PREFACE

AFTER
the publication of the volume
entitled One Hundred Books
Famous in English Literature
with Facsimiles of the Title-pages
and an Introduction by
George E. Woodberry, the books
themselves were gathered from
the collections of members of the
Club for an exhibition at the Club-house. All of these
volumes belonged to the first published editions, except
where copies of the earliest editions were not obtainable,
or, for some reason, were not desirable. In two
cases, those of "Tottel's Miscellany" and Lyly's Euphues,
copies of the first editions are unique, and, therefore,
practically not obtainable. The second edition of A
Myrrour For Magistrates contains the first issue of the
poem called an Induction by the Earl of Dorset, and
was, therefore, the edition which it was desirable to
show. Notwithstanding the oft-repeated statement that
copies of the second edition of Bacon's Essays are of
greater rarity than those of the first, no copy of the
first edition was forthcoming, and one of the later date
was necessarily included in the collection. In one or
two instances a second issue of a first edition was used
where the extremely rare first issue was not owned by a
member of the Club.
Arranged side by side, each volume open at its
title-page, the individuality of these well-known works
was brought out strikingly: taken collectively, they
illustrated, clearly and interestingly, the development
of the Book in England. Members of the Club were
thus led to suggest the publication of a second, or
supplementary volume, which should give the bibliographical
facts connected with each book, and which
should indicate, briefly, something of this development.
The present volume was undertaken in response to this
suggestion.
The relations of author with printer or publisher, the
success or failure of the books, matters of illustration,
and marked peculiarities of editions, issues or volumes—all
these things are referred to at greater or less length.
In some cases, the facts have been given with fullness;
but in others, like that of the Shakespeare First Folio,
about which so much has been written, it was thought
unnecessary to enter into details. Many of the books
in the list having been already the subjects of whole
bibliographies, or, having been carefully collated in other
works, full collations have not been thought desirable
here. It should be noted, in this connection, that the
collations of books printed before the eighteenth century
are given by signatures, while of books published after
1700, the paginations are given. Works of more than
two volumes have not been collated in detail.
GEOFFREY CHAUCER (1340?-1400)
1. [The Canterbury Tales. Printed at Westminster by
William Caxton, about 1478.]
The text begins with the first line of the book, and there is no
prefatory note or colophon, to give a clue to the name of the work,
its place of publication, its printer, or the date of its production. The
date and the name of the printer, however, are determined by the
type, which is a font used by Caxton in books printed at Westminster
between the years 1475 and 1481. This type, known as Type
No. 2, because it was the second employed by him (the first used for
printing books in England), is like the characters in manuscripts
written in Bruges in the fifteenth century, and called "Gros Bâtarde."
Colard Mansion, the earliest printer of Bruges, used a font of similar
style, and Caxton probably formed his type on the same models, if,
indeed, he did not procure it from Mansion himself, with whom he
learned the new art of printing. But we may also identify our printer
by means of his own statement made in the signed "Prohemye" to
the second edition of the work, printed in 1484 (?), where, in speaking
of the difficulty of obtaining a pure text, he makes an interesting
criticism of this, the first edition. He says:
"For I fynde many of the sayd bookes, whyche wry- | ters haue
abrydgyd it and many thynges left out, And in | so
e place haue sette
certayn versys, that he neuer made ne sette | in hys booke, of whyche
bookes so incorrecte was one brought to me vj yere passyd, whyche I
supposed had ben veray true & cor- | recte, And accordyne to the
same I dyde do enprynte a certayn | nombre of them, whyche anon
were sold to many and dyuerse | gentyl men, of whome one gentylman
cam to me, and said that | this book was not accordyn in many places
vnto the book that | Gefferey chaucer had made, To whom I answerd
that I had ma-| de it accordyng to my copye, and by me was nothyng
added ne | mynusshyd."
According to the arrangement of William Blades, this is the tenth
work of England's first printer, and the fifth printed on English soil.
It was printed after his return from Bruges, whither he had gone as a
mercer, and where he turned printer and editor. Few of the books
from his press exceed it in size and beauty. Nine copies are known;
two are in the British Museum, one in the Bodleian Library, Oxford,
one in Merton College, Oxford, and five in private libraries. Of all
these only two are in perfect condition.
The volume has no signatures, folios or catchwords, and the lines
are unevenly spaced. The rubrication of the initial letters was done
by hand.
In the matter of purity of text this edition is inferior to the second,
as Caxton himself thus early recognized; the manuscript from which
it was printed, Tyrwhitt tells us, "happened unluckily to be one of the
worst in all respects that [he] could possibly have met with." But
however that may be, the Canterbury Tales is entitled to a chief place
among English books as presenting the first printed text of Chaucer,
who, "by hys labour enbelysshyd, ornated, and made faire our
englisshe."
Folio. Black letter.
Collation: 371 leaves; sixteen of which are in facsimile.
JOHN GOWER (1325?-1408)
2. This book is intituled, confeſ- | ſio amantis / that is to
saye | in englysshe the confeſſyon of | the louer maad
and compyled by | Johan Gower squyer borne in
walys | ... (Colophon) Enprynted at Westmestre
by me | Willyam Caxton and fynyſſhed the ij | day
of Septembre the fyrſt yere of the | regne of Kyng
Richard the thyrd / the yere of our lord a thouſand /
CCCC / | lxxxxiij / (a mistake for 1483).
The text is a composite one, being taken from at least three MSS.
Manuscripts are extant in three versions: the earliest is dedicated to
Richard II, and contains a panegyric on Chaucer; the second is
dedicated to Henry of Lancaster, but the poets having quarreled, the
panegyric is omitted; and the third is likewise addressed to Henry,
but with certain differences in the work. With the exception of these
variations, the text is alike in all.
The type of the printed work exhibits two variations of the same
characters, and is called Type No. 4, and No. 4*. It is the smallest
font employed by Caxton in any of his books, and the most used,
thirty-one volumes having been printed between 1480 and 1487 in
one or the other or in both variations.
The printer does not, as in the following work, write a special
prologue or preface to the Confessio, but states all the facts he knows
concerning it in the introductory paragraph, or title, at the beginning
of the first column. The book has no catchwords or folios, and
the signatures are irregularly printed. Seventeen copies were known to
Blades: three in the British Museum; Cambridge, Pembroke College,
Cambridge, Hereford Cathedral, Lambeth Palace Library, Queen's
College, and All Souls, Oxford, each having one; while eight were
in private libraries.
The copy whose title-page is here shown in facsimile is one of five
copies that are perfect. We first hear of it in the library of Brian
Fairfax, a Commissioner of Customs in the 18th century, who bequeathed
it to his kinsman, Hon. Robert Fairfax, afterward seventh
Lord Fairfax. Lord Fairfax intended to sell the collection at auction,
but eventually sold it entire, in 1756, to his relative, Francis Child of
Osterley Park, for two thousand pounds. In 1819 the Osterley Park
library passed into the family of the Earl of Jersey, and, when finally
dispersed, in 1885, brought thirteen thousand and seven pounds, nine
shillings.
At the time of the intended auction, in 1756, a catalogue was
printed, but afterward all but twenty copies of the edition were suppressed.
One of these is marked with the valuation of each book,
and shows the Confessio to have been held at three pounds. Eight
hundred and ten pounds was the price it brought at the sale in 1885.
Folio. Black letter. 12⅝ × 1815⁄16 inches
Collation: 222 leaves; four of which are blank.
SIR THOMAS MALORY (1430?-1470?)
3. (Colophon)
Thus endeth thys noble and Joyous
book entytled le morte | Darthur / Notwythſtondyng
it treateth of the byrth / lyf / and | actes of the ſayd
kyng Arthur / of his noble knyghtes of the | rounde
table / ... whiche book was re | duced in to englyſſhe
by ſyr Thomas Malory knyght as afore | is ſayd / and
by my deuyded in to xxj bookes chapytred and | enprynted
/ and fynyſſhed in thabbey westmestre the last
day | of Juyl the yere of our lord / M / CCCC / lxxxv /
Caxton me fieri fecit.
The book begins with a prologue by Caxton wherein he tells how he
came to print it, presents his reason for the belief that Arthur was an
historical personage, and relates some facts with regard to the sources
of the romance. He says:
"After that I had accomplysshed and fynysshed dyuers hystoryes
as wel of contemplacyon as of other hyſtoryal and worldly actes of
grete conquerours & prynces, and also certeyn bookes of ensaumples
and doctryne, Many noble and dyuers gentylmen of thys royame of
Englond camen and demaunded me many and oftymes, wherfore that
I haue not do made & enprynte the noble hystorye of the saynt greal,
and of the moost renomed crysten Kyng,... kyng Arthur....
Thēne al these thynges forsayd aledged J coude not wel denye,
but that there was suche a noble kyng named arthur, and reputed one
of the ix worthy, & fyrst & chyef of the crysten men, & many noble
volumes be made of hym & of his noble knyztes in frensshe which I
haue seen & redde beyonde the see, which been not had in our maternal
tongue, but in walsshe ben many & also in frensshe, & Somme
in englysshe but nowher nygh alle, wherfore such as haue late ben
drawen oute bryefly in to englysshe, I haue after the symple connynge
that god hath sente me, vnder the fauour and correctyon of al noble
lordes and gentylmen enprysed to enprynte a book of the noble hystoryes
of the sayd kynge Arthur, and of certeyn of his knyghtes after
a copye vnto me delyuerd, whyche copys Syr Thomas Malorye dyd
take oute of certayn bookes of frensshe and reduced it in to Englysshe,
And I accordyng to my copye haue doon sette it in emprynte...."
The volume is printed without folios, head-lines, or catchwords, in
the type known as No. 4, already referred to under the Confessio.
The initial letters are printed from wood.
Only two copies are known; one perfect, from which the facsimile
of the title-page was taken, the other an imperfect one, which belonged
to Earl Spencer's collection. The British Museum possesses
only a fragment. Our copy, like that of the Confessio, was one of
the nine Caxtons belonging to the Fairfax library. In the list of 1756,
it was valued at two pounds, twelve shillings and sixpence; in 1885
it sold for one thousand nine hundred and fifty pounds.
Folio.
Collation: 432 leaves, one of which is blank.
THE BOOK OF COMMON PRAYER
4. The | booke of the common praier | and adminiſtracion
of the | Sacramentes, and | other rites and | ceremonies |
of the | Churche: after the | uſe of the Churche
of | Englande. | Londini, in officina Richardi Graftoni, |
[Two lines] Anno Domini. M.D.XLIX | Menſe Martij.
[Colophon] Excuſum Londini, in edibus Richardi
Graftoni | Regij Impreſſoris. | Menſe Junij M.D.xlix. |
Cum priuilegio ad imprimendum ſolum.
We know very little about the preparation of the book. An Act,
dated January 22, 1549, entitled "An Act for uniformity of Service
and Administration of the Sacraments throughout the Realm" speaks
of the commissioners who had been appointed, and had first met at
Windsor in May, 1548, as follows: "Whereof His Highness by the
most prudent advice ... to the intent a uniform, quiet, and godly
order should be had concerning the premisses, hath appointed the Archbishop
of Canterbury, and certain of the most learned and discreet
Bishops, and other learned men of this realm to consider and ponder
the premisses." The same Act goes on to say "the which at this
time by the aid of the Holy Ghost, with one uniform agreement is
of them concluded, set forth and delivered to his highness, to his great
comfort and quietness of mind, in a book entituled,—
"The Book of Common Prayer, and Administration of the Sacraments,
and other rites and Ceremonies of the Church, after the Use of
the Church of England."
Richard Grafton, the printer of our copy, was originally a prosperous
London merchant. His zeal for religion led him to associate himself
with Edward Whitchurch, another merchant, in causing Matthews's
Bible to be translated and printed in 1537, in publishing the Coverdale
Bible of 1535, and again in printing the Cranmer Bible of 1540.
He turned printer eventually, and his books are counted among the
best specimens of the book-making of the period. He and his friend,
who also became a typographer, received a patent from Henry VIII
in 1543 for printing "bookes of diuine service, that is to say, the
masse booke, the graill, the antyphoner, the himptnell, the portous,
and the prymer, both in Latyn and in Englyshe of Sarum use," all of
which had formerly been printed abroad. In 1546, Grafton was appointed
printer to Prince Edward, afterward Edward VI, and in 1547
printer to the King. When the Prayer Book came to be put to press
there was therefore no question of who should be chosen to do the
work.
Ames says that Grafton and Whitchurch continued friends and
partners for many years, but it is a fact, as Dibdin points out, that
while up to 1541 their names appear together upon title-pages, after
that date there are usually two issues of each work, part having
Grafton's name in the imprint, and part Whitchurch's. This is true
of the Cranmer Bible, and the same thing is found in connection with
the Prayer Book. It is not known whether the separation is due to
some economic arrangement agreeable to both printers, or whether
they may have quarreled. To the names of these two printers of the
first edition, however, should be added another, that of John Oswen
of Worcester, formerly of Ipswich, who by virtue of a license from
Edward VI was printer of "every kind of book, or books, set forth by
us, concerning the service to be used in churches, ministration of the
sacraments, and instruction of our subjects of the Principality of
Wales, and marches thereunto belonging ... for seven years, prohibiting
all other persons whatsoever from printing the same."
All issues of this edition differ more or less in general style and appearance.
The most marked dissimilarity in the volumes issued by the
London printers lies in the special woodcut title-page used by each.
Grafton's beautiful border (repeated for "A Table" and "Kalendar")
shows, above a Doric frieze supported by pilasters, a view of the
Council Chamber with King Edward, surrounded by his advisers, and
at the bottom the printer's punning mark, on a shield upheld by two
angels. It is as fine a piece of work as anything of the period. Grafton
afterward used the same border for his edition of A Concordance
of the Bible, printed in 1550. The Whitchurch copies have a woodcut
border very similar in character to those in use twenty years later,
which have the appearance of being related to some of the borders
drawn for Plantin. This border consists of caryatids representing
Roman soldiers with shields, supporting the royal coat-of-arms, and
below, satyrs and loves with another coat-of-arms in a cartouche, and
the initial E in a tablet on one side, and W on the other.
The earliest known copy printed by Oswen, a quarto, has a colophon
which reads:
At Worceter by
|
Jhon Oſwen.
They be also
to ſell at Shreweſburye. | (Imprinted the xxiiii. day of May. | Anno.
M.D.XLIV. The title is framed by a border made up of five woodcut
panels, carelessly arranged; and some of the initial letters are
ornamented.
Another copy, dated July 30, is in folio. The title-page is here
bordered with ten woodcuts, having between the inner and outer sets
the rubricated text: "Let euerye soule submyt hym ſelfe unto the aucthorite
of the higher powers. For there is no power but of God. The
powers that be, are ordained of God whoſoeuer therefore reſiſteth
power: reſiſteth the ordinance of God. Rom. XIVI." A royal coat-of-arms,
which in the quarto was placed before the order of Matins,
here heads the title, printed in red. Every other line following is also
rubricated. In Grafton's copy the "Te Deum Laudamus," "The
Song of Zacharias," and "The Letany," occur at the end of the book
but are not in the table of Contents.
