—giving great
dinners, sending their children to the most expensive schools, giving
grand parties, and just as well received as anybody in society! I say
that, in such a state of things, the old Constitution was too good for
them,—they could not bear it. No, Sir; they could not bear a freehold
suffrage, and a property representation. I have always endeavored to do
the People justice; but I will not flatter them,—I will not pander to
their appetite for change. I will do nothing to provide for change. I
will not agree to any rule of future apportionment, or to any provision
for future changes, called amendments to the Constitution. Those who
love change,—who delight in public confusion, who wish to feed the
cauldron, and make it bubble,—may vote if they please for future
changes. But by what spell, by what formula, are you going to bind the
People to all future time? The days of Lycurgus are gone by, when we
could swear the People not to alter the Constitution until he should
return. You may make what entries on parchment you please; give me a
Constitution that will last for half a century; that is all I wish for.
No Constitution that you can make will last the one-half of half a
century. Sir, I will stake anything, short of my salvation, that those
who are malcontent now, will be more malcontent, three years hence, than
they are at this day. I have no favor for this Constitution. I shall
vote against its adoption, and I shall advise all the people of my
district to set their faces, aye, and their shoulders, too, against it.
* * * * *
From "Letters to a young Relative."
=75.= THE ERROR OF DECAYED FAMILIES.
One of the best and wisest men I ever knew has often said to me that a
decayed family could never recover its loss of rank in the world,
until the members of it left off talking and dwelling upon its former
opulence. This remark, founded in a long and clear observation
of mankind, I have seen verified in numerous instances in my own
connections, who, to use the words of my oracle, will never thrive until
they can become poor folks. He added, they may make some struggles, and
with apparent success, to recover lost ground; they may, and sometimes
do, get half way up again; but they are sure to fall back, unless,
reconciling themselves to circumstances, they become in form, as well as
in fact, poor folks.
* * * * *
=James Kent, 1763-1847.= (Manual, pp. 488, 504.)
From "Commentaries on American Law."
=76.= LAW OF THE STATES.
The judicial power of the United States is necessarily limited to
national objects. The vast field of the law of property, the very
extensive head of equity jurisdiction, and the principal rights and
duties which flow from our civil and domestic relations, fall within the
control, and we might almost say the exclusive cognizance, of the state
governments. We look essentially to the state courts for protection to
all these momentous interests. They touch, in their operation, every
chord of human sympathy, and control our best destinies. It is their
province to reward and to punish. Their blessings and their terrors will
accompany us to the fireside, and "be in constant activity before the
public eye." The elementary principles of the common law are the same
in every state, and equally enlighten and invigorate every part of our
country. Our municipal codes can be made to advance with equal steps
with that of the nation, in discipline, in wisdom, and in lustre, if the
state governments (as they ought in all honest policy) will only render
equal patronage and security to the administration of justice. The true
interests and the permanent freedom of this country require that the
jurisprudence of the individual states should be cultivated, cherished,
and exalted, and the dignity and reputation of the state authorities
sustained, with becoming pride. In their subordinate relation to the
United States, they should endeavor to discharge the duty which they
owe to the latter, without forgetting the respect which they owe to
themselves. In the appropriate language of Sir William Blackstone,
and which he applies to the people of his own country, they should be
"loyal, yet free; obedient, yet independent."
* * * * *
=Edward Livingston,[22] 1764-1836.=
From the "Report on the Penal Code for Louisiana."
=77.= THE PROPER OFFICE OF THE JUDGE.
Judges are generally men who have grown old in the practice at the bar.
With the knowledge which this experience gives, they acquire a habit,
very difficult to be shaken off, of taking a side in every question that
they hear debated, and when the mind is once enlisted, their passions,
prejudices, and professional ingenuity are always arrayed on the same
side, and furnish arms for the contest. Neutrality cannot, under
these circumstances, be expected; but the law should limit as much as
possible, the evil that this almost inevitable state of things must
produce. In the theory of our law, judges are the counsel for the
accused, in practice they are, with a few honorable exceptions, his most
virulent prosecutors. The true principles of criminal jurisprudence
require that they should be neither. Perfect impartiality is
incompatible with these duties. A good judge should have no wish that
the guilty should escape, or that the innocent should suffer; no false
pity, no undue severity, should bias the unshaken rectitude of
his judgment; calm in deliberation, firm in resolve, patient in
investigating the truth, tenacious of it when discovered, he should join
urbanity of manners, to dignity of demeanor, and an integrity above
suspicion, to learning and talent; such a judge is what, according to
the true structure of our courts, he ought to be,—the protector, not
the advocate of the accused; his judge, not his accuser; and while
executing these functions, he is the organ by which the sacred will
of the law is pronounced. Uttered by such a voice, it will be heard,
respected, felt, obeyed; but impose on him the task of argument, of
debate; degrade him from the bench to the bar; suffer him to overpower
the accused with his influence, or to enter the lists with his advocate,
to carry on the contest of sophisms, of angry arguments, of tart
replies, and all the wordy war of forensic debate; suffer him to do
this, and his dignity is lost; his decrees are no longer considered as
the oracles of the law; they are submitted to, but not respected; and
even the triumph of his eloquence or ingenuity, in the conviction of the
accused, must be lessened by the suspicion that it has owed its success
to official influence, and the privilege of arguing without reply. For
these reasons, the judge is forbidden to express any opinion on the
facts which are alleged in evidence, much less to address any argument
to the jury; but his functions are confined to expounding the law, and
stating the points of evidence on which the recollection of the jury may
differ.
[Footnote 22: Was born in New York; eminent as a statesman, and as the
author of a code of laws for Louisiana, his adopted state.]
* * * * *
=John Quincy Adams, 1767-1848.= (Manual, pp. 487, 504.)
From the "Speech on the Right of Petition."
=78.= THE RIGHT OF PETITION UNIVERSAL.
Sir, it is well known, that, from the time I entered this House, down to
the present day, I have felt it a sacred duty to present any petition,
couched in respectful language, from any citizen of the United States,
be its object what it may; be the prayer of it that in which I could
concur, or that to which I was utterly opposed. It is for the sacred
right of petition that I have adopted this course…. Where is your law
which says that the mean, and the low, and the degraded, shall be
deprived of the right of petition, if their moral character is not good?
Where, in the land of freemen, was the right of petition ever placed on
the exclusive basis of morality and virtue? Petition is
supplication—it is entreaty—it is prayer! And where is the
degree of vice or immorality which shall deprive the citizen of the
right to supplicate for a boon, or to pray for mercy! Where is such
a law to be found?… And what does your law say? Does it say that,
before presenting a petition, you shall look into it, and see whether it
comes from the virtuous, and the great, and the mighty. No, sir; it says
no such thing. The right of petition belongs to all. And so far from
refusing to present a petition because it might come from those low in
the estimation of the world, it, would be an additional incentive, if
such incentive were wanting.
* * * * *
From a "Discourse on the Jubilee of the Constitution."
=79.= THE ADMINISTRATION OF WASHINGTON.
When Solon, by the appointment of the people of Athens, had formed, and
prevailed upon them to adopt a code of fundamental laws, the best that
they would bear, he went into voluntary banishment for ten years, to
save his system from the batteries of rival statesmen working upon
popular passions and prejudices excited against his person. In eight
years of a turbulent and tempestuous administration, Washington
had settled upon firm foundations the practical execution of the
Constitution of the United States. In the midst of the most appalling
obstacles, through the bitterest internal dissensions, and the most
formidable combinations of foreign antipathies and cavils, he had
subdued all opposition to the Constitution itself; had averted all
dangers of European war; had redeemed the captive children of his
country from Algiers; had reduced by chastisement, and conciliated by
kindness, the most hostile of the Indian tribes; had restored the
credit of the nation, and redeemed their reputation of fidelity to
the performance of their obligations; had provided for the total
extinguishment of the public debt; had settled the union upon the
immovable foundation of principle; and had drawn around his head, for
the admiration and emulation of after times, a brighter blaze of glory
than had ever encircled the brows of hero or statesman, patriot or sage.
The administration of Washington fixed the character of the Constitution
of the United States, as a practical system of government, which it
retains to this day. Upon his retirement, its great antagonist, Mr.
Jefferson, came into the government again, as Vice-President of the
United States, and four years after succeeded to the Presidency itself.
But the funding system and the bank were established. The peace with
both the great belligerent powers of Europe was secured. The disuniting
doctrines of unlimited separate State sovereignty were laid aside.
Louisiana, by a stretch of power in Congress, far beyond the highest
tone of Hamilton, was annexed to the Union—and although dry-docks, and
gun-boats, and embargoes, and commercial restrictions, still refused the
protection of the national arm to commerce, and although an overweening
love of peace, and a reliance upon reason as a weapon of defence against
foreign aggression, eventuated in a disastrous though glorious war
with the gigantic power of Britain,—the Constitution as construed by
Washington, still proved an effective government for the country.
* * * * *
=Henry Clay, 1777-1832.= (Manual, p. 486.)
From a "Speech in the United States Senate," March 24, 1818.
=80.= EMANCIPATION OF THE SOUTH AMERICAN STATES.
Our Revolution was mainly directed against the mere theory of tyranny.
We had suffered comparatively but little; we had, in some respects, been
kindly treated; but our intrepid and intelligent forefathers saw, in the
usurpation of the power to levy an inconsiderable tax, the long train of
oppressive acts that were to follow. They rose; they breasted the storm;
they achieved our freedom, Spanish America for centuries has been doomed
to the practical effects of an odious tyranny. If we were justified, she
is more than justified.
I am no propagandist. I would not seek to force upon other nations
our principles and our liberty if they did not want them. I would not
disturb the repose even of a detestable despotism. But if an abused and
oppressed people will their freedom; if they seek to establish it; if,
in truth, they have established it,—we have a right, as a sovereign
power, to notice the fact, and to act as circumstances and our interest
require. I will say, in the language of the venerated father of my
country, "born in a land of liberty, my anxious recollections, my
sympathetic feelings, and my best wishes, are irresistibly excited,
whensoever, in any country, I see an oppressed nation unfurl the banners
of freedom."
* * * * *
From the "Speech in the Senate on the Compromise Bill."
=81.= DANGERS OF DISUNION.
South Carolina must perceive the embarrassments of her situation. She
must be desirous,—it is unnatural to suppose that she is not,—to
remain in the Union. What! a State whose heroes in its gallant ancestry
fought so many glorious battles along with the other States of this
Union,—a State with which this confederacy is linked by bonds of such a
powerful character! I have sometimes fancied what would be her condition
if she goes out of this Union; if her five hundred thousand people
should at once be thrown upon their own resources. She is out of the
Union. What is the consequence? She is an independent power. What
then does she do? She must have armies and fleets, and an expensive
government; have foreign missions; she must raise taxes; enact this very
tariff, which has driven her out of the Union, in order to enable her to
raise money, and to sustain the attitude of an independent power. If she
should have no force, no navy to protect her, she would be exposed to
piratical incursions. Their neighbor, St. Domingo, might pour down a
horde of pirates on her borders, and desolate her plantations. She must
have her embassies; therefore she must have a revenue. And, let me tell
you, there is another consequence, an inevitable one. She has a certain
description of persons recognized as property South of the Potomac, and
West of the Mississippi, which would be no longer recognized as such,
except within their own limits. This species of property would sink to
one half of its present value, for it is Louisiana and the southwestern
States which are her great market.
* * * * *
If there be any who want civil war, who want to see the blood of any
portion of our countrymen spilt, I am not one of them. I wish to see war
of no kind; but, above all, I do not desire to see a civil war. When war
begins, whether civil or foreign, no human sight is competent to foresee
when, or how, or where it is to terminate. But when a civil war shall be
lighted up in the bosom of our own happy land, and armies are marching,
and commanders are winning their victories, and fleets are in motion on
our coast, tell me if you can tell me, if any human being can tell its
duration? God alone knows where such a war would end. In what a state
will our institutions be left? In what state our liberties? I want no
war; above all, no war at home.
* * * * *
=John C. Calhoun, 1782-1850.= (Manual, p. 486.)
From his "Speech on the Bill to regulate the Power of Removal."
=82.= DANGERS OF AN UNLIMITED POWER OF REMOVAL FROM OFFICE.
Let us not be deceived by names. The power in question is too great for
the chief magistrate of a free state. It is in its nature an imperial
power; and if he be permitted to exercise it, his authority must become
as absolute as that of the autocrat of all the Russias. To give him
the power to dismiss at his will and pleasure, without limitation or
control, is to give him an absolute and unlimited control over the
subsistence of almost all who hold office under government. Let him
have the power, and the sixty thousand who now hold employments
under government would become dependent upon him for the means of
existence…. I know that there are many virtuous and high-minded
citizens who hold public office; but it is not, therefore, the less true
that the tendency of the power of dismissal is such as I have attributed
to it; and that, if the power be left unqualified, and the practice be
continued as it has of late, the result must be the complete corruption
and debasement of those in public employment….
I have seen the spirit of independent men, holding public office, sink
under the dread of this fearful power, too honest and too firm to become
the instruments of the flatterers of power, yet too prudent, with all
the consequences before them, to whisper disapprobation of what, in
their hearts, they condemned. Let the present state of things continue,
let it be understood that none are to acquire the public honors or
to retain them, but by flattery and base compliance, and in a few
generations the American character will become utterly corrupt and
debased.
* * * * *
From the "Address on the relation of the States to the General
Government."
=83.= PECULIAR MERIT OF OUR POLITICAL SYSTEM.
Happily for us, we have no artificial and separate classes of society.
We have wisely exploded all such distinctions; but we are not, on that
account, exempt from all contrariety of interests, as the present
distracted and dangerous condition of our country, unfortunately, but
too clearly proves. With us they are almost exclusively geographical,
resulting mainly from difference of climate, soil, situation, industry,
and production; but are not, therefore, less necessary to be protected
by an adequate constitutional provision, than where the distinct
interests exist in separate classes. The necessity is, in truth,
greater, as such separate and dissimilar geographical interests are more
liable to come into conflict, and more dangerous, when in that state,
than those of any other description: so much so, that ours is the
first instance on record where they have not formed, in an extensive
territory, separate and independent communities, or subjected the whole
to despotic sway. That such may not be our unhappy fate also, must be
the sincere prayer of every lover of his country.
So numerous and diversified are the interests of our country, that they
could not be fairly represented in a single government, organized so
as to give to each great and leading interest a separate and distinct
voice, as in governments to which I have referred. A plan was adopted
better suited to our situation, but perfectly novel in its character.
The powers of government were divided, not, as heretofore, in reference
to classes, but geographically. One General Government was formed
for the whole, to which were delegated all the powers supposed to be
necessary to regulate the interests common to all the States, leaving
others subject to the separate control of the States, being, from their
local and peculiar character, such that they could not be subject to the
will of a majority of the whole Union, without the certain hazard of
injustice and oppression. It was thus that the interests of the whole
were subjected, as they ought to be, to the will of the whole, while the
peculiar and local interests were left under the control of the States
separately, to whose custody only they could be safely confided. This
distribution of power, settled solemnly by a constitutional compact, to
which all the States are parties, constitutes the peculiar character
and excellence of our political system. It is truly and emphatically
American, without example or parallel.
To realize its perfection, we must view the General Government and those
of the States as a whole, each in its proper sphere independent;
each perfectly adapted to its respective objects; the States acting
separately, representing and protecting the local and peculiar
interests: and acting jointly through one General Government, with the
weight respectively assigned to each by the Constitution, representing
and protecting the interest of the whole, and thus perfecting, by an
admirable but simple arrangement, the great principle of representation
and responsibility, without which no government can be free or just. To
preserve this sacred distribution as originally settled, by coercing
each to move in its prescribed orbit, is the great and difficult
problem, on the solution of which the duration of our Constitution, of
our union, and, in all probability, our liberty depends. How is this to
be effected?
* * * * *
From his "Works."
=84.= CONCURRENT MAJORITIES SUPERSEDE FORCE.
It has been already shown, that the same constitution of man which leads
those who govern to oppress the governed,—if not prevented,—will, with
equal force and certainty, lead the latter to resist oppression, when
possessed of the means of doing so peaceably and successfully. But
absolute governments, of all forms, exclude all other means of
resistance to their authority, than that of force; and, of course, leave
no other alternative to the governed, but to acquiesce in oppression,
however great it may be, or to resort to force to put down the
government. But the dread of such a resort must necessarily lead the
government to prepare to meet force in order to protect itself; and
hence, of necessity, force becomes the conservative principle of all
such governments.
On the contrary, the government of the concurrent majority, where the
organism is perfect, excludes the possibility of oppression, by giving
to each interest, or portion, or order,—where there are established
classes,—the means of protecting itself, by its negative, against all
measures calculated to advance the peculiar interests of others at
its expense. Its effect, then, is to cause the different interests,
portions, or orders,—as the case may be, to desist from attempting to
adopt any measure calculated to promote the prosperity of one, or more,
by sacrificing that of others; and thus to force them to unite in such
measures only as would promote the prosperity of all, as the only
means to prevent the suspension of the action of the government;—and,
thereby, to avoid anarchy, the greatest of all evils. It is by means of
such authorized and effectual resistance, that oppression is prevented,
and the necessity of resorting to force superseded, in governments of
the concurrent majority;—and, hence, compromise, instead of force,
becomes their conservative principle.
It would, perhaps, be more strictly correct to trace the conservative
principle of constitutional governments to the necessity which compels
the different interests, or portions, or orders, to compromise,—as
the only way to promote their respective prosperity, and to avoid
anarchy,—rather than to the compromise itself. No necessity can be more
urgent and imperious, than that of avoiding anarchy. It is the same as
that which makes government indispensable to preserve society; and is
not less imperative than that which compels obedience to superior
force. Traced to this source, the voice of a people,—uttered under the
necessity of avoiding the greatest of calamities, through the organs of
a government so constructed as to suppress the expression of all partial
and selfish interests, and to give a full and faithful utterance to the
sense of the whole community, in reference to its common welfare,—may
without impiety, be called the voice of God. To call any other so,
would be impious.
* * * * *
=Daniel Webster, 1782-1852.= (Manual, pp. 478, 486.)
From the "Reply to Hayne, in the United States Senate."
=85.= INESTIMABLE VALUE OF THE FEDERAL UNION.
I cannot, even now, persuade myself to relinquish it, without expressing
once more my deep conviction, that, since it respects nothing less than
the union of the states, it is of most vital and essential importance
to the public happiness. I profess, sir, in my career hitherto, to have
kept steadily in view the prosperity and honor of the whole country, and
the preservation of our Federal Union. It is to that Union we owe our
safety at home, and our consideration and dignity abroad. It is to that
Union we are chiefly indebted for whatever makes us most proud of our
country. That Union we reached only by the discipline of our virtues in
the severe school of adversity. It had its origin in the necessities of
disordered finance, prostrate commerce, and ruined credit. Under its
benign influences, these great interests immediately awoke, as from the
dead, and sprang forth with newness of life. Every year of its duration
has teemed with fresh proofs of its utility and its blessings; and
although our territory has stretched out wider and wider, and our
population spread farther and farther, they have not outrun its
protection or its benefits. It has been to us all a copious fountain of
national, social, personal happiness. I have not allowed myself, sir, to
look beyond the Union, to see what might lie hidden in the dark recess
behind. I have not coolly weighed the chances of preserving liberty,
when the bonds that unite us together shall be broken asunder, I have
not accustomed myself to hang over the precipice of disunion, to see
whether, with my short sight, I can fathom the depth of the abyss below;
nor could I regard him as a safe counsellor in the affairs of this
government, whose thoughts should be mainly bent on considering, not
how the Union should be best preserved, but how tolerable might be the
condition of the people when it shall be broken up and destroyed. While
the Union lasts, we have high, exciting, gratifying prospects spread
out before us, for us and our children. Beyond that I do not seek to
penetrate the veil. God grant that, in my day at least, that curtain may
not rise. God grant that, on my vision never may be opened what lies
behind. When my eyes shall be turned to behold, for the last time, the
sun in heaven, may I not see him shining on the broken and dishonored
fragments of a once glorious Union; on states dissevered, discordant,
belligerent; on a land rent with civil feuds, or drenched, it may be,
in fraternal blood! Let their last feeble and lingering glance rather
behold the gorgeous ensign of the republic, now known and honored
throughout the earth, still full high advanced, its arms and trophies
streaming in their original lustre, not a stripe erased or polluted,
nor a single star obscured,—bearing for its motto no such miserable
interrogatory as, What is all this worth? nor those other words
of delusion and folly, Liberty first, and Union afterwards; but
everywhere, spread all over in characters of living light, blazing on
all its ample folds, as they float over the sea and over the land, and
in every wind under the whole heavens, that other sentiment, dear to
every American heart—Liberty and Union, now and forever, one and
inseparable!
* * * * *
From the "Speech at the Laying of the Corner Stone of the Bunker Hill
Monument."
=86.= OBJECT OF THE MONUMENT.
Let it not be supposed that our object is to perpetuate national
hostility, or even to cherish a mere military spirit. It is higher,
purer, nobler. We consecrate our work to the spirit of national
independence, and we wish that the light of peace may rest upon it
forever. We rear a memorial of our conviction of that unmeasured benefit
which has been conferred on our own land, and of the happy influences
which have been produced, by the same events, on the general interests
of mankind. We come, as Americans, to mark a spot which must forever be
dear to us and our posterity. We wish that whoever, in all coming
time, shall turn his eye hither, may behold that the place is not
undistinguished where the first great battle of the Revolution was
fought. We wish that this structure may proclaim the magnitude and
importance of that event to every class and every age. We wish that
infancy may learn the purpose of its erection, from maternal lips,
and that weary and withered age may behold it, and be solaced by the
recollections which it suggests. We wish that labor may look up here,
and be proud in the midst of its toil. We wish that in those days of
disaster, which, as they come upon all nations, must be expected to come
upon us also, desponding patriotism may turn its eyes hitherward, and be
assured that the foundations of our national power are still strong. We
wish that this column, rising towards heaven among the pointed spires of
so many temples dedicated to God, may contribute also to produce, in all
minds, a pious feeling of dependence and gratitude. We wish, finally,
that the last object to the sight of him who leaves his native shore,
and the first to gladden his who revisits it, may be something which
shall remind him of the liberty and the glory of his country. Let it
rise! let it rise, till it meet the sun in his coming; let the earliest
light of the morning gild it, and parting day linger and play on its
summit.
* * * * *
From his "Works."
=87.= BENEFITS OF THE CONSTITUTION.
Its benefits are not exclusive. What has it left undone, which any
government could do for the whole country? In what condition has it
placed us? Where do we now stand? Are we elevated, or degraded, by its
operation? What is our condition, under its influence, at the very
moment when some talk of arresting its power and breaking its unity? Do
we not feel ourselves on an eminence? Do we not challenge the respect of
the whole world? What has placed us thus high? What has given us this
just pride? What else is it, but the unrestrained and free operation
of that same Federal Constitution, which it has been proposed now to
hamper, and manacle, and nullify? Who is there among us, that, should
he find himself on any spot of the earth where human beings exist, and
where the existence of other nations is known, would not be proud to
say, I am an American? I am a countryman of Washington? I am a citizen
of that Republic, which although it has suddenly sprung up, yet there
are none on the globe who have ears to hear, and have not heard of
it,—who have eyes to see and have not read of it,—who know any
thing,—and yet do not know of its existence and its glory? And,
gentlemen, let me now reverse the picture. Let me ask, who is there
among us, if he were to be found to-morrow in one of the civilized
countries of Europe, and were there to learn that this goodly form of
Government had been overthrown—that the United States were no longer
united—that a death-blow had been struck upon their bond of Union—that
they themselves had destroyed their chief good and their chief
honor,—who is there, whose heart would not sink within him? Who is
there, who would not cover his face for very shame?
At this very moment, gentlemen, our country is a general refuge for the
distressed and the persecuted of other nations. Whoever is in affliction
from political occurrences in his own country, looks here for shelter.
Whether he be republican, flying from the oppression of thrones—or
whether he be monarch or monarchist, flying from thrones that crumble
and fall under or around him,—he feels equal assurance, that if he
get foothold on our soil, his person is safe, and his rights will be
respected.
And who will venture to say, that in any government now existing in the
world, there is greater security for persons or property than in that of
the United States? We have tried these popular institutions in times of
great excitement and commotion; and they have stood substantially firm
and steady, while the fountains of the great deep have been elsewhere
broken up; while thrones, resting on ages of prescription, have tottered
and fallen; and while in other countries, the earthquake of unrestrained
popular commotion has swallowed up all law, and all liberty, and all
right, together. Our Government has been tried in peace, and it has been
tried in war; and has proved itself fit for both. It has been assailed
from without, and it has successfully resisted the shock; it has been
disturbed within, and it has effectually quieted the disturbance. It can
stand trial—it can stand, assault—it, can stand adversity.—it can
stand every thing, but the marring of its own beauty, and the weakening
of its own strength. It can stand every thing, but the effects of
our own rashness, and our own folly. It can stand everything, but
disorganization, disunion, and nullification.
* * * * *
From his Correspondence with Lord Ashburton.
=88.= THE RIGHT OF CHANGING ALLEGIANCE.
England acknowledges herself overburdened with population of the poorer
classes. Every instance of the emigration of persons of those classes is
regarded by her as a benefit. England, therefore, encourages emigration;
means are notoriously supplied to emigrants, to assist their conveyance,
from public funds; and the New World, and most especially these United
States, receive the many thousands of her subjects thus ejected from the
bosom of their native land by the necessities of their condition. They
come away from poverty and distress in over-crowded cities, to seek
employment, comfort, and new homes, in a country of free institutions,
possessed by a kindred race, speaking their own language, and having
laws and usages in many respects like those to which they have been
accustomed; and a country which, upon the whole, is found to possess
more attractions for persons of their character and condition, than any
other on the face of the globe. It is stated that, in the quarter of the
year ending with June last, more than twenty-six thousand emigrants left
the single port of Liverpool for the United States, being four or five
times as many as left the same port within the same period, for the
British Colonies and all other parts of the world. Of these crowds
of emigrants, many arrive in our cities in circumstances of great
destitution, and the charities of the country, both public and private,
are severely taxed to relieve their immediate wants. In time they mingle
with the new community in which they find themselves, and seek means of
living. Some find employment in the cities, others go to the frontiers,
to cultivate lands reclaimed from the forest; and a greater or less
number of the residue, becoming in time naturalized citizens, enter into
the merchant service under the flag of their adopted country.
Now, my Lord, if war should break out between England and a European
power, can any thing be more unjust, any thing more irreconcilable to
the general sentiments of mankind, than that England should seek out
these persons, thus encouraged by her, and compelled by their own
condition, to leave their native homes, tear them away from their
new employments, their new political relations, and their domestic
connections, and force them to undergo the dangers and hardships of
military service for a country which, has thus ceased to be their own
country? Certainly, certainly, my Lord, there can be but one answer to
this question. Is it not far more reasonable that England should either
prevent such emigration of her subjects, or that, if she encourage and
promote it, she should leave them, not to the embroilment of a double
and contradictory allegiance, but to their own voluntary choice, to form
such relations, political or social, as they see fit, in the country
where they are to find their bread, and to the laws and institutions of
which they are to look for defence and protection.
* * * * *
=Joseph Story, 1779-1845.= (Manual, pp. 487, 531.)
From his "Miscellaneous Writings."
=89.= CHIEF JUSTICE MARSHALL.
When can we expect to be permitted to behold again so much moderation
united with so much firmness, so much sagacity with so much modesty, so
much learning with so much experience, so much solid wisdom with so
much purity, so much of every thing to love and admire, with
nothing—absolutely nothing, to regret? What, indeed, strikes us as the
most remarkable in his whole character, even more than his splendid
talents, is the entire consistency of his public life and principles.
There is nothing in either which calls for apology or concealment.
Ambition has never seduced him from his principles, nor popular clamor
deterred him from the strict performance of duty. Amid the extravagances
of party spirit he has stood with a calm, and steady inflexibility,
neither bending to the pressure of adversity, nor bounding with the
elasticity of success. He has lived as such a man should live, (and yet,
how few deserve the commendation!) by and with, his principles. Whatever
changes of opinion have occurred in the course of his long life,
have been gradual and slow; the results of genius acting upon larger
materials, and of judgment matured by the lessons of experience.
If we were tempted to say, in one word, what it was in which he chiefly
excelled other men, we should say, in wisdom—in the union of that
virtue, which has ripened under the hardy discipline of principles,
with that knowledge which has constantly sifted and refined its old
treasures, and as constantly gathered new. The constitution, since its
adoption, owes more to him than to any other single mind, for its true
interpretation and vindication. Whether it lives or perishes, his
exposition of its principles will be an enduring monument to his fame,
as long as solid reasoning, profound analysis, and sober views of
government, shall invite the leisure, or command the attention, of
statesmen and jurists…. Yet it may be affirmed by those who have had
the privilege of intimacy with Mr. Chief Justice Marshall, that he
rises, rather than falls, with the nearest survey; and that in the
domestic circle he is exactly what a wife, a child, a brother, and a
friend would most desire. In that magical circle, admiration of
his talents is forgotten in the indulgence of those affections and
sensibilities which are awakened only to be gratified.
* * * * *
From his "Miscellanies."
=90.= DIGNITY OF AMERICAN JURISPRUDENCE.
The most delicate, and at the same time the proudest attribute of
American jurisprudence, is the right of its judicial tribunals to decide
questions of constitutional law. In other governments these questions
cannot be entertained or decided by courts of justice; and, therefore,
whatever may be the theory of the constitution, the legislative
authority is practically omnipotent, and there is no means of contesting
the legality or justice of a law, but by an appeal to arms. This can be
done only when oppression weighs heavily and grievously on the whole
people, and is then resisted by all because it is felt by all. But the
oppression that strikes at a humble individual, though it robs him of
character, or fortune, or life, is remediless; and, if it becomes the
subject of judicial enquiry, judges may lament, but cannot resist, the
mandates of the legislature. Far different is the case in our country;
and the privilege of bringing every law to the test of the constitution
belongs to the humblest citizen, who owes no obedience to any
legislative act which transcends the constitutional limits.
The discussion of constitutional questions throws a lustre round the
bar, and gives a dignity to its functions, which can rarely belong to
the profession in any other country. Lawyers are here emphatically
placed as sentinels upon the outposts of the constitution, and no nobler
end can be proposed for their ambition or patriotism than to stand as
faithful guardians of the constitution, ready to defend its legitimate
powers, and to stay the arm of legislative, executive, or popular
oppression. If their eloquence can charm, when it vindicates the
innocent, and the suffering under private wrongs; if their learning
and genius can, with almost superhuman witchery, unfold the mazes and
intricacies by which the minute links of title are chained to the
adamantine pillars of the law;—how much more glory belongs to them when
this eloquence, this learning, and this genius, are employed in defence
of their country; when they breathe forth the purest spirit of morality
and virtue in support of the rights of mankind; when they expound the
lofty doctrines which sustain and connect, and guide the destinies of
nations; when they combat popular delusions at the expense of fame, and
friendship, and political honors; when they triumph by arresting the
progress of error and the march of power, and drive back the torrent
that threatens destruction equally to public liberty and to private
property, to all that delights us in private life, and all that gives
grace and authority in public office.
* * * * *
=Lewis Cass,[23] 1782-1866.=
From his "Report of the Secretary of War." December 1831.
=91.= POLICY OF REMOVING THE INDIANS.
The associations which bind the Indians to the land of their forefathers
are strong and enduring; and these must be broken by their emigration.
But they are also broken by our citizens, who every day encounter all
the difficulties of similar changes in pursuit of the means of support.
And the experiments that have been made satisfactorily show that,
by proper precautions and liberal appropriations, the removal and
establishment of the Indians can be effected with little comparative
trouble to them, or us…. If they remain, they must decline, and
eventually disappear. Such is the result of all experience. If they
remove, they may be comfortably established, and their moral and
physical condition ameliorated….
The great moral debt we owe to this unhappy race is universally felt and
acknowledged. Diversities of opinion exist respecting the proper mode of
discharging this obligation, but its validity is not denied.
Indolent in his habits, the Indian is opposed to labor; improvident
in his mode of life, he has little foresight in providing, or care in
preserving. Taught from infancy to reverence his own traditions and
institutions, he is satisfied of their value, and dreads the anger of
the Great Spirit, if he should depart from the customs of his fathers.
Devoted to the use of ardent spirits, he abandons himself to
its indulgence without restraint. War and hunting are his only
occupations…. Shall they be advised to remain, or remove? If the
former, their fate is written in the annals of their race; if the
latter, we may yet hope to see them renovated in character and
condition, by our example and instruction, and their exertions.
[Footnote 23: A native of New Hampshire, but for many years a citizen of
Michigan: conspicuous in public life, and a writer of high authority on
Indian and military affairs, and the settlement of the north-west.]
* * * * *
=Rufus Choate, 1799-1859.= (Manual, p. 487.)
From his "Lectures and Addresses."
=92.= CONSERVATIVE FORCE OF THE AMERICAN BAR.
Is it not so that in its nature, in its functions, in the intellectual
and practical habits which it forms, in the opinions to which it
conducts, in all its tendencies and influences of speculation and
action, it is, and ought to be, professionally and peculiarly such an
element and such an agent, that it contributes, or ought to be held to
contribute, more than all things else, or as much as anything else, to
preserve our organic forms, our civil and social order, our public and
private justice, our constitutions of government, even the Union itself?
In these crises through which our liberty is to pass, may not, must not,
this function of conservatism become more and more developed, and more
and more operative? May it not one day be written, for the praise of the
American Bar, that it helped to keep the true idea of the state alive
and germinant in the American mind; that it helped to keep alive the
sacred sentiments of obedience, and reverence, and justice, of the
supremacy of the calm and grand reason of the law over the fitful
will of the individual and the crowd; that it helped to withstand the
pernicious sophism that the successive generations, as they come to
life, are but as so many successive flights of summer flies, without
relations to the past or duties to the future, and taught instead that
all—all the dead, the living, the unborn—were one moral person-one for
action, one for suffering, one for responsibility; that the engagements
of one age may bind the conscience of another; the glory or the shame
of a day may brighten or stain the current of a thousand years of
continuous national being?
* * * * *
From the "Address before the New England Society of New York."
=93.= THE AGE OF THE PILGRIMS, OUR HEROIC PERIOD.
I have said that I deemed it a great thing for a nation, in all the
periods of its fortunes, to be able to look back to a race of founders,
and a principle of institution, in which, it might seem to see the
realized idea of true heroism. That felicity, that pride, that help, is
ours. Our past—both its great eras, that of settlement, and that of
independence—should announce, should compel, should spontaneously
evolve as from a germ, a wise, moral, and glorious future. These heroic
men and women should not look down on a dwindled posterity. It should
seem to be almost of course, too easy to be glorious, that they who
keep the graves, bear the name, and boast the blood, of men in whom
the loftiest sense of duty blended itself with the fiercest spirit of
liberty, should add to their freedom, justice: justice to all men, to
all nations; justice, that venerable virtue, without which freedom,
valor, and power, are but vulgar things.
And yet is the past nothing, even our past, but as you, quickened by its
examples, instructed by its experiences, warned by its voices, assisted
by its accumulated instrumentality, shall reproduce it in the life of
to-day. Its once busy existence, various sensations, fiery trials,
dear-bought triumphs; its dynasty of heroes, all its pulses of joy and
anguish, and hope and fear, and love and praise, are with the years
beyond the flood. "The sleeping and the dead are but as pictures." Yet,
gazing on these, long and intently, and often, we may pass into the
likeness of the departed,—may emulate their labors, and partake of
their immortality.
* * * * *
=William H. Seward,[24] 1801-1872.=
"Oration on Lafayette," July 16th, 1834.
=94.= HIS MILITARY SERVICES IN AMERICA.
There were indeed other and heroic volunteers from European countries,
but they were either exiles who had no homes, or they were soldiers by
profession, who followed the sword wherever a harvest was to be reaped
with it…. Lafayette's first act in America gave new evidence of
disinterestedness and magnanimity. He found the small patriot army rent
asunder by jealous feuds growing out of ambition for preferment. What
revolution, however holy, has not suffered by such evils! How many
a revolution has been lost by them! Schuyler, the brave, the
high-spirited, and wise, now the victim of an intrigue, was hesitating
whether to submit to a privation of rank justly due him, or to resign.
Putnam's recent promotion produced bitter complaints; and Gates was
laboring night and day, aided by a powerful faction, to displace
Washington from the chief command. The correspondence of the Father of
his country, now first published, reveals the fact that the compensation
attached to military rank was by no means an unimportant object of the
universal rage for preferment, which then threatened to break up the
army. Lafayette set a noble example to the republican chiefs. He
declined the tender of a commission as major-general, with the
emoluments, and stipulated, on the contrary, for leave to serve without
reward, and even without a command, until he should have made a title to
it by actual achievements. He won his commission by the blood he gave to
his adopted country in the battle of Brandywine, by rallying the troops
in the retreat at Chester Bridge, and by his brave resistance and
capture, with the aid of militia-men, of a superior force of British
and Hessian regulars; and thus, without exciting murmurs among his
compatriots, and with the thanks of Congress, he rose to the command of
a division in the army of the United States. Lavish of gold, as he had
already shown that he was lavish of blood, he clothed and equipped
these troops, numbering two thousand, at his own expense; and they soon
became, under his exact but affectionate discipline, the favorite corps
of the whole army.
Lafayette stood second to Washington in the affections of the American
people, and in the applauses of the friends of liberty throughout the
world. Certainly whatever honors that people could have conferred upon
any one would have been sure to wait on him. Let those who think that
preferment, power, and applause are always the chief objects of human
ambition, look now at this illustrious and yet youthful personage,
cheerfully resigning his command, and without one murmur of regret for
the honors laid down, or one glance towards the honors gathering before
him, taking affectionate leave of his companions in arms, and their
great chief, and returning to his native land, to resume there the
duties he owed as a subject and member of the State, in France.
[Footnote 24: A prominent statesman, formerly Governor of New York, of
which state he is a native. He is known in literature by many addresses,
speeches, and diplomatic papers, often of high merit.]
* * * * *
=Abraham Lincoln,[25] 1809-1865.=
"Speech at the Dedication of the National Cemetery at Gettysburg,"
November 19, 1883.
=95.= OBLIGATION TO THE PATRIOT DEAD.
Fourscore and seven years ago our fathers brought forth upon this
continent a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the
proposition that all men are created equal. Now we are engaged in a
great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived
and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle-field of
that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final
resting-place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might
live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this. But
in a larger sense we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we cannot
hallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here,
have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract. The world
will little note, nor long remember, what we say here; but it can never
forget what they did here. It is for us, the living, rather to be
dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here, have
thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to
the great task remaining before us, that from these honored dead we
take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full
measure of devotion; that we here highly resolve that these dead shall
not have died in vain; that this nation, under God, shall have a new
birth of freedom, and that governments of the people, by the people, and
for the people, shall not perish from the earth.
[Footnote 25: Born in Kentucky; a prominent lawyer and statesman of
Illinois; was elected President of the United States in 1860; was
eminent for his profound appreciation of 'the subsequent struggle, and
for his patriotic appeals in behalf of the nation. Assassinated April
13, 1865.]
* * * * *
=Charles Sumner, 1811-1874.= (Manual, p. 487.)
From the "Speech in the Senate on the Nebraska and Kansas Bill," May 25,
1854.
=96.= PROSPECTIVE RESULTS OF THE BILL.
Sir, the bill which you are now about to pass is at once the worst and
the best bill on which Congress ever acted. Yes, sir, worst and best at
the same time.
It is the worst bill, inasmuch as it is a present victory of slavery. In
a Christian land, and in an age of civilization, a time-honored statute
of freedom is struck down, opening the way to all the countless woes and
wrongs of human bondage. Among the crimes of history, another is about
to be recorded, which no tears can blot out, and which, in better days,
will be read with universal shame.
But there is another side, to which I gladly turn. Sir, it is the best
bill on which Congress ever acted; for it annuls all past compromises
with slavery, and makes all future compromises impossible. Thus it puts
freedom and slavery face to face, and bids them grapple. Who can doubt
the result? It opens wide the door of the future, when, at last, there
will really be a North, and the slave power will be broken; when this
wretched despotism will cease to dominate over our government, no longer
impressing itself upon everything at home and abroad; when the national
government shall be divorced in every way from slavery, and according
to the true intention of our fathers, freedom shall be established by
Congress everywhere, at least beyond the local limits of the states.
Thus, sir, now standing at the very grave of freedom in Kansas and
Nebraska, I lift myself to the vision of that happy resurrection, by
which freedom will be secured, not only in these territories, but
everywhere under the national government. More clearly than ever before,
I now penetrate that "All-Hail-Hereafter" when slavery must disappear.
Proudly I discern the flag of my country, as it ripples in every breeze,
at last become in reality, as in name, the Flag of Freedom, undoubted,
pure, and irresistible. Am I not right, then, in calling this bill the
best on which Congress ever acted?
Sorrowfully I bend before the wrong you are about to commit. Joyfully I
welcome all the promises of the future.
* * * * *
From the "Speech for Union against the Slave Power," June 8, 1848.
=97.= HEROIC EFFORTS CANNOT FAIL.
There are occasions of political difference, I admit, when it may become
expedient to vote for a person who does not completely represent our
sentiments. There are some matters that come legitimately within the
range of expediency and compromise. The Tariff and the Currency are
unquestionably of this character. If a candidate differs from me, more
or less, on these, I may yet be disposed to vote for him. But the
question now before the country is of another character. This will not
admit of compromise. It is not within the domain of expediency. To be
wrong on this is to be wholly wrong. It is not merely expedient for us
to defend Freedom, when assailed, but our duty so to do, unreservedly,
and careless of consequences. Who is there in this assembly that would
help to fasten a fetter upon Oregon or Mexico? Who is there that would
not oppose every effort for this purpose? Nobody. Who is there, then,
that can vote for Taylor or Cass?
But it is said that we shall throw away our votes, and that our
opposition will fail. Sir! no honest, earnest effort in a good cause
ever fails. It may not be crowned with the applause of men; it may not
seem to touch the goal of immediate worldly success, which is the end
and aim of so much of life. But still it is not lost. It helps to
strengthen the weak with new virtue; to arm the irresolute with proper
energy; to animate all with devotion to duty, which in the end conquers
all. Fail! Did the martyrs fail, when with their precious blood they
sowed the seed of the Church? Did the discomfited champions of Freedom
fail, who have left those names in history which can never die? Did the
three hundred Spartans fail, when, in the narrow pass, they did not fear
to brave the innumerable Persian hosts, whose very arrows darkened the
sun? No! Overborne by numbers, crushed to earth, they have left an
example which is greater far than any victory. And this is the least we
can do. Our example shall be the source of triumph hereafter. It
will not be the first time in history that the hosts of Slavery have
outnumbered the champions of Freedom. But where is it written that
Slavery finally prevailed.
* * * * *
Returning to our forefathers for our principles, let us borrow, also,
something of their courage and union. Let us summon to our sides the
majestic forms of those civil heroes, whose firmness in council was
equalled only by the firmness of Washington in war. Let us listen
again to the eloquence of the elder Adams, animating his associates in
Congress to independence: let us hang anew upon the sententious wisdom
of Franklin; let us be enkindled, as were the men of other days, by the
fervid devotion to Freedom, which flamed from the heart of Jefferson.
Deriving instruction from our enemies, let us also be taught by the
Slave Power. The two hundred thousand slaveholders are always united in
purpose. Hence their strength. Like arrows in a quiver, they cannot be
broken. The friends of Freedom have thus far been divided. Union,
then, must be our watchword,—union, among men of all parties. By such a
union we shall consolidate an opposition which must prevail.
* * * * *
From a Speech, September 16, 1863.
=98.= OUR FOREIGN RELATIONS.
It only remains that the Republic should lift itself to the height of
its great duties. War is hard to bear,—with its waste, its pains, its
wounds, its funerals. But in this war we have not been choosers. We have
been challenged to the defence of our country, and in this sacred cause,
to crush Slavery. There is no alternative. Slavery began the combat,
staking its life, and determined to rule or die. That we may continue
freemen there must be no slaves; so that our own security is linked with
the redemption of a race. Blessed lot, amidst the harshness of war, to
wield the arms and deal the blows under which the monster will surely
fall!
But while thus steady in our purpose at home, we must not neglect
that proper moderation abroad, which becomes the consciousness of our
strength and the nobleness of our cause. The mistaken sympathy which
foreign powers now bestow upon slavery,—or it may be the mistaken
insensibility,—under the plausible name of "neutrality," which they
profess,—will be worse for them than for us. For them it will be a
record of shame which their children would gladly wash out with tears.
For us it will be only another obstacle vanquished in the battle for
civilization, where unhappily false friends are mingled with open
enemies. Even if the cause shall seem for a while imperilled from
foreign powers, yet our duties are none the less urgent. If the pressure
be great, the resistance must be greater; nor can there be any retreat.
Come weal or woe this is the place for us to stand.
I know not if a republic like ours can count even now upon the certain
friendship of any European power, unless it be the republic of William
Tell. The very name is unwelcome to the full-blown representatives of
monarchical Europe, who forget how proudly, even in modern history,
Venice bore the title of Serenissima Respublica. It will be for us
to change all this, and we shall do it. Our successful example will be
enough. Thus far we have been known chiefly through that vital force
which slavery could only degrade, but not subdue. Now at last, by the
death of slavery, will the republic begin to live. For what is life
without liberty? Stretching from ocean to ocean,—teeming with
population, bountiful in resources of all kinds, and thrice-happy in
universal enfranchisement, it will be more than conqueror. Nothing too
vast for its power; nothing too minute for its care. Triumphant over the
foulest wrong ever inflicted, after the bloodiest war ever waged, it
will know the majesty of right and the beauty of peace, prepared always
to uphold the one, and to cultivate the other. Strong in its own mighty
stature, filled with all the fulness of a new life, and covered with a
panoply of renown, it will confess that no dominion is of value which
does not contribute to human happiness. Born in this latter day, and the
child of its own struggles, without ancestral claims, but heir of
all the ages,—it will stand forth to assert the dignity of man, and
wherever any member of the human family is to be succored, there its
voice will reach,—as the voice of Cromwell reached across France
even to the persecuted mountaineers of the Alps. Such will be this
republic;—upstart among the nations. Aye! as the steam-engine, the
telegraph, and chloroform are upstart. Comforter and helper like these,
it can know no bounds to its empire over a willing world. But the first
stage is the death of slavery.
* * * * *
From "Prophetic Voices about America."
=99.= NATIONAL GREATNESS ATTAINABLE THROUGH PEACE.
Such are some of the prophetic voices about America, differing in
character and importance, but all having one augury, and opening one
vista, illimitable in extent and vastness. Farewell to the idea of
Montesquieu, that a republic can exist only in a small territory….
Such grandeur may justly excite anxiety rather than pride, for duties
are in corresponding proportion. There is occasion for humility also,
as the individual considers his own insignificance in the transcendent
mass. The tiny polyp, in its unconscious life, builds the everlasting
coral; each citizen is little more than the industrious insect. The
result is accomplished by continuous and combined exertion. Millions of
citizens, working in obedience to nature, can accomplish anything. Of
course, war is an instrumentality which a true civilization disowns.
Here some of our prophets have erred. Sir Thomas Browne was so much
overshadowed by his own age, that his vision was darkened by "great
armies," and even "hostile and piratical attacks" on Europe. It was
natural that D'Aranda, schooled in worldly affairs, should imagine the
new-born power ready to seize the Spanish possessions. Among our own
countrymen, Jefferson looked to war for the extension of dominion. The
Floridas he says on one occasion, "are ours on the first moment of war,
and until a war they are of no particular necessity to us." Happily
they were acquired in another way. Then again, while declaring that no
constitution was ever before so calculated as ours for extensive empire
and self-government, and insisting upon Canada as a component part,
he calmly says that "this would be, of course, in the first war."
Afterwards, while confessing a longing for Cuba, "as the most
interesting addition that could ever be made to our system of States,"
he says that "he is sensible that this can never be obtained, even with
her own consent, without war." Thus at each stage is the baptism of
blood. In much better mood the good Bishop recognized empire as moving
gently in the pathway of light. All this is much clearer now than when
he prophesied. It is easy to see that empire obtained by force is
unrepublican and offensive to that first principle of our Union
according to which all just government stands only on the consent of the
governed. Our country needs no such ally as war. Its destiny is mightier
than war. Through peace it will have every thing. This is our talisman.
Give us peace, and population will increase beyond all experience;
resources of all kinds will multiply infinitely; arts will embellish the
land with immortal beauty, the name of Republic will be exalted, until
every neighbor, yielding to irresistible attraction, will seek a new
life in becoming a part of the great whole; and the national example
will be more puissant than army or navy for the conquest of the world.
* * * * *
=Alexander H. Stephens,[26] 1812-.=
From Appendix to "The Constitutional View."
=100.= ORIGIN OF THE AMERICAN FLAG.
The stars, as a matter of course, represent states. The origin of
the stripes, I think, if searched out, would be found to be a little
curious. All I know upon that point is, that on the 4th day of July,
1776, after the Declaration of Independence was carried, a committee was
appointed by Congress, consisting of Mr. Jefferson, Dr. Franklin, and
John Adams, to prepare a device for a seal of the United States….
This seal, as reported, or the device in full, as reported, was
never adopted. But in it we see the emblems, in part, which are still
preserved in the flag.
The stripes, or lines, which, on Mr. Jefferson's original plan, were
to designate the six quarterings of the shield, as signs of the six
countries from which our ancestors came, are now, I believe, considered
as representations of the old thirteen states, and with most persons the
idea of a shield is lost sight of. You perceive that, by drawing six
lines or stripes on a shield figure, it will leave seven spaces of the
original color, and of course give thirteen apparent stripes; hence the
idea of their being all intended to represent the old thirteen states.
My opinion, is, that this was the origin of the stripes. Mr. Jefferson's
quartered shield for a seal device was seized upon as a national emblem,
that was put upon the flag. We have now the stars as well as the
stripes. When each of these was adopted I cannot say; but the flag, as
it now is, was designed by Captain Reid, as I tell you, and adopted by
Congress.