The statement made in the Act that the work had been concluded,
set forth, and delivered, must apply, it is thought, to the manuscript,
since no printed copy is known dated earlier than March. A copy
printed by Whitchurch has the date March 7, 1549, and another by
Grafton is dated the eighth; other copies are dated in May, June and
July. The book was used in the London churches on Easter Day,
April 21, 1549, and was ordered, as we have seen, to be used in all
churches after the Feast of Pentecost, which fell upon June 9 in 1549.
From the requirements of its use, we may infer that the edition must
have been a large one. We are sure of the price of the volume from
the following note, added at the end of the book: "The Kynges
Maieſtie, by the aduyſe of his moſte deare vncle the Lorde Protector
and other his highnes Counſell, ſtreightly chargeth and commaundeth,
that no maner of perſon do ſell this preſent booke vnbounde,
aboue the price of .ii. Shyllynges the piece. And the ſame
bounde in paſte or in boordes, not aboue the price of three ſhylleynges
and foure pence the piece. God ſaue the Kyng." The price differs
in different volumes. A copy of Oswen's May 24th issue sets the
price at two shillings and twopence for unbound copies, and three
shillings eightpence for bound copies.
Folio. Black letter and Roman.
Collation: 183 leaves, including title-page. Sig. A-Y, AA-f.
WILLIAM LANGLAND (1330?-1400?)
5. The Vision | of Pierce Plowman, now | fyrſte imprynted
by Roberte | Crowley, dwellyngin Ely | rentes in Holburne.
| Anno Domini | 1505. Cum priuilegio ad im |
primendũ ſolum. [Colophon]
Imprinted at London
by Roberte | Crowley, dwellyng in Elye rentes | in
Holburne. The year of | Our Lord M.D.L.
Before appearing with this work as a publisher, Robert Crowley was
by no means unknown to the reading world as a writer; nor was it
probably a mere printer's venture that led him to select such a work
as this for publication, but sympathy with the tendency of the book
itself. He had been educated at Oxford, and received early the strong
bent toward the doctrines of the Reformation which prompted the
writing of his first three books, whose titles indicate something of his
leaning in the religious controversies of the day: The Confutation of
the miſhapen Aunſwer to the miſnamed, wicked Ballade, called the
Abuſe of ye bleſſed ſacramēt of the aultare ... that Myles Hoggard ...
hath wreſted.... Compiled by Robert Crowley. Anno. 1548; The confutation
of .xiii Articles, wherunto Nicolas Shaxton ... ſubſcribed and
... recanted ... at the burning of ... Anne Aſkue, in [1548] and
An informacion and Peticion agaynſt the oppreſſours of the Pore Commons
of this Realme, in [1548]. We may picture to ourselves with
what relish so controversial and partisan a soul must have prepared
for the press, and then watched through it, what Ellis calls "the
keenest ridicule of the vices of all orders of men, and particularly of
the religious."
Crowley's career as a printer was only an incident in a life devoted
to championing the new doctrines of Protestantism. The three
books mentioned were printed by Day and Sere; and Herbert thinks
that it may have been in their office that our printer-writer learned
the trade which he followed for three years only. Considering the
fact that his press was situated in Ely Rents, where William Sere
also dated his books in 1548, and thereabouts, this seems very
probable. But from Crowley's use of the excellently designed and
really charming woodcut border with Edward Whitechurch's cipher at
the bottom and his symbol of the sun at the top, we may almost infer
that he was on equally familiar relations with that printer, established
at The Sun, over against the Conduit. We may add that William
Copeland of The Rose Garland also used, at a later date, a similar
compartment in several of his books.
One might expect Crowley, serious and scholarly in his tastes,
to be a careful editor; and his researches to find his author's name,
as revealed in "The Printer to the Reader," prove that he was such
an one, even if, for some reason or other, he did not choose to place
the name upon the title-page. He says:
"Beynge deſyerous to knowe the name of the Autoure of this moſt
worthy worke, (gentle reader) and the tyme of the writynge of the
ſame: I did not onely gather togyther ſuche aunciente copies as I
could come by, but alſo conſult ſuch mē as I knew to be more
exerciſed in the ſtudie of antiquities, than I myselfe haue ben. And
by ſome of them I haue learned that the Autour was named
Roberte langelande, a Shropshere man borne in Cleybirie, aboute
.viii. myles from Maluerne hilles.... So that this I may be bold to
reporte, that it was fyrſte made and wrytten after the yeare of our
lord .M.iii.C.L. and before the yere ,M,iiiiC, and .ix which meane
ſpaſe was .lix yeares. We may iuſtly cōiect therfore, yt it was firſte
written about two hundred yeres paſte, in the tyme of Kynge Edwarde
the thyrde...."
The year after The Vision was published our printer was ordained
a deacon, and, later, made vicar of St. Giles, Cripplegate, where he
preached and wrote until his death. He published no less than
twenty-two volumes, eight of which he printed himself, thus taking
his place, along with Caxton, at the head of the list of printer-authors
which includes such names as Wolfe, Baldwin, Richardson
and Morris.
Dibdin calls the vellum copy of The Vision which belonged to Earl
Spencer unique, but the copy here collated would deprive it of that
distinction, even if there were not another in the British Museum.
A comparison of several copies of the book reveals the fact that
in most of them the date on the title-page has been written in to
correct the printer's error.
There were three other impressions issued during 1550, two of them
said to be "nowe the ſeconde tyme imprinted," and the third with
the printer's name spelled "Crowlye" on the title-page. Rev. W. W.
Skeat in his edition of The Vision says:
"But all three impressions are much alike. The chief differences are,
that the two later impressions have many more marginal notes, a few
additional lines, and also 6 additional leaves between the printer's
preface and the poem itself, containing a brief argument or abstract of
the prologue and of each of the Passus. The first impression is the
most correct; also the third impression is much less correct than
the second, and considerably inferior to it."
Quarto. Black letter.
Collation:
,
two leaves; A-GgI, in fours. Folioed.
RAPHAEL HOLINSHED or HOLLINGSHEAD (d. 1580?)
6. 1577. | The Firſte volume of the | Chronicles of England
Scot | lande, and Irelande. | Conteyning, | The deſcription
and Chronicles of England, from the | Firſte inhabiting
vnto the conqueſt | [Six lines] Faithfully gathered
and ſet forth, by | Raphaell Holinſhed. | At London, |
Imprinted for George Biſhop. | God ſaue the Queene.
1577 | The | Laſte volume of the | Chronicles of England,
Scot- | lande, and Irelande, with | their deſcriptions.
| Conteyning, | The Chronicles of Englande from
William Con- | querour vntill this preſent tyme. | Faithfully
gathered and compiled | by Raphaell Holinſhed.
| At London, | Imprinted for George | Biſhop. | [Printer's
mark] God ſaue the Queene.
The first edition is known as the Shakespeare edition, because it was
used by the great poet, in common with all the Elizabethan dramatists,
in the preparation of his historical plays.
That Holinshed used the adjective faithfully in its true sense may
be seen by a reference to the dedication of the book to Sir William
Cecil, Baron of Burleigh, whose coat-of-arms appears on the back of
the title-page. Here he gives an interesting account of the inception
and fortunes of the work, with an incidental side-light upon the relations
of printer and professional writer:
"Where as therefore, that worthie Citizen Reginald Wolfe late
Printer to the Queenes Maiestie, a man well knowen and beholden to
your Honour, meant in his life time to publiſh an vniuerſall Coſmographie
of the whole worlde, and therewith alſo certaine perticular Histories
of euery knowen nation, amongſt other whome he purpoſed to vſe
for performance of his entent in that behalfe, he procured me to take in
hande the collection of thoſe Histories, and hauing proceeded ſo far in
the ſame, as little wanted to the accompliſhment of that long promiſed
worke, it pleased God to call him to his mercie, after .xxv yeares
trauell ſpent therein, so that by his vntimely deceaſſe, no hope remayned
to ſee that performed, which we had so long trauayled aboute: thoſe
yet whom he left in trust to diſpoſe his things after his departure hence,
wiſhing to the benefite of others, that ſome fruite might follow of that
whereabout he had imployed ſo long time, willed me to continue mine
endeuour for their furtherance in the ſame, whiche although I was
ready to do, ſo farre as mine abilitie would reach, and the rather to
anſwere that trust which the deceaſſed repoſed in me, to ſee it brought
to ſome perfection: yet when the volume grewe ſo great, as they that
were to defray the charges for the Impreſsion, were not willing to go
through with the whole, they reſolued first to publiſhe the Histories of
Englande, Scotlande, and Irelande, with their deſcriptions, whiche
deſriptions, becauſe they were not in ſuch readineſſe, as thoſe of
forreyn countreys, they were enforced to uſe the helpe of other better
able to do it than I."
Reginald Wolfe, so well known and highly esteemed, was a German
by birth, and trained in his craft in the office of the Strasburg master
Conrad Neobarius, whose device of The Brazen Serpent he afterward
adopted. Edward VI appointed Wolfe royal printer in Latin,
Greek, and Hebrew, as well as bookseller and stationer, with an
annuity of 26s. 8d.
We find the names of his executors and the chief promoters of the
history in the entry on the Registers of the Stationers' Company,
under date of July 1, 1578: "Receyued of master harrison and master
Bisshop for the licensinge of Raphaels Hollingshedes cronycles
XXs and a copy," which, by the way, Mr. Arber remarks to be the
largest fee he had met with. Some copies bear the imprint of one,
some of the other; and there are still others with the names of John
Harrison (there were four publishers of this name), Lucas Harrison
and John Hunne, who were also probably among them "that were to
defray the charges for the impression."
No printer's name appears in either volume, but the figure of a
mermaid upon the title-pages, and a larger mark of two hands holding
a serpent upon a crutch at the end of the first volume, show it
to have been from the press of Reginald Wolfe's apprentice and successor,
Henry Bynneman of The Mermaid, in Knight Rider Street.
Boy and man knowing his master's hopes and fears for his Universal
Cosmographie, acquainted with the long travail put upon it, and so
properly desirous, like the rest, to see some fruit born of it, who could
have done the work so well and faithfully as he?
In the preface to the second volume we are told that it was intended
to bring out the histories of England, Scotland, and Ireland,
with their descriptions, in one volume, and the descriptions and
abridgements of the histories of other countries in another; but that
the chronicles of England growing very voluminous it was deemed
best to defer printing the histories of the other countries, and to
divide the material on hand into two volumes. Here, however, a
new difficulty presented itself; the history of England after the Conquest
was found to equal in length all the other matter, and, if
allowed to follow after the early history of the Island, in its proper
order, would make the volumes very unequal in size; so it was given
a volume by itself, with the pagination continuing that of the English
history in the first volume. The other histories have separate title-pages,
paginations, and indexes.
The book is illustrated with woodcuts in two distinct varieties, one,
representing the heads of kings, the other, spirited scenes in the history.
The last are of a better character than most of those of the period, and
show very clearly the influence that Holbein, who had died in London
twenty-four years before, had exerted upon English book-illustration.
Some of the cuts are repeated. The elaborate woodcut border in the
contemporary German style was used by the printer in several other
books, before and after this date. A large, well-designed initial C,
with a coat-of-arms in the center, printed from a separate block
("mortised"), begins the dedication to Lord Burleigh; and a large I,
with a picture of the Creation, probably designed for the first page of
a Bible, begins the preface, and The History of Scotland. This last is
the largest initial letter, Mr. Pollard says, that he has found in an English
book. It had previously been used by Wolfe, in 1563. An initial
letter, representing an astronomer (Ptolemy?), is prefixed to The History
of Ireland. It is signed with a C having a small I within it.
Other initials of a similar character had been used before by John
Day, in Cunningham's Cosmographical Years, published in 1559.
A royal coat-of-arms begins the Chronicle of the reign of Queen Elizabeth;
and in the second volume, at page 1868, is a folded woodcut
of the "ſiege and wynning of Edinburg Caſtell. Anno. 1573." It
is signed C T Tyrell.
Folio. Two volumes. Black letter and Roman. Double columns. Woodcuts.
Collation: ¶, six leaves;
,
two leaves; A-P, in eights; Q, six leaves;
r, one leaf; a-s, in eights; t, one leaf; A and (*b*), two leaves each;
*a* and *b*, six leaves each; A-Z and Aa-Ii, in eights; Kk, four
leaves; Ll and Mm, six leaves each; one leaf;
, two leaves; A-C,
in eights; D, four leaves; and A (repeated)-D, in eights; E, five
leaves; F and G, eight leaves each; H, six leaves; I, two leaves.
Volume II: ¶, two leaves; t, seven leaves; u-z, A-Z, Aa-Zz, Aaa-Zzz,
and Aaaa-Dddd, in eights; Eeee, nine leaves; Ffff-Yyyy, in
eights; Zzzz, two leaves; A-M, in fours; N, two leaves; ( ), two
leaves.
WILLIAM BALDWIN (fl. 1547), THOMAS SACKVILLE, FIRST EARL OF DORSET (1536-1608), AND OTHERS
7. ¶ A Myrrour For | Magiſtrates. | Wherein maye be
ſeen by | example of other, with howe gre- | uous
plages vices are puniſhed ... [Five lines, Quotation]
Anno 1563. | ¶ Imprinted at London in Fleteſtrete | nere
to Saynct Dunſtans Churche | by Thomas Marſhe.
The Epistle "To the nobilitye and all other in office" is signed by
William Baldwin, who was at one time a corrector of the press to
Edward Whitechurch, and later something of a printer himself. He
printed with his own hands, using Whitechurch's types and the Garland
border, his work entitled
The Canticles or Balades of Salomon
phraſelyke declared in Englyſh Metres. Imprinted at London by William
Baldwin, ſeruant with Edwarde Whitechurche. It was he who edited
and saw this work through the press. He says of it:
"The wurke was begun and parte of it prynted in Queene Maries
tyme, but hyndered by the Lorde Chauncellour that then was, nevertheles,
through the meanes of my lord Stafford, the fyrst parte was
licenced, and imprynted the fyrſt yeare of the raygne of this our moſt
noble and vertuous Queene, and dedicate then to your honours with
this Preface. Since whych time, although I have bene called to an
other trade of lyfe, yet my good Lorde Stafforde hath not ceaſſed to
call upon me, to publyſhe ſo much as I had gottẽ at other mens hands,
ſo that through his Lordſhyppes earneſt meanes, I have nowe alſo ſet
furth an other parte, conteynyng as little of myne owne, as the fyrst
part doth of other mens," and he expressed the hope that if these
prove acceptable, encouragement may be given to "wurthy wittes to
enterpryſe and performe the reſt."