[Footnote 26: One of the most eminent public men of the south; a native
of Georgia.]
* * * * *
=Benjamin Rush,[27] 1743-1813.=
From "Essays, Literary, Moral," etc.
=101.= THE LIFE OF EDWARD DRINKER, A CENTENARIAN.
He saw and heard more of those events which are measured by time, than
have ever been seen or heard since the age of the patriarchs; he saw the
same spot of earth which at one period of his life was covered with wood
and bushes, and the receptacle of beasts and birds of prey, afterwards
become the seat of a city not only the first in wealth and arts in the
new, but rivalling, in both, many of the first cities in the old world.
He saw regular streets where he once pursued a hare; he saw churches
rising upon morasses, where he had often heard the croaking of frogs; he
saw wharves and warehouses where he had often seen Indian savages draw
fish from the river for their daily subsistence; and he saw ships of
every size and use in those streams where he had often seen nothing but
Indian canoes…. He saw the first treaty ratified between the newly
confederated powers of America and the ancient monarchy of France, with
all the formalities of parchment and seals, on the same spot, probably,
where he once saw William Penn ratify his first and last treaty with
the Indians, without the formality of pen, ink, or paper…. He saw the
beginning and end of the empire of Great Britain in Pennsylvania. He
had been the subject of seven successive crowned heads, and afterwards
became a willing citizen of a republic; for he embraced the liberties
and independence of America in his withered arms, and triumphed in the
last years of his life in the salvation of his country.
[Footnote 27: A native of Pennsylvania, eminent as a writer, and
especially as a teacher and practitioner of medicine.]
* * * * *
=John Marshall, 1755-1835.= (Manual, p. 490.)
From the "History of the American Colonies."
=102.= THE CONQUEST OF CANADA.
During these transactions, General Amherst was taking measures for the
annihilation of the remnant of French power in Canada. He determined to
employ the immense force under his command for the accomplishment of
this object, and made arrangements during the winter to bring the armies
from Quebec, Lake Champlain, and Lake Ontario, to act against Montreal.
The junction of these armies presenting before Montreal a force not
to be resisted, the Governor offered to capitulate. In the month of
September, Montreal, and all other places within the government of
Canada, then remaining in the possession of France, were surrendered to
his Britannic majesty. The troops were to be transported to France, and
the Canadians to be protected in their property, and the full enjoyment
of their religion.
That colossal power which France had been long erecting in America, with
vast labor and expense; which had been the motive for one of the most
extensive and desolating wars of modern times, was thus entirely
overthrown. The causes of this interesting event are to be found in the
superior wealth and population of the colonies of England, and in
her immense naval strength; an advantage, in distant war, not to be
counterbalanced by the numbers, the discipline, the courage, and the
military talents, which may be combined in the armies of an inferior
maritime power.
The joy diffused throughout the British dominions by this splendid
conquest, was mingled with a proud sense of superiority, which did
not estimate with exact justice the relative means employed by the
belligerents. In no part of those dominions was this joy felt in a
higher degree, or with more reason, than in America. In that region, the
wars between France and England had assumed a form, happily unknown to
other parts of the civilized world. Not confined as in Europe to men in
arms—women and children were its common victims. It had been carried by
the savage to the fire-side of the peaceful peasant, where the tomahawk
and the scalping-knife were applied indiscriminately to every age, and
to either sex. The hope was now fondly indulged that these scenes, at
least in the northern and middle colonies, were closed forever.
* * * * *
=John Armstrong,[28] 1759-1843.=
From the Life of General Wayne.
=103.= STORMING OF STONY POINT.
Wayne, believing that few things were impracticable to discipline and
valor, after a careful reconnoissance, adopted the project, and hastened
to give it execution. Beginning his march on the 15th from Sandy Beach,
he at eight o'clock in the evening took a position within a mile and
a half of his object. By the organization given to the attack, the
regiments of Febiger and Meigs, with Hull's detachment, formed the
column of the right; and the regiment of Butler and Murfey's detachment,
that of the left. A party of twenty men furnished with axes for pioneer
duty, and followed by a sustaining corps of one hundred and fifty men
with unloaded arms, preceded each column, while a small detachment was
assigned to purposes merely of demonstration.
At half after eleven o'clock, the hour fixed on for the assault, the
columns were in motion; but from delays made inevitable by the nature of
the ground, it was twenty minutes after twelve before this commenced,
when neither the morass, now overflowed by the tide, nor the formidable
and double row of abattis, nor the high and strong works on the summit
of the hill, could for a moment damp the ardor or stop the career of
the assailants, who, in the face of an incessant fire of musketry and
a shower of shells and grape-shot, forced their way through every
obstacle, and with so much concert of movement, that both columns
entered the fort and reached its centre, nearly at the same moment. Nor
was the conduct of the victors less conspicuous for humanity than for
valor. Not a man of the garrison was injured after the surrender; and
during the conflict of battle, all were spared who ceased to make
resistance.
The entire American loss in this enterprise, so formidable in prospect,
did not exceed one hundred men. The pioneer parties, necessarily the
most exposed, suffered most. Of the twenty men led by Lieutenant Gibbons
of the Sixth Pennsylvania Regiment, seventeen were killed or wounded.
Wayne's own escape on this occasion was of the hair-breadth kind. Struck
on the head by a musket-ball, he fell; but immediately rising on one
knee, he exclaimed, "March on, carry me into the fort; for should the
wound be mortal, I will die at the head of the column." The enemy's
loss in killed and captured amounted to six hundred and seven men. This
affair, the most brilliant of the war, covered the commanding general
with laurels.
[Footnote 28: An officer of the revolutionary army, and a conspicuous
actor in the War of 1812; has written chiefly on military affairs.]
* * * * *
=Charles Caldwell,[29] 1772-1853.=
From his "Autobiography."
=104.= A LECTURE OF DR. RUSH.
At length, however, though the class of the winter, all told, amounted
to less than a hundred, a sufficient number had arrived to induce the
professors to commence their lectures; and the introductory of Dr. Rush
was a performance of deep and touching interest, and never, I think, to
be forgotten (while his memory endures), by any one who listened to it,
and was susceptible of the impression it was calculated to make. It
consisted in a well-written and graphical description of the terrible
sweep of the late pestilence; the wild dismay and temporary desolation
it had produced; the scenes of family and individual suffering and woe
he had witnessed during its ravages; the mental dejection, approaching
despair, which he himself had experienced, on account of the entire
failure of his original mode of practice in it, and the loss of his
earliest patients (some of them personal friends); the joy he felt on
the discovery of a successful mode of treating it; the benefactions
which he had afterwards the happiness to confer; and the gratulations
with which, after the success of his practice had become known, he was
often received in sick and afflicted families. The discourse, though
highly colored, and marked by not a few figures of fancy and bursts of
feeling, was, notwithstanding, sufficiently fraught, with substantial
matter to render it no less instructive than it was fascinating.
[Footnote 29: A native of North Carolina; prominent as a physician and
controversialist.]
* * * * *
=Thomas H. Benton, 1783-1858.= (Manual, p. 487.)
From the "Thirty Years' View of the United States Senate."
=105.= THE CHARACTER OF MACON.[30]
He was above the pursuit of wealth, but also above dependence and
idleness, and, like an old Roman of the elder Cato's time, worked in the
fields at the head of his slaves in the intervals of public duty, and
did not cease this labor until advancing age rendered him unable to
stand the hot sun of summer…. I think it was the summer of 1817,—that
was the last time (he told me) he tried it, and found the sun too hot
for him,—then sixty years of age, a senator, and the refuser of all
office. How often I think of him, when I see at Washington robustious
men going through a scene of supplication, tribulation, and degradation,
to obtain office, which the salvation of the soul does not impose upon
the vilest sinner! His fields, his flocks, and his herds, yielded an
ample supply of domestic productions. A small crop of tobacco—three
hogsheads when the season was good, two when bad—purchased the exotics
which comfort and necessity required, and which the farm did not
produce. He was not rich, but rich enough to dispense hospitality and
charity, to receive all guests in his house, from the president to the
day laborer—no other title being necessary to enter his house but that
of an honest man;… and above all, he was rich enough to pay as he
went, and never to owe a dollar to any man.
… He always wore the same dress,—that is to say, a suit of the same
material, cut, and color, superfine navy-blue,—the whole suit from the
same piece, and in the fashion of the time of the Revolution, and always
replaced by a new one before it showed age. He was neat in his person,
always wore fine linen, a fine cambric stock, a fine fur hat with a
brim to it, fair top-boots—the boot outside of the pantaloons, on the
principle that leather was stronger than cloth.
… He was an habitual reader and student of the Bible, a pious and
religious man, and of the "Baptist persuasion," as he was accustomed
to express it.
[Footnote 30: Nathaniel Macon, United States Senator from North
Carolina.]
* * * * *
=Alexander Slidell Mackenzie, 1803-1845.= (Manual, pp. 490, 505.)
From the Life of Commodore Decatur.
=106.= RECAPTURE, AND BURNING OF THE FRIGATE "PHILADELPHIA," AT
TRIPOLI.
When all were safely assembled on the deck of the Intrepid, (for so
admirably had the service been executed that not a man was missing, and
only one slightly wounded,) Decatur gave the order to cut the fasts and
shove off. The necessity for prompt obedience and exertion was urgent.
The flames had now gained the lower rigging, and ascended to the tops;
they darted furiously from the ports, flashing from the quarter gallery
round the mizzen of the Intrepid, as her stern dropped clear of the
ship. To estimate the perils of their position, it should be borne in
mind, that the fire had been communicated by these fearless men to the
near neighborhood of both magazines of the Philadelphia. The Intrepid
herself was a fire ship, having been supplied with combustibles, a mass
of which, ready to be converted into the means of destroying other
vessels of the enemy, if the opportunity should offer, lay in barrels on
her quarter deck, covered only with a tarpaulin.
With destruction thus encompassing them within and without, Decatur and
his brave followers were unmoved. Calmly they put forth the necessary
exertion, breasted the Intrepid off with spars, and pressing on their
sweeps, caused her slowly to withdraw from the vicinity of the burning
mass. A gentle breeze from the land came auspiciously at the same
moment, and wafted the Intrepid beyond the reach of the flames, bearing
with it, however, a shower of burning embers, fraught with danger to
a vessel laden with combustibles, had not discipline, order, and calm
self-possession, been at hand for her protection. Soon this peril was
also left behind, and Decatur and his followers were at a sufficient
distance to contemplate securely the spectacle which the Philadelphia
presented. Hull, spars, and rigging, were now enveloped in flames. As
the metal of her guns became heated, they were discharged in succession
from both sides, serving as a brilliant salvo in honor of the victor,
and not harmless for the Tripolitans, as her starboard battery was fired
directly into the town.
The town itself, the castles, the minarets of the mosques, and the
shipping in the harbor, were all brought into distinct view by the
splendor of the conflagration. It served also to reveal to the enemy the
cause of their disaster, in the little Intrepid, as she slowly withdrew
from the harbor. The shot of the shipping and castles fell thickly
around her, throwing up columns of spray, which the brilliant light
converted into a new ornament of the scene. Only one shot took effect,
and that passed through her top-gallant sail. Three hearty American
cheers were now given in mingled triumph and derision. Soon after, the
boats of the Siren joined company, and assisted in towing the Intrepid
out of the harbor. The cables of the Philadelphia having burned off, she
drifted on the rocks near the westward entrance of the harbor; and then
the whole spectacle, so full of moral sublimity, considering the means
by which it had been effected, and of material grandeur, had its
appropriate termination in the final catastrophe of her explosion.
Nor were the little band of heroes on board the Intrepid the only
exulting spectators of the scene. Lieutenant Stewart and his companions
on board the Siren, watching with intense interest, beheld in the
conflagration a pledge of Decatur's success; and Captain Bainbridge,
with his fellow-captives in the dungeons of Tripoli, saw in it a motive
of national exultation, and an earnest that a spirit was at work to
hasten the day of their liberation.
* * * * *
=I.F.H. Claiborne,[31] About 1804-.=
From "Life and Times of General Samuel Dale."
=107.= TECUMSEH'S SPEECH TO THE CREEK INDIANS.
I saw the Shawnees issue from their lodge; they were painted black, and
entirely naked except the flap about their loins. Every weapon but the
war-club,—then first introduced among the Creeks,—had been laid aside.
An angry scowl sat on all their visages; they looked like a procession
of devils. Tecumseh led, the warriors followed, one in the footsteps of
the other. The Creeks, in dense masses, stood on each side of the path,
but the Shawnees noticed no one; they marched to the pole in the centre
of the square, and then turned to the left.
… They then marched in the same order to the Council, or King's
house,—as it was termed in ancient times, and drew up before it. The
Big Warrior and the leading men were sitting there. The Shawnee chief
sounded his war-whoop,—a most diabolical yell, and each of his
followers responded. Tecumseh then presented to the Big Warrior a wampum
belt of five different-colored stands, which the Creek chief handed to
his warriors, and it was passed down the line. The Shawnee pipe was then
produced; it was large, long, and profusely decorated with shells,
beads, and painted eagle and porcupine quills. It was lighted from the
fire in the centre, and slowly passed from the Big Warrior along the
line. All this time not a word had been uttered; every thing was still
as death; even the winds slept, and there was only the gentle rustle of
the falling leaves. At length Tecumseh spoke, at first slowly, and in
sonorous tones, but soon he grew impassioned, and the words fell in
avalanches from his lips. His eyes burned with supernatural lustre, and
his whole frame trembled with emotion; his voice resounded over the
multitude,—now sinking in low and musical whispers, now rising to its
highest key, hurling out his words like a succession of thunderbolts.
His countenance varied with his speech; its prevalent expression was a
sneer of hatred and defiance; sometimes a murderous smile; for a brief
interval a sentiment of profound sorrow pervaded it; and at the close, a
look of concentrated vengeance, such, I suppose, as distinguishes the
arch-enemy of mankind, I have heard many great orators, but I never saw
one with the vocal powers of Tecumseh, or the same command of the
muscles of his face.
… Had I been deaf, the play of his countenance would have told me what
he said. Its effect on that wild, superstitious, untutored, and warlike
assemblage may be conceived; not a word was said, but stern warriors,
the "stoics of the woods," shook with emotion, and a thousand tomahawks
were brandished in the air. Even the Big Warrior, who had been true to
the whites, and remained faithful during the war, was for the moment
visibly affected, and more than once I saw his huge hand clutch,
spasmodically, the handle of his knife…. When he resumed his seat, the
northern pipe was again passed round in solemn silence. The Shawnees
then simultaneously leaped up with one appalling yell, and danced their
tribal war-dance, going through the evolutions of battle, the scout, the
ambush, the final struggle, brandishing their war-clubs, and screaming,
in terrific concert, an infernal harmony fit only for the regions of the
damned.
[Footnote 31: Was born in Mississippi; by profession a lawyer, and for
some years a member of Congress; author of several biographical works of
interest, chiefly relating to the Southwest.]
* * * * *
=George Washington Greene,[32] 1811-.=
From The Life of General Greene.
=108.= FOREIGN OFFICERS IN THE REVOLUTIONARY ARMY.
… Mrs. Greene had joined her husband early in January, bringing with
her her summer's acquisition, a stock of French that quickly made her
little parlor the favorite resort of foreign officers. There was often
to be seen Lafayette, not yet turned of twenty-one, though a husband, a
father, and a major-general; graver somewhat in his manners than
strictly belonged either to his years or his country; and loved and
trusted by all, by Washington and Greene especially. Steuben, too, was
often there, wearing his republican uniform, as, fifteen years before,
he had worn the uniform of the despotic Frederick; as deeply skilled in
the ceremonial of a court as in the manoeuvring of an army; with a
glittering star on his left breast, that bore witness to the faithful
service he had rendered in his native Germany; and revolving in his
accurate mind designs which were to transform this mass of physical
strength, which Americans had dignified with the name of army, into a
real army which Frederick himself might have accepted. He had but little
English at his command as yet, but at his side there was a mercurial
young Frenchman, Peter Duponceau, who knew how to interpret both his
graver thoughts and the lighter gallantries with which the genial old
soldier loved to season his intercourse with the wives and daughters of
his new fellow-citizens. As the years passed away, Duponceau himself
became a celebrated man, and loved to tell the story of these checkered
days. Another German, too, De Kalb, was sometimes seen there, taller,
statelier, graver than Steuben, with the cold, observant eye of the
diplomatist, rather than the quick glance of the soldier, though a
soldier too, and a brave and skillful one; caring very little about the
cause he had forsaken his noble chateau and lovely wife to fight for,
but a great deal about the promotion and decorations which his good
service hero was to win him in France; for he had made himself a
Frenchman, and served the King of France, and bought him French lands,
and married a French wife. Already before this war began, he had come
hither in the service of France to study the progress of the growing
discontent; and now he was here again an American major-general, led
partly by the ambition of rank, partly by the thirst of distinction, but
much, too, by a certain restlessness of nature, and longing for
excitement and action, not to be wondered at in one who had fought his
way up from a butlership to a barony. He and Steuben had served on
opposite sides during the Seven Years War, though born both of them on
the same bank of the Rhine; and though when Steuben first came, De Kalb
was in Albany, yet in May they must have met more than once. How did
they feel towards each other, the soldier of Frederick, and the soldier
of Louis? If we had known more about this, we should have known better,
perhaps, why Lafayette, a fast friend of De Kalb, speaks of the
"methodic mediocrity" of Steuben, and Steuben of the "vanity and
presumption" of the young major-general.
In the same circle, too, was the young Fleury whom we have seen bearing
himself so gallantly at Fort Mifflin, and who, a year after, was to
render still more brilliant service at Stony Point; and the Marquis de
la Rouerie, concealing his rank under the name of Armand, and combatting
an unsuccessful love by throwing himself headlong into the tumult of
war; and Mauduit Duplessis, whose skill as an engineer had been proved
at Red Bank, and who about this time was breveted Lieutenant-Colonel,
at Washington's recommendation, for "gallant conduct at Brandywine and
Germantown," and "distinguished services at Fort Mercer," and a "degree
of modesty not always found in men who have performed brilliant
actions," but whom neither modesty nor gallantry could save from a
fearful death at San Domingo; and Gimat, aide to Lafayette now, but who
afterwards led Lafayette's van as colonel in the successful assault
of the British redoubts at Yorktown; and La Colombe, who was to serve
Lafayette faithfully in France as he served him here; and Ternant,
distinguished in America, France, and Holland, but who this year
rendered invaluable service to American discipline by his aid in
carrying out the reforms of Steuben. Kosciusko was in the north, but
Poland had still another representative, the gallant Pulaski, who had
done good service during the last campaign, and who the very next year
was to lay down his life for us at the siege of Savannah.
[Footnote 32: Born in Rhode Island; a grandson of the distinguished
General Greene of the Revolution, whose life he has written, with many
interesting details of that struggle.]
* * * * *
=James Parton, 1822-.= (Manual, pp. 490, 532.)
From "Life and Times of Aaron Burr."
=109.= CAREER AND CHARACTER OF BURR.
To judge this man, to decide how far he was unfortunate, and how far
guilty; how much we ought to pity, and how much to blame him,—is a task
beyond my powers. And what occasion is there for judging him, or for
judging any one? We all know that his life was an unhappy failure. He
failed to gain the small honors at which he aimed; he failed to live
a life worthy of his opportunities; he failed to achieve a character
worthy of his powers. It was a great, great pity. And any one is to be
pitied, who, in thinking of it, has any other feelings than those of
compassion—compassion for the man whose life was so much less a blessing
to him than it might have been, and compassion for the country, which
after producing so rare and excellent a kind of man, lost a great part
of the good he might have done her.
The great error of his career, as before remarked, was his turning
politician. He was too good for a politician, and not great enough for a
statesman.
If his expedition had succeeded, it was in him, I think, to have run a
career in Spanish America similar to that of Napoleon in Europe. Like
Napoleon, he would have been one of the most amiable despots, and one of
the most destructive. Like Napoleon, he would have been sure, at last,
to have been overwhelmed in a prodigious ruin. Like Napoleon, he would
have been idolized and execrated. Like Napoleon, he would, have had his
half dozen friends to go with him to St. Helena. Like Napoleon, he would
have justified to the last, with the utmost sincerity, nearly every
action of his life.
We live in a better day than he did. Nearly every thing is better now
in the United States than it was fifty years ago, and a much larger
proportion of the people possess the means of enjoying and improving
life. If some evils are more obvious and rampant than they were, they
are also better known, and the remedy is nearer …
Politics, apart from the pursuit of office, have again become real and
interesting. The issue is distinct and important enough to justify the
intense concern of a nation. To a young man coming upon the stage of
life with the opportunities of Aaron Burr, a glorious and genuine
political career is possible. The dainty keeping aloof from the
discussion of public affairs, which has been the fashion until lately,
will not again find favor with any but the very stupid, for a long
time to come. The intellect of the United States once roused to the
consideration of political questions, will doubtless be found competent
to the work demanded of it.
The career of Aaron Burr can never be repeated in the United States.
That of itself is a proof of progress. The game of politics which he
played is left, in these better days, to far inferior men, and the moral
license which he and Hamilton permitted themselves, is not known in the
circles they frequented. But the graver errors, the radical vices, of
both men belong to human nature, and will always exist to be shunned and
battled.
* * * * *
From "Famous Americans."
=110.= HENRY CLAY'S CAREER AT THE WESTERN BAR.
It is surprising how addicted to litigation were the earlier settlers of
the Western States. The imperfect surveys of land, the universal habit
of getting goods on credit at the store, and "difficulties" between
individuals ending in bloodshed, filled the court calendars, with land
disputes, suits for debt, and exciting murder cases, which gave to
lawyers more importance and better chances of advancement than they
possessed in the older States. Mr. Clay had two strings to his bow.
Besides being a man of red-tape and pigeon-holes, exact, methodical, and
strictly attentive to business, he had a power over a Kentucky jury
such as no other man has ever wielded. To this day nothing pleases aged
Kentuckians better than to tell stories which they heard their fathers
tell of Clay's happy repartees to opposing counsel, his ingenious
cross-questioning of witnesses, his sweeping torrents of invective, his
captivating courtesy, his melting pathos. Single gestures, attitudes,
tones, have come down to us through two or three memories, and still
please the curious guest at Kentucky firesides. But when we turn to the
cold records of this part of his life, we find little to justify his
traditional celebrity. It appears that the principal use to which his
talents were applied during the first years of his practice at the bar,
was in defending murderers. He seems to have shared the feeling which
then prevailed in the Western country, that to defend a prisoner at the
bar is a nobler thing than to assist in defending the public against his
further depredations; and he threw all his force into the defence of
some men who would have been "none the worse for a hanging." One day, in
the streets of Lexington, a drunken fellow whom he had rescued from the
murderer's doom, cried out, "Here comes Mr. Clay, who saved my life."
"Ah! my poor fellow," replied the advocate, "I fear I have saved too
many like you, who ought to be hanged.". The anecdotes printed of his
exploits in cheating the gallows of its due, are of a quality which
shows that the power of this man over a jury lay much in his manner. His
delivery, which "bears absolute sway in oratory," was bewitching and
irresistible, and gave to quite common-place wit and very questionable
sentiment, an amazing power to please and subdue.
* * * * *
From an Article in the Atlantic Monthly.
=111.= WESTERN THEATRES.
At the West, along with much reckless and defiant unbelief in every
thing high and good, there is also a great deal of that terror-stricken
pietism which refuses to attend the theatre unless it is very bad
indeed, and is called "Museum." This limits the business of the theatre;
and as a good theatre is necessarily a very expensive institution, it
improves very slowly, although the Western people are in precisely that
state of development and culture to which the drama is best adapted and
is most beneficial. We should naturally expect to find the human mind,
in the broad, magnificent West, rising superior to the prejudices
originating in the little sects of little lands. So it will rise in due
time. So it has risen, in some degree. But mere grandeur of nature has
no educating effect upon the soul of man; else Switzerland would not
have supplied Paris with footmen, and the hackmen of Niagara would spare
the tourist. It is only a human mind that can instruct a human mind.
* * * * *
To witness the performance, and to observe the rapture expressed
upon the shaggy and good-humored countenances of the boatmen, was
interesting, as showing what kind of banquet will delight a human soul,
starved from its birth. It likes a comic song very much, if the song
refers to fashionable articles of ladies costume, or holds up to
ridicule members of Congress, policemen, or dandies. It is not averse
to a sentimental song, in which "Mother, dear," is frequently
apostrophized. It delights in a farce from which most of the dialogue
has been cut away, while all the action is retained,—in which people
are continually knocked down, or run against one another with great
violence. It takes much pleasure in seeing Horace Greeley play a part in
a negro farce, and become the victim of designing colored brethren. But
what joy, when the beauteous Terpsichorean nymph bounds upon the scene,
rosy with paint, glistening with spangles, robust with cotton and cork,
and bewildering with a cloud of gauzy skirts! What a vision of beauty
to a man who has seen nothing for days and nights but the hold of a
steamboat and the dull shores of the Mississippi!