After the abortive attempt of Wayland to print the book, under
the title A memorial of suche Princes, as since the tyme of King Richarde
the seconde, haue beene unfortunate in the Realme of England. In
ædibus Johannis Waylandi: Londini [1555?], the first part referred to
was printed by Marshe in 1559. It contained nineteen legends
(although twenty are mentioned in the table of contents), fourteen of
which were by Baldwin, and the others by Ferrers, Churchyard, Phaer,
and Skelton. Of these helpers, Baldwin says in the Epistle: "Whan I
firſt tooke it in hand, I had the helpe of many graunted, & offred of
ſum, but of few perfourmed, skarſe of any: So that wher I entended
to haue contriued it to Quene Maries time, I haue ben faine to end it
much ſooner: yet ſo, that it may ſtande for a patarne, till the reſt be
ready: which with Gods Grace—(if I may haue anye helpe) ſhall be
ſhortly."
The idea of the work is usually said to have originated with Sackville,
who, following Lydgate's Fall of Princes, planned it as a review
of the illustrious and unfortunate characters in English history from
the Conquest to the end of the fourteenth century. He is supposed
to have turned the work over to Baldwin and the others, after writing
an "Induction," and one legend, the life of Henry Stafford, Duke
of Buckingham; but no good reason is given for the omission of these
poems from the volume when it came to be printed in 1559. Baldwin's
reason, already quoted, seems likely enough, and Lord Stafford's
urgent entreaty, referred to, no doubt had the effect of causing both
poems to be added to the edition issued now, where they appear
as The Seconde Parte of the volume of 1559. The title-pages of the
two editions are alike, except for the date and the imprint; this
in the earlier edition reads: Londini, In ædibus Thomæ Marſhe. No
reference is made to the additional part except in the Epistle. The
new part has a separate index.
This new part contains only one poem by Baldwin; the others,
besides Sackville's two, are by Dolman, Francis Segar, Churchyard,
Ferrers, and Cavyl, eight in all. Besides the poems, there is "A
proſe to the Reader, continued betwene the tragedies from the beginning
of the booke to the ende," just as in the first part.
To the Earl of Dorset's legend "The complaynt of Henrye duke of
Buckingham," is prefixed "The Induction," of which Baldwin speaks
in the prose following Howe the Lord Hastynges was betrayed, as
follows: "but fyrſt you shal heare his preface or Induction. Hath
he made a preface (
one) what meaneth he thereby, ſeeing none
hath uſed the like order. I wyl tell you the cauſe thereof
(
I) which is thys: After that he underſtoode that some of the counſayle
would not ſuffer the booke to be printed in ſuche order as we had
agreed and determined, he propoſed with himſelfe to have gotten at my
handes, al the tragedies that were before the duke of Buckinghams,
Which he would have preſerued in one volume. And from that time
backeward even to the time of William the conquerour, he determined
to continue and perfect all the ſtory himſelfe, in ſuch order as Lydgate
(folowing Bocchas) had already uſed. And therefore to make a meete
induction into the matter, he deuiſed this poeſye:"
The woodcut border of four pieces with heads of Venus and Mars
at the top had been used by John Byddell in Taverner's translation of
the Bible in 1539, by James Nicholson of Southwark, in Coverdale's
New Testament of 1538, and by Marsh for the edition of the Mirror
in 1559. There are a few ornamental initial letters at the beginning
of the book, notably one at the beginning of the Epistle, a large P,
with figures of children. This belongs to a series of a children's
alphabet attributed to Dürer, and first used by Cervicornus, a printer
of Cologne.
Quarto. The second edition. Black letter.
Collation:
and A, four leaves each; B-N, in eights; O-U, in
fours; X-Z and Aa-Bb, in eights; Cc, four leaves.
HENRY HOWARD, EARL OF SURREY (1517?-1547), AND OTHERS
8. ¶ Songes And Sonettes | written by the right honorable
| Lord Henry Haward late | Earle of Surrey, and |
others. | Apud Richardum Tottell. | 1567. | Cum priuilegio.
(Colophon) ¶ Imprinted At Lon- | Don In
Fletestrete within Temple barre at the | ſigne of the
hand and ſtarre, by | Richard Tottell, | Anno. 1567. |
Cum priuilegio.
Richard Tottel was licensed to print law-books, and his publications
of that nature exhibit his best work; but this book, though not attractive
in appearance, was his most popular venture. It was called
"Tottel's miscellany," and it is fitting that his name should always be
connected with it as a testimony to his energy and intelligence in
producing a work so greatly to the "honor of the English tongue."
We learn something of his energy in his desire to establish a paper-mill
in England to compete with the French paper, then in general
use; and his intelligence is evinced in the following extract from his
address "To the reader":
"That to haue wel written in verſe, yea and in ſmal parcelles,
deſerueth greate praiſe, the woorkes of diuers Latins, Italians, and
other, do proue ſufficiently, that our tong is able in that kinde to do as
praiſe woorthelye as the reſte, the honorable ſtile of the Earle of
Surreye, and the weightineſſe of the deepe wytted Syr Thomas Wyat
the elders verſe, withe ſeueral graces in ſundrie good English writers,
doe ſhewe abundantlye. It reſteth now (gentle Reader) that thou
thinke it not euill done to publiſh to the honour of the Engliſhe tongue
and for profit of the ſtudious of English eloquence, thoſe woorkes
which the ungentle horders up of ſuche treaſure haue hertofore enuied
thee."
His confidence in the gentle reader was not misplaced, and he had
the satisfaction of issuing six editions between 1557 and 1574. The
first was printed at The Hand and Star, June 5, 1557, and is represented
by one copy which is in the Bodleian Library; the British
Museum and the Library of Trinity College, Cambridge, each owns a
copy of a second edition, dated July 31, 1557; one copy exists of
a third edition dated 1559; and there is a fourth edition dated 1565.
The present edition agrees in its contents with the second, and is
said to be the most correct of all.
This volume contains two hundred and eighty sonnets, of which the
first forty-one (including one by an unknown author) are by Lord
Howard. "S. T. VVyate the elder" is signed to the next group of
ninety-six; and a collection of one hundred and thirty-three by "Vncertain
auctours," follows. The collection ends with ten "Songs
written by N. G." (Nicholas Grimald). Grimald had contributed
forty to the first edition, which were cut down to the present number
for the second edition.
Octavo. The fifth edition. Roman.
Collation: A-P, in eights.
THOMAS NORTON (1532-1584) AND THOMAS SACKVILLE, FIRST EARL OF DORSET (1536-1608)
9. ¶The Tragidie of Ferrex | and Porrex, | ſet forth
without addition or alte- | ration but altogether as the
ſame was ſhewed | on ſtage before the Queenes Maieſtie,
| about nine yeares paſt, vz. the | xviij. day of Ianuarie.
1561. | by the gentlemen of the | Inner Temple.
Seen and allowed. &c. | Imprinted at London by |
Iohn Daye, dwelling ouer | Alderſgate.
This play, drawn from Geoffrey of Monmouth's History of Britain,
and telling the story of King Gorboduc's efforts to divide his realm
between his sons Ferrex and Porrex, was the first tragedy written in
English. Before this authorized edition, one unauthorized by the
writers, though regularly licensed by the Government, had appeared
in an octavo volume of thirty-six leaves, printed in black letter, with a
title-page which reads as follows:
The | tragedie of Gorboduc, | where of three Actes were wrytten by |
Thomas Nortone, and the two laste by | Thomas Sackuyle. | Sette
forthe as the same was shewed before the | Qvenes most excellent Maiestie,
in her highnes | Court of Whitehall, the XViii day of January | Anno
Domini, 1561. By the Gentlemen of Thynner Temple in London. |
Imprynted at London | in Flete strete, at the Signe of the Faucon by
William Griffith; and are | to be sold at his shop in Saincte | Dunstones
Churchyarde in | the West of London. | Anno. 1565. Septemb. 22.
Day, in his introductory note to the present volume, entitled "The
P to the Reader," explains very satisfactorily the reason for the new
edition, but lets us only infer why he dropped the authors' names from
the title-page. He says:
"Where this Tragedie was for furniture of part of the grand Chriſtmaſſe
in the Inner Temple firſt written about nine yeares agoe by the
right honourable Thomas now Lorde Buckherſt, and by T. Norton,
and after ſhewed before her Maieſtie, and never intended by the
authors therof to be publiſhed: yet one W. G. getting a copie therof
at ſome youngmans hand that lacked a little money and much diſcretion,
in the last great plage. an. 1565. about V. yeares paſt, while the
ſaid Lord was out of England, and T. Norton farre out of London,
and neither of them both made priuie, put it forth exceedingly corrupted."
Then, the worthy printer goes on to say in a very allegorical vein,
that being so dishonored, her parents, the authors, very much displeased,
gave her into his hands to be sent forth honorably; and he
hopes she will be well received, else he will wish that she had tarried
at home with him "for ſhe did neuer put me to more charge, but this
one poore black gowne linèd with white that I haue now geuen her to
goe abroad among you withall."
Quarto. The first authorized edition. Roman.
Collation: A-H3, in fours.
JOHN LYLY (1553?-1606)
10. Euphues. | The Anatomy | of Wit. | [10 lines] By
Iohn Lylie, Maiſter of Art. | Corrected and augmented. |
At London | Printed for Gabriell Cawood, | dwelling in
Paules Church-yard. [Colophon] ¶Imprinted at London
by | Thomas Eaſt, for Gabrill Cawood, | dwelling in
Paules Church- | yard 1581.
The work was licensed "under the hande of the bishopp of London"
December 2, 1578, and was printed for Cawood by Thomas Eate, or
East, the stationer, without a date, but probably in 1578. Many editions
of the famous book have been issued; fifteen are known, dated
between 1579 and 1636, but confusion exists chiefly over the first
three.
Mr. C. Warwick Bond in his recent edition of The Complete Works
of John Lyly, Oxford, 1902, brings forward evidence to prove that
two undated copies of Euphues, one belonging to the British Museum
and the other to Trinity College, Cambridge, are all that remain of the
first edition, whose date of issue he sets at about Christmas time, 1578.
A unique Trinity College copy without a date, he thinks was issued
about midsummer of the next year; the famous Malone and Morley
copies of 1579, he considers belong to a third edition, issued at
Christmas; the edition dated 1580 would be fourth and the copy from
which our facsimile was taken would belong to a fifth edition. Mr.
Bond founds his supposition as to the seasons when the volumes
appeared upon the following very interesting preface:
To the Gentlemen Readers.
"I Was driuen into a quandarie Gentlemen," says Lyly, "whether
I might ſend this my Pamphlet to the Printer or to the pedler, I
thought it too bad for the preſſe, & to good for the packe.... We
commonly ſee the booke that at Eaſter lyeth bounde on the Stacioners
ſtall, at Chriſtmaſſe to be broken in the Haberdaſhers ſhop, which
ſith it is the order of proceeding, I am content this Summer to haue
my dooinges read for a toye, that in Winter they may be readye for
traſh.... Gentlemen vſe bookes as Gentlewomen handle theyr
flowres, who in the morning ſticke thẽ in their heads, and at night
strawe them at their heeles. Cheries be fulſome when they be through
ripe, becauſe they be plentie, and bookes be ſtale when they be printed
in that they be common. In my minde Printers & Tailers are chiefely
bound to pray for Gentlemen, the one hath ſo much fantaſies to print,
the other ſuch diuers faſhions to make, that the preſſing yron of the
one is neuer out of the fyre, nor the printing preſſe of the other any
tyme lieth ſtill...."
The address "To my verie good friends the Gentlemen Scholers of
Oxford" first appeared with the second edition, to which Lyly made
other additions, beside thoroughly revising the text.
The title-page is bordered with a band of type-metal ornaments.
Among the initial letters are several of a series, each letter of which
represents a child at play. A large tail-piece is repeated several times,
and East's mark of a black horse with a white crescent on his shoulder,
and the motto Mieulx vault mourir en vertu que vivre en Honcte, is
here used for the first time. Some copies dated 1581 have Rowland
Hall's mark but no printer's name.
Mr. Henry R. Plomer says of the book in an interesting article on
our printer: "The preliminary matter is printed in a very regular fount
of Roman, the text in his ordinary fount of Black Letter, and the
whole book is distinguished for its clear, regular, and clean appearance."
On July 24, 1579, the stationer Cawood entered for license a second
part of Euphues, which he had promised at the end of this volume in
the following words:
"I Haue finiſhed the firſt part of Euphues whome now I lefte readye
to croſſe the Seas to Englande, if the winde send him a ſhorte cutte
you ſhall in the ſeconde part heare what newes he bringeth and I hope
to haue him retourned within one Summer...."
The book appeared the next year with the title: ¶Euphues and his
England. | Containing | his voyages and adventures, myxed with | ſundry
pretie diſcourſes of honeſt Loue ... ¶ By Iohn Lyly, Maiſter | of Arte. |
Commend it, or amend it. | By Imprinted at London for Gabriell Cawood,
dwelling in | Paules Church-yard. | 1580.
Edward Blount, the stationer, who published Shakespeare's folio
works, tells us in a preface to Lyly's Sixe Court Comedies, which he
collected and William Stansby printed in 1632, of the sensation
Euphues created when it appeared. "Our Nation," he wrote, "are
in his (i.e. Lyly's) debt, for a new Engliſh which hee taught them.
Euphues and his England began firſt, that language: All our Ladies
were then his Scollers; And that Beautie in court, which could not
Parley Euphueiſme, was as little regarded, as ſhee which, now there,
ſpeakes not French."
Quarto. Black letter and Roman. The fifth edition.
Collation: A-Z, in fours.
SIR PHILIP SIDNEY (1554-1586)
11. The | Countesse | Of Pembrokes | Arcadia, | Written
By Sir Philippe | Sidnei. | [Coat-of-arms of the Sidney
family] London | Printed for William Ponſonbie. | Anno
Domini, 1590.
The Arcadia was begun in 1580, and when finished, probably before
1583, was circulated in manuscript copies amongst the author's friends.
That he did not wish to have it printed is evident from his affectionate
dedication to his sister, where he says:
"HEre now haue you (moſt deare, and moſt worthy to be moſt
deare Lady) this idle worke of mine: which I fear (like the Spiders
webbe) will be thought fitter to be ſwept away, than worn to
any other purpoſe. For my part, in very trueth (as the cruell fathers
among the Greekes, were woont to doo to the babes they
would not foſter) I could well find in my harte, to caſt out in
ſome deſert of forgetfulnes this child, which I am loath to father.
But you deſired me to doo it, and your deſire, to my hart is an abſolute
commandement. Now, it is done onelie for you, onely to you:
if you keepe it to yourſelfe, or to ſuch friendes, who will weigh errors
in the ballaunce of good will, I hope, for the fathers ſake, it will be
pardoned, perchance made much of, though in itſelfe it haue deformities.