* * * * *
=John Heckewelder,[33] 1743-1823.=
From the "Narrative" of the Moravian Missions among the Indians.
=112.= SETTLEMENTS OF THE CHRISTIAN INDIANS.
Both these congregations, being supplied with missionaries and
schoolmasters, were so prosperous that they became the admiration of
visitors, some of whom thought it next to a miracle that, by the light
of the gospel, a savage race should be brought to live together in peace
and harmony, and above all devote themselves to religion. The people
residing in the neighborhood of those places were also intimate with
these Indians, and both were serviceable to each other; one instance of
which is here inserted. In February of the year 1761, a white man, who
had lost a child, came to Nain weeping, and begging that the Indian
Brethren would assist him and his wife to search for his child, which
had been missing since the day before. Several of the Indian Brethren
immediately went to the house of the parents, and discovered the
footsteps of the child, and tracing the same for the distance of two
miles, found the child in the woods, wrapped up in its petticoat, and
shivering with cold. The joy of the parents was so great that they
reported the circumstance wherever they went. To some of the white
people, who had been in dread of the near settlement of these Indians,
this incident was the means of making them easy, and causing them to
rejoice in having such good neighbors.
… The war being over, the Indians who had been engaged in it freely
confessed to their friends and relations, and to some white people they
had heretofore been acquainted with, that "the Brethren's settlements
had been as a stumbling-block to them; that had it not been for these,
they would most assuredly have laid waste the whole country from the
mountains to Philadelphia; and that many plans had been formed for
destroying these settlements."
[Footnote 33: Prominent among the Moravian clergy for his experience of
missionary life among the American Indians, for his knowledge of the
Indian languages, and for his lifelong devotion to the missionary work.]
* * * * *
=Jeremy Belknap, 1744-1798.= (Manual, p. 490.)
From "The History of New Hampshire."
=113.= THE MAST PINE.
Another thing worthy of observation is the aged and majestic appearance
of the trees, of which the most noble is the mast pine. This tree often
grows to the height of one hundred and fifty, and sometimes two hundred
feet. It is straight as an arrow, and has no branches but very near the
top. It is from twenty to forty inches in diameter at its base, and
appears like a stately pillar, adorned with a verdant capital, in form
of a cone. Interspersed among these are the common forest trees of
various kinds.
When a mast tree is to be felled, much preparation is necessary. So tall
a stick, without any limbs nearer the ground than eighty or a hundred
feet, is in great danger of breaking in the fall. To prevent this the
workmen have a contrivance which they call bedding the tree, which is
thus executed. They know in what direction the tree will fall; and they
cut down a number of smaller trees which grow in that direction; or if
there be none, they draw others to the spot, and place them so that the
falling tree may lodge on their branches; which breaking or yielding
under its pressure, render its fall easy and safe. A time of deep snow
is the most favorable season, as the rocks are then covered, and a
natural bed is formed to receive the tree. When fallen, it is examined,
and if to appearance it be sound, it is cut in the proportion of three
feet in length to every inch of its diameter, for a mast; but if
intended for a bow-sprit or a yard, it is cut shorter. If it be not
sound throughout, or if it break in falling, it is cut into logs for the
saw-mill.
When a mast is to be drawn on the snow, one end is placed on a sled,
shorter, but higher than the common sort, and rests on a strong block,
which is laid across the middle of the sled.
In descending a long and steep hill they have a contrivance to prevent
the load from making too rapid a descent. Some of the cattle are placed
behind it; a chain which is attached to their yokes is brought forward
and fastened to the hinder end of the load, and the resistance which
is made by these cattle checks the descent. This operation is called
tailing. The most dangerous circumstance is the passing over the
top of a sharp hill, by which means the oxen which are nearest to the
tongues are sometimes suspended, till the foremost cattle can draw the
mast so far over the hill as to give them opportunity to recover the
ground. In this case the drivers are obliged to use much judgment and
care to keep the cattle from being killed. There is no other way to
prevent this inconvenience than to level the roads.
* * * * *
=David Ramsay, 1749-1815.= (Manual, p. 491.)
From "The History of the Revolution in South Carolina."
=114.= FEELING OF THE PROVINCE TOWARD GREAT BRITAIN.
In South Carolina, an enemy to the Hanoverian succession, or to the
British constitution, was scarcely known. The inhabitants were fond
of British manners even to excess. They for the most part, sent their
children to Great Britain for education, and spoke of that country under
the endearing appellation of Home. They were enthusiasts for that sacred
plan of civil and religious happiness under which they had grown up and
flourished…. Wealth poured in upon them from a thousand channels. The
fertility of the soil generously repaid the labor of the husbandman,
making the poor to sing, and industry to smile, through every corner
of the land. None were indigent but the idle and unfortunate. Personal
independence was fully within the reach of every man who was healthy
and industrious. The inhabitants, at peace with all the world, enjoyed
domestic tranquility, and were secure in their persons and property.
They were also completely satisfied with their government, and wished
not for the smallest change in their political constitution.
In the midst of these enjoyments, and the most sincere attachment to the
mother country, to their king and his government, the people of South
Carolina, without any original design on their part, were step by step
drawn into an extensive war, which involved them in every species of
difficulty, and finally dissevered them from the parent state.
… Every thing in the colonies contributed to nourish a spirit of
liberty and independence. They were planted under the auspices of the
English constitution in its purity and vigor. Many of their inhabitants
had imbibed a largo portion of that spirit which brought one tyrant to
the block, and expelled another from his dominions. They were
communities of separate, independent individuals, for the most part
employed in cultivating a fruitful soil, and under no general influence
but of their own feelings and opinions; they were not led by powerful
families, or by great officers in church or state…. Every inhabitant
was, or easily might be, a freeholder. Settled on lands of his own, he
was both farmer and landlord. Having no superior to whom he was obliged
to look up, and producing all the necessaries of life from his own
grounds, he soon became independent. His mind was equally free from all
the restraints of superstition. No ecclesiastical establishment invaded
the rights of conscience, or lettered the free-born mind. At liberty to
act and think as his inclination prompted, he disdained the ideas of
dependence and subjection.
* * * * *
=Henry Lee,[34] 1736-1818.=
From "Memoirs" of the War in the South.
=115.= CLARKE'S SERVICES AGAINST THE INDIANS.
JOHN RODGERS CLARKE, colonel in the service of Virginia, against our
neighbors the Indians in the revolutionary war, was among our best
soldiers, and better acquainted with the Indian warfare than any officer
in our army. This gentleman, after one of his campaigns, met in Richmond
several of our cavalry officers, and devoted all his leisure in
ascertaining from them the various uses to which horse were applied,
as well as the manner of such application. The information he acquired
determined him to introduce this species of force against the Indians,
as that of all others the most effectual.
By himself, by Pickens, and lately by Wayne, was the accuracy of
Clarke's opinion justified….
The Indians, when fighting with infantry, are very daring. This temper
of mind results from his consciousness of his superior fleetness; which,
together with his better knowledge of woods, assures to him extrication
out of difficulties, though desperate. This is extinguished when he
finds that, he is to save himself from the pursuit of horse, and with
its extinction falls that habitual boldness.
[Footnote 34: In the revolutionary war he was distinguished as a cavalry
officer, and subsequently, in political life, as a writer and speaker.]
* * * * *
=116.= THE CAREER OF CAPTAIN KIRKWOOD.
The State of Delaware furnished one regiment only; and certainly no
regiment in the army surpassed it in soldiership. The remnant of that
corps, less thaw two companies, from the battle of Camden, was commanded
by Captain Kirkwood, who passed through the war with high reputation;
and yet, as the line of Delaware consisted of but one regiment, and
that regiment was reduced to a captain's command. Kirkwood never
could be promoted in regular routine—a very glaring defect in the
organization of the army, as it gave advantages to parts of the same
army denied to other portions of it. The sequel is singularly hard.
Kirkwood retired, upon peace, as a captain; and when the army under St.
Clair was raised to defend the west from the Indian enemy, this veteran
resumed his sword as the eldest captain in the oldest regiment.
In the decisive defeat of the 4th of November,[35] the gallant
Kirkwood fell, bravely sustaining his point of the action. It was the
thirty-third time he had risked his life for his country; and he died as
he had lived, the brave, meritorious, unrewarded Kirkwood.
[Footnote 35: St. Clair's defeat.]
* * * * *
=Peter S. Duponceau,[36] 1760-1844.=
From "An Address."
=117.= CHARACTER OF PENN.
WILLIAM PENN stands the first among the lawgivers whose names and deeds
are recorded in history. Shall we compare him with Lycurgus, Solon,
Romulus, those founders of military commonwealths, who organized their
citizens in deadly array against the rest of their species, taught them
to consider their fellow-men as barbarians, and themselves as alone
worthy to rule over the earth?… But see William Penn, with weaponless
hand, sitting down peaceably with his followers, in the midst of
savage nations whose only occupation was shedding the blood of their
fellow-men, disarming them by his justice, and teaching them, for the
first time, to view a stranger without distrust. See them bury their
tomahawks in his presence, so deep that man shall never be able to
find them again. See them, under the shade of the thick groves of
Coaquannock, extend the bright chain of friendship, and solemnly promise
to preserve it as long as the sun and moon shall endure. See him then,
with his companions, establishing his commonwealth on the sole basis of
religion, morality, and universal love, and adopting, as the fundamental
maxim of his government, the rule handed down to us from Heaven, "Glory
to God on high, and on earth peace and good will towards men."
[Footnote 36: An eminent jurist and philologist, of French origin, but
for many years a citizen of Philadelphia.]
* * * * *
=Charles J. Ingersoll,[37] 1782-1862.=
From the "Historical Sketch" of the War of 1812.
=118.= CALHOUN CHARACTERIZED
John Caldwell Calhoun was the same slender, erect, and ardent logician,
politician, and sectarian, in the House of Representatives in 1814 that
he is in the Senate of 1847. Speaking with aggressive aspect, flashing
eye, rapid action and enunciation, unadorned argument, eccentricity of
judgment, unbounded love of rule, impatient, precipitate, kind temper,
excellent in colloquial attractions, caressing the young, not courting
rulers; conception, perception, and demonstration quick and clear, with
logical precision arguing paradoxes, and carrying home conviction beyond
rhetorical illustration; his own impressions so intense as to discredit,
scarcely listen to, any other suggestions; well educated and informed.
[Footnote 37: A native of Pennsylvania; long conspicuous in the law,
literature, and political life.]
* * * * *
=119.= BATTLE OF CHIPPEWA.
In a fair national trial of the military faculties, courage, activity,
and fortitude, discipline, gunnery, and tactics, for the first time the
palm was awarded by Englishmen to Americans over Englishmen. Without
fortuitous advantage the Americans proved too much for the redoubtable
English, though superior in number, therefore universally arrogating to
themselves even with inferior numbers, a mastery but faintly questioned
by most Americana; no accident to depreciate the triumph of the younger
over the older nation; no more fortune than what favors the bravest.
Physical and even corporeal national characteristics, did not escape
comparison in this normal contest. The American rather more active and
more demonstrative than his ancestors, many of the officers of imposing
figure, Scott and McNeil particularly, towering with gigantic stature
above the rest, stood opposed in striking contrast to the short, thick,
brawny, burly Briton, hard to overcome…. The Marquis of Tweedale,
with his sturdy, short person, and stubborn courage, represented
the British…. Even the names betokened at once consanguinity and
hostility. Scott, McNeill, and McRee, in arms against Gordon, Hay, and
Maconochie. And the harsh Scotch nomenclature, compared with the more
euphonious savage Canada, Chippewa, Niagara, which latter modern English
prosody has corrupted from the measure of Goldsmith's Traveller:—
"Where wild Oswego spreads her swamps around,
And Niagara stuns with thundering sound."
… Mankind impressed by numbers and bloodshed, regard the second more
extensive battle near the falls of Niagara, on the 25th of the same
month, between the same parties with British reinforcements, known as
the battle of Bridgewater, as more important than its precursor…. The
victory of Chippewa was the resurrection or birth of American arms,
after their prostration by so long disuse, and when at length taken up
again, by such continual and deplorable failures, that the martial and
moral influence of the first decided victory opened and characterized
an epoch in the annals and intercourse of the two kindred and rival
nations, whose language is to be spoken, as their institutions are
rapidly spreading, throughout most of mankind. Fought between only some
three or four thousand men in both armies, at a place remote from
either of their countries, the battle of Chippewa may not bear vulgar
comparison with the great military engagements of modern Europe.
… The charm of British military invincibility was as effectually
broken, by a single brigade, as that of naval supremacy was by a single
frigate, as much as if a large army or fleet had been the agent.
* * * * *
=Henry M. Brackenridge,[38] 1786-.= (Manual, p. 505.)
From "Recollections of the West."
=120.= OLD ST. GENEVIEVE, IN MISSOURI.
The house of M. Beauvais was a long, low building, with a porch or shed
in front, and another in the rear; the chimney occupied the center,
dividing the house into two parts, with each a fireplace. One of these
served for dining-room, parlor, and principal bed-chamber; the other was
the kitchen; and each had a small room taken off at the end for private
chambers or cabinets. There was no loft or garret, a pair of stairs
being a rare thing in the village. The furniture, excepting the beds and
the looking-glass, was of the most common kind…. The yard was enclosed
with cedar pickets, eight or ten inches in diameter, and six feet high,
placed upright, sharpened at the top, in the manner of a stockade fort.
In front the yard was narrow, but in the rear quite spacious, and
containing the barn and stables, the negro quarters, and all the
necessary offices of a farm-yard. Beyond this, there was a spacious
garden enclosed with pickets….
The pursuits of the inhabitants were chiefly agricultural, although all
were more or less engaged in traffic for peltries with the Indians, or
in working the lead mines in the interior. Peltry and lead constituted
almost the only circulating medium. All politics, or discussions of the
affairs of government were entirely unknown; the commandant took care
of all that sort of thing. But instead of them, the processions and
ceremonies of the church, and the public balls, furnished ample matter
for occupation and amusement. Their agriculture was carried on in a
field of several thousand acres, enclosed at the common expense, and
divided into lots…. Whatever they may have gained in some respects, I
question very much whether the change of government has contributed to
increase their happiness. About a quarter of a mile off, there was a
village of Kickapoo Indians, who lived on the most friendly terms with
the white people. The boys often intermingled with those of the
white village, and practised shooting with the bow and arrow—an
accomplishment which I acquired with the rest, together with a little
smattering of the Indian language, which I forgot on leaving the place.
[Footnote 38: Distinguished in literature and as a political writer; a
native of Pennsylvania.]
* * * * *
=Gulian C. Verplanck, 1786-1870.= (Manual, p. 487.)
From the "Literary and Historical Discourses."
=121.= THE SCHOOLMASTER.
The schoolmaster's occupation is laborious and ungrateful; its rewards
are scanty and precarious. He may indeed be, and he ought to be animated
by the consciousness of doing good, that best of all consolations, that
noblest of all motives. But that too must be often clouded by doubt and
uncertainty. Obscure and inglorious as his daily occupation may appear
to learned pride or worldly ambition, yet to be truly successful and
happy he must be animated by the spirit of the same great principles
which inspired the most illustrious benefactors of mankind. If he bring
to his task high talent and rich acquirement, he must be content to look
into distant years for the proof that his labors have not been wasted,
that the good seed which he daily scatters abroad does not fall on stony
ground and wither away, or among thorns to be choked by the cares, the
delusions, or the vices of the world. He must solace his toils with
the same prophetic faith that enabled the greatest of modern
philosophers,[39] amidst the neglect or contempt of his own times, to
regard himself as sowing the seeds of truth for posterity and the care
of Heaven. He must arm himself against disappointment and mortification
with a portion of that same noble confidence which soothed the greatest
of modern poets when weighed down by care and danger, by poverty, old
age, and blindness, still
"—In prophetic dreams he saw
The youth unborn with pious awe
Imbibe each virtue from his sacred page."
He must know and he must love to teach his pupils not the meager
elements of knowledge, but the secret and the use of their own
intellectual strength, exciting and enabling them hereafter to raise for
themselves the veil which covers the majestic form of Truth. He must
feel deeply the reverence due to the youthful mind fraught with mighty
though undeveloped energies and affections, and mysterious and eternal
destinies. Thence he must have learned to reverence himself and his
profession, and to look upon its otherwise ill-requited toils as their
own exceeding great reward.
If such are the difficulties and the discouragements, such the duties,
the motives, and the consolations of teachers who are worthy of that
name and trust, how imperious then the obligation upon every enlightened
citizen who knows and feels the value of such men to aid them, to cheer
them, and to honor them.
But let us not be content with barren honor to buried merit. Let us
prove our gratitude to the dead by faithfully endeavoring to elevate the
station, to enlarge the usefulness, and to raise the character of the
schoolmaster amongst us. Thus shall we best testify our gratitude to the
teachers and guides of our own youth, thus best serve our country,
and thus most effectually diffuse over our land light, and truth, and
virtue.
[Footnote 39: Bacon.]
* * * * *
=John W. Francis, 1789-1861.= (Manual, pp. 487, 532.)
From his "Reminiscences."
=122.= PUBLIC CHANGES DURING A SINGLE LIFETIME.
He who has passed a period of some three score years and upward, some
faithful Knickerbocker for instance, native born, and ever a resident
among us, whose tenacious memory enables him to meditate upon the
thirty thousand inhabitants at the time of his birth, with the almost
oppressive population of some seven hundred thousand which the city at
present contains; who contrasts the cheap and humble dwellings of
that earlier date, with the costly and magnificent edifices which now
beautify the metropolis; who studies the sluggish state of the mechanic
arts at the dawn of the Republic, and the mighty demonstrations of skill
which our Fulton, and our Stevens, our Douglas, our Hoe, and our Morse,
have produced; who remembers the few and humble water-craft conveyances
of days past, and now beholds the majestic leviathans of the ocean which
crowd our harbors; who contemplates the partial and trifling commercial
transactions of the Confederacy, with the countless millions of
commercial business which engross the people of the present day, in our
Union; who estimates the offspring of the press, and the achievements of
the telegraph, he who has been the spectator of all this, may be justly
said to have lived the period of many generations, and to have stored
within his reminiscences the progress of an era the most remarkable in
the history of his species.
If he awakens his attention to a consideration of the progress of
intellectual and ethical pursuits, if he advert to the prolific
demonstrations which surround him for the advancement of knowledge,
literary and scientific, moral and religious, the indomitable spirit of
the times strikes him with more than logical conviction. The beneficence
and humanity of his countrymen may be pointed out by contemplating her
noble free schools, her vast hospitals and asylums for the alleviation
of physical distress and mental infirmities; with the reflection that
all these are the triumphs of a self-governed people, accomplished
within the limited memory of an ordinary life. Should reading enlarge
the scope of his knowledge, let him study the times of the old Dutch
Governors, when the Ogdens erected the first church in the fort of New
Amsterdam, in 1642, and then survey the vast panoramic view around him
of the two hundred and fifty and more edifices, now consecrated to the
solemnities of religious devotion. It imparts gratification to know that
the old Bible which was used in that primary church of Van Twiller is
still preserved by a descendant of the builder, a precious relic of the
property of the older period, and of the devotional impulse of those
early progenitors. To crown the whole, time in its course has recognized
the supremacy of political and religious toleration, and established
constitutional freedom on the basis of equal rights and even and exact
justice to all men. That New York has given her full measure of toil,
expenditure, and talent in furtherance of these vast results, by her
patriots and statesmen, is proclaimed in grateful accents by the myriad
voice of the nation at large.
* * * * *
=William, Meade, 1789-1862.=
From the "Old Churches &c. of Virginia."
=123.= Character of the Early Virginia Clergy.
It has been made a matter of great complaint against the Legislature of
Virginia, that it should not only have withdrawn the stipend of sixteen
thousand weight of tobacco from the clergy, but also have seized upon
the glebes. I do not mean to enter on the discussion of the legality of
that act, or of the motives of those who petitioned for it. Doubtless
there were many who sincerely thought that it was both legal and right,
and that they were doing God and religion a service by it. I hesitate
not, however, to express the opinion, in which I have been and am
sustained by many of the best friends of the Church then and ever
since, that nothing could have been more injurious to the cause of true
religion in the Episcopal Church, or to its growth in any way, than the
continuance of either stipend or glebes. Many clergymen of the most
unworthy character would have been continued among us, and such a
revival as we have seen have never taken place…. Not merely have the
pious members of the Church taken this view of the subject, since the
revival of it under other auspices, but many of those who preferred the
Church at that day, for other reasons than her evangelical doctrine and
worship, saw that It was best that she should be thrown upon her own
resources. I had a conversation with Mr. Madison, soon after he ceased
to be President of the United States, in which I became assured of this.
He himself took an active part in promoting the act for the putting down
the establishment of the Episcopal Church, while his relative was Bishop
of it, and all his family connection attached to it….
It may be well here to state, what will more fully appear when we come
to speak of the old glebes and churches in a subsequent number, that
the character of the laymen of Virginia for morals and religion was in
general greatly in advance of that of the clergy. The latter, for the
most part, were the refuse or more indifferent of the English, Irish,
and Scotch Episcopal churches, who could not find promotion and
employment at home. The former were natives of the soil, and descendants
of respectable ancestors, who migrated at an early period…. Some of
the vestries, as their records painfully show, did what they could to
displace unworthy ministers, though they often failed through defect of
law. In order to avoid the danger of having evil ministers fastened upon
them, as well as from the scarcity of ministers, they made much use of
lay-readers as substitutes…. The reading of the service and sermons in
private families, which contributed so much to the preservation of an
attachment to the Church in the same, was doubtless promoted by this
practice of lay-reading. Those whom Providence raised up to resuscitate
the fallen Church of Virginia can testify to the fact that the families
who descended from the above mentioned, have been their most effective
supports…. And when, in the providence of God. they are called on to
leave their ancient homes, and form new settlements in the distant South
and West, none are more active and reliable in transplanting the Church
of their Fathers.
* * * * *
=Jared Sparks, 1794-1866.= (Manual, p. 490.)
From "The Life of General Stark."
=124.= THE BATTLE OF BENNINGTON.
The German troops with their battery were advantageously posted upon a
rising ground, at a bend in the Wollamsac (a tributary of the Hoosac),
on its north bank. The ground fell off to the north and west, a
circumstance of which Stark skilfully took advantage. Peters' corps of
Tories were entrenched on the other side of the stream, in lower ground,
and nearly in front of the German Battery. The little river, that
meanders through the scene of the action, is fordable in all places.
Stark was encamped upon the same side of it as the Germans, but, owing
to its serpentine course, it crossed his line of march twice on his way
to their position. Their post was carefully reconnoitered at a mile's
distance, and the plan of attack was arranged in the following manner.
Colonel Nichols, with two hundred men, was detached to attack the rear
of the enemy's left, and Colonel Herrick, with three hundred men, to
fall upon the rear of their right, with orders to form a junction before
they made the assault. Colonels Hubbard and Stickney were also ordered
to advance with two hundred men on their right, and one hundred in
front, to divert their attention from the real point of attack. The
action commenced at three o'clock in the afternoon, on the rear of the
enemy's left, when Colonel Nichols, with great precision, carried into
effect the dispositions of the commander. His example was followed by
every other portion of the little army. General Stark himself moved
forward slowly in front, till he heard the sound of the guns from
Colonel Nichols' party, when he rushed upon the Tories, and in a few
moments the action became general. "It lasted," says Stark, in his
official report, "two hours, and was the hottest I ever saw. It was like
one continued clap of thunder." The Indians, alarmed at the prospect of
being enclosed between the parties of Nichols and Herrick, fled at the
commencement of the action, their main principle of battle array being
to contrive or to escape, an ambush, or an attack in the rear. The
Tories were soon driven over the river, and were thus thrown in
confusion on the Germans, who were forced from their breast-work.
Baum made a brave and resolute defence. The German dragoons, with the
discipline of veterans, preserved their ranks unbroken, and, after their
ammunition was expended, were led to the charge by their Colonel with
the sword; but they were overpowered and obliged to give way, leaving
their artillery and baggage on the field.
They were well enclosed in two breast-works, which, owing to the rain
on the 15th, they had constructed at leisure. But notwithstanding
this protection, with the advantage of two pieces of cannon, arms and
ammunition in perfect order, and an auxiliary force of Indians, they
were driven from their entrenchments by a band of militia just brought
to the field, poorly armed, with few bayonets, without field-pieces, and
with little discipline. The superiority of numbers on the part of the
Americans, will, when these things are considered, hardly be thought to
abate anything from the praise due to the conduct of the commander, or
the spirit and courage of his men.
* * * * *
From the "Life of Count Pulaski."
=125.= HIS SERVICES, DEATH, AND CHARACTER.
(The Battle of Brandywine.)—On that occasion, Count Pulaski, as well as
Lafayette, was destined to strike his first blow in defence of American
liberty. Being a volunteer, and without command, he was stationed near
General Washington till towards the close of the action, when he asked
the command of the General's body guard,—about thirty horse,
and advanced rapidly within pistol-shot of the enemy, and after
reconnoitering their movements, returned and reported that they were
endeavoring to cut off the line of retreat, and particularly the train
of baggage. He was then authorized to collect as many of the scattered
troops as came in his way, and employ them according to his discretion,
which he did in a manner so prompt and bold, as to effect an important
service in the retreat of the army; fully sustaining, by his conduct and
courage, the reputation for which the world had given him credit. Four
days after this event, he was appointed by Congress to the command of
the cavalry, with the rank of brigadier general.