For indeede, for ſeuerer eyes it is not, being but a trifle, and
that triflinglie handled. Your deare ſelfe can best witnes the maner,
being done in looſe ſheetes of paper, moſt of it in your preſence, the
reſt, by ſheetes ſent vnto you, as faſt as they were done.... But his
chiefe ſafetie ſhal be the not walking abroad; & his chiefe protection,
the bearing the liuerye of your name; which (if much good will do
not deceaue me) is worthy to be a ſanctuary for a greater offender."
And again later, when he lay dying, reflecting, as he did, that all
things in his former life had "been vain, vain, vain," he requested
that the Arcadia should be burned. But he counted without the
public, who in the person of a publisher took steps to make it common
property the very year of Sidney's death. We have this from
a letter written to Sir Francis Walsingham, Sidney's father-in-law, by
Sir Foulk Greville, first Lord Brooke, who in his self-written epitaph
styled himself "servant to Queen Elizabeth, councillor to King James,
and friend to Sir Philip Sidney":
"Sr, this day, one ponsonby, a booke-bynder in poles church-yard,
came to me and told me that ther was one in hand to print Sr Philip
Sydney's old arcadia, asking me yf it were done with your honors consent,
or any other of his frendes? I told him, to my knowledge, no:
then he aduysed me to give warninge of it, either to the archbishope
or doctor Cosen, who haue, as he says, a copy to peruse to that end.
"Sr, I am loth to renew his memory unto you, but yeat in this I
must presume; for I haue sent my lady, your daughter, at her request,
a correction of that old one, don 4 or 5 years sinse, which he left in
trust with me; wherof there is no more copies, and fitter to be reprinted
than the first which is so common: notwithstanding, even that
to how and why; so as in many respects, espetially the care of printing
of it; so as to be don with more deliberation."
Ponsonby obtained a license to print the book, under the hand of
the Archbishop of Canterbury, August 23, 1588, but not with the full
consent and sympathy of the family, owing, we will hope, to a sentiment
of proper respect for the poet's wishes. There was so much dissatisfaction
with Ponsonby's "adventuring" that Collier thinks the
book may have been called in or suppressed, a fact which would account
for its great rarity. The hesitancy, however, seems to have
been overcome in course of time, for the Countess herself edited the
work for a later edition of Ponsonby's publishing.
No mark or name of a printer is given in our copy, and Collier,
when he gave it as his opinion that Richard Field did the work,
seemed to have been unaware of the existence of the variation in the
imprint, which occurs in the copy belonging to Trinity College
Library, Cambridge, London, Iohn Windet for william Ponsonbie.
Probably several had a hand in the printing. Only a close examination
of the few existing copies could show whether or not they were
all issued at the same time. We shall never know by name the "overseer
of the print," who assumed the responsibility of arranging the
poem, as is told in a note on the verso of the title-page:
"The diuiſion and ſumming up of the Chapters was not of Sir
Philip Sidneis dooing, but aduentured by the ouerſeer of the print, for
the more eaſe of the Readers. He therfore ſubmits himſelfe to their
judgement, and if his labour anſwere not the worthines of the booke,
deſireth pardon for it. As alſo if any defect be found in the Eclogues,
which although they were of Sir Phillip Sidneis writing, yet were not
peruſed by him, but left till the worke had bene finiſhed, that then
choiſe ſhould haue bene made, which ſhould haue bene taken, and in
what manner brought in. At this time they haue bene choſen and
diſposed as the ouer-ſeer thought beſt."
Whoever the overseer may have been, whether in the employment
of Ponsonby, Windet, or Field, and however unfortunate the result
of his literary judgment, he produced a book which for beauty may
take its place with the best of the period. The Roman type and
excellent press-work distinguish it amongst the mass of inferior productions.
Large ornamental initial letters, more or less related, are
used at the beginning of all the Books, while Book I begins with
an especially fine allegorical woodcut initial representing a crowned
Tudor rose, Justice with her foot on Medusa's head, and Peace.
Head- and tail-pieces, some of type metal and some woodcuts, are
used at the beginning of the Books to give added effect. At the end
of the sixteenth chapter of Book III is a panel made of type-metal
ornaments, intended to hold the lines referred to in the words:
"Vpon which, Baſilius himself cauſed this Epitaph to be written."
These, however, owing to the printer's oversight, were never added.
In setting up the title-page, it may be that Ponsonby followed
Sidney's hint, and so sought "the chief protection" of the name of
the Countess, and, not content with the name alone, added the coat-of-arms
of the Sidney family.
Quarto. Roman.
Collation: A-Zz, in eights.
EDMUND SPENSER (1552?-1599)
12. The Faerie | Queene. | Diſpoſed into twelue books, |
Faſhioning | XII. Morall vertues. | [Printer's mark]
London | Printed for William Ponſonbie. | 1590.
On December 1, 1589, "Maſter Ponſonbye. Entered for his Copye,
a booke intytuled the fayrye Queene dyspoſed into xij. bookes. &c. Aucthoryzed
vnder thandes of the Archbishop of Canterbery, and bothe
the wardens ... vjd."
Spenser's name not being mentioned and not being printed on
the title-page, it would almost seem as if he had wished his book
to be anonymous; but that was probably not the case, because the
dedication on the verso of the title, "To the Most Mightie And
Magnificent Empresse Elizabeth ..." is signed by "Her moſt humble
Seruant, Ed. Spenſer." The "Letter of the Authors Expounding his
whole intention in the Courſe of the worke.... To the Right Noble,
and Valorous Sir Walter Raleigh ..." is also signed "Ed. Spenſer,"
and the last two of his poems addressed to various personages are
signed "E. S."
It will be observed that the license to print the book, as well as the
title-page, refers to the whole work, only three books of which, treating
of the virtues Holiness, Temperance, and Chastity, had been
completed by the author at this time.
Ponsonby may be regarded as a fortunate man to have had the
handling of the works of such authors as Greene, Sidney, and Spenser.
If his attempts to exploit the first great English prose romance
were not always successful, his relations with Spenser were more
satisfactory, and this work finding "a favorable passage," no less
than ten other of the poet's productions were issued over his imprint.
The printer's name does not appear, but the device on the title-page
is the mark of John Wolfe, son of Reyner Wolfe, a printer to
the City of London, and one of the busiest members of the Stationers'
Company. It was he who printed The Shepheard's Calendar, for
John Harrison the younger, in 1586. His use of the Florentine lily
is probably not without significance. The first Italian book printed
in England (Petruccio Ubaldino La vita di Carlo Magno Imperadore,
1581), came from his press, as well as numerous translations of books
in that tongue; and it is easy to believe that he may have received
his idea for a mark of a fleur-de-lis "seeding," as Herbert calls it,
from the Florentine lily of an Italian printer seen in some of the
Italian books so numerous in England at this time.
A frame of printer's ornaments surrounds a verse at the beginning
of each chapter, and there is a rather clumsy woodcut, representing
Saint George and the Dragon, at the end of the first Book, but these
are the chief ornaments in the volume. This book, like the Arcadia,
is in the Roman type, and of remarkably good press-work.
The Second | Part Of The | Faerie Queene. | Containing | The
Fourth, | Fifth, | And Sixth Bookes. | By Ed. Spenſer | [Printer's
mark] Imprented at London for VVilliam | Ponſonby. 1596. was
licensed January 20, 1595-6, and was published with a second edition
of the first part, which it was meant to accompany. The remaining
six books never appeared.
The device on the title-page of the second volume is that of Thomas
Vautrollier, a foreigner settled in London, whose stock passed, at his
death, to his son-in-law, Richard Field. It seems clear that Field
printed the volume (Vautrollier did no work after 1588), although
Herbert ascribes it to the master-printer Thomas Creed.
In some early copies of the first volume there are blank spaces on
page 332, which had been left by the printer to be filled later with
Welsh words and then forgotten. Other copies have this omission
corrected.
Quarto. Roman and Italic.
Collation: A-Qq4, in eights.
FRANCIS BACON, BARON VERULAM (1561-1626)
13. Eſſaies. | Religious Me- | ditations. | Places of perſwaſion
| and diſſwaſion. | Seene and allowed. | London |
Printed for Humfrey Hooper | and are to bee ſolde at
the blacke Beare in Chaun- | cery lane. 1598. [Colophon]
Imprinted at London by John Windet for Humfrey
Hooper. 1598.
This edition is thought by some to be rarer than the first, which
was published by Hooper, in octavo, in the previous year. Some
differences occur in the spelling, the table of contents here precedes
"The Epistle Dedicatorie," the Meditationes Sacræ are done into
English, and the ornaments used are quite different. Only ten Essays
were included in these two issues, whereas the edition of 1612 has
thirty-eight, and that of 1625, fifty-eight.
Hooper, of whose publications there are very few examples existing,
is thought by Roberts to have been a young publisher whom Bacon
wished to help. John Windet was the successor to John Wolfe as
printer to the City of London; many books came from his press, but
few of them of note.
Perhaps the most interesting peculiarity of the book is the word
essay, in the sense of a composition of moderate length on a particular
subject. With this work, the word makes its first appearance on the
title-page of an English book. The first two books of Montaigne's
Essais had appeared in 1580, and Bacon was no doubt familiar with
them as a new style of writing, since his brother, to whom he addressed
this volume, was a friend of Montaigne. He says in his volume of
Essays dedicated to Prince Henry: "For Senacaes Epistles ... are
but Essaies—that is dispersed Meditations ... Essays. The word
is late, but the thing is auncient."
Lord Bacon's reasons for printing his book, expressed in the signed
preface which accompanied both editions, is interesting as showing
that he was alive to the piracies of the book-sellers, and that he knew
how to meet the difficulty in a sensible manner.
"To M. Anthony Bacon his deare brother.
Louing & beloued Brother, I doe nowe like ſome that haue an
Orcharde ill neighbored, that gather their fruit before it is ripe, to preuent
ſtealing. Theſe fragments of my conceites were going to print:
To labour the ſtaie of them had bin troubleſome, and ſubiect to interpretation;
to let them paſſe had beene to aduēture the wrong they
might receyue by ontrue Coppies, or by ſome garniſhment, which it
might pleaſe any that ſhould ſet them forth to beſtowe oppon them.
Therefore I helde it beſt diſcretion to publiſh them myſelfe as they
paſſed long agoe from my pen without any further diſgrace, then the
weakneſſe of the Author...."
Duodecimo. The second edition.
Collation: A-E4, in twelves.
RICHARD HAKLUYT (1552?-1616)
14. The | Principal Navi- | Gations, Voiages, | Traffiques
And Disco- | ueries of the Engliſh Nation, made by
Sea | or ouer-land, to the remote and fartheſt di- | ſtant
quarters of the Earth, at any time within | the compaſſe
of theſe 1500. yeeres: Deuided | into three ſeuerall
Volumes, according to the | poſitions of the Regions,
whereunto | they were directed. | [Thirteen lines]
And laſtly, the memorable defeate of the Spaniſh huge |
Armada, Anno 1588. and the famous victorie | atchieued
at the citie of Cadiz, 1596. | are described. | By Richard
Hakluyt Maſter of | Artes, and ſometime Student of
Chriſt- | Church in Oxford. | [Printer's ornament]
Imprinted at London by George | Bishop, Ralph Newberie
| and Robert Barker. | 1598. [-1600].
The year 1589 had seen the publication of a small folio volume entitled:
The Principall | Navigations, Voia- | ges, And Discoveries Of The |
Engliſh nation, made by Sea or ouer Land, | [Twenty-seven lines] By
Richard Hakluyt Maſter of Artes, and Student ſometime | of Chriſt-church
in Oxford. | [Printer's ornament] Imprinted at London by
George Bishop | and Ralph Newberie, Deputies to | christopher Barker,
Printer to the Queenes moſt excellent Maieſtie. | 1589.
The book presents a handsome appearance in the matter of type
and ornament: the archer head-band appears, and there are two
large pictorial initials at the beginning signed
. It contains also
"one of the beſt generall mappes of the world onely, untill the comming
out of a very large and most exact terreſtrial Globe, collected
and reformed according to the neweſt, ſecretest, and lateſt diſcoueries
... compoſed by M. Emmerie Mollineux of Lambeth, a
rare gentleman in his profeſſion...." This map was a close copy of
one engraved by Francis Hogenberg for Ortelius's Theatrum Orbis
Terrarum, published first in Antwerp in 1570. Like the original it is
called Typus Orbis Terrarum, but Hogenberg's name is erased, and
no other appears in its stead.
This volume is usually called the first edition of the amplified work
in three volumes, here facsimiled, which Hakluyt began to issue nine
years later. The British Librarian of William Oldys, that "oddest
mortal that ever wrote," gives a full synopsis of the contents of the
latter work, "this elaborate and excellent Collection, which redounds
as much to the Glory of the Engliſh Nation, as any Book that ever
was publiſhed in it." He says:
"Tho' the firſt Volume of this Collection does frequently appear, by
the Date, in the Title Page to be printed in 1599. the Reader is not
thence to conclude the ſaid Volume was then reprinted, but only the
Title Page, as upon collating the Books we have obſerved; and
further, that in the ſaid last printed Title Page, there is no mention
made of the Cadiz Voyage; to omit which, might be one Reaſon of
reprinting that Page: for it being one of the moſt proſperous and honorable
Enterprizes that ever the Earl of Eſſex was ingaged in, and he
falling into the Queen's unpardonable Displeaſure at this time, our
Author, Mr. Hakluyt, might probably receive Command or Direction,
even from one of the Patrons to whom theſe Voyages are dedicated,
who was of the contrary Faction, not only to ſupreſs all Memorial of
that Action in the Front of this Book, but even cancel the whole Narrative
thereof at the End of it, in all the Copies (far the greateſt Part
of the Impreſſion) which remained unpubliſhed. And in that caſtrated
Manner the Volume has deſcended to Poſterity; not but if the Caſtration
was intended to have been concealed from us, the laſt Leaf of
the Preface would have been reprinted alſo, with the like Omiſſion of
what is there mentioned concerning the Inſertion of this Voyage. But
at laſt, about the middle of the late King's Reign, an uncaſtrated copy
did ariſe, and the said Voyage, was reprinted from it; whereby many
imperfect Books have been made complete."
The cancellation "in the Front" refers to the title-page. In the
new page of the castrated edition the clause "And laſtly, the memorable
defeate of the Spaniſh huge Armada, Anno 1588. and the famous
victorie acheiued at the citie of Cadiz, 1596." is made to read: "As
alſo the memorable defeat of the Spaniſh huge Armada, Anno 1588.";
and the date is changed to 1599. But, as Oldys remarks, through
oversight or indifference the reference in the preface still remains to
show that the edition is doctored, and not a new one. It reads:
"An excellent diſcourſe whereof, as likewiſe of the honourable
expedition vnder two of the moſt noble and valiant peeres of this
Realme, I meane, the renoumed Erle of Eſſex, and the right honorable
the lord Charles Howard, lord high Admirall of England, made 1596,
vnto the ſtrong citie of Cadiz, I haue set downe a double epiphonema to
conclude this my firſt volume withall...." The reference also remains
in "A Catalogue of the Voyages," "39 The honourable voyage to
Cadiz, Anno 1596. [p.] 607." and at page 606 the catchword "A
briefe" still bears witness to the curtailment of "A briefe and true
report of the Honourable voyage vnto Cadiz, 1596." The original
leaves ended on page 619, with a large woodcut representing two
winged figures supporting a crown and rose. They have been twice
reprinted, but both reprints are easily distinguishable from the early
work.