(Before Charleston in 1779.)—Scarcely waiting till the enemy had
crossed the ferry, Pulaski sallied out with his legion and a few mounted
volunteers, and made an assault upon the advanced parties. With the
design of drawing the British into an ambuscade, he stationed his
infantry on low ground behind a breast-work, and then rode forward a
mile, with his cavalry in the face of a party of light-horse, with whom
he came to close quarters, and kept up a sharp skirmish till he was
compelled to retreat by the increasing numbers of the enemy. His
coolness, courage, and disregard of personal danger, were conspicuous
throughout the rencounter, and the example of this prompt and bold
attack had great influence in raising the spirits of the people, and
inspiring the confidence of the inexperienced troops then assembled in
the city. The infantry, impatient to take part in the conflict, advanced
to higher ground in front of the breast-work and thus the scheme of an
ambuscade was defeated.
(His death at Savannah.)—The cavalry were stationed in the rear of the
advanced columns, and in the confusion which appeared in front, and in
the obscurity caused by the smoke, Pulaski was uncertain where he ought
to act. To gain information on this point, he determined to ride forward
in the heat of the conflict, and called to Captain Bentalou to accompany
him. They had proceeded but a short distance, when they heard of the
havoc that had been produced in the swamp among the French troops.
Hoping to animate these troops by his presence, he rushed onward, and
while riding swiftly to the place where they were stationed, he received
a wound in the groin from a swivel-shot, and fell from his horse near
the abattis. Captain Bentalou was likewise wounded by a musket-ball.
Count Pulaski was left on the field till nearly all the troops had
retreated, when some of his men returned, in the face of the enemy's
guns, and took him to the camp. (His character.)—He possessed in a
remarkable degree, the power of winning and controlling men, a power so
rare that it may be considered not less the fruit of consummate art than
the gift of nature. Energetic, vigilant, untiring in the pursuit of an
object, fearless, fertile in resources, calm in danger, resolute and
persevering under discouragements, he was always prepared for events,
and capable of effecting his purposes with the best chance of
success…. He embraced our cause as his own, harmonizing, as it did
with his principles and all the noble impulses of his nature, the cause
of liberty and of human rights; he lost his life in defending it; thus
acquiring the highest of all claims to a nation's remembrance and
gratitude.
* * * * *
=William H. Prescott, 1796-1859.= (Manual, p. 494.)
From the "History of Ferdinand and Isabella."
=126.= MORAL CONSEQUENCES OF THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.
Whatever be the amount of physical good or evil immediately resulting
to Spain from her new discoveries, their moral consequences were
inestimable. The ancient limits of human thought and action were
overleaped; the veil which had covered the secrets of the deep for so
many centuries was removed; another hemisphere was thrown open; and a
boundless expansion promised to science, from the infinite varieties in
which nature was exhibited in these unexplored regions. The success of
the Spaniards kindled a generous emulation in their Portuguese rivals,
who soon after accomplished their long-sought passage into the Indian
seas, and thus completed the great circle of maritime discovery. It
would seem as if Providence had postponed this grand event, until the
possession of America, with its stores of precious metals, might supply
such materials for a commerce with the east, as should bind together
the most distant quarters of the globe. The impression made on the
enlightened minds of that day is evinced by the tone of gratitude and
exultation, in which they indulge, at being permitted to witness the
consummation of these glorious events, which their fathers had so long,
but in vain, desired to see.
The discoveries of Columbus occurred most opportunely for the Spanish
nation, at the moment when it was released from its tumultuous struggle
in which it had been engaged for so many years with the Moslems. The
severe schooling of these wars had prepared it for entering on a bolder
theater of action, whose stirring and romantic perils raised still
higher the chivalrous spirit of the people. The operation of this spirit
was shown in the alacrity with which private adventurers embarked in
expeditions to the New World, under cover of the general license, during
the last two years of this century. Their efforts, combined with those
of Columbus, extended the range of discovery from its original limits;
twenty-four degrees of north latitude, to probably more than fifteen
south, comprehending some of the most important territories in the
western hemisphere. Before the end of 1500, the principal groups of
the West India islands had been visited, and the whole extent of
the southern continent coasted from the Bay of Honduras to Cape St.
Augustine. One adventurous mariner, indeed, named Lepe, penetrated
several degrees south of this, to a point not reached by any other
voyager for ten or twelve years after. A great part of the kingdom
of Brazil was embraced in this extent, and two successive Castilian
navigators landed and took formal possession of it for the crown of
Castile, previous to its reputed discovery by the Portuguese Cabral;
although the claims to it were relinquished by the Spanish Government,
conformably to the famous line of demarkation established by the treaty
of Tordesillas.
While the colonial empire of Spain was thus every day enlarging, the man
to whom it was all due was never permitted to know the extent, or the
value of it. He died in the conviction in which he lived, that the land
he had reached was the long-sought Indies. But it was a country far
richer than the Indies; and had he on quitting Cuba struck into a
westerly, instead of southerly direction, it would have carried him into
the very depths of the golden regions, whose existence he had so long
and vainly predicted. As it was, he "only opened the gates," to use his
own language, for others more fortunate than himself; and, before he
quitted Hispaniola for the last time, the young adventurer arrived
there, who was destined by the conquest of Mexico to realize all the
magnificent visions, which had been derided only as visions, in the
lifetime of Columbus.
* * * * *
From "The History of the Conquest of Mexico."
=127.= PICTURE-WRITING OF THE MEXICANS.
While these things were passing, Cortés observed one of Teuhtlile's
attendants busy with a pencil, apparently delineating some object. On
looking at his work, he found that it was a sketch, on canvas, of the
Spaniards, their costumes, arms, and, in short, different objects of
interest, giving to each its appropriate form and color. This was the
celebrated picture-writing of the Aztecs, and as Teuhtlile informed him,
this man was employed in portraying the various objects for the eye of
Montezuma, who would thus gather a more vivid notion of their appearance
than from any description by words. Cortés was pleased with the idea;
and as he knew how much the effect would be heightened by converting
still life into action, he ordered out the cavalry on the beach, the
wet sands of which afforded a firm footing for the horses. The bold
and rapid movements of the troops, as they went through their military
exercises, the apparent ease with which they managed the fiery animals
on which they were mounted, the glancing of their weapons, and the
shrill cry of the trumpet, all filled the spectators with astonishment;
but when they heard the thunders of the cannon, and witnessed the
volumes of smoke and flame issuing from these terrible engines, and the
rushing sound of the balls, as they dashed through the trees of the
neighboring forest, shivering their branches into fragments, they were
filled with consternation, from which the Aztec chief himself was
not wholly free. Nothing of all this was lost on the painters, who
faithfully recorded, after their fashion, every particular, not omitting
the ships—"the water-houses," as they called them—of the strangers,
which, with their dark hulls and snow-white sails reflected from the
water, were swinging lazily at anchor on the calm bosom of the bay. All
was depicted with a fidelity that excited in their turn the admiration
of the Spaniards, who, doubtless unprepared for this exhibition of
skill, greatly overestimated the merits of the execution.
* * * * *
From "The History of the Conquest of Peru."
=128.= RANSOM AND DOOM OF THE INCA.
These articles consisted of goblets, ewers, salvers, vases of every
shape and size, ornaments and utensils for the temples and the royal
palaces, tiles and plates for the decoration of the public edifices,
curious imitations of different plants and animals. Among the plants,
the most beautiful was the Indian corn, in which the golden ear was
sheathed in its broad leaves of silver, from which hung a rich tassel of
threads of the same precious metal. A fountain was also much admired,
which sent up a sparkling jet of gold, while birds and animals of the
same material played in the waters at its base. The delicacy of the
workmanship of some of these, and the beauty and ingenuity of the
design, attracted the admiration of better judges than the rude
Conquerors of Peru.
Before breaking up these specimens of Indian art, it was determined to
send a quantity, which should be deducted from the royal fifth, to the
Emperor. It would serve as a sample of the ingenuity of the natives,
and would show him the value of his conquests. A number of the most
beautiful articles was selected, to the amount of a hundred thousand
ducats, and Hernando Pizarro was appointed to be the bearer of them to
Spain.
The doom of the Inca was proclaimed by sound of trumpet in the great
square of Caxamalca; and, two hours after sunset, the Spanish soldiery
assembled by torch-light in the plaza to witness the execution of the
sentence. It was on the twenty-ninth of August, 1533. Atahuallpa was led
out chained hand and foot,—for he had been kept in irons ever since the
great excitement had prevailed in the army respecting an assault. Father
Vicente de Valverde was at his side, striving to administer consolation,
and, if possible, to persuade him at this last hour to abjure his
superstition and embrace the religion of his Conquerors. He was willing
to save the soul of his victim from the terrible expiation in the next
world, to which he had so cheerfully consigned his mortal part in this.
During Atahuallpa's confinement the friar had repeatedly expounded to
him the Christian doctrines, and the Indian monarch discovered much
acuteness in apprehending the discourse of his teacher. But it had not
carried conviction to his mind, and though he listened with patience,
he had shown no disposition to renounce the faith of his fathers. The
Dominican made a last appeal to him in this solemn hour; and, when
Atahuallpa was bound to the stake, with the fagots that were to kindle
his funeral pile lying around him, Valverde, holding up the cross,
besought him to embrace it, and be baptized, promising that by so doing
the painful death to which he had been sentenced should be commuted
for the milder form, of the garrote,—a mode of punishment by
strangulation, used for criminals in Spain.
The unhappy monarch asked if this were really so, and, on its being
confirmed by Pizarro he consented to abjure his own religion, and
receive baptism. The ceremony was performed by Father Valverde, and the
new convert received the name of Juan de Atahuallpa,—the name of Juan
being conferred in honor of John the Baptist, on whose day the event
took place.
Atahuallpa expressed a desire that his remains might be transported
to Quito, the place of his birth, to be preserved with those of his
maternal ancestors. Then turning to Pizarro, as a last request, he
implored him to take compassion on his young children, and receive them
under his protection. Was there no other one in that dark company who
stood grimly around him, to whom he could look for the projection of his
offspring? Perhaps he thought there was no other so competent to afford
it, and that the wishes so solemnly expressed in that hour might meet
with respect even from his Conqueror. Then, recovering his stoical
bearing, which for a moment had been shaken, he submitted himself calmly
to his fate,—while the Spaniards, gathering around, muttered their
credos for the salvation his soul. Thus by the death of a vile
malefactor perished the last of the Incas.
* * * * *
=George Bancroft, 1800-.= (Manual, pp. 487, 491, 531.)
From the "History of the United States."
=129.= VIRGINIA AND ITS INHABITANTS IN EARLY TIMES.
The genial climate and transparent atmosphere delighted those who had
come from the denser air of England. Every object in nature was new and
wonderful. The loud and frequent thunder-storms were phenomena that had
been rarely witnessed in the colder summers of the north; the forests,
majestic in their growth, and free from underwood, deserved admiration
for their unrivalled magnificence; the purling streams and the frequent
rivers, flowing between alluvial banks, quickened the ever-pregnant soil
into an unwearied fertility; the strangest and the most delicate flowers
grew familiarly in the fields; the woods were replenished with sweet
barks and odors; the gardens matured the fruits of Europe, of which the
growth was invigorated and the flavor improved by the activity of the
virgin mould. Especially the birds, with their gay plumage and varied
melodies, inspired delight; every traveller expressed his pleasure in
listening to the mocking-bird, which carolled a thousand several tunes,
imitating and excelling the notes of all its rivals. The humming-bird,
so brilliant in its plumage, and so delicate in its form, quick in
motion, yet not fearing the presence of man, hunting about the flowers
like the bee gathering honey, rebounding from the blossoms into which
it dips its bill, and as soon returning "to renew its addresses to its
delightful objects," was ever admired as the smallest and the most
beautiful of the feathered race. The rattlesnake, with the terrors of
its alarms and the power of its venom; the opossum, soon to become as
celebrated for the care of its offspring as the fabled pelican: the
noisy frog, booming from the shallows like the English bittern; the
flying squirrel; the myriads of pigeons, darkening the air with the
immensity of their flocks, and, as men believed, breaking with their
weight the boughs of trees on which they alighted,—were all honored
with frequent commemoration, and became the subjects of the strangest
tales. The concurrent relation of all the Indians justified the belief
that, within ten days journey towards the setting of the sun, there
was a country where gold might be washed from the sand, and where the
natives themselves had learned the use of the crucible; but definite
and accurate as were the accounts, inquiry was always baffled; and the
regions of gold remained for two centuries an undiscovered land.
Various were the employments by which the calmness of life was relieved.
George Sandys, an idle man, who had been a great traveller, and who did
not remain in America, a poet, whose verse was tolerated by Dryden
and praised by Isaac Walton, beguiled the ennui of his seclusion by
translating the whole of Ovid's Metamorphoses. To the man of leisure the
chase furnished a perpetual resource. It was not long before the horse
was multiplied in Virginia; and to improve that noble animal was early
an object of pride, soon to be favored by legislation. Speed was
especially valued, and "the planters pace" became a proverb….
* * * * *
=130=. CONTRAST OF ENGLISH AND FRENCH COLONIZATION IN AMERICA.
In Asia, the victories of Olive at Plassy, of Coote at the Wandewash,
and of Watson and Pococke on the Indian seas, had given England the
undoubted ascendency in the East Indies, opening to her suddenly the
promise of untold treasures and territorial acquisitions without end. In
America, the Teutonic race, with its strong tendency to individuality
and freedom, was become the master from the Gulf of Mexico to the Poles;
and the English tongue, which but a century and a half before had for
its entire world a part only of two narrow islands on the outer verge
of Europe, was now to spread more widely than any that had ever given
expression to human thought.
Go forth, then, language of Milton and Hampden, language of my country,
take possession of the North American continent! Gladden the waste
places with every tone that has been rightly struck on the English lyre,
with every English word that has been spoken well for liberty and for
man! Give an echo to the now silent and solitary mountains; gush out
with the fountains that as yet sing their anthems all day long without
response; fill the valleys with the voices of love in its purity, the
pledges of friendship in its faithfulness; and as the morning sun drinks
the dewdrops from the flowers all the way from the dreary Atlantic to
the Peaceful Ocean, meet him with the joyous hum of the early industry
of freemen! Utter boldly and spread widely through the world the
thoughts of the coming apostles of the people's liberty, till the sound
that cheers the desert shall thrill through the heart of humanity, and
the lips of the messenger of the people's power, as he stands in beauty
upon the mountains, shall proclaim the renovating tidings of equal
freedom for the race!…
France, of all the states on the continent of Europe the most powerful
by territorial unity, wealth, numbers, industry, and culture, seemed
also by its place marked out for maritime ascendency. Set between many
seas, it rested upon the Mediterranean, possessed harbors on the German
Ocean, and embraced within its wide shores and jutting headlands, the
bays and open, waters of the Atlantic; its people, infolding at one
extreme the offspring of colonists from Greece, and at the other,
the hardy children of the Northmen, were called, as it were, to the
inheritance of life upon the sea. The nation, too, readily conceived or
appropriated great ideas, and delighted in bold resolves. Its travellers
had penetrated farthest into the fearful interior of unknown lands;
its missionaries won most familiarly the confidence of the aboriginal
hordes; its writers described with keener and wiser observation the
forms of nature in her wildness, and the habits and languages of savage
man; its soldiers,—and every lay Frenchman in America owed military
service,—uniting beyond all others celerity with courage, knew best how
to endure the hardships of forest life and to triumph in forest warfare.
Its ocean chivalry had given a name and a colony to Carolina, and its
merchants a people to Acadia. The French discovered the basin of the
St. Lawrence; were the first to explore and possess the banks of the
Mississippi, and planned an American empire that should unite the widest
valleys and most copious inland waters of the world.
But new France was governed exclusively by the monarchy of its
metropolis; and was shut against the intellectual daring of its
philosophy, the liberality of its political economists, the movements of
its industrial genius, its legal skill, and its infusion of Protestant
freedom. Nothing representing the new activity of thought in modern
France, went to America. Nothing had leave to go there but what was old
and worn out.
The colonists from England brought over the forms of the government of
the mother country, and the purpose of giving them a better development
and a fairer career in the western world. The French emigrants took with
them only what belonged to the past, and nothing that represented
modern freedom. The English emigrants retained what they called English
privileges, but left behind in the parent country English inequalities,
the monarch, and nobility, and prelacy. French America was closed
against even a gleam of intellectual independence; nor did it contain so
much as one dissenter from the Roman Church; English America had English
liberties in greater purity and with far more of the power of the people
than England. Its inhabitants were self-organized bodies of freeholders,
pressing upon the receding forests, winning their way farther and
farther forward every year, and never going back. They had schools, so
that in several of the colonies there was no one to be found beyond
childhood, who could not read and write; they had the printing press
scattering among them books, and pamphlets, and many newspapers; they
had a ministry chiefly composed of men of their own election. In private
life they were accustomed to take care of themselves; in public affairs
they had local legislatures, and municipal self-direction. And now this
continent from the Gulf of Mexico to where civilized life is stayed by
barriers of frost, was become their dwelling-place and their heritage.
* * * * *
From "The History of the United States."
=131.= DEATH OF MONTCALM.
But already the hope of New France was gone. Born and educated in camps,
Montcalm had been carefully instructed, and was skilled in the language
of Homer as well as in the art of war. Greatly laborious, just,
disinterested, hopeful even to rashness, sagacious in council, swift in
action, his mind was a well-spring of bold designs; his career in Canada
a wonderful struggle against inexorable destiny. Sustaining hunger and
cold, vigils and incessant toil, anxious for his soldiers, unmindful
of himself, he set, even to the forest-trained red men, an example of
self-denial and endurance, and in the midst of corruption made the
public good his aim. Struck by a musket ball, as he fought opposite
Monckton, he continued in the engagement, till, in attempting to rally
a body of fugitive Canadians in a copse near St. John's gate, he was
mortally wounded.
On hearing from the surgeon that death was certain, "I am glad of it,"
he cried; "how long shall I survive?" "Ten or twelve hours, perhaps
less." "So much the better; I shall not live to see the surrender of
Quebec." To the council of war he showed that in twelve hours all the
troops near at hand might be concentrated and renew the attack before
the English were intrenched. When De Ramsay, who commanded the garrison,
asked his advice about defending the city, "To your keeping," he
replied, "I commend the honor of France. As for me, I shall pass the
night with God, and prepare myself for death," Having written a letter
recommending the French prisoners to the generosity of the English, his
last hours were given to the hope of endless life, and at five the next
morning he expired.
* * * * *
From "The History of the United States."
=132.= CHARACTER OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.
From the fullness of his own mind, without consulting one single book,
Jefferson drafted the declaration, he submitted it separately to
Franklin and to John Adams, accepted from each of them one or two
unimportant verbal corrections, and on the twenty-eighth of June
reported it to Congress, which now on the second of July immediately
after the resolution of independence entered upon its consideration.
During the remainder of that day and the next two, the language, the
statements, and the principles of the paper were closely scanned.
* * * * *
This immortal state paper, which for its composer was the aurora of
enduring fame, was "the genuine effusion of the soul of the country
at that time," the revelation of its mind, when, in its youth, its
enthusiasm, its sublime confronting of danger, it rose to the highest
creative powers of which man is capable. The bill of rights which it
promulgates, is of rights that are older than human institutions, and
spring from the eternal justice that is anterior to the state. Two
political theories divided the world: one founded the commonwealth
on the reason of state, the policy of expediency, the other on the
immutable principles of morals; the new republic, as it took its place
among the powers of the world, proclaimed its faith in the truth and
reality and unchangeableness of freedom, virtue, and right. The heart of
Jefferson in writing the declaration, and of Congress in adopting it,
beat for all humanity; the assertion of right was made for the entire
world of mankind, and all coming generations, without any exception
whatever; for the proposition which admits of exceptions can never be
self-evident. As it was put forth in the name of the ascendant people
of that time, it was sure to make the circuit of the world, passing
everywhere through the despotic countries of Europe; and the astonished
nations as they read that all men are created equal, started out of
their lethargy, like those who have been exiles from childhood, when
they suddenly hear the dimly remembered accents of their mother tongue.
* * * * *
=133.= EARLIER POLICY OF SPAIN IN THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
The King of France, whilst he declared his wish to make no conquest
whatever in the war, held out to the King of Spain, with the consent of
the United States, the acquisition of Florida; but Florida had not power
to allure Charles the Third, or his ministry, which was a truly Spanish
ministry, and wished to pursue a truly Spanish policy. There was indeed
one word which, if pronounced, would be a spell potent enough to alter
their decision; a word that calls the blood into the cheek of a Spaniard
as an insult to his pride, a brand of inferiority on his nation. That
word was Gibraltar. Meantime, the King of Spain declared that he would
not then, nor in the future, enter into the quarrel of France and
England; that he wished to close his life in tranquility, and valued
peace too highly to sacrifice it to the interests or opinions of
another.
So the flags of France and the United States went together into the
field against Great Britain, unsupported by any other government, yet
with the good wishes of all the peoples of Europe. The benefit then
conferred on the United States was priceless. In return, the revolution
in America came opportunely for France…. For the blessing of that same
France, America brought new life and hope; she superseded scepticism by
a wise and prudent enthusiasm in action, and bade the nation that became
her ally lift up its heart from the barrenness of doubt to the highest
affirmation of God and liberty, to freedom and union with the good, the
beautiful, and the true.
* * * * *
=J.G.M. Ramsey,[40] about 1800-.=
From "The Annals of Tennessee."
=134.= SKETCH OF GENERAL JOHN SEVIER.
The Etowah campaign was the last military service rendered by Sevier,
and the only one for which he ever received compensation from the
government. For nearly twenty years he had been constantly engaged in
incessant and unremitted service. He was in thirty-five battles, some of
them hardly contested, and decisive. He was never wounded, and in all
his campaigns and battles was successful and the victor. He was careful
of the lives of his soldiery; and, although he always led them to the
victory, he lost, in all his engagements with the enemy, but fifty-six
men. The secret of his invariable success was the impetuosity and vigor
of his charge. Himself an accomplished horseman, a graceful rider,
passionately fond of a spirited charger, always well mounted, at the
head of his dragoons, he was at once in the midst of the fight. His
rapid movement, always unexpected and sudden, disconcerted the enemy,
and, at the first onset, decided the victory. He was the first to
introduce the Indian war-whoop in his battles with the savages, the
Tories, and the British. More harmless than the leaden missile, it
was not less efficient, and was always the precursor and attendant of
victory. The prisoners at King's Mountain said, "We could stand your
fighting; but your cursed hallooing confused us. We thought the
mountains had regiments, instead of companies." Sevier's enthusiasm was
contagious; he imparted it to his men. He was the idol of the soldiery;
and his orders were obeyed cheerfully, and executed with precision. In
a military service of twenty years, one instance is not known of
insubordination, on the part of the soldier, or of discipline by the
commander.
Sevier's troops were generally his neighbors, and the members of his own
family. Often no public provision was made for their pay, equipments, or
subsistence. These were furnished by himself, being at once commander,
commissary, and paymaster. The soldiery rendezvoused at his house, which
often became a cantonment; his fields, ripe or unripe, were given up to
his horsemen; powder and lead, provisions, clothing, even all he had,
belonged to his men.
The Etowah campaign terminated the military services of General Sevier.
Hereafter, we will have to record his not less important agency in the
civil affairs of Tennessee.
[Footnote 40: A native of Tennessee. His Annals contain much valuable
material.]
* * * * *
=Charles Gayarré, 1805-.= (Manual, p. 490.)
From the "History of Louisiana."
=135.= GENERAL JACKSON AT NEW ORLEANS.
His very physiognomy prognosticated what soul was encased within the
spare but well-ribbed form which had that "lean and hungry look"
described by England's greatest bard as bespeaking little sleep of
nights, but much of ambition, self-reliance, and impatience of control.
His lip and eye denoted the man of unyielding temper, and his very hair,
slightly silvered, stood erect like quills round his wrinkled brow, as
if they scorned to bend. Some sneered, it is true, at what they called
a military tyro, at the impromptu general who had sprung out of the
uncouth lawyer and the unlearned judge, who in arms had only the
experience of a few months, acquired in a desultory war against wild
Indians, and who was, not only without any previous training to his new
profession, but also without the first rudiments of a liberal education,
for he did not even know the orthography of his own native language.
Such was the man who, with a handful of raw militia, was to stand in
the way of the veteran troops of England, whose boast it was to have
triumphed over one of the greatest captains known in history. But those
who entertained such distrust had hardly come in contact with General
Jackson, when they felt that they had to deal with a master-spirit.
True, he was rough hewn from the rock, but rock he was, and of that kind
of rock which Providence chooses to select as a fit material to use in
its structures of human greatness. True, he had not the education of a
lieutenant in a European army; but what lieutenant, educated or not,
who had the will and the remarkable military adaptation so evident in
General Jackson's intellectual and physical organization, ever remained
a subaltern? Much less could General Jackson fail to rise to his proper
place in a country where there was so much more elbow-room, and fewer
artificial obstacles than in less favored lands. But, whatever those
obstacles might have been, General Jackson would have overcome them all.
His will was of such an extraordinary nature that, like Christian faith,
it could almost have accomplished prodigies and removed mountains. It is
impossible to study the life of General Jackson without being convinced
that this is the most remarkable feature of his character. His will had,
as it were, the force and the fixity of fate; that will carried him
triumphantly through his military and civil career, and through the
difficulties of private life. So intense and incessantly active this
peculiar faculty was in him, that one would suppose that his mind was
nothing but will—a will so lofty that it towered into sublimity. In him
it supplied the place of genius—or, rather, it was almost genius. On
many occasions, in the course of his long, eventful life, when his
shattered constitution made his physicians despair of preserving him, he
seemed to continue to live merely because it was his will; and when his
unconquerable spirit departed from his enfeebled and worn-out body,
those who knew him well might almost have been tempted to suppose that
he had not been vanquished by death, but had at last consented to
repose. This man, when he took the command at New Orleans, had made up
his mind to beat the English; and, as that mind was so constituted that
it was not susceptible of entertaining much doubt as to the results of
any of its resolves, he went to work with an innate confidence which
transfused itself into the population he had been sent to protect.
* * * * *
=Brantz Mayer, 1809-.= (Manual, p. 490.)
From "Mexico, Aztec," &c.
=136.= REKINDLING THE SACRED FIRE.
At the end of the Aztec or Toltec cycle of fifty-two years,—for it
is not accurately ascertained to which of the tribes the astronomical
science of Tenochtitlan is to be attributed,—these primitive children
of the New World believed that the world was in danger of instant
destruction. Accordingly, its termination became one of their most
serious and awful epochs, and they anxiously awaited the moment when the
sun would be blotted out from the heavens, and the globe itself resolved
once more into chaos. As the cycle ended in the winter, the season of
the year, with its drearier sky and colder air, in the lofty regions of
the valley, added to the gloom that fell upon the hearts of the people.
On the last day of the fifty-two years, all the fires in temples and
dwellings were extinguished, and the natives devoted themselves to
fasting and prayer. They destroyed alike their valuable and worthless
wares; rent their garments, put out their lights, and hid themselves for
awhile in solitude….
At dark on the last dread evening,—as soon as the sun had set, as they
imagined, forever,—a sad and solemn procession of priests and people
marched forth from the city to a neighboring hill, to rekindle the "New
Fire." This mournful march was called "the procession of the gods," and
was supposed to be their final departure from their temples and altars.
As soon as the melancholy array reached the summit of the hill, it
reposed in fearful anxiety until the Pleiades reached the zenith in the
sky, whereupon the priests immediately began the sacrifice of a human
victim, whose breast was covered with a wooden shield, which the chief
flamen kindled by friction. When the sufferer received the fatal stab
from the sacrificial knife of obsidian, the machine was set in motion
on his bosom until the blaze had kindled. The anxious crowd stood round
with fear and trembling. Silence reigned over nature and man. Not a word
was uttered among the countless multitude that thronged the hill-sides
and plains, whilst the priest performed his direful duty to the gods. At
length, as the fire sparks gleamed faintly from the whirling instrument,
low sobs and ejaculations were whispered among the eager masses. As the
sparks kindled into a blaze, and the blaze into a flame, and the flaming
shield and victim were cast together on a pile of combustibles which
burst at once into the brightness of a conflagration, the air was rent
with the joyous shouts of the relieved and panic-stricken Indians. Far
and wide over the dusky crowds beamed the blaze like a star of promise.
Myriads of upturned faces greeted it from hills, mountains, temples,
terraces, teocallis, house-tops, and city walls; and the prostrate
multitudes hailed the emblem of light, life, and fruition, as a blessed
omen of the restored favor of their gods, and the preservation of their
race for another cycle. At regular intervals, Indian couriers held aloft
brands of resinous wood, by which they transmitted the "New Fire" from
hand to hand, from village to village, and town to town, throughout the
Aztec empire. Light was radiated from the imperial or ecclesiastical
center of the realm. In every temple and dwelling it was rekindled from
the sacred source; and when the sun rose again on the following morning,
the solemn procession of priests, princes, and subjects, which had taken
up its march from the capital on the preceding night with solemn steps,
returned once more to the abandoned capital, and, restoring the gods to
their altars, abandoned themselves to joy and festivity, in token of
gratitude and relief from impending doom.
* * * * *
=Albert James Pickett,[41] 1858-.= (Manual, p. 490.)
From "The History of Alabama."
=137.= THE INDIANS AND THE EARLY SETTLERS OF ALABAMA.
During my youthful days, I was accustomed to be much with the Creek
Indians, hundreds of whom came almost daily to the trading-house. For
twenty years I frequently visited the Creek nation. Their green-corn
dances, ball plays, war ceremonies, and manners and customs, are all
fresh in my recollection. In my intercourse with them I was thrown into
the company of many old white men called "Indian country men," who had
for years conducted a commerce with them. Some of these men had come to
the Creek nation before the Revolutionary War, and others, being
tories, had fled to it during the war, and after it to escape from whig
persecution. They were unquestionably the shrewdest and most interesting
men with whom I ever conversed. Generally of Scotch descent, many of
them were men of some education. All of them were married to Indian
wives, and some of them had intelligent and handsome children…. I
often conversed with the chiefs while they were seated in the shades
of the spreading mulberry and walnut, upon the banks of the beautiful
Tallapoosa. As they leisurely smoked their pipes, some of them related
to me the traditions of their country. I occasionally saw Choctaw and
Cherokee traders, and learned much from them. I had no particular object
in view, at that time, except the gratification of a curiosity which
led me, for my own satisfaction alone, to learn something of the early
history of Alabama.
[Footnote 41: A native of North Carolina, who removed in early life to
Alabama. His "History" abounds in interesting matter.]
* * * * *
=Charles Wentworth Upham, 1802= (Manual, pp. 490, 532.)
From the "History of Witchcraft and Salem Village."
=138.= DEFEAT OF THE INDIAN KING PHILIP.
The Indians were carrying all before them. Philip was spreading
conflagration, devastation, and slaughter around the borders, and
striking sudden and deadly blows into the heart of the country. It was
evident that he was consolidating the Indian power into irresistible
strength…. From other scouting parties it became evident that this
opinion was correct, and that the Indians were collecting stores and
assembling their warriors somewhere, to fall upon the colonies at the
first opening of spring. Further information made it certain that
their place of gathering was in the Narragansett country, in the
south-westerly part of the colony of Rhode Island. There was no
alternative but, as a last effort, to strike the enemy at that point
with the utmost available force…. It was between, one and two o'clock
in the afternoon, and the short winter day was wearing away, Winslow saw
the position at a glance, and, by the promptness of his decision,
proved himself a great captain. He ordered an instant assault.
The Massachusetts troops were in the van, the Plymouth, with the
commander-in-chief, in the center, the Connecticut in the rear. The
Indians had erected a block-house near the entrance, filled with
sharpshooters, who also lined the palisades. The men rushed on, although
it was into the Jaws of death, under an unerring fire. The block-house
told them where the entrance was. The companies of Moseley and Davenport
led the way. Moseley succeeded in passing through. Davenport fell
beneath three fatal shots, just within the entrance. Isaac Johnson,
captain of the Roxbury company, was killed while on the log. But death
had no terrors to that army. The center and rear divisions pressed up to
support the front, and fill the gaps, and all equally shared the glory
of the hour. Enough survived the terrible passage to bring the Indians
to a hand-to-hand fight within the fort. After a desperate straggle of
nearly three hours, the savages were driven from their stronghold, and
with the setting of that sun their power was broken. Philip's fortunes
had received a decided overthrow, and the colonies were saved. In all
military history there is not a more daring exploit. Never, on any
field, has more heroic prowess been displayed.
* * * * *
=John Lothrop Motley, 1814-.= (Manual, p. 532.)
From "The History of the United Netherlands."
=139.= CHARACTER OF ALVA.
Ferdinando Alvarez de Toledo, Duke of Alva, was now in his sixtieth
year. He was the most successful and experienced general of Spain, or of
Europe. No man had studied more deeply, or practiced more constantly,
the military science. In the most important of all arts at that epoch he
was the most consummate artist. In the only honorable profession of the
age he was the most thorough and the most pedantic professor. Having
proved in his boyhood at Fontarabia, and in his maturity at Mühlberg,
that he could exhibit heroism and headlong courage when necessary, he
could afford to look with contempt upon the witless gibes which his
enemies had occasionally perpetrated at his expense…. "Recollect,"
said he to Don John of Austria, "that the first foes with whom one has
to contend are one's own troops—with their clamors for an engagement at
this moment, and their murmurs about results at another; with their 'I
thought that the battle should be fought,' or, 'It was my opinion that
the occasion ought not to be lost.'"
On the whole, the Duke of Alva was inferior to no general of his age.
As a disciplinarian, he was foremost in Spain, perhaps in Europe.
A spendthrift of time, he was an economist of blood; and this was,
perhaps, in the eye of humanity, his principal virtue…. Such were
his qualities as a military commander. As a statesman, he had neither
experience nor talent. As a man, his character was simple. He did not
combine a great variety of vices; but those which he had were colossal,
and he possessed no virtues. He was neither lustful nor intemperate; but
his professed eulogists admitted his enormous avarice, while the world
has agreed that such an amount of stealth and ferocity, of patient
vindictiveness and universal blood-thirstiness, were never found in a
savage beast of the forest, and but rarely in a human bosom.
* * * * *
From "The History of the United Netherlands."
=140.= SIEGE AND ABANDONMENT OF OSTEND.
The Archduke Albert and the Infanta Isabella entered the place in
triumph, if triumph it could be called. It would be difficult to
imagine a more desolate scene. The artillery of the first years of the
seventeenth century was not the terrible enginery of destruction that
it has become in the last third of the nineteenth, but a cannonade,
continued so steadily and so long, had done its work. There were no
churches, no houses, no redoubts, no bastions, no walls, nothing but a
vague and confused mass of ruin. Spinola conducted his imperial guests
along the edge of extinct volcanoes, amid upturned cemeteries, through
quagmires, which once were moats, over huge mounds of sand, and vast
shapeless masses of bricks and masonry, which had been forts. He
endeavored to point out places where mines had been exploded, where
ravelins had been stormed, where the assailants had been successful, and
where they had been bloodily repulsed. But it was all loathsome, hideous
rubbish. There were no human habitations, no hovels, no casemates. The
inhabitants had burrowed at last in the earth, like the dumb creatures
of the swamps and forests. In every direction the dykes had burst, and
the sullen wash of the liberated waves, bearing hither and thither
the floating wreck of fascines and machinery, of planks and building
materials, sounded far and wide over what should have been dry land. The
great ship channel, with the unconquered Half-moon upon one side and
the incomplete batteries and platforms of Bucquoy on the other, still
defiantly opened its passage to the sea, and the retiring fleets of the
garrison were white in the offing. All around was the grey expanse of
stormy ocean, without a cape or a headland to break its monotony, as the
surges rolled mournfully in upon a desolation more dreary than their
own. The atmosphere was murky and surcharged with rain, for the wild,
equinoctial storm which had held Maurice spell-bound, had been raging
over land and sea for many days. At every step the unburied skulls of
brave soldiers who had died in the cause of freedom, grinned their
welcome to the conquerors. Isabella wept at the sight. She had cause to
weep. Upon that miserable sandbank more than a hundred thousand men had
laid down their lives by her decree, in order that she and her husband
might at last take possession of a most barren prize. This insignificant
fragment of a sovereignty which her wicked old father had presented to
her on his deathbed—a sovereignty which he had no more moral right or
actual power to confer than if it had been in the planet Saturn—had
at last been appropriated at the cost of all this misery. It was of no
great value, although its acquisition had caused the expenditure of at
least eight millions of florins, divided in nearly equal proportions
between the two belligerents. It was in vain that great immunities were
offered to those who would remain, or who would consent to settle in the
foul Golgotha. The original population left the place in mass. No human
creatures were left save the wife of a freebooter and her paramour, a
journeyman blacksmith. This unsavory couple, to whom entrance into the
purer atmosphere of Zeeland was denied, thenceforth shared with the
carrion crows the amenities of Ostend.
* * * * *
From the Preface to the "Rise of the Dutch Republic."
=141.= THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC.
The rise of the Dutch Republic must ever be regarded as one of the
leading events of modern times. Without the birth of this great
commonwealth, the various historical phenomena of the sixteenth and
following centuries must have either not existed, or have presented
themselves under essential modifications…. From the handbreadth of
territory called the province of Holland, rises a power which wages
eighty years' warfare with the most potent empire upon earth, and which,
during the progress of the struggle, becoming itself a mighty state, and
binding about its own slender form a zone of the richest possessions of
earth, from pole to tropic, finally dictates its decrees to the empire
of Charles.
… To the Dutch Republic, even more than to Florence at an earlier day
is the world indebted for practical instruction in that great science of
political equilibrium which must always become more and more important
as the various states of the civilized world are pressed more closely
together, and as the struggle for pre-eminence becomes more feverish and
fatal. Courage and skill in political and military combinations enabled
William the Silent to overcome the most powerful and unscrupulous
monarch of his age. The same hereditary audacity and fertility of genius
placed the destiny of Europe in the hands of William's great-grandson,
and enabled him to mould into an impregnable barrier the various
elements of opposition to the overshadowing monarchy of Louis XIV. As
the schemes of the Inquisition and the unparalleled tyranny of Philip, in
one century led to the establishment of the Republic of the United
Provinces, so, in the next, the revocation of the Nantes Edict and the
invasion of Holland are avenged by the elevation of the Dutch Stadholder
upon the throne of the stipendiary Stuarts.
To all who speak the English language, the history of the great agony
through which the republic of Holland was ushered into life must have
peculiar interest, for it is a portion of the records of the
Anglo-Saxon race—essentially the same whether in Friesland, England, or
Massachusetts.
… The great Western Republic, therefore—in whose … veins flows much of
that ancient and kindred blood received from the nation once ruling a
noble portion of its territory, and tracking its own political existence
to the same parent spring of temperate human liberty—must look with
affectionate interest upon the trials of the elder commonwealth.
… The lessons of history and the fate of free states can never be
sufficiently pondered by those upon whom so large and heavy a
responsibility for the maintenance of rational human freedom rests.
* * * * *
=Alexander B. Meek,[42] 1814-1865.= (Manual, p. 523.)
From "Romantic Passages in Southwestern History."
=142.= EXILED FRENCH OFFICERS IN ALABAMA.
Upon the colony they bestowed the name of Marengo, which is still
preserved in the county. Other relics of their nomenclature, drawn
similarly from battles in which some of them had been distinguished, are
to be found in the villages of Linden and Arcola….
Who that would have looked upon Marshal Grouchy or General Lefebvre, as,
dressed in their plain, rustic habiliments,—the straw hat, the homespun
coat, the brogan shoes,—they drove the plough in the open field, or
wielded the axe in the new-ground clearing, would, if unacquainted with
their history, have dreamed that those farmer-looking men had sat in the
councils of monarchs, and had headed mighty armies in the fields of the
sternest strife the world has ever seen? "Do you know, sir," said a
citizen to a traveller, who, in 1819, was passing the road from Arcola
to Eaglesville,—"do you know, sir, who is that fine-looking man who
has just ferried you across the creek?" "No. Who is he?" was the reply.
"That," said the citizen, "is the officer who commanded Napoleon's
advanced guard when he returned from Elba." This was Colonel Raoul, now
a general in France.
[Footnote 42: One of the few writers of Alabama. The "Romantic passages"
is a book of great interest.]
* * * * *
=143.= THE YOUTH OF THE INDIAN CHIEF WEATHERFORD.
But the mind of the young Indian, though grasping with singular
readiness the knowledge thus imparted, was subject to stronger tastes
and propensities; and he indulged in all the wild pursuits and
amusements of the youth of his nation with an alacrity and spirit which
won their approval and admiration. He became one of the most active,
athletic, and swift-footed participants in their various games and
dances, and was particularly expert and successful, as a hunter, in the
use of the rifle and the bow. He was also noted, even in his youth, for
his reckless daring as a rider, and his graceful feats of horsemanship,
which the fine stables of his father enabled him to indulge. To use the
words of an old Indian woman who knew him at this period, "The squaws
would quit hoeing corn, and smile and gaze upon him as he rode by the
corn-patch."
* * * * *
=Abel Stevens,[43] 1815-.=
From "The History of Methodism."
=144.= THE EARLY METHODIST CLERGY IN AMERICA.
They composed a class which, perhaps, will never be seen again. They
were distinguished by native mental vigor, shrewdness, extraordinary
knowledge of human nature, many of them by overwhelming natural
eloquence, the effects of which on popular assemblies are scarcely
paralleled in the history of ancient or modern oratory, and not a few by
powers of satire and wit which made the gainsayer cower before them. To
these intellectual attributes they added great excellences of the heart,
a zeal which only burned more fervently where that of ordinary men would
have grown faint, a courage that exulted in perils, a generosity which
knew no bounds, and left most of them in want in their latter days, a
forbearance and co-operation with each other which are seldom found in
large bodies, an entire devotion to one work, and, withal, a simplicity
of character which extended even to their manners and their apparel.
They were likewise characterized by rare physical abilities. They were
mostly robust. The feats of labor and endurance which they performed,
in incessantly preaching in villages and cities, among slave huts and
Indian wigwams, in journeyings seldom interrupted by stress of weather,
in fording creeks, swimming rivers, sleeping in forests,—these, with
the novel circumstances with which such a career frequently brought them
into contact, afford examples of life and character which, in the hands
of genius, might be the materials for a new department of romantic
literature. They were men who labored as if the judgment fires were
about to break out on the world, and time to end with their day. They
were precisely the men whom the moral wants of the new world at the time
demanded.
[Footnote 43: A prominent clergyman of the Methodist church. His History
of Methodism is a work of great research and value. A native of
Pennsylvania.]
* * * * *
=Francis Parkman, 1823-.= (Manual, pp. 496, 505.)
From "The Conspiracy of Pontiac."
=145.= HUNTERS AND TRAPPERS.
These rude and hardy men, hunters and traders, scouts and guides, who
ranged the woods beyond the English borders, and formed a connecting
link between barbarism and civilization, have been touched upon already.
They were a distinct, peculiar class, marked with striking contrasts of
good and evil. Many, though by no means all, were coarse, audacious,
and unscrupulous; yet, even in the worst, one might often have found a
vigorous growth of warlike virtues, an iron endurance, an undespairing
courage, a wondrous sagacity, and singular fertility of resource. In
them was renewed, with all its ancient energy, that wild and daring
spirit, that force and hardihood of mind, which marked our barbarous
ancestors of Germany and Norway. These sons of the wilderness still
survive. We may find them to this day, not in the valley of the Ohio,
nor on the shores of the lakes, but far westward on the desert range of
the buffalo, and among the solitudes of Oregon. Even now, while I write,
some lonely trapper is climbing the perilous defiles of the Rocky
Mountains, his strong frame cased in time-worn buck-skin, his rifle
griped in his sinewy hand. Keenly he peers from side to side, lest
Blackfoot or Arapahoe should ambuscade his path. The rough earth is his
bed, a morsel of dried meat and a draught of water are his food and
drink, and death and danger his companions. No anchorite could fare
worse, no hero could dare more; yet his wild, hard life has resistless
charms; and while he can wield a rifle, he will never leave it. Go with
him to the rendezvous, and he is a stoic no more. Here, rioting among
his comrades, his native appetites break loose in mad excess, in deep
carouse, and desperate gaming. Then follow close the quarrel, the
challenge, the fight,—two rusty rifles and fifty yards of prairie.
* * * * *
From "The Discovery of the Great West."
=146.= EXPLORATION OF THE MISSISSIPPI RIVER.
The river twisted among the lakes and marshes choked with wild rice;
and, but for their guides, they could scarcely have followed the
perplexed and narrow channel. It brought them at last to the portage;
where, after carrying their canoes a mile and a half over the prairie
and through the marsh, they launched them on the Wisconsin, bade
farewell to the waters that flowed to the St. Lawrence, and committed
themselves to the current that was to bear them they knew not
whither,—perhaps to the Gulf of Mexico, perhaps to the South Sea or
the Gulf of California. They glided calmly down the tranquil stream, by
islands choked with trees and matted with entangling grape-vines; by
forests, groves, and prairies,—the parks and pleasure-grounds of a
prodigal nature; by thickets and marshes and broad bare sand-bars; under
the shadowing trees, between whose tops looked down from afar the bold
brow of some woody bluff. At night, the bivouac,—the canoes inverted on
the bank, the flickering fire, the meal of bison-flesh or venison, the
evening pipes and slumber beneath the stars; and when in the morning
they embarked again, the mist hung on the river like a bridal veil;
then melted before the sun, till the glassy water and the languid woods
basked breathless in the sultry glare.
On the 17th of June, they saw on their right the broad meadows, bounded
in the distance by rugged hills, where now stand the town and fort of
Prairie du Chien. Before them, a wide and rapid current coursed athwart
their way, by the foot of lofty heights wrapped thick in forests. They
had found what they sought, and "with a joy," writes Marquette, "which
I cannot express," they steered forth their canoes on the eddies of the
Mississippi.
Turning southward, they paddled down the stream, through a solitude
unrelieved by the faintest trace of man. A large fish, apparently one
of the huge cat-fish of the Mississippi, blundered against Marquette's
canoe with a force which seems to have startled him; and once, as
they drew in their net, they caught a "spade-fish," whose eccentric
appearance greatly astonished them. At length, the buffalo began to
appear, grazing in herds on the great prairies which then bordered the
river; and Marquette describes the fierce and stupid look of the old
bulls, as they stared at the intruders through the tangled mane which
nearly blinded them.
* * * * *
=John Gilmary Shea,[44] 1824-. =
From "The History of Catholic Missions among the Indians."
=147.= DIFFICULTIES OF THE ENTERPRISE.
The discovery of America, like every other event in the history of the
world, had, in the designs of God, the great object of the salvation of
mankind. In that event, more clearly, perhaps, than it is often given to
us here below, we can see and adore that Providence which thus gave to
millions, long sundered from the rest of man by pathless oceans, the
light of the gospel, and the proffered boon of redemption….
The field was one as yet unmatched for extent and difficulty. That
region now studded with cities and towns, traversed in every direction
by the panting steam-car or lightning telegraph, was then an almost
unbroken forest, save where the wide prairie rolled its billows of grass
towards the western mountains, or was lost in the sterile, salt, and
sandy plains of the southwest. No city raised to heaven spire, dome, or
minaret; no plough turned up the rich, alluvial soil; no metal dug from
the bowels of the earth had been fashioned into instruments to aid man
in the arts of peace and war….
The simplest arts of civilized life were unknown. In one little section
of the Gila and Rio Grande, the people spun and wove a native cotton,
manufactured a rude pottery, and lived in houses or castle-towns of
unburnt bricks. Elsewhere the canoe or cabin of bark or hides, and the
arabesque mat, denoted the highest point of social progress.
Elsewhere the whole country was inhabited by tribes of a nomadic
character, rarely collected in villages except at particular seasons, or
for specific objects, though here and there were found more sedentary
tribes in villages of bark, encircled by walls of earth, or palisades of
wood, whose institutions, commercial spirit, and agriculture, superior
to that of the wild rovers, seemed to show the remnant of some more
civilized tribe in a state of decadence. Around each isolated tribe lay
an unbroken wilderness extending for miles on every side, where the
braves roamed, hunters alike of beasts and men. So little intercourse or
knowledge of each other existed, so desolate was the wilderness that
a vagabond tribe might wander from one extreme of the continent to
another, and language alone could tell the nation to which they
belonged.
The whole country was thus occupied by comparatively small, but hostile
tribes, so numerous, that almost every river and every lake has handed
down the name of a distinct nation. In form, in manners, and in habits,
these tribes presented an almost uniform appearance: language formed the
great distinctive mark to the European, though the absence of a feather
or a line of paint disclosed to the native the tribe of the wanderer
whom he met.
The country itself presented a thousand obstacles: there was danger from
flood, danger from wild beasts, danger from the roving savage, danger
from false friends, danger from the furious rapids on rivers, danger of
loss of sight, of health, of use of motion and of limbs, in the new,
strange life of an Indian wigwam….
Once established in a tribe, the difficulties were increased. After
months, nay, years, of teaching, the missionaries found that the fickle
savage was easily led astray; never could they form pupils to our life
and manners. The nineteenth century failed, as the seventeenth failed,
in raising up priests from among the Iroquois or the Algonquins; and at
this day a pupil of the Propaganda, who disputed in Latin on theses of
Peter Lombard, roams at the head of a half-naked band in the billowy
plains of Nebraska.
[Footnote 44: This writer is much distinguished for his numerous works,
most of which relate to the early missions of the Roman Catholic church
in America. He is a native of New York.]
* * * * *
From "Introduction to Early Voyages," etc.
=148.= EXPLORATION OF THE MISSISSIPPI RIVER.