The second volume was issued by the same printers in 1599, and
the third in 1600. Hakluyt is characterized on the title-page of the
first volume, as on that of the first edition, as "Master of Artes, and
sometime Student of Christ-Church in Oxford," but in the second
and third volumes he is called "Preacher, and sometime student of
Christ-Church in Oxford." He had been made rector of Wetheringsett
in Suffolk in 1590.
In its general make-up, the new work resembles the old one. The
archer head-bands have not been used, and only one of the pictorial initials
signed
,—that at the beginning of the Dedication,—is retained
in volumes one and two. These pictorial initials belong to an alphabet
illustrating stories from Greek mythology. Mr. Pollard, in a chapter on
Pictorial and Heraldic Initials, states that the first appearance of any of
the set known to him occurs in a proclamation printed by Berthelet, and
dated 1546. He finds that a similar monogram was used by Anton
Sylvius, who worked for Plantin from 1550 to 1573, but he is doubtful
about ascribing these initials to that artist.
The first and third volumes have the "The" of the title in a long
panel (made of type-metal ornament in the first case, and a woodcut
cartouche in the last one); the printer's ornaments on the title-pages
of the second and third volumes are alike, and are the same as that in
the first edition. "A Table Alphabetical," printed at the end of the
first edition, was not undertaken for the second; but a new, engraved
map of the world, unsigned and without a title, is found in some copies
of the third volume. It was used also in two states.
This map is exceedingly rare, and interest attaches to it for two
reasons. It is the first map of the world engraved in England, on
Wright's (Mercator) projection, having been published the year after
Wright had explained the principles of the projection in his Certain
Errors in Navigation. A legend in a cartouche on the engraving says:
"Thou hast here gentle reader a true hydrographical description of
ſo much of the world as hath beene hetherto diſcouered, and is comme
to our knowledge: which we have in ſuch ſort performed, yt all
places herein ſet downe, haue the ſame poſitions and diſtances that they
haue in the globe...." The second source of interest is this: the
map is, without much doubt, the one Shakespeare referred to in Twelfth
Night when he made Maria say of Malvolio, "he does ſmile his face
into more lynes then is in the new Mappe, with the augmentation of
the Indies."
A curious error has existed with regard to the map. The reference
in the 1589 volume, already quoted, has been taken to mean that
Hakluyt intended to issue a map by Molineux with that work, but,
that map not being ready in time, he used the one from Ortelius. What
more natural than that the new map in the 1598 edition should be
supposed to be Molineux's, now at length finished? This was the
conclusion jumped at, and the plate is usually called "Molineux's
map." As a matter of fact, Hakluyt did not refer to Molineux as a
map-maker, but as a globe-maker. He was a friend of that rare gentleman,
and he knew that the mathematician was at work on a large
terrestrial globe embodying all the very latest geographical information
in the most exact way, according to Mercator's projection. He
used the Ortelius map in his book only until the globe should be
ready, when it could be easily adapted to the plane surface of a map
by the engraver.
The globe, measuring two and a half feet in diameter, was issued in
1592, and is now preserved in the Library of the Middle Temple.
Folio. Black letter.
Collation: Volume I, *, six leaves; **, six leaves; A-Fff4, in
sixes.
Volume II, *, eight leaves; A-Ccb, in sixes; Aaa-Rrrb, in sixes.
Volume III, (A), eight leaves; A-I, in sixes; K, eight leaves;
L-Cccc, in sixes.
GEORGE CHAPMAN (1559-1634)
15. The | Whole Works | Of | Homer; | Prince Of Poetts |
In his Iliads, and | Odyſses. | Translated according to
the Greeke, | By | Geo: Chapman. | De Ili: et Odiſſ. |
Omnia ab, his: et in his ſunt omnia | ſive beati | Te decor
eloquij, | ſeu rerũ pondera | tangunt. Angel: Pol:
| At London printed for Nathaniell Butter. | William
Hole ſculp:
Though Butter was the publisher of Dekker's Belman of London, and,
with John Busby, of Shakespeare's Lear, he is chiefly to be remembered
for two things, for his success as a compiler and publisher of
pamphlets of news,—a success which entitles him to the place of
father of the London press—and for his connection with Chapman.
In 1609 (?) Samuel Macham brought out, in small folio form,
Homer, Prince of Poetts, in Twelve Bookes of his Iliads, embellished with
an engraved title-page by William Hole, who was one of the earliest
English engravers on copper-plates. Inflated with his subject, the
artist crowded the title into a small central panel the better to present
his conception of Vulcan, Apollo, Achilles, Hector, and Homer, in a
composition which, if topheavy, was more dignified and better drawn
than many of the borders ascribed to him.
Under date of April 8, 1611, we find in the Stationers' Register
that Butter "Entered for his Copy by consente of Samuell Masham,
A Booke called Homers Iliads in English contayning 24 bookes."
With his right to print, he also received the right to use the Hole frontispiece,
which he had reëngraved on a larger scale for the new book.
The date of issue is not given, but it could not have been later than
November 6, 1612, the date of the death of the Prince of Wales, to
whom the book is dedicated, and it was probably published soon after
the date of copyright. The printer's name is also lacking; but reasons
exist for thinking that more than one worked on the book, and that
there were several issues. There are copies whose signatures agree
with those of the volumes of our issue, but these are printed with
different type, on poorer paper, and the initial letters and other ornaments
are of a much cruder sort.
After Chapman had published his translation of the Iliad, he turned
his attention to the Odyssey; and, as in the case of the Iliad, he went
to press with half of it first, Butter being the publisher. The volume
ends with the words "Finis duodecimi libri Hom. Odyſſ. Opus nouem
dierum," and begins with one of the most charming and perfect title-pages
of the period, the greater pity therefore that it is unsigned. Its
composition shows the poet in the midst of a company of laurel-crowned
spirits, whose ethereal forms are expressed in stipple, with
legends which read: "Solus ſapit hic homo, Reliqui vero," and "Umbræ
mouentur." Above, the title is supported by two cupids, and below
are seated figures of Athena, and Ulysses with his dog. The whole
plate was very delicately drawn.
The remaining twelve books having been finished, we find Butter
entering the whole twenty-four for copyright, November 2, 1614; and,
although the volume is not dated, it was probably issued soon afterward.
The title reads: Homer's Odysses. Tranſlated according to ye
Greeke. By George Chapman At Miki qd viuo detraxerit. Inuida
Turba Post obitum duplici foenore reddet Honos. Imprinted at London
by Rich: Field, for Nathaniell Butter.
The same engraved title-page was used, but its fine lines had now
grown fainter, the stippled shades seeming to justify the statement
in the inscription. The dedication to the Earl of Somerset, as it appeared
with the first twelve books, was somewhat altered in the opening
lines, necessitating the resetting of the first page and the consequent
change of the head-band and initial letter; but the rest of the first half
is precisely the same as in the first issue. The words "Finis," etc.,
were dropped from the end, in some copies, and a blank leaf marks the division
of the first half from the last.
The present book is made up of the complete Iliad, and the complete
Odyssey, sewn together. The enterprising Butter made the
engraved title of the Iliads answer for the general title-page of this
book also, only, of course, changing the wording in the central panel.
Some copies have the engraved title of the Odyssey, but more lack
it. Its omission was probably due to its having become too faint
from continued use to be of service. Butter added one or two new
features to some copies of the volume, and among them a fine large
portrait of Chapman, which he printed in a very unusual place, on the
verso of the title-page. It represents the head of the translator,
surrounded by clouds, and bears on the circular frame the inscriptions:
Haec est laurigeri facies diuina Georgi; Hic Phœbi Decus est; Phœbinumqz
Deus; Georgius Chapmanus Homeri Metaphrastes. Æta:
LVII. M.DC.XVI; Conscium Evasi Diem. The date of the inscription
is usually given as the date of issue of the book. Below the
frame are ten lines beginning with two quotations, one in Latin, and
one in English, and followed by this interesting statement: Eruditorum
Poetarum huius Æui, facile Principi, Dno Georgio Chapman; Homero
(velit nolit Inuidia) Rediuiuo. I.M. Tessellam hanc χαριϛήριον. DD.
It would be a gratifying thing to know the name of the friend who
thus added so much to the embellishment and interest of the book.
Could it have been John Marston?
The engraving is ascribed to Hole, though without any very good
reason, except that he had made the title-page of the Iliad, some four
years earlier. It seems hardly probable that his awkward hand could
have drawn the title for the Odyssey, and, while the same holds true
of the engraver of the portrait, a comparison of the three plates perhaps
would show that Butter employed more than one engraver.
Besides the portrait, our publisher added after the title-page, on
a separate leaf, an engraved dedication "To the Imortall Memorie, of
the Incomparable Heroe, Henrye Prince of Wales," who died in 1612.
Two columns labelled "Ilias" and "Odyssæa," bound with a band
inscribed "Musar: Hercul: Colum:," have below them lines ending:
"... Thow, dead. then; I
Liue deade, for giuing thee Eternitie
"To all Tymes future, This Tymes Marck extend;
Homer, No Patrone founde; Nor Chapman, friend:
"Ignotus nimis omnibus;
Sat notus, moritur ſibi:"
This affecting tribute precedes the other dedication to the same
prince, issued with the Iliad when it first appeared. Such constancy
to the memory of a prince, now some years dead, and from whom
no favors could be expected, argues well for Chapman's affections;
but, on the other hand, one might see in it a reason for believing that
the work was issued before 1616.
Folio.
Collation: Title-page and dedication, 2 ll.; *2,*3, 2 ll.; A4-A6,
A, 5 ll.; B-Z, in sixes; Aa-Ff, in sixes; Gg, 7 ll.; A3-O, in sixes;
R, 7 ll.; S-Z, in sixes; Aa-Hh, in sixes; Ii, 7 ll.
THE HOLY BIBLE
16. The | Holy | Bible, [Two lines] ¶ Newly tranſlated out
of | the Originall Tongues: and with | the former
Tranſlations diligently | compared and reuiſed by his |
Maieſties ſpeciall Com- | mandement. | ¶ Appointed to be
read in Churches. | ¶ Imprinted | at London by Robert
| Barker, Printer to the | Kings moſt excellent |
Maieſtie. | Anno Dom. 1611.
Few books present greater difficulties to the bibliographer than this,
the first "Authorized" or King James Version of the Bible. Many
copies bearing the same date, and seemingly alike, have distinct
differences in the text, in the ornamental head- and tail-pieces, and in
the initial letters. But the most striking difference lies in two forms
of the title-page. One of these, a copper-plate engraving, signed C.
Boel fecit in Richmont, represents an architectural framework having
large figures of Moses and Aaron in niches on either side of the
border and seated figures of St. Luke and St. John, with their emblems,
at the bottom: above are seated figures of St. Matthew and St. Mark,
and St. Peter and St. Paul holding the Agnus Dei, while behind them
are various saints and martyrs. The title reads:
The | Holy Bible, | Conteyning the Old Teſtament, | And The New. |
Newly Tranſlated out of the Originall | tongues: & with the former
Tranſlations diligently compared and reuiſed by his | Maiesties ſpeciall
Cõmandement. | Appointed to be read in Churches | Imprinted at London
by Robert | Barker, Printer to the Kings moſt Excellent Maiestie. Anno
Dom. 1611.
The style of Boel's work is quite like that of the Sadelers, to whose
school he belonged, and it resembles in its general effect some of the
title-pages made by those artists for Plantin's famous Antwerp press.
The other title-page is seen in the facsimile. It is printed with a
woodcut border which represents above, the Evangelists Matthew and
Mark, the Adonai, Lamb, and Dove in cartouches, while below are found
St. Luke and St. John, the Lamb on the altar, and the cherub's head,
Barker's ornament. The tents and shields of the Twelve Tribes are
represented in twelve round panels on the left side, and the Twelve
Apostles, similarly framed, on the right. The signatures
and
are seen at the bottom of the title panel. This border, like the great
primer black letter of the text, had been previously used by Christopher
Barker, in an edition of the "Bishops Bible," published in 1585, and
by Robert in 1602; afterward, in an edition of the New Testament
(Royal Version) published in 1617, and also in other works. While
more finished in execution, the design is similar in idea to one often
used by Barker, notably in a Bible printed in 1593, and bears some
resemblance to a border found in Plantin's "Great Bible."
The copper-plate title is sometimes found with what is called the
first issue of the work, sometimes with the second, and sometimes
with the editions of 1613 and 1617. It has been suggested that it
was intended to be used with the woodcut border always found with
the New Testament in both issues, and usually ascribed to the second,
although "there is no ground for supposing that it was always
issued with it." That Boel took the motive of the tents and shields
of the Tribes for a minor detail in his border, is a point worthy of
notice because this fact might, with some reason, be used to prove
that inasmuch as his engraving was made some time after the unknown
wood-engraver's border, it could hardly have appeared with
the first issue.
We quote the following from W. I. Loftie's A Century of Bibles:
"Mr. Fry has compared together 70 copies of the Bible of 1611.
By observing how many of them were exactly alike he was able to
determine their order of publication. Twenty-three copies were found
to present the same peculiarities. Two only varied from the 25 and
from each other, in 8 leaves, 2 in one and 6 in the other. Of the
remaining 45, 40 were mixed with leaves from other editions, but 38
contained leaves of the same edition. Mr. Fry's conclusions were as
follows:—One issue is unmixed except 2 copies in 25: the other is
made up (1) with reprints, (2) with parts of the first issue, (3) with
preliminary leaves from 3 other editions: he therefore infers that the
two issues were distinct and that the issue which presented the fewest
instances of admixture was the first. His conclusions seem unassailable;
it is therefore assumed to be proved in this list, that the issue
of which he examined 25 copies so nearly alike, is the first, and is
entitled to the honour of being called the Editio Princeps of the version."
The chief differences in the collation of what is called the second
issue with the first are these: "The fifth leaf is Sig. B. in the preliminary
matter: Kalendar C, C2, C3, and followers. In the first
page of the Dedication OE is printed for OF and in the eighth line
CHKIST for CHRIST. In the 'Names and order of the Bookes'
there are three lines printed in red: I Chronicles, is misprinted I
Corinthians, and II Chronicles, II Corinthians. The chief errors
of the first issue are corrected, but the repetition in Ezra iii. 5, remains.
Exodus ix. 13, Let my people goe that they may ſerve thee, for
serve me. S. Matthew xxvi. 36, Then commeth Judas with them unto
a place called Gethſemane, for Then cometh Jeſus. The initial P.
in Psalm 112, contains a woodcut of Walsingham's crest."
Robert Barker's name calls for more than passing notice, since he
it was who, more than any one else after the forty-seven translators,
was responsible for the production of the Authorized Version. On
January 3, 1599, the court of assistants of the Stationers' Company
recognized the letter patent of Queen Elizabeth granting Robert Barker
the reversion for life, after his father's death, of the office of
Queen's Printer, with the right of printing English Bibles, Books of
Common Prayer, statutes and proclamations. Christopher Barker,
the father, who was also Queen's Printer, made an interesting report
in December, 1582, on the printing patents which had been granted
from 1558-1582, and in it he speaks of his own rights. Mr. Edward
Arber, in quoting the report, calls it a masterly summary, whose importance
and authority as a graphic history of English printing, it
would be hardly possible to exaggerate. In "A note of the offices
and other speciall licenses for printing, graunted by her maiestie to
diuerse persons; with a coniecture of the valuation" he says: "Myne
owne office of her Maiesties Printer of the English tongue gyven to
Master Wilkes, (and which he had bought) is abbridged of the cheefest
comodities belonging to the office, as shall hereafter appeare in the
Patentes of Master Seres and Master Daye: but as it is I haue the
printing of the olde and newe testament, the statutes of the Realme,
Proclamations, and the booke of common prayer by name, and in
generall wordes, all matters for the Churche."
If the monopoly of printing the Bible brought its gains it also
brought its risks. Christopher Barker in his report goes on to speak
of this:
"The whole bible together requireth so great a somme of money to
be employed, in the imprinting thereof; as Master Jugge kept the
Realme twelve yere withoute, before he Durst adventure to print one
impression: but I, considering the great somme I paide to Master
Wilkes, Did (as some haue termed it since) gyve a Desperate adventure
to imprint fouer sundry impressions for all ages, wherein I
employed to the value of three thousande pounde in the term of one
yere and a halfe, or thereaboute: in which tyme if I had died, my
wife and children had ben vtterlie vndone, and many of my frendes
greatlie hindered by disbursing round sommes of money for me, by
suertiship and other meanes...."
Robert was not without a like experience. The King, it is claimed,
never paid a penny towards the great work. Indeed, William Ball,
writing in 1651, says: "I conceive the sole printing of the bible, and
testament, with power of restraint in others, to be of right the propriety
of one Matthew Barker, citizen and stationer of London, in regard
that his father paid for the emended or corrected translation of the
bible, 3,500 l.: by reason whereof the translated copy did of right
belong to him and his assignes."
Whether the great expense connected with its production ruined
him, or whether, as Mr. Plomer suggests, he had been living beyond
his means, Barker's last days were involved in financial difficulties,
and he died in the King's Bench prison.
Some of the ornament in the book, particularly that used with the
coat-of-arms of the King, the genealogical tables, the map, and some
few head-bands and initial letters, again recall the work done for
Plantin, and lead us to think that that great printer's books had not
been without their influence upon the Barkers. The Tudor rose, the
thistle, harp and fleur-de-lis are combined in different ways in initials
and head-bands; the head-band of the archers, which was afterward
used in the folio edition of Shakespeare's works, and is found in many
other books, appears; and a large number of unrelated and commonplace
initials and type-metal head-bands bring to mind the fact that
Barker had come into the possession of material formerly belonging to
John Day and Henry Bynneman.
Folio. Black letter. Double columns.
Collation: A, six leaves; B, two leaves; C, one leaf; A2-A6;
D, four leaves; A-C, in sixes; two leaves without signatures; A-Ccccc6,
in sixes; A-Aa6, in sixes.
BENJAMIN JONSON (1573?-1637)
17. The | Workes | Of | Beniamin Jonson | —neque me ut
miretur turba | laboro: Contentus paucis lectoribus. |
Imprinted at | London by | Will Stansby | Ano D. 1616.
This book, especially as we see it in the copies printed on large
paper, is a handsome specimen of typography. It reflects great credit
upon its printer, Stansby, who was an apprentice and then successor
to John Windet, and himself a master printer. Such work entitles him
to a front rank among the printers of the reign of James I.
Jonson is said to have prepared the plays for the press, himself, and
one or two matters of editing, which seem unusually careful when compared
with other folio collections, certainly appear to show the author's
hand. At the end of each play, for instance, is a statement telling
when it was first acted, and by whom, whether the king's or the
queen's servants. The names of the actors are also given, as well as
the "allowance". The volume embraces nine plays, and Epigrammes,
The Forest, Entertaynements, Panegyre, Maſques and Barriers. There
is no introductory note by the printer, and we are not told how Stansby
came into the right to print those plays which had been previously
issued by other printers or publishers.
In some copies all of the plays have separate printed titles, while in
others there are one, two, or more wood-cut borders showing a lion
and a unicorn, a lily, rose and thistle, and a grape-vine twined around
columns at the side.
All of the works not included in the first were intended for a second
volume, which, however, did not appear until after Jonson's death, in
1640, when it was printed for Richard Meighen, the bookseller, by
Bernard Alsop and Thomas Fawcet. The title reads: The Workes of
Benjamin Jonson. The second Volume Containing These Playes, Viz.
1 Bartholomew Fayre. 2 The Staple of Newes. 3 The Divell is an
Asse.... This title, it will be seen, mentions only three plays, which
are thought to have been issued somewhat earlier than 1640, perhaps as
a supplement to the first volume. The book, as it is usually bound,
however, contains three more plays and a fragment of a fourth.
There are variations in the imprint of the first volume, some reading,
London, Printed by William Stansby, and again others, London
printed by W. Stansby, and are to be ſould by Rich: Meighen. The
imprints of the large paper copies in the British Museum and Huth
libraries both read like that of the copy facsimiled. The large
paper copies, it should be noted, are on whiter and finer paper of an
entirely different water-mark. The copies with Meighen's name show
traces of the erasure of our form; a fact leading to the supposition
that they are later in issue. This matter is complicated, however, by
certain striking variations in the text itself. The last two pages of
Meighen's copies, containing The Golden Age, show a transposition
of parts affecting the whole literary value of the ending of the masque.
Mr. Walter Wilson Greg, in his List of English Plays, 1900, gives
the Stansby-Meighen copies the place of the first issue, calling the
Stansby copies a reissue, with the imprint reëngraved.
It seems reasonable to suppose, in view of the fact that he was the
seller of the second volume also, that Meighen became connected
with Stansby after the first copies of the first volume were published.
The appearance of his name in the imprint of Volume I. would mark
the beginning of such a partnership; and this partnership would naturally
be continuous, and not interrupted, as it would appear to be if
copies bearing Stansby's name alone came after the Stansby-Meighen
imprint, and before the 1640 volume.
"Guliel Hole fecit" is signed to the elaborate title-page engraved
on copper. This monumental structure, with its representations of
Tragicomœdia, Satyr, Pastor, Tragœdia, Comœdia, Theatrum, Plaustrum,
and Visorium, shows such a considerable knowledge of Roman
antiquities that we are inclined to think that Jonson himself may have
had something to do with the making of it. A similar thought arises
in looking at the pages engraved by Hole for Chapman's Homer,
and one would like to know how far that author, steeped in his
Classics, influenced the engraver. It may be a fair speculation, how
far Jonson and Chapman may have influenced the development of
book illustration.
It is a point worthy of notice that the execution of the figures in
this engraving is decidedly inferior to that of the Chapman title.
Gerard Honthorst's portrait of Jonson, engraved by Robert
Vaughan, whose frontispieces and portraits are found in many books
of the period, is inserted in this copy. The engraving was probably
issued, in its first state, as a separate print. In a second state it was
prefixed to the second edition of the first volume, Printed by Richard
Biſhop, and are to be ſold by Andrew Crooke, in 1640.
The famous lines,
"O could there be an art found out that might
Produce his shape soe lively as to Write,"
follow eight lines of Latin, beneath the oval frame.
Folio.
Collation: Portrait and title-page, 2 leaves; A-Qqqq4, in sixes.
ROBERT BURTON (1577-1640)
18. The | Anatomy Of | Melancholy, | [Twelve lines]. By |
Democritus Iunior. | With a Satyricall Preface, conducing
to | the following Diſcourſe. | [Quotation] At Oxford, |
Printed by Iohn Lichfield and Iames | Short, for Henry
Cripps. | Anno Dom. 1621.
In the preface, the author tells why he used the pseudonym "Democritus
Junior." Democritus, he says, as described by Hippocrates and Diogenes
Laertius, was "a little wearyiſh olde man, very melancholy by
nature, averſe from company in his latter times, and much giuen to
ſolitarineſſe," who undertook to find the seat of melancholy. "Democritus
Iunior is therefore bold to imitate, and becauſe he left it unperfect,
to proſecute and finiſh, in this Treatiſe." In "The Concluſion
of the Author to the Reader," three leaves at the end of the volume,
signed "Robert Burton," and dated "From my Studie in Chriſt
Church, Oxon, Decemb 5. 1620," he says:
"The laſt Section ſhall be mine, to cut the ſtrings of Democritus
viſor, to vnmaſke and ſhew him as he is ... Democritus began as a
Prologue to this Trage-comedie, but why doth the Author end, and
act the Epilogue in his owne name? I intended at firſt to haue concealed
my ſelfe, but ſecunde cogitationes &c. for ſome reaſons I haue
altered mine intent, and am willing to ſubſcribe...."
Later editions, and there were eight during Burton's lifetime, omit
the conclusion, and show other alterations. The success of the book,
as may be seen from this large number of editions, was great. Wood
says that Cripps, the bookseller, made a fortune out of the sale of it,
yet he received only a half share of the profits; the other half, belonging
to the author, was made over by him in his will to members
of the college and to various Oxford friends. "If anie bookes be
lefte lett my executors dispose of them, with all such bookes as are
written with my owne handes, and half my Melancholy copie, for
Crips hath the other halfe."
In course of time the Anatomy was almost forgotten, and Lowndes
tells us it owes its revival to Dr. Johnson, who observed that it "was
the only book that ever took him out of bed two hours sooner than
he wished to rise."
Lichfield and Short were university printers whose press will be
chiefly remembered in connection with the production of this masterpiece.
The book is ornamented with a few type-metal head- and
tail-pieces, and a large initial and a woodcut head-band at the beginning.
Quarto.
Collation: a-f4, in eights; A-Ddd4, in eights.
WILLIAM SHAKESPEARE (1564-1616)
19. Mr. William | Shakespeares | Comedies, | Histories, & |
Tragedies. | Publiſhed according to the True Originall
Copies. | [Portrait] London | Printed by Iſaac Iaggard,
and Ed. Blount. 1623.
The bibliographical history of this most famous book has been written
so completely by Mr. Sidney Lee that little remains to be said. The
following notes aim only at recounting the facts suggested by a reading
of the title-page.
Venus and Adonis, printed in 1593, and Lucrece, printed in 1594, were
the only works of Shakespeare published during his lifetime with his
consent and coöperation; but sixteen of his plays were printed in
quarto size, by various publishers, without his permission.
The plays here collected, in folio form, are thirty-six in number,
and include sixteen hitherto unpublished,—all the plays, in fact,
except Pericles. John Heming and Henry Condell, friends and fellow-actors
of the dramatist, were professedly responsible for the edition,
as appears in their dedication to the Earls of Pembroke and Montgomery:
"... that what delight is in them, may be euer your L.L. the reputation
his, & the faults ours, if any be committed, by a payre ſo carefull
to ſhew their gratitude both to the liuing, and the dead...." But
the chief part of the real editorship is thought to have devolved upon
the publisher, Edward Blount of The Bear, Paul's Churchyard, one of
the firm pecuniarily responsible for the enterprise. His name and
that of Isaac Jaggard, the printer, appear upon the title-page, as the
licensed printers, but in the colophon we read that the book was
"printed at the charges" of William Jaggard, printer to the City of
London, and father to Isaac, Ed. Blount, "I. Smithweeke," or Smethwick,
bookseller under the Dial, in St. Dunstan's Churchyard, and
William Aspley, bookseller of The Parrots, Paul's Churchyard.
The "true originall copies" were probably found in the sixteen unauthorized
quarto volumes, previously printed, the playhouse or
prompt-copies, and in transcripts of plays in private hands. Heming
and Condell touch on this matter in their address "To the great Variety
of Readers": "It had bene a thing, we confeſſe, worthie to
haue bene wiſhed, that the Author himſelfe had liu'd to haue ſet
forth, and ouerſeen his owne writings; But ſince it hath bin ordain'd
otherwiſe, and he by death departed from that right, we pray you do
not envie his Friends, the office of their care, and paine, to haue collected
& publiſh'd them; and ſo to haue publiſh'd them, as where
(before) you were abus'd with diuerſe ſtolne, and ſurreptitious copies,
maimed, and deformed by the frauds and ſtealthes of iniurious
impoſtors, that expoſed them; even thoſe are now offer'd to your view
cur'd, and perfect of their limbes; and all the reſt, abſolute in their
numbers as he conceiued thẽ."
The edition, as published, is thought to have numbered five hundred
copies. About two hundred are now known, but of these less
than twenty are in perfect condition. The price of the volume when
issued was one pound, and the highest price so far paid is seventeen
hundred and twenty pounds.
The book is not a fine specimen of typography; it contains numerous
errors of all kinds, and the printer's ornaments are all such as are
frequently met with in books issued before and after this date. This
is especially and strikingly true of the large head-band of the archers
which we have already noticed in the Bible of 1611, and of the large
tail-piece used after twenty-five of the plays. The other head-pieces
and initial letters are of commonplace character, and show much
wear. The portrait, too, by Martin Droeshout, a young Flemish
artist,
"Wherein the Grauer had a ſtrife
With Nature, to out-doo the life:"
as Jonson assures us in his famous verses "To the Reader," is, as
might be expected, hard and stiff, but it was undoubtedly done from
a painting that has more claims to be considered "from the life"
than any other. With all its technical faults, it "is intrinsically the
most valuable volume in the whole range of English literature."
Folio.
Collation: One leaf without signature; A, eight leaves; A-Z, Aa-Cc2,
in sixes; a, two leaves; Aa3-Aa6, b-g, in sixes; gg, eight leaves; h-x,
in sixes; ¶, ¶¶, in sixes; ¶¶¶, one leaf; aa-ff, in sixes; gg, two leaves;
gg-zz, aaa-bbb, in sixes.
GEORGE HERBERT (1593-1643)
24. The | Temple. | [Four lines] By Mr. George Herbert.
| [Quotation] Cambridge | Printed by Thom.
Buck, | and Roger Daniel, printers | to the Univerſitie.
| 1633.
Izaak Walton wrote the well-known account of the circumstances
connected with the printing of The Temple. He tells how Herbert,
upon his death-bed, received a visit from a Mr. Edmond Duncon, and
how he confided to him the manuscript to be delivered to Nicholas
Ferrar of Little Gidding. These are his words:
"... Having said this, he did, with so sweet a humility as
seemed to exalt him, bow down to Mr. Duncon, and with a thoughtful
and contented look, say to him, 'Sir, I pray deliver this little book to
my dear brother Farrer [Ferrar], and tell him he shall find in it a picture
of the many spiritual conflicts that have passed betwixt God and
my soul ... desire him to read it; and then, if he can think it may
turn to the advantage of any dejected poor soul, let it be made publick;
if not, let him burn it, for I and it are less than the least of
God's mercies.' Thus meanly did this humble man think of this
excellent book, which now bears the name of The Temple, or Sacred
Poems and Private Ejaculations...."
The small volume was entered for license soon after the poet's
death, but was at first refused by the Vice-Chancellor. Izaak Walton
is again our informant of the circumstance:
"And this ought to be noted, that when Mr. Farrer sent this book
to Cambridge to be licensed for the press, the Vice-Chancellor would
by no means allow the two so much-noted verses,
'Religion stands a tiptoe in our land,
Ready to pass to American strand,'
to be printed; and Mr. Farrer would by no means allow the book to
be printed and want them. But after some time and some arguments
for and against their being made publick, the Vice-Chancellor said,
'I knew Mr. Herbert well, and know that he had many heavenly
speculations, and was a divine poet; but I hope the world will not
take him to be an inspired prophet, and therefore I license the whole
book.' So that it came to be printed without the diminution or addition
of a syllable since it was delivered into the hands of Mr. Duncon,
save only that Mr. Farrer hath added that excellent preface that is
printed before it."
There were two editions of the book in the same year, and beside
these, two copies are known, like the first edition in every particular,
except the title-page, which is not dated, and reads as follows:
The | Temple. | Sacred poems | And | Private Eja- | culations. | By
Mr. George Herbert, late Oratour of the Univerſitie | at Cambridge. |
Psal. 29. | In his Temple doth every | man speak of his honour. | Cambridge:
| Printed by Thomas Buck | and Roger Daniel: | ¶ And are to
be ſold by Francis | Green, ſtationer in | Cambridge.
Grosart thinks that the undated copies were limited to a very few,
issued as gifts to intimate friends.
Thomas Buck appears to have held the office of printer to the University
from 1625 for upward of forty years. During that period he
had several partners besides Daniel, with all of whom he quarrelled.
Daniel was appointed on July 24, 1632, and the next year, or the
year when Herbert's book was published, entered into an agreement
by which he received one-third of the profits of the office, while Buck
received two-thirds.
Duodecimo.
Collation: ¶, four leaves; A-I2, in twelves.
JOHN DONNE (1573-1631)
25. Poems, | By J. D. | With | Elegies | On The Authors |
Death. | London.| Printed by M. F. for Iohn Marriot, |
and are to be ſold at his ſhop in St. Dunſtans | Churchyard
in Fleet-ſtreet. 1633.
An entry in the Registers of the Stationers' Company shows the
book to have been regularly licensed, though somewhat delayed
owing to the doubts of the censor concerning the Satires and certain
of the Elegies.
"13o Septembris 1632
"John Marriott. Entred for his Copy vnder the handes of Sir Henry
Herbert and both the Wardens a booke of verses and Poems (the five
satires, the first, second, Tenth, Eleaventh and Thirteenth Elegies
being excepted) and these before excepted to be his, when he bringes
lawfull authority ... vjd.
"written by Doctor John Dunn."
But in 1637, after two editions had been published, the poet's son,
who had a somewhat unsavory reputation, addressed a petition to the
Archbishop of Canterbury stating that it had been put forth "withoute
anie leaue or Authoritie," and, as a result, the Archbishop issued the
following order, December 16, 1637.
"I require ye Parties whom this Petition concernes not to meddle
any farther with ye Printing or Selling of any ye pretended workes of
ye late Deane of St. Paules, saue onely such as shall be licensed by
publike authority, and approued by the Petitioner, as they will answere
ye contrary to theyr perill. And this I desire Mr. Deane of ye Arches
to take care."
In view of this discussion, Marriot's note in "The Printer To The
Understanders," which is not found in all copies, and which, since it
is printed on two extra leaves, was evidently an afterthought for
late issues, takes on an added interest. It would be difficult to say
whether his apologies touching on all these matters were actuated by
the noble spirit in which he claims he printed the book, or to ward off
anticipated criticism. One is almost tempted to try and read between
the lines when he exclaims:
"If you looke for an Epiſtle, as you haue before ordinary publications,
I am ſory that I muſt deceive you; but you will not lay it to my
charge, when you shall conſider that this is not ordinary ..., you
may imagine (if it pleaſe you) that I could endeare it unto you, by
ſaying, that importunity drew it on, that had it not beene preſented
here, it would haue come to us beyond the Seas (which perhaps is
true enough,) that my charge and paines in procuring of it hath beene
ſuch, and ſuch. I could adde hereunto a promiſe of more correctneſſe,
or enlargement in the next Edition, if you ſhall in the meane time
content you with this....
"If any man (thinking I ſpeake this to enflame him for the vent of
the Impreſſion) be of another opinion, I ſhall as willingly ſpare his
money as his judgement. I cannot looſe ſo much by him as hee will
by himſelfe. For I ſhall ſatiſfie my ſelfe with the conſcience of well
doing, in making ſo much good common.
"Howſoeuer it may appeare to you, it ſhall ſuffice me to enforme
you that it hath the beſt warrant that can bee, publique authority and
private friends."
The younger Donne's petition is supported by the appearance of
the book itself, which was edited in a very careless fashion, without any
attempt at order or relation. But, on the other hand, as Mr. Edmund
Gosse has pointed out, Marriott and his edition really do seem to
have had the support of the best men among Donne's disciples and
friends: King, Hyde, Thomas Browne, Richard Corbet, Henry Valentine,
Izaak Walton, Thomas Carew, Jasper Mayne, Richard Brathwaite
and Endymion Porter, all of whom, beside several others, combined
to write the Elegies mentioned on the title-page.
The printer, "M. F.," was Miles Flesher, or Fletcher, successor to
George Eld, and one of the twenty master printers who worked during
this most troublous period, following the famous act of July 11, 1637.
He also printed for Marriott the second edition of 1635 in octavo,
and the third of 1639, which, in the matter of contents, is practically
the same as the second.
Marriott's first reference in the lines of the "Hexaſtichon Bibliopolæ"
which follows "The Printer To The Understanders,"
"I See in his laſt preach'd, and printed booke,
His Picture in a ſheete; in Pauls I looke,
And ſee his Statue in a ſheete of ſtone,
And ſure his body in the graue hath one:
Thoſe ſheetes preſent him dead, theſe if you buy,
You haue him living to Eternity,"
refers to the portrait engraved by Martin Droeshout, issued with
Death's Duell, in 1632. The whole verse seems to be an apology for
the lack of a portrait in this volume. Donne was abundantly figured
afterward. The Poems, printed in 1635, and again in 1639, contained
his portrait at the age of eighteen, engraved by Marshall; Merian engraved
him at the age of forty-two, for the Sermons of 1640; and
Lombart produced the beautiful head for the Letters of 1651.
Quarto.
Collation: Title, one leaf; A-Z, Aa-Zz, and Aaa-Fff3, in fours.
SIR THOMAS BROWNE (1605-1682)
26. Religio, | Medici. | Printed for Andrew Crooke. 1642.
Will: Marſhall. ſcu.
This is thought to be the earlier of two anonymous editions published
in the same year, and without the author's sanction, as we learn from the
third edition published in the following year, entitled A true and full
coppy of that which was moſt | imperfectly and Surreptitiously printed
before | under the name of: Religio Medici. In the preface Browne
says over his signature: "... I have at preſent repreſented into the
world a ful and intended copy of that Peece which was moſt imperfectly
and surreptitiouſly publiſhed before." He repeats the complaint of
surreptitious publication in a letter to Sir Kenelm Digby, in which he
begs the latter to delay the publication of his "Animadversions
upon ... the Religio Medici" which "the liberty of these times
committed to the Press."
The chief points of difference between the two surreptitious editions
have been pointed out by Mr. W. A. Greenhill in his facsimile edition
of the book, printed in 1883. The form of some of the capital letters
is occasionally different; the issue which he calls A, and to which our
copy belongs, has pp. 190, the other, B, 159; A has 25 lines to a page—B,
26; and the lines in A are shorter than those in B. After comparing
these with the authorized version, Mr. Greenhill says:
"It will appear from the above collection of various readings that
the alterations made by the Author in the authorized edition consisted
chiefly in the correction of positive blunders, made (as we know from
an examination of the existing MSS.) quite as often by the copyist as
by the printer. But he also took the opportunity of modifying various
positive and strongly worded propositions by the substitution of less
dogmatic expressions, or the insertion of the qualifying words, I think,
as some will have it, in some sense, upon some grounds, and the like."
"Upon the whole," Mr. Greenhill thinks Browne "had good reason
to complain bitterly that the book was published, not only without
his knowledge and consent, but also in a "depraved and 'imperfect'
form."
The curious coincidence that all three editions, spurious and authorized,
were issued by the same publisher, who used the engraved title-page
by William Marshall for each, only changing the imprint, gave
rise to the hypothesis that, if Sir Thomas did not authorize, he did
not prevent the publication of the early editions. In fact, Dr. Johnson
(though he professes to acquit him) favored the view "that
Browne procured the anonymous publication of the treatise in order to
try its success with the public before openly acknowledging the authorship."
The effect of the work certainly justified any fears the author may
have had. It excited much controversy and was placed in the Index
Expurgatorius of the Roman Church. But from the publisher's point
of view, it was a great success. Eleven editions appeared during
Browne's lifetime, it was reprinted over and over again, and it provoked
over thirty imitations of its scope or title. It was translated
into Latin, Dutch, French and German.
The emblematic fancy of Marshall has represented on the engraved
title-page of this volume, a hand from the clouds catching a man to
hinder his falling from a rock into the sea. The picture bears the legend
"à coelo salus," which was afterward erased, not, we will hope, because
of lack of faith in the sentiment expressed. The title was also rubbed
out.
Duodecimo.
Collation: Engraved title, one leaf; A-M, in eights.
EDMUND WALLER (1606-1687)
27. The | Workes | Of | Edmond VValler | Eſquire, |
[Four lines] Imprimatur | Na. Brent. Decem. 30.
1644. | London, | Printed for Thomas Walkley | 1645.
The "Workes" of this poet "nursed in parliaments" consist of poems
and speeches. The book was probably issued early in the year,
having, as we see from the title-page, been licensed in December,
1644. There are copies identical in every other respect, that show a
block of printer's ornament instead of the "Imprimatur," and still
others with quite a new title-page, which reads: Poems,| &c. | Written
By | Mr. Ed. Waller | of Beckonſfield, Eſquire; lately a | Member
of the Honourable | House of Commons. | All the Lyrick Poems in
this Booke | were ſet by Mr. Henry Lavves Gent. | of the Kings Chappell,
and one of his | Majeſties Private Muſick. | Printed and Publiſhed
according to Order. | London, | Printed by T. W. for Humphrey Moſley,
at the | Princes Armes in Pauls Church- | yard. 1645.
New poems have been added to this last issue, and "The Table"
of contents has been inserted between the poems and speeches.
There is also an Epistle "To my Lady," and "An advertiſement to
the Reader" wherein we read:
"This parcell of exquiſit poems, have paſſ'd up and downe through
many hands amongſt perſons of the beſt quallity, in looſe imperfect
Manuſcripts, and there is lately obtruded to the world an adulterate
Copy, surruptitiouſly and illegally imprinted, to the derogation of the
Author, and the abuſe of the Buyer. But in this booke they apeare in
their pure originalls and true genuine colours."
We may with reasonableness see in the first variation a publisher's
trick to make his book appear to have had a quick sale; while the
second might indicate a transfer of the unsold sheets from Walkley to
Moseley, who for some reason, perhaps an agreement arrived at with
the poet, considered himself to be the authorized publisher.
Later in the same year, Moseley issued a reprint, which omitted
the Speeches, and a new edition in octavo with a title-page which
now reads:
Poems, &c. | Written By | Mr. Ed. Waller | [Three lines] And
Printed by a Copy of | his own hand-writing. | [Four lines] Printed
and Publiſhed according to Order. | London, | Printed by J. N. for Hu.
Moſley, at the Princes | Armes in Pauls Church-yard, | 1645.
The volume has been entirely reprinted.
The Speeches appear again, but the rest of the contents remain as
before. Mr. Beverly Chew, in an article on "The First Edition of
Waller's Poems," says: "It is this edition that is generally called the
'first authorized edition,' but it is quite evident that all of the editions
of this year stand about on the same level so far as the author is
concerned." Not until the edition of 1664 do we read on the title-page,
"Never till now Corrected and Published with the approbation
of the Author."
Octavo.
Collation: Title, one leaf, B-H, in eights.
FRANCIS BEAUMONT (1584-1616) AND JOHN FLETCHER (1579-1625)
28. Comedies | And | Tragedies | Written by | Francis
Beaumont | And | Iohn Fletcher | Gentlemen. | Never
printed before, | And now publiſhed by the Authours |
Originall Copies. | [Quotation] London, | Printed for
Humphrey Robinſon, at the three Pidgeons, and for |
Humphrey Moſeley at the Princes Armes in St Pauls |
Church-yard. 1647.
These two dramatists, between whom "there was a wonderfull consimility
of phancy," and who shared everything in common, were inseparably
connected in their writings. No collected edition of their
plays appeared before this posthumous one, which is dedicated to
Philip, Earl of Pembroke, by ten actors, and is introduced to the
reader by James Shirley, the dramatist, who speaks of the volume as
"without flattery the greatest Monument of the Scene that Time and
Humanity have produced." This, too, notwithstanding the fact that
Shakespeare's Works had appeared twenty-four years before.
This edition appears to have been due to Moseley's enterprise. He
tells us in a frank address called "The Stationer to the Readers":
"'T were vaine to mention the Chargeableneſſe of this VVork; for
thoſe who own'd the Manuſcripts, too well knew their value to make a
cheap eſtimate of any of theſe Pieces, and though another joyn'd with
me in the Purchaſe and Printing, yet the Care & Pains were wholly
mine...."
Commenting upon the fact stated on the title-page that the plays
had not been printed before, he says: "You have here a New Booke;
I can ſpeake it clearely; for of all this large Uolume of Comedies
and Tragedies, not one, till now, was ever printed before...."