Many a river lives embalmed in history and in historic verse. The
Euphrates, the Nile, the Jordan, the Tiber, and the Rhine typify the
course of empires and dynasties. Countries have been described per
flumina, but these streams possess renown rather from some city that
frowned on their currents, or some battle fought and won on their banks.
The great River of our West, from its immense length and the still
increasing importance of its valley, possesses a history of its own. Its
discovery by the Spanish adventurers, a Cabeza de Vaca, a De Soto, a
Tristan, who reached, crossed, or followed it, is its period of early
romance, brilliant, brief, and tragic. Its exploration by Marquette and
La Salle follows,—work of patient endurance and investigation, still
tinged with that light of heroism that hovers around all who struggle
with difficulty and adversity to attain a great and useful end. Then
come the early voyages depicting the successive stages of its banks from
a wilderness to civilization.
The death of La Salle in Texas in his attempt to reach Illinois closes
the chapter of exploration. Iberville opens a new period by his voyage
to the mouth of the Mississippi, which crowning the previous efforts,
gave the valley of the great river to civilization, Christianity, and
progress. The river had become an object of rivalry. English, French,
and Spanish at the same moment sought to secure its mouth, but fortune
favored the bold Canadian, and the white flag reared by La Salle was
planted anew.
… At the moment when these narratives take us to the valley of the
Mississippi, that immense territory presented a strange contrast to its
present condition. From its head waters amid the lakes of Minnesota to
its mouth; from its western springs in the heart of the Rocky mountains
to its eastern cradle in the Alleghenies, all was yet in its primeval
state. The Europeans had but one spot, Tonty's little fort; no white men
roamed it but the trader or the missionary. With a sparse and scattered
Indian population, the country teeming with buffalo, deer, and game, was
a scene of plenty. The Indian has vanished from its banks with the game
that he pursued. The valley numbers as many states now as it did white
men then; a busy, enterprising, adventurous, population, numbering its
millions, has swept away the unprogressive and unassimilating red man.
The languages of the Illinois, the Quapaw, the Tonica, the Natchez, the
Ouma, are heard no more by the banks of the great water; no calumet now
throws round the traveller its charmed power; the white banner of France
floated long to the breeze, but with the flag of England and the
standard of Spain all disappeared we may say within a century. For fifty
years one single flag met the eye, and appealed to the heart of the
inhabitants of the shores of the Mississippi.[45] Two now divide it: let
us hope that the altered flag may soon resume its original form, and
meet the heart's warm response at the month as at the source of the
Mississippi.
[Footnote 45: In allusion to the Rebellion.]
* * * * *
=John Gorham Palfrey, 1796-.= (Manual, pp. 504, 532.)
From the "History of New England."
=149.= HAPPINESS OF WINTHROP'S CLOSING YEARS.
He was greatly privileged in living so long. Just before he died, that
ecclesiastical arrangement had been made, which he might naturally
hope would preserve the churches of New England in purity, peace, and
strength, to remote times. Religious and political dissensions, which
had disturbed and threatened the infant Church and the forming
State, appeared to be effectually composed. The tribunals, carefully
constituted for the administration of impartial and speedy justice,
understood and did their duty, and commanded respect. The education of
the generations which were to succeed had been provided for with an
enlightened care. The College had bountifully contributed its ripe
first-fruits to the public service; and the novel system of a universal
provision of the elements of knowledge at the public cost, had been
inaugurated with all circumstances of encouragement.
A generation was coming forward which remembered nothing of what
Englishmen had suffered in New England for want of the necessaries
and comforts of life. The occupations of industry were various and
remunerative. Land was cheap, and the culture of it yielded no penurious
reward to the husbandman; while he who chose to sell his labor was at
least at liberty to place his own estimate upon it, and found it always
in demand. The woods and waters were lavish of gifts which were to be
had simply for the taking. The white wings of commerce, in their long
flight to and from the settler's home, wafted the commodities which
afford enjoyment and wealth to both sender and receiver. The numerous
handicrafts, which in its constantly increasing division of labor, a
thriving society employs, found liberal recompense; and manufactures on
a larger scale were beginning to invite accumulations of capital and
associated labor.
The Confederacy of the Four Colonies was an humble, but a substantial,
power in the world. It was known to be such by its French, Dutch, and
savage neighbors; by the alienated communities on Narragansett Bay; and
by the rulers of the mother country.
During Winthrop's last ten years, nowhere else in the world had
Englishmen been so happy as under the generous government which his
mind inspired and regulated. What one mind could do for a community's
well-being, his had done. The prosecution of the issues he had wrought
for was now to be committed to the wisdom and courage of a younger
generation, and to the course of events, under the continued guidance of
a propitious Providence.
=Joseph Dennie, 1768-1812.= (Manual, p. 497.)
From "The Lay Preacher."
=150.= REFLECTION'S ON THE SEASONS.
"Truly the light is sweet, and a pleasant thing it is for the eyes to
behold the sun."
The sensitive Gray, in a frank letter to his friend West, assures him
that, when the sun grows warm enough to tempt him from the fireside, he
will, like all other things, be the better for his influence; for the
sun is an old friend, and an excellent nurse, &c. This is an opinion
which will be easily entertained by every one who has been cramped by
the icy hand of Winter, and who feels the gay and renovating influence
of Spring. In those mournful months when vegetables and animals are
alike coerced by cold, man is tributary to the howling storm and the
sullen sky, and is, in the phrase of Johnson, a "slave to gloom;" but
when the earth is disencumbered of her load of snows, and warmth is
felt, and twittering swallows are heard, he is again jocund and free.
Nature renews her charter to her sons…. Hence is enjoyed, in the
highest luxury,—
"Day, and the sweet approach of even and morn,
And sight of vernal bloom and summer's rose,
And flocks, and herds, and human face divine."
It is nearly impossible for me to convey to my readers an idea of the
"vernal delight" felt at this period by the Lay Preacher, far declined
in the vale of years. My spectral figure, pinched by the rude gripe
of January, becomes as thin as that "dagger of lath" employed by the
vaunting Falstaff, and my mind, affected by the universal desolation of
winter, is nearly as vacant of joy and bright ideas as the forest is of
leaves and the grove is of song. Fortunately for my happiness, this
is only periodical spleen. Though in the bitter months, surveying my
attenuated body, I exclaim with the melancholy prophet, "My leanness, my
leanness! woe is me!" and though, adverting to the state of my mind, I
behold it "all in a robe of darkest grain," yet when April and May
reign in sweet vicissitude, I give, like Horace, care to the winds, and
perceive the whole system excited by the potent stimulus of sunshine….
I have myself in winter felt hostile to those whom I could smile upon in
May, and clasp to my bosom in June.
* * * * *
=William Gaston,[46] 1778-1844.=
From "Essays and Addresses."
=151.= THE IMPORTANCE OF INTEGRITY.
The first great maxim of human conduct—that which it is all-important
to impress on the understandings of young men, and recommend to their
hearty adoption—is, above all things, in all circumstances, and under
every emergency, to preserve a clean heart and an honest purpose….
Without it, neither genius nor learning, neither the gifts of God, nor
human exertions, can avail aught for the accomplishment of the great
objects of human existence. Integrity is the crowning virtue,—integrity
is the pervading principle which ought to regulate, guide, control, and
vivify every impulse, device, and action. Honesty is sometimes spoken of
as a vulgar virtue; and perhaps, that honesty which barely refrains from
outraging the positive rules ordained by society for the protection
of property, and which ordinarily pays its debts and performs its
engagements, however useful and commendable a quality, is not to be
numbered among the highest efforts of human virtue. But that integrity
which, however tempting the opportunity, or however secure against
detection, no selfishness nor resentment, no lust of power, place,
favor, profit, or pleasure, can cause to swerve from the strict rule of
right, is the perfection of man's moral nature. In this sense, the poet
was right when he pronounced "an honest man's the noblest work of God."
It is almost inconceivable what an erect and independent spirit this
high endowment communicates to the man, and what a moral intrepidity
and vivifying energy it imparts to his character…. Erected on such a
basis, and built up of such materials, fame is enduring. Such is the
fame of our Washington—of the man "inflexible to ill, and obstinately
just." While, therefore, other monuments, intended to perpetuate
human greatness, are daily mouldering into dust, and belie the proud
inscriptions which they bear, the solid, granite pyramid of his glory
lasts from age to age, imperishable, seen afar off, looming high over
the vast desert, a mark, a sign, and a wonder, for the wayfarers though
this pilgrimage of life.
[Footnote 46: A prominent lawyer and statesman of North Carolina.]
* * * * *
=Jesse Buel, 1778-1839.= (Manual, p. 504.)
From "The Farmer's Instructor."
=152.= EXTENT AND DEFECTS OF AMERICAN AGRICULTURE.
We have associated, gentlemen, to increase the pleasures and profits
of rural labor, to enlarge the sphere of useful knowledge, and, by
concentrating our energies, to give them greater effect in advancing the
public good. In no country does the agricultural class bear so great a
proportion to the whole population as in this. In England one-third of
the inhabitants only are employed in husbandry; in France, two-thirds;
in Italy, a little more than three-fourths; while in the United States
the agricultural portion probably exceeds five-sixths. And in no country
does the agricultural population exercise such a controlling political
power, contribute so much to the wealth, or tend so strongly to give an
impress to the character of a nation as in the United States. Hence it
may be truly said of us that our agriculture is our nursing mother,
which nurtures, and gives growth, and wealth, and character to our
country…. Knowing no party, and confined to no sect, its benefits and
its blessings, like dews from heaven, fall upon all.
… Our agriculture is greatly defective. It is susceptible of much
improvement. How shall we effect this improvement? The old are too old
to learn, or, rather, to unlearn what have been the habits of their
lives. The young cannot learn as they ought to learn, and as the public
interests require, because they have no suitable school for their
instruction. We have no place where they can learn the principles upon
which the practice of agriculture is based, none where they can be
instructed in all the modern improvements of the art.
Much injury has been done to the cause of agriculture by sanguine
speculations, which have only led to expense and disappointments; but
all works on agriculture are not of that character; nor should it be
forgotten that theory is the parent of practical knowledge, and that the
very systems which farmers themselves adopt, were originally founded
upon those theories which they so much affect to despise. Neither can
it be denied that systems grounded upon theory alone, unsupported by
experiment, are properly viewed with distrust; for the most plausible
reasoning upon the operations of nature, without accompanying proof
deduced from facts, may lead to a wrong conclusion, and it is often
difficult to separate that which is really useful, from that which is
merely visionary…. Prudence, therefore, dictates the necessity of
caution; but ignorance is opposed to every change, from the mere want of
judgment to discriminate between that which is purely speculative, and
that which rests upon a more solid foundation.
* * * * *
=Robert Walsh, 1784-1859.= (Manual, p. 504.)
From "Didactics, Social, Literary, &c."
=153.= FALSE SYMPATHY WITH CRIMINALS.
Whatever the impulse to guilt, some suppression or aberration of
the reason may ever be alleged and admitted. In this mode, however,
sentimentalists might argue or whine away the whole body of crimes and
punishments. It is the duty of every true friend of humanity and order,
to protest against perverted sensibilities or sophistical refinements,
which find warrant or apology for depraved appetites,—for the worst
distemperature of the mind, and the most fatal catastrophes,—in natural
propension, and unrestrained feeling. Spurious sympathy is a more
prolific evil than sanguinary rigor, useless and pernicious as the
latter is, in our humble opinion. Public executions do more harm than
good,—but are not worse than morbid public commiseration and entreaty
for criminals, to whom the real justice of the law has been applied,
after fair and merciful trial….
Many of the worst criminals, who, in different ages and countries,
have justly suffered ignominious death on the wheel, the block, or the
gallows, were men of "extraordinary character," of singular acuteness,
of the most decided spirit. To acknowledge this fact is not to applaud
their conduct, or admire their general ultimate character….
We have constantly remembered what we early read in the works of Mr.
Burke, that it is the propensity of degenerate minds to admire or
worship splendid wickedness; that, with too many persons, the ideas of
justice and morality are fairly conquered and overpowered by guilt when
it is grown gigantic, and happens to be associated with the lustre
of genius, the glare of fashion, or the robes of power. Against this
species of degeneracy or illusion it has been our uniform endeavor to
guard ourselves, and our conscientious practice to warn and exhort
others. The integrity and delicacy of the moral sense, whether in
individuals or communities, form a most important subject of the care of
all public writers and speakers, in all transactions by which, or the
history or treatment of which, the public, judgment and feelings may
be affected. Hence, when mail robbers or murderers are to be tried or
executed, we should be disposed to avoid all extraordinary bustle, or
concern, or voluminous details about their fate; we should deem it the
true policy of practical ethics to abstain from everything calculated to
produce adventitious interest or consequence for the culprits. It is not
with pleasure that we hear of the crowds that besiege the door of the
court-room, or see in the newspapers the many columns of evidence, with
an endless repetition of trifling circumstances, any more than we
can rejoice for the cause of moral and social order when convicted
highwaymen or murderers are carried to the gallows as saints, and hung
amidst vast assemblages, either merely indulging a callous curiosity,
or losing all the horror of their offences in emotions of compassion or
admiration, awakened by the dramatic nature of the whole scene.
* * * * *
=Thomas S. Grimke,[47] 1786-1834.=
From "Addresses, Scientific and Literary."
=154.= LITERARY EXCELLENCE OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE.
The translation of the Bible, in the reign of James I., is the most
remarkable and interesting event in the history of translations….
The great excellence of the translation is due to six considerations.
First, it was made under a very solemn sense of the important duty
devolved on those who were thus selected. Hence arose that prevailing
air of dignity, gravity, simplicity, which is so conspicuous.
Secondly, the translators came to the task looking to the thoughts,
not to the style. Their object was not that of all other translators,
to imitate and rival the beauty of style. Their sole object was to
render faithfully, and in a plain, appropriate style, the thoughts
of the sacred writers. Hence they became thoroughly imbued with the
spirit of the original, and gave an incomparably better version of the
Hebrew and Greek Testaments than any or all of them together could have
done of any classic. Had each of them left us translations of some
classic, I hesitate not to say they would not now have been found in
any library but as mere curiosities. Thirdly, the number of persons
employed contributed very much to prevent any personal style from
prevailing, and gave to the whole an air of plain, simple uniformity.
Fourthly, the era was providential in one important view. As the
translation was made before all the bitterness of sectarian spirit
distracted the English Protestant church, it was executed far less with
a view to party differences than could have been the case at any time
afterwards. Fifthly, fortunately the only great religious difference
that could have affected it was the dispute with the Catholic church,
and, as to that, all Protestants were agreed in England on every
important point. Sixthly, the English language was then at the
happiest stage of its progress, with all the strength, simplicity, and.
clearness of the elder literature, whilst, at the same time, it was free
from the cant of the age of Charles I. and Cromwell, from the vulgarity
and levity of that of Charles II., and from the artificial character of
that of Anne.
Such a translation is an illustrious monument of the age, the nation,
the language. It is, properly speaking, less a translation than an
original, having most of the merit of the former as to style, and
all the merit of the latter as to thought. It is the noblest, best,
most finished classic of the English tongue.
[Footnote 47: A native of South Carolina, distinguished in the law and in
literature.]
* * * * *
=Henry C. Carey, 1793-.= (Manual, p. 504.)
From "Principles of Social Science."
=155.= AGRICULTURE AS A SCIENCE.
That agriculture may become a science, it is indispensable that man
always repay to the great bank from which he has drawn his food, the
debt he thereby has contracted. The earth, as has been already said,
gives nothing, but is ready to lend everything; and when the debts are
punctually repaid, each successive loan is made on a larger scale; but
when the debtor fails in punctuality, his credit declines, and the loans
are gradually diminished, until at length he is turned out from house
and home. No truth in the whole range of science is more readily
susceptible of proof than that the community which limits itself to the
exportation of raw produce must end by the exportation of men, and those
men the slaves of nature, even when not actually bought and sold by
their fellow men.
… With the growth of commerce, the necessity for moving commodities
back, and forth steadily declines, with constant improvement in the
machinery of transportation, and diminution in the risk of losses of the
kind that are covered by insurance against dangers of the sea, or those
of fire. The treasures of the earth then become developed, and stone and
iron take the place of wood in all constructions, while the exchanges
between the miner of coal and of iron—of the man who quarries the
granite, and him who raises the food—rapidly increase in quantity, and
diminish the necessity for resorting to the distant market.
* * * * *
=Edmund Ruffin, 1793-1863.=
From "An Essay on Calcarcous Manures."
=156.= IMPROVEMENT OF ACID SOILS.
Nearly all the woodland now remaining in lower Virginia, and also much
of the land which has long been arable, is rendered unproductive by
acidity; and successive generations have toiled on such land, almost
without remuneration, and without suspecting that their worst virgin
land was then richer than their manured lots appeared to be. The
cultivator of such soil, who knows not its peculiar disease, has no
other prospect than a gradual decrease of his always scanty crops. But
if the evil is once understood, and the means of its removal are within
his reach, he has reason to rejoice that his soil was so constituted as
to be preserved from the effects of the improvidence of his forefathers,
who would have worn out any land not almost indestructible. The presence
of acid, by restraining the productive powers of the soil, has, in a
great measure, saved it from exhaustion; and after a course of cropping,
which would have utterly ruined soils much better constituted, the
powers of our acid land remain not greatly impaired, though dormant,
and ready to be called into action by merely being relieved of its acid
quality. A few crops will reduce a new acid field to so low a rate of
product, that it scarcely will pay for its cultivation; but no great
change is afterwards caused, by continuing scourging tillage and
grazing, for fifty years longer. Thus our acid soils have two remarkable
and opposite qualities,—both proceeding from the same cause; they can
neither be enriched by manure, nor impoverished by cultivation, to
any great extent. Qualities so remarkable deserve all our powers of
investigation; yet their very frequency seems to have caused them to be
overlooked; and our writers on agriculture have continued to urge those
who seek improvement, to apply precepts drawn from English authors,
to soils which are totally different from all those for which their
instructions were intended.
* * * * *
=Francis Wayland, 1796-1865.= (Manual, pp. 487, 502, 504.)
From "The Limitations of Human Responsibility."
=157.= SUPERIORITY OF THE MORAL SENTIMENTS.
It is a common remark, that, whenever it has been thought necessary to
arouse the mind of man to enterprises of great pith and moment, the
appeal has always been made to his moral sentiments. Hence, among the
most ancient nations, it was the invariable custom to accompany the
declaration of war with religious ceremonies; and if, in later times,
this custom has become somewhat less usual, the change itself, in a more
remarkable manner, illustrates the tendency of our nature…. But let
victory declare for the assailed, let the invader become the invaded,
let it become necessary to stimulate men to put forth the highest effort
of human daring, and the sacred names of conscience, of duty to family,
to country, and to God, are universally invoked, and the Supreme Being
is urgently appealed to, to succor the cause of a sinking commonwealth.
It is, perhaps, worth while to remark, in passing, that this
consciousness of right is a source of power which belongs specially to
the oppressed, and which, other things being equal, will always insure
to them the victory; and, when other things are not equal, it is
frequently sufficient, of itself, to outweigh a vast preponderance of
physical force. It is, moreover, efficient in proportion to the purity of
the moral principle of a people. We hence perceive the elements of
superiority which, by the constitution of our nature, have been bestowed
upon virtue.
Another illustration of the power of the moral principle, is seen in
the sentiments with which we contemplate the character of confessors,
martyrs, and men of every age, who have sacrificed every thing else
for the sake of adherence to righteousness. The highest glory of human
nature is to love right better than life, and to obey the dictates of
conscience at every conceivable hazard. Even falsehood, when sealed with
blood, acquires not unfrequently, for a time, an irrepressible power.
Truth, when uttered from the stake, or on the scaffold, becomes
absolutely irresistible. We admire Plato, surrounded by listening
princes, and vieing with them in oriental magnificence; but we venerate
Socrates in his dungeon, patiently suffering death for holding forth the
truth; and the dictates of our own bosoms spontaneously assign to him
the highest place among the uninspired teachers of wisdom. Or, to turn
to more awful examples, the foundations of the Christian religion were
laid in blood. The Captain of our salvation "was obedient unto death,
the death of the cross." The martyrdoms of the early age of the church
gave to the world examples of the love of right, of which it had never
before conceived even the possibility, and thus set on foot a moral
reformation, which is destined to work in the character of man a
universal transformation.
* * * * *
=Horace Mann, 1796-1859.= (Manual, p. 532.)
From "Lectures on various Subjects."
=158.= THOUGHTS FOR A YOUNG MAN.
In this country most young men are poor. Time is the rock from which
they are to hew out their fortunes; and health, enterprise, and
integrity, the instruments with which to do it. For this, diligence in
business, abstinence from pleasures, privation even, of everything that
does not endanger health, are to be joyfully welcomed and borne. When we
look around us, and see how much of the wickedness of the world
springs from poverty, it seems to sanctify all honest efforts for the
acquisition of an independence; but when an independence is acquired,
then comes the moral crisis, then comes an Ithuriel test, which shows
whether a man is higher than a common man, or lower than a common
reptile. In the duty of accumulation—and I call it a duty, in the most
strict and literal signification of that word—all below a competence
is most valuable, and its acquisition most laudable; but all above a
fortune is a misfortune. It is a misfortune to him who amasses it; for
it is a voluntary continuance in the harness of a beast of burden, when
the soul should enfranchise and lift itself up into a higher region of
pursuits and pleasures. It is a persistence in the work of providing
goods for the body after the body has already been provided for; and
it is a denial of the higher demands of the soul, after the time has
arrived, and the means are possessed, of fulfilling those demands….
Because the lower service was once necessary, and has, therefore, been
performed, it is a mighty wrong, when, without being longer necessary,
it usurps the sacred rights of the higher.
* * * * *
=Orestes A. Brownson, 1800-.= (Manual, p. 480.)
From "New Views."
=159.= THE DUTY OF PROGRESS.
Progress is the end for which man was made. To this end it is his duty
to direct all his enquiries, all his systems of religion and philosophy,
all his institutions of politics and society, all the productions of his
genius and taste, in one word, all the modes of his activity. This is
his duty. Hitherto, he has performed it but blindly, without knowing,
and without admitting it. Humanity has but to-day, as it were, risen to
self-consciousness, to a perception of its own capacity, to a glimpse of
its inconceivably grand and holy destiny. Heretofore it has failed to
recognize clearly its duty. It has advanced, but not designedly,
not with foresight; it has done it instinctively, by the aid of the
invisible but safe-guiding hand of its Father. Without knowing what it
did, it has condemned progress while it was progressing. It has stoned
the prophets and reformers, even while it was itself reforming and
uttering glorious prophecies of its future condition. But the time has
now come for humanity to understand itself, to accept the law imposed
upon it for its own good, to foresee its end, and march with intention
steadily towards it. Its future religion is the religion of progress.
The true priests are those who can quicken in mankind a desire for
progress, and urge them forward in the direction of the true, the good,
the perfect.
* * * * *
From "The Convert."
=160.= POLITICS OF CATHOLIC EUROPE IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY
DESPOTIC.
In France, Spain, Portugal, and a large part of Italy, all through the
seventeenth century, the youth were trained in the maxim, The prince is
the State, and his pleasure is law. Bossuet, in his politics, did only
faithfully express the political sentiments and convictions of his age,
shared by the great body of Catholics as well as of non-Catholics.
Rational liberty had few defenders, and they were exiled, like Fénelon,
from the court. The politics of Philip II. of Spain, of Richelieu,
Mazarin, and Louis XIV. in France, which were the politics of Catholic
Europe, hardly opposed, except by the popes, through the greater part
of the sixteenth and the whole of the seventeenth centuries, tended
directly to enslave the people, and to restrict the freedom, and
efficiency of the church. Had either Philip, or, after him, Louis,
succeeded, by linking the Catholic cause to his personal ambition, in
realizing his dream of universal monarchy, Europe would most likely have
been plunged into a political and social condition as unenviable as that
into which old Asia has been plunged for these four hundred years; and
it may well be believed that it was Providence that raised and directed
the tempest that scattered the Grand Armada, and that gave victory to
the arms of Eugene and Marlborough.
* * * * *
=Theodore Dwight Woolsey, 1801-.=
From his "Introduction to the Study of International Law."
=161.= IMPORTANCE OF THE STUDY.
From all that has been said it has become apparent that the study of
international law is important, as an index of civilization, and not to
the student of law only, but to the student of history. In our land,
especially, it is important, on more than one account, that this science
should do its share in enlightening educated minds. One reason for this
lies in the new inducements which we, as a people, have to swerve from
national rectitude. Formerly our interests threw us on the side of
unrestricted commerce, which is the side towards which justice inclines,
and we lived far within our borders with scarcely the power to injure or
be injured, except on the ocean. Now we are running into the crimes to
which strong nations are liable. Our diplomatists unblushingly moot the
question of taking foreign territory by force if it cannot be purchased;
our executive prevents piratical expeditions against the lands of
neighboring States as feebly and slowly as if it connived at them; we
pick quarrels to gain conquests; and at length, after more than half a
century of public condemnation of the slave-trade, after being the first
to brand it as piracy, we hear the revival of the trade advocated as a
right, as a necessity. Is it not desirable that the sense of justice,
which seems fading out of the national mind before views of political
expediency or destiny, should be deepened and made fast by that study
which frowns on national crimes?