"And as here's nothing but what is genuine and Theirs, ſo you will
find here are no Omiſſions; you have not onely All I could get, but
all that you muſt ever expect. For (beſides thoſe which were formerly
printed) there is not any Piece written by theſe Authours, either
Joyntly or Severally, but what are now publiſhed to the VVorld in this
Volume. One only Play I muſt except (for I meane to deale openly)
'tis a Comedy called the VVilde-gooſe-Chase, which hath beene long
lost...."
Nothing which throws light upon the history of printing at this
time is more interesting than the Postscript added at the end of the
commendatory verses by Waller, Lovelace, Herrick, Ben Jonson and
others, and immediately after a poem by Moseley himself ending, "If
this Booke faile, 'tis time to quit the Trade." ...
"... After the Comedies and Tragedies were wrought off, we were
forced (for expedition) to ſend the Gentlemens Verſes to ſeverall
Printers, which was the occaſion of their different Character; but the
Worke it ſelfe is one continued Letter, which (though very legible) is
none of the biggeſt, becauſe (as much as poſſible) we would leſſen the
Bulke of the Volume."
This matter of size seems to have been the cause of no little solicitude
and care. Speaking of adding more plays to the volume, he says:
"And indeed it would have rendred the Booke ſo Voluminous, that
Ladies and Gentlewomen would have found it ſcarce manageable, who
in Workes of this nature muſt firſt be remembred."
There are thirty-six plays in the collection: as the stationer tells
us in the preface to the reader quoted above, all those previously
printed in quarto are included, except the Wild Goose Chase, which had
been lost. It is added at the end of the volume with a separate title-page
dated 1652.
The following epigram by Sir Aston Cockain, addressed to the publishers,
the two Humphreys, is not without interest in this connection
as showing that the difficulties arising from the joint authorship were
early sources of perplexity:
"In the large book of Plays you late did print
(In Beaumonts and in Fletchers name) why in't
Did you not juſtice? give to each his due?
For Beaumont (of thoſe many) writ in few:
And Maſſinger in other few; the Main
Being ſole Iſſues of ſweet Fletchers brain.
But how come I (you ask) ſo much to know?
Fletchers chief boſome-friend inform'd me ſo.
. . .. . .
. . .. . .
. . .
For Beaumont's works, & Fletchers ſhould come forth
With all the right belonging to their worth."
Moseley, in his address as stationer, says of the portrait of Fletcher
by William Marshall, which bears the inscriptions, "Poetarum Ingeniosissimus
Ioannes Fletcherus Anglus Episcopi Lond: Fili." "Obijt
1625 Ætat 49": "This figure of Mr. Fletcher was cut by ſeveral
Originall Pieces, which his friends lent me; but withall they tell me,
that his unimitable Soule did ſhine through his countenance in ſuch
Ayre and Spirit, that the Painters confeſſed it, was not eaſie to expreſſe
him." The nine lines of verse beneath the portrait are by Sir John
Birkenhead. The portrait is found in two states, distinguishable by
the size of the letters in Birkenhead's name. Although he was very
ambitious to get a portrait of Master Beaumont, his search proved
unavailing.
There are a few woodcut head-bands, varied with others made of
type metal, in the front part of the book, but the last part is severely
plain.
Folio. The first collected edition.
Collation: Portrait; A, four leaves; a-c, in fours; d-g, in
twos; B-L2, in fours; Aa-Ss, in fours; Aaa-Xxx, in fours;
4A-4I, in fours; 5A-5X, in fours; 6A-6K, in fours; 6L, six leaves;
7A-7G, in fours; 8A-8C, in fours; *Dddddddd, two leaves;
8D-8F, in fours.
ROBERT HERRICK (1591-1674)
29. Hesperides: | Or, | The Works | Both | Humane &
Divine | Of | Robert Herrick Eſq. [Quotation, Printer's
mark] London, | Printed for John Williams, and
Francis Eglesfield, | and are to be ſold at the Crown
and Marygold | in Saint Pauls Church-yard. 1648.
A volume entitled "The seuerall Poems written by Master Robert
Herrick" was entered by Master Crooke for license April 29, 1640,
but was not published. The Hesperides was the first work of the
poet to be printed, except some occasional contributions to collections
of poems. It is dedicated in a metrical epistle to the most illustrious
and most hopeful Charles, Prince of Wales, afterward Charles II.
The book is divided into two parts, the second having a separate
title-page which reads: His | Noble Numbers: | Or, | His Pious
Pieces, | Wherein (amongſt other things) | he ſings the Birth of his
Christ: | and ſighs for his Saviours ſuffe- | ring on the Croſſe.| [Quotation]
London. | Printed for John Williams, and Francis Eglesfield,
1647. |
This part was not issued, as far as is known, except with the
Hesperides to which the author evidently intended it to be affixed, if
we may judge by the lines toward the end of the first part: "Part of
the work remains; one part is past."
The year of publication had seen Herrick dispossessed of his
living at Dean Prior by the predominant Puritan party, and it has
been suggested that he was glad to take this means of gaining an
income. His use of the form, "Robert Herrick, Esquire," was, it
is thought, a wise move on the part of the publishers, since a book by
the "Reverend," or "Robert Herrick, Vicker" would have been less
likely to meet with favor.
Neither Williams nor Eglesfield was a bookseller of importance,
and the printer is entirely unknown. He may have withheld his
name for fear of the judgment suggested by Herrick at the head
of his column of Errata:
"For theſe Tranſgreſsions which thou here doſt ſee,
Condemne the Printer, Reader, and not me;
Who gave him forth good Grain, though he miſtook
The Seed; ſo ſow'd theſe Tares throughout my Book."
Copies vary in the imprint, some reading London, Printed for John
Williams and Francis Eglesfield, and are to be ſold by Tho. Hunt, Bookſeller
in Exon, 1648; and several differences of spelling, capitalization
and punctuation also occur. These variations have given rise to a
discussion that aims to determine the sequence of issues; but thus far
it serves only to prove that constant editorial tinkering took place
at the press-side.
William Marshall, whose prolific graver (Strutt says he used only
that tool) produced portraits, frontispieces, title-pages, and other
decorations of a certain charm, even if dry and cramped in style,
had in Herrick a subject of more than usual difficulty. As if conscious
of his shortcomings he attempts to make atonement by the
emblematic flattery of Pegasus winging his flight from Parnassus, the
Spring of Helicon, loves and flowers, which he adds to lines signed
I. H. C. and W. M.
Octavo.
Collation: Four leaves (without signatures): B-Z and Aa-Cc, in
eights, Aa-Ee, in eights.
IZAAK WALTON (1593-1683)
31. The | Compleat Angler | [Six lines, Quotation.] London,
Printed by T. Maxey for Rich. Marriot, in | S.
Dunſtans Church-yard Fleetſtreet, 1653.
In the Perfect Diurnall, as well as in other broad-sheets, the following
advertisement appeared from Monday, May 9, to Monday, May
16, 1653:
"The Compleat Angler or the Contemplative Man's Recreation,
being a Diſcourſe of Fish and Fishing, not unworthy the peruſal
of moſt Anglers, of 18 pence price. Written by Iz. Wa. Alſo the
known Play of the Spaniſh Gipſee, never till now publiſhed. Both
printed for Richard Marriot, to be ſold at his ſhop in St. Dunſtans
Church-yard, Fleet Street." Walton could hardly have expected
his work to be anonymous when his very distinctive initials appeared
so plainly in the advertisement. And even though they are
not printed on the title-page of the book, they are signed to the
dedication to his most honoured friend, Mr. John Offley of Madeley
Manor, and at the end of the address "To the Reader of this Discourse:
but eſpecially To the honeſt Angler." The name was added
to the title in the fifth or 1676 edition, called The Universal Angler.
Contemplative men did indeed find the work not unworthy their
perusal, and Marriot, who seems to have been fortunate in the books
he published, alone issued five editions during the life of the author.
Between then and now we may count no less than one hundred and
thirty different imprints. At Sotheby's, in 1895, a copy of this eighteen-pence
book sold for four hundred and fifteen pounds, an earnest of
its rarity and of the eagerness with which it is sought.
Concerning the engraved cartouche with the first part of the title,
on the title-page, and the six illustrations of fish engraved in the text,
the author says "To the Reader of this Discourse": "And let me
adde this, that he that likes not the diſcourſe ſhould like the pictures
of the Trout and other fiſh, which I may commend, becauſe they
concern not myſelf." No name is given to show whose work they
may be; they are sometimes ascribed to Pierre Lombart, a Frenchman
resident in London, and employed by book-publishers to illustrate
their books. But on the other hand we must not forget that
Vaughan and Faithorne were both making illustrations for books at this
time. There is reason for calling attention to the belief, formerly current,
that the engravings were done on plates of silver, a notion which,
as Thomas Westwood remarks, is sufficiently disproved by their repeated
use in no less than five editions of The Compleat Angler, and
the same number of Venable's Experienc'd Angler.
Henry Lawes, the musician, and the author of several works, wrote
the music to "The Anglers' Song For two Voyces, Treble and Baſſe,"
which occupies pages 216 and 217. The right-hand page is printed
upside down for the greater convenience of the singers, who could
thus stand facing one another. Lawes used a similar arrangement in
his Select Ayres and Dialogues, published the same year as the Angler.
Octavo.
Collation: A-R3, in eights.
SAMUEL BUTLER (1612-1680)
32. Hudibras. | The First Part, | Written in the time of the
late Wars. | [Device] London, | Printed by J. G. for
Richard Marriot, under Saint | Dunstan's Church in
Fleetſtreet. 1663.
Although "written in the time of the late Wars," Hudibras was not
licensed to be printed until November 11, 1662, two years after the
reëstablishment of the monarchy, when a satire on Puritanism could
no longer give offense to the ruling party. On the contrary, the
satisfaction which it gave to the King and court had much to do
with the great success it achieved. Butler himself records the royal
favor:
"He never ate, nor drank, nor slept,
But 'Hudibras' still near him kept;
Nor would he go to church or so,
But 'Hudibras' must with him go."
Marriot, the successful publisher of Walton's Angler and some of
Donne's books, issued the first part in three different forms, large
octavo, like our copy, small octavo, and duodecimo; the last two
sizes being sold for a lower price than the former, to meet the popular
demand for the work. Besides these there is another edition, in three
issues of the same date, which has no name of printer or publisher in
the imprint, although, like Marriot's copies, it bears the license, "Imprimatur.
Jo: Berkenhead, Novemb. 11, 1662." If it were not for
this imprimatur, the following notice, which appeared in the Public
Intelligencer for December 23, 1662, would make it seem certain that
the nameless edition was really spurious:
"There is stolen abroad a most false imperfect copy of a poem
called Hudibras, without name either of printer or bookseller, as fit for
so lame and spurious an impression. The true and perfect edition
printed by the author's original, is sold by Richard Marriot under
St. Dunstan's church in Fleet Street; that other nameless is a cheat,
and will not abuse the buyer as well as the author, whose poem
deserves to have fallen into better hands." But the presence of the
regular license brings us to the very probable theory that Marriot may
have issued both editions; the first without his name because he was
unwilling to allow it to appear until the fortune of the book seemed
certain.
Singularly enough, Marriot did not issue The Second Part. By the
Authour of the Firſt, which came out the next year in two sizes, octavo
and small octavo, Printed by T. R. for John Martyn, and James
Alleſtry, at the Bell in St. Pauls Church Yard. Ten years later we
find the volume being issued by Martyn and also by Herringman.
The Third and laſt | Part. | Written by the Author | Of The | First
and Second Parts. | London, | Printed for Simon Miller, at the Sign of
the Star | at the Weſt End of St. Pauls, 1678. was only published in
one size, the octavo. We get an idea of the great interest the book
created, when, after a lapse of so many years, this last part ran into a
second edition in a twelvemonth.*
Mr. Pepys is our authority for the cost of the spurious book. He
says, in his Diary on Christmas Day, 1662: "Hither come Mr.
Battersby; and we falling into a discourse of a new book of drollery
in verse, called Hudebras, I would needs go find it out, and met with
it at the Temple: it cost 2s. 6d. But when I came to read it, it is so
silly an abuse of the Presbyter Knight going to the warrs, that I am
ashamed of it; and by and by, meeting at Mr. Townsend's at dinner,
I sold it to him for 18d." He afterward tried to read the second part,
so we learn from his notes dated November 28, 1663; but which issue
he used we shall never know. He says:
"... To Paul's Church Yarde, and there looked upon the second
part of Hudibras, which I buy not, but borrow to read, to see if he
be as good as the first, which the world do cry so mightily up, though
it hath not a good liking in me...."
Octavo.
Collation: Title; A-R, in eights.
JOHN MILTON (1608-1674)
33. Paradiſe loft. | A | Poem | Written in | Ten Books | By
John Milton. | Licenſed and Entred according | to
Order. | London | Printed, and are to be ſold by Peter
Parker | under Creed Church neer Aldgate; And by |
Robert Boulter at the Turks Head in Biſhopſgate-ſtreet;
| And Matthias Walker, under St. Dunſtons Church |
in Fleet-ſtreet, 1667.
Milton began his great epic in 1658, and is said to have finished it in
1663. It was licensed after some delay, occasioned by the hesitation
of the deputy of the Archbishop of Canterbury over the lines:
"As when the Sun, new ris'n
Looks through the Horizontal Misty Air
Shorn of his Beams, or from behind the Moon
In dim Eclips, disastrous twilight sheds
On half the Nations, and with fear of change
Perplexes Monarchs."
He may, as Professor Masson has pointed out, have had difficulty
in finding a publisher able and willing to venture upon the printing of
a work by one "whose attacks on the Church and defenses of the execution
of Charles I. were still fresh in the memory of all, and some
of whose pamphlets had been publicly burnt by the hangman after the
Restoration." Few probably of those whose shops had centered
around Paul's Churchyard, the very heart of the book-trade, could
have done so, for they were, if not ruined, certainly inconvenienced
by the loss of their stock and shops in the Great Fire of the year before.
It is small wonder that Simmons, to whom, through some
agency or other, the poet did come, drove a hard bargain when the
agreement for the copyright was entered into, April 27, 1667. The
original of this agreement came into the possession of the Tonsons,
the proprietors of the copyright, and was finally presented to the
British Museum by Samuel Rogers, who acquired it from Pickering the
publisher. "Milton was to receive 5 l. down, and 5 l. more upon
the sale of each of the first three editions. The editions were to be
accounted as ended when thirteen hundred copies of each were sold
'to particular reading customers,' and were not to exceed fifteen
hundred copies apiece. Milton received the second 5 l. in April,
1669, that is 15 l. in all. His widow in 1680 settled all claims upon
Simmons for 8 l. and Simmons became proprietor of the copyright,
then understood to be perpetuated."
The book made its appearance at an unfortunate time. London
had barely recovered from the Plague of 1665 (during which eighty
printers had died, wherein is seen another reason for the difficulty in
finding a publisher), and the great district devastated by the Fire was
still only partly rebuilt