And, again, every educated person ought to become acquainted with
national law, because he is a responsible member of the body politic;
because there is danger that party views will make our doctrine in this
science fluctuating, unless it is upheld by large numbers of intelligent
persons; and because the executive, if not controlled, will be tempted
to assume the province of interpreting international law for us. As it
regards the latter point it may be said, that while Congress has power
to define offences against the laws of nations, and thus, if any public
power, to pronounce authoritatively what the law of nations is, the
executive through the Secretary of State, in practice, gives the lead in
all international questions. In this way the Monroe doctrine appeared;
in this way most other positions have been advanced; and perhaps this
could not be otherwise. But we ought to remember that the supreme
executives in Europe have amassed power by having diplomatic relations
in their hands, that thus the nation may become involved in war against
its will, and that the prevention of evils must lie, if there be any,
with the men who have been educated in the principles of international
justice.
I close this treatise here, hoping that it may be of some use to my
native land, and to young men who may need a guide in the science of
which it treats.
* * * * *
=Taylor Lewis, 1802-.[48]=
From "The Six Days of Creation."
=162.= UNITY OF THE MOSAIC ACCOUNT.
Another striking trait of the Mosaic cosmogony is its unbroken wholeness
or unity…. Be it invention or inspiration, it is the invention or the
inspiration of one mind. Other cosmogonies, though bearing unmistakable
evidence of their descent from the Mosaic, have had successive deposits,
in successive series, of mythological strata. This stands towering out
in lonely sublimity, like the everlasting granite of the Alps or the
Himalaya, as compared with the changing alluvium of the Nile or the
Ganges. As the serene air that ever surrounds the head of Mont Blanc
excels in purity the mists of the fen, so does the lofty theism of the
Mosaic account rise high above the nature-worship of the Egyptian and
Hesiodean theogonies. "In the beginning God made the heavens and the
earth. And the earth was waste and void, and darkness was upon the face
of the deep. And the Spirit of God brooded over the waters. And God
said, Let there be light, and it was light. And God saw the light that
it was fair, and God divided the light from the darkness. And thus there
was an evening and a morning—one day!" What is there like it, or to be
at all compared with it, in any mythology on earth? There it stands,
high above them all, and remote from them all, in its air of great
antiquity, in its unaccountableness, in its serene truthfulness, in
its unapproachable sublimity, in that impress of divine majesty and
ineffable holiness which even the unbelieving neologist has been
compelled to acknowledge, and by which every devout reader feels that
the first page in Genesis is forever distinguished from any mere human
production.
[Footnote 48: Born In New York; a prolific writer, eminent for his
profound scholarship, his wide acquaintance with Oriental and Biblical
literature, and his originality and freedom of mind: long Professor of
Greek in Union College.]
* * * * *
From "State Rights."
=163.= CRUEL INTESTINE WARS CAUSED BY NATIONAL DIVISION.
If it were Death alone! But "Hell follows hard after." What a heaving
Tartarus was Greece, when all hope of a true nationality was given up!
From Corcyra to Rhodes, from Byzantium to Cyrene, one bloody scene of
faction, "sedition, privy conspiracy, and rebellion." In the cities, in
the isles, in the colonies, banishments, confiscations, ostracisms, and
cruel deaths. The most ferocious parties everywhere, fomented in the
smaller States by the influence of the larger, and kept alive in the
leading cities by the continual presence of foreign emissaries. With us
it would be far more like Satan's kingdom, inasmuch as our states are
more numerous, relatively more petty, and, from the increased powers of
modern knowledge and modern invention, capable of the greater mutual
mischief.
We are not prophesying at random. Here is our old guidebook. The road
is all mapped out, the way surveyed, by which we march to ruin. All the
dire calamities of Greece may be traced to this word autonomia.[49]
… Greece presented the first great proof of a fact of which we are now
in danger of furnishing another and more terrible example to the world.
It is the utter impossibility of peace, in a territory made by nature a
geographical unity, inhabited by a people, or peoples, of one lineage,
one language, bound together in historical reminiscences, yet divided
into petty sovereign States too small for any respectable nationalities
themselves, and yet preventing any beneficent nationality as a whole. No
animosities have been so fierce as those existing among people thus
geographically and politically related. No wars with each other have
been so cruel; no home factions have been so incessant, so treacherous,
and so debasing. The very ties that draw them near only awaken occasions
of strife, which would not have existed between tribes wholly alien to
each other in language and religion.
[Footnote 49: State sovereignty.]
* * * * *
=Horace Greeley,[50] 1811-1873.=
From a "Lecture on the Emancipation of Labor."
=164.= THE PROBLEM OF LABOR.
The worker of the nineteenth century stands a sad and careworn man.
Once in a while a particular flowery Fourth of July oration, political
harangue, or Thanksgiving sermon, catching him well filled with creature
comforts, and a little inclined to soar starward, will take him off his
feet, and for an hour or two he will wonder if ever human lot was so
blessed as that of the free-born American laborer. He hurrahs, and is
ready to knock any man down who will not readily and heartily agree that
this is a great country, and our industrious classes the happiest people
on earth…. The hallucination passes off, however, with the silvery
tones of the orator, and the exhilarating fumes of the liquor which
inspired it. The inhaler of the bewildering gas bends his slow steps at
length to his sorry domicile, or wakes therein on the morrow, in a sober
and practical mood. His very exaltation, now past, has rendered him more
keenly susceptible to the deficiencies and impediments which hem him
in: his house seems narrow, his food coarse, his furniture scanty, his
prospects gloomy, and those of his children more sombre, if possible;
and as he hurries off to the day's task which he has too long neglected,
and for which he has little heart, he too falls into that train of
thought which is beginning to encircle the globe, and of which the
burden may be freely rendered thus: "Why should those by whose toil all
comforts and luxuries are produced, or made available, enjoy so scanty a
share of them? Why should a man able and eager to work, ever stand idle
for want of employment in a world where so much needful work impatiently
awaits the doing? Why should a man be required to surrender something of
his independence, in accepting the employment which will enable him to
earn by honest effort the bread of his family? Why should the man who
faithfully labors for another, and receives therefor less than the
product of his labor, be currently held the obliged party, rather than
he who buys the work and makes a good bargain of it? In short, why
should Speculation and Scheming ride so jauntily in their carriages,
splashing honest Work as it trudges humbly and wearily by on foot?"
Such, as I interpret it, is the problem which occupies and puzzles the
knotted brain of Toil in our day.
[Footnote 50: The well-known journalist of New York; conspicuous for his
many writings on social and political reform, his reminiscences, &c.; a
native of New Hampshire.]
* * * * *
From an Address on Success in Business.
=165.= THE BENEFICENCE OF LABOR-SAVING INVENTIONS.
There is, if not an ever-increasing need, an ever-increasing
consciousness of need, of labor-saving inventions and machinery. And, if
those inventions should render labor twenty times as productive as it
is to-day, should make this a general rule, that all human labor shall
produce twenty times as much as it does to-day—there would be no glut
of products, as so many mistakenly apprehend. There would only be a
very much fuller and broader satisfaction of human needs. Our wants
are infinite. They expand and dilate on every side, according to our
means—often very much in advance of our means,—of satisfying them. If
labor shall become—as I doubt not it will become at an early day, far
more productive, far more effective, than it is now, we shall hear
nothing like a complaint that there are no more wants to be satisfied,
but the contrary. And yet, we know the fact is deplorably true, that the
time is scarcely yet remote when the laboring class, distinctively so
called, set its face resolutely against new inventions—set to work
deliberately to destroy labor-saving machinery, and so to act as more
and more to throw labor back into the barbaric period when probably
every yard of cloth cost a day's labor, as did every bushel of grain.
England herself, it is computed now does the work, by means of steam and
machinery, of eight hundred millions of men. And yet English wants are
no more satisfied to-day than they were a thousand years ago. I do not
say they are altogether unsatisfied; but I say that the consciousness of
want, the demand for products, is just as keen to-day; and I have not
a doubt that if inventions could be introduced into China whereby the
labor of her people should be rendered fifty times as effective as it is
to-day, you would find not a dearth of employment as a consequence, but
rather an increase of activity and an increased demand for labor. To-day
British capital and British talent are fairly grid-ironing the ancient
plains and slopes of Hindostan with British canals, irrigating, and
railroads. It is their gold they say; but it is not British capital,
so much as British genius and British confidence, that are required.
There is wealth enough in India, more gold and silver and gems, probably
to-day than in Europe, for the precious metals always flow thither, and
they very seldom flow thence.
* * * * *
From "Recollections of a Busy Life."
=166.= LITERATURE AS A VOCATION; THE EDITOR.
No other public teacher lives so wholly in the present, as the
Editor; and the noblest affirmations of unpopular truth,—the most
self-sacrificing defiance of a base and selfish Public Sentiment that
regards only the most sordid ends, and values every utterance solely
as it tends to preserve quiet and contentment, while the dollars fall
jingling into the merchant's drawer, the land-jobber's vault, and
the miser's bag,—can but be noted in their day, and with their day
forgotten. It is his cue to utter silken and smooth sayings,—to condemn
Vice so as not to interfere with the pleasures, or alarm the consciences
of the vicious,—to praise and champion Liberty so as not to give
annoyance or offence to Slavery, and to commend and glorify Labor
without attempting to expose or repress any of the gainful contrivances
by which Labor is plundered and degraded. Thus sidling dexterously
between somewhere and nowhere, the Able Editor of the Nineteenth Century
may glide through life respectable and in good case, and lie down to his
long rest with the non-achievements of his life emblazoned on the very
whitest marble, surmounting and glorifying his dust.
There is a different and sterner path,—I know not whether there be
any now qualified to tread it,—I am not sure that even one has ever
followed it implicitly, in view of the certain meagerness of its
temporal rewards, and the haste wherewith any fame acquired in a sphere
so thoroughly ephemeral as the Editor's, must be shrouded by the dark
waters of oblivion. This path demands an ear ever open to the plaints of
the wronged and the suffering, though they can never repay advocacy, and
those who mainly support newspapers will be annoyed and often exposed
by it; a heart as sensitive to oppression and degradation in the next
street as if they were practised in Brazil or Japan; a pen as ready
to expose and reprove the crimes whereby wealth is amassed and luxury
enjoyed in our own country at this hour, as if they had only been
committed by Turks or Pagans in Asia, some centuries ago. Such an
Editor, could one be found or trained, need not expect to lead an easy,
indolent, or wholly joyous life,—to be blessed by Archbishops, or
followed by the approving shouts of ascendant majorities; but he might
find some recompense for their loss, in the calm verdict of an approving
conscience: and the tears of the despised and the friendless, preserved
from utter despair by his efforts and remonstrances, might freshen for a
season the daisies that bloomed above his grave.
* * * * *
From "The Crystal Palace and its Lessons."
=167.= TRANQUILITY OF RURAL LIFE.
As for me, long tossed on the stormiest waves of doubtful conflict and
arduous endeavor, I have begun to feel, since the shades of forty years
fell upon me, the weary tempest-driven voyager's longing for land, the
wanderer's yearning for the hamlet where in childhood he nestled by
his mother's knee, and was soothed to sleep on her breast. The sober
down-hill of life dispels many illusions, while it developes or
strengthens within us the attachment, perhaps long smothered or
overlaid, for "that dear hut, our home." And so I, in the sober
afternoon of life, when its sun, if not high, is still warm, have bought
me a few acres of land in the broad, still country, and bearing thither
my household treasures, have resolved to steal from the city's labors
and anxieties at least one day in each week, wherein to revive as a
farmer, the memories of my childhood's humble home. And already I
realize that the experiment cannot cost so much as it is worth. Already
I find in that day's quiet, an antidote and a solace for the feverish,
festering cares of the weeks which environ it. Already, my brook murmurs
a soothing even-song to my burning, throbbing brain; and my trees,
gently stirred by the fresh breezes, whisper to my spirit something of
their own quiet strength and patient trust in God. And thus do I faintly
realize, though but for a brief and flitting day, the serene joy which
shall irradiate the Farmer's vocation, when a fuller and truer education
shall have refined and chastened his animal cravings, and when Science
shall have endowed him with her treasures, redeeming Labor from
drudgery, while quadrupling its efficiency, and crowning with beauty and
plenty our bounteous, beneficent Earth.
* * * * *
=Theodore Parker,= about =1812-1860=. (Manual, p. 531.)
From "Lessons from the World of Nature," &c.
=168.= WINTER AND SPRING.
In the hard, cold winter of our northern lands, how do we feel a longing
for the presence of life! Then we love to look on a pine or fir tree,
which seems the only living thing in the woods, surrounded by dead oaks,
birches, maples, looking like the gravestones of buried vegetation:
that seems warm and living then; and at Christmas, men bring it into
meetinghouses and parlors, and set it up, full of life, and laden with
kindly gifts for the little folk. Then even the unattractive crow seems
half sacred, through the winter bearing messages of promise from the
perished autumn to the advancing spring—this dark forerunner of the
tuneful tribes which are to come. We feel a longing for fresh, green
nature, and so in the shelter of our houses keep some little Aaron's
rod, budding alike with promise and memory; or in some hyacinth or
Dutchman's tulip we keep a prophecy of flowers, and start off some
little John to run before, and with his half-gospel tell of some great
Emmanuel, and signify to men that the kingdom of heavenly beauty is near
at hand. Now that forerunner disappears, for the desire of all nations
has truly come; the green grass is creeping everywhere, and it is
spangled with many flowers that came unasked….
What if there was a spring time of blossoming but once in a hundred
years! How would men look forward to it, and old men, who had beheld its
wonders, tell the story to their children, how once all the homely trees
became beautiful, and earth was covered with freshness and new growth!
How would young men hope to become old, that they might see so glad a
sight! And when beheld, the aged man would say, "Lord, now lettest thou
thy servant depart in peace, for mine eyes have seen thy salvation."
* * * * *
From an "Installation Sermon," January 4th, 1846.
=169.= THE TRUE IDEA OF A CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
The saints of olden time perished at the stake; they hung on gibbets;
they agonized upon the rack; they died under the steel of the tormentor.
It was the heroism of our fathers' day that swam the unknown seas; froze
in the woods; starved with want and cold; fought battles with the red
right hand. It is the sainthood and heroism of our day that toils for
the ignorant, the poor, the weak, the oppressed, the wicked. Yes, it is
our saints and heroes who fight fighting; who contend for the slave, and
his master too, for the drunkard, the criminal; yes, for the wicked or
the weak in all their forms…. But the saints and the heroes of this
day, who draw no sword, whose right hand is never bloody, who burn in no
fires of wood or sulphur, nor languish briefly on the hasty cross; the
saints and heroes who, in a worldly world, dare to be men; in an age of
conformity and selfishness, speak for Truth and Man, living for noble
aims, men who will swear to no lies howsoever popular; who will honor
no sins, though never so profitable, respectable, and ancient; men who
count Christ not their master, but teacher, friend, brother, and strive
like him to practice all they pray; to incarnate and make real the Word
of God, these men I honor far more than the saints of old…. Racks and
fagots soon waft the soul to God, stern messengers, but swift. A boy
could bear that passage,—the martyrdom of death. But the temptation of
a long life of neglect, and scorn, and obloquy, and shame, and want, and
desertion by false friends; to live blameless though blamed, cut off
from human sympathy, that is the martyrdom of to-day. I shed no tears
for such martyrs. I shout when I see one; I take courage and thank God
for the real saints, prophets and heroes of to-day…. Yea, though now
men would steal the rusty sword from underneath the bones of a saint or
hero long deceased, to smite off therewith the head of a new prophet,
that ancient hero's son; though they would gladly crush the heart out of
him with the tombstones they piled up for great men, dead and honored
now; yet in some future day, that mob penitent, baptized with a new
spirit, like drunken men returned to sanity once more, shall search
through all this land for marble white enough to build a monument to
that prophet whom their fathers slew; they shall seek through all the
world for gold of fineness fit to chronicle such names. I cannot wait;
but I will honor such men now, not adjourn the warning of their voice,
and the glory of their example, till another age! The church may cast
out such men; burn them with the torments of an age too refined in its
cruelty to use coarse fagots and the vulgar axe! It is no loss to these
men; but the ruin of the church. I say the Christian church of the
nineteenth century must honor such men, if it would do a church's work;
must take pains to make such men as these, or it is a dead church, with
no claim on us, except that we bury it. A true church will always be
the church of martyrs. The ancients commenced every great work with a
victim! We do not call it so; but the sacrifice is demanded, got ready,
and offered by unconscious priests long ere the enterprise succeeds. Did
not Christianity begin with a martyrdom?
* * * * *
From "Historic Americans."
=170.= CHARACTER OF FRANKLIN.
His was the morality of a strong, experienced person, who had seen the
folly of wise men, the meanness of proud men, the baseness of honorable
men, and the littleness of great men, and made liberal allowances for
the failures of all men. If the final end to be reached were just, he
did not always inquire about the provisional means which led thither. He
knew that the right line is the shortest distance between two points, in
morals as in mathematics, but yet did not quarrel with such as attained
the point by a crooked line. Such is the habit of politicians,
diplomatists, statesmen, who look on all men as a commander looks on his
soldiers, and does not ask them to join the church or keep their hands
clean, but to stand to their guns and win the battle.
Thus, in the legislature of Pennsylvania, Franklin found great
difficulty in carrying on the necessary measures for military defence,
because a majority of the Assembly were Quakers, who, though friendly
to the success of the revolution founded contrary to their principles,
refused to vote the supplies of war. So he caused them to vote
appropriations to purchase bread, flour, wheat, or other grain. The
Government said, "I shall take the money, for I understand very well
their meaning,—other grain is gunpowder." He afterwards moved the
purchase of a fire-engine, saying to his friend, "Nominate me on the
committee, and I will nominate you; we will buy a great gun, which is
certainly a fire engine; the Quakers can have no objection to that."
Such was the course of policy that Franklin took, as I think, to excess;
but yet I believe that no statesman of that whole century did so much to
embody the eternal rules of right in the customs of the people, and to
make the constitution of the universe the common law of all mankind; and
I cannot bestow higher praise than that, on any man whose name I can
recall. He mitigated the ferocities of war. He built new hospitals, and
improved old ones. He first introduced this humane principle into the
Law of Nations, that in time of war, private property on land shall
be unmolested, and peaceful commerce continued, and captive soldiers
treated as well as the soldiers of the captors. Generous during his
life-time, his dead hand still gathers and distributes blessings to the
mechanics of Boston, and their children. True is it that
"Him only pleasure leads and peace attends,
Whose means are pure and spotless as his ends."
But it is a great thing in this stage of the world to find a man whose
ends are pure and spotless. Let us thank him for that.
* * * * *
From "Historic Americans."
=171.= CHARACTER OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.
Of all those who controlled the helm of affairs during the time of the
Revolution, and while the Constitution and the forms of our National and
State Institutions were carefully organized, there is none who has been
more generally popular, more commonly beloved, more usually believed to
be necessary to the Legislation and Administration of his country, than
Thomas Jefferson. It may not be said of him that of all those famous men
he could least have been spared; for in the rare and great qualities for
patiently and wisely conducting the vast affairs of State and Nation in
pressing emergencies, he seems to have been wanting. But his grand merit
was this—that while his powerful opponents favored a strong government,
and believed it necessary thereby to repress what they called the
lower classes, he, Jefferson, believed in Humanity; believed in a true
Democracy. He respected labor and education, and upheld the right to
education of all men. These were the Ideas in which he was far in
advance of all the considerable men, whether of his State or of his
Nation—ideas which he illustrated through long years of his life and
conduct. The great debt that the Nation owes to him is this—that he so
ably and consistently advocated these needful opinions, that he made
himself the head and the hand of the great party that carried
these ideas into power, that put an end to all possibility of
class-government, made naturalization easy, extended the suffrage and
applied it to judicial office, opened a still wider and better education
to all, and quietly inaugurated reforms, yet incomplete, of which we
have the benefit to this day, and which, but for him, we might not have
won against the party of Strong Government, except by a difficult and
painful Revolution.
* * * * *
=Wendell Phillips,[51] 1811-.=
From "A Lecture delivered in December, 1861."
=172.= THE WAR FOR THE UNION.
I would have government announce to the world that we understand the
evil which has troubled our peace for seventy years, thwarting the
natural tendency of our institutions, sending ruin along our wharves
and through our workshops every ten years, poisoning the national
conscience. We know well its character. But democracy, unlike other
governments, is strong enough to let evils work out their own
death—strong enough to face them when they reveal their proportions. It
was in this sublime consciousness of strength, not of weakness, that our
fathers submitted to the well-known evil of slavery, and tolerated it
until the viper we thought we could safely tread on, at the touch of
disappointment, starts up a fiend whose stature reaches the sky. But
our cheeks do not blanch. Democracy accepts the struggle. After this
forbearance of three generations, confident that she has yet power to
execute her will, she sends her proclamation, down to the Gulf—freedom
to every man beneath the stars, and death to every institution that
disturbs our peace, or threatens the future of the republic.
[Footnote 51: A native of Massachusetts: a vigorous thinker and speaker
on the great moral and political topics of the day, and the most
eloquent of the Anti-Slavery leaders.]
* * * * *
From His "Speeches, Lectures." &c.
=173.= CHARACTER OF TOUSSAINT L'OUVERTURE.
Above the lust of gold, pure in private life, generous in the use of his
power, it was against such a man that Napoleon sent his army, giving to
General Leclerc,—the husband of his beautiful sister Pauline,—thirty
thousand of his best troops, with orders to re-introduce slavery. Among
these soldiers came all of Toussaint's old mulatto rivals and foes.
* * * * *
Mounting his horse, and riding to the eastern end of the island, Samana,
he looked out on a sight such as no native had ever seen before. Sixty
ships of the line, crowded by the best soldiers of Europe, rounded the
point. They were soldiers who had never yet met an equal, whose tread,
like Caesar's, had shaken Europe,—soldiers who had scaled the Pyramids,
and planted the French banners on the walls of Rome. He looked a moment,
counted the flotilla, let the reins fall on the neck of his horse, and,
turning to Christophe, exclaimed: "All France is come to Hayti; they can
only come to make us slaves; and we are lost." He then recognized the
only mistake of his life,—his confidence in Bonaparte, which had led
him to disband his army. Returning to the hills, he issued the only
proclamation which bears his name and breathes vengeance: "My children,
France comes to make us slaves. God gave us liberty; France has no right
to take it away. Burn the cities, destroy the harvests, tear up the
roads with cannon, poison the wells, show the white man the hell he
comes to make"; and he was obeyed. When the great William of Orange saw
Louis XIV. cover Holland with troops, he said, "Break down the dykes,
give Holland back to ocean"; and Europe said, "Sublime!" When Alexander
saw the armies of France descend upon Russia, he said: "Burn Moscow,
starve back the invaders"; and Europe said, "Sublime!" This black saw
all Europe marshalled to crush him, and gave to his people the same
heroic example of defiance.
* * * * *
=Thomas Starr King, 1824-1864.= (Manual, p. 532.)
From "Patriotism and other Papers."
=174.= GREAT PRINCIPLES AND SMALL DUTIES.
If we go to Nature for our morals, we shall learn the necessity of
perfection in the smallest act. Infinite skill is not exhausted nor
concentrated in the structure of a firmament, in drawing the orbit of a
planet, in laying the strata of the earth, in rearing the mountain cone.
The care for the bursting flower is as wise as the forces displayed in
the rolling star; the smallest leaf that falls and dies unnoticed in the
forest is wrought with a beauty as exquisite as the skill displayed in
the sturdy oak. All the wisdom of Nature is compressed and revealed
in the sting of the bee; and the pride of human art is mocked by the
subtile mechanism and cunning structure of a fly's foot and wing.
However minute the task, it reveals the polish of perfection. Omnipotent
skill is stamped on the infinitely small, as on the infinitely great.
It is a moral stenography like this which we need in daily life….
The lesson of Christianity, then, urged and enforced by Nature, is
the inestimable worth of common duties, as manifesting the greatest
principles; it bids us attain perfection, not by striving to do dazzling
deeds, but by making our experience divine; it tells us that the
Christian hero will ennoble the humblest field of labor; that nothing is
mean which can be performed as duty; but that religious virtue, like the
touch of Midas, converts the humblest call of conscience into spiritual
gold.
The Greek philosopher, Plato, has left an instructive and beautiful
poetic picture of the judgment of souls, when they had been collected
from the regions of temporary bliss and pain, and suffered once more to
return to the duties and pleasures of earthly life. The spirits advanced
by lot, to make their choice of the condition and form under which they
should re-enter the world. The dazzling and showy fortunes, the lives of
kings and warriors and statesmen were soon exhausted; and the spirit of
Ulysses, who had been the wisest prince among all the Greeks, came last
to choose. He advanced with sorrow, fearing that his favorite condition
had been selected by some more fortunate soul who had gone before him.
But, to his surprise and pleasure, Ulysses found that the only life
which had not been chosen was the lot of an obscure and private man,
with its humble cares and quiet joys; the lot which he, the wisest,
would have selected, had his turn come first; the life for which he had
longed, since he had felt the folly and meanness of station, wealth, and
power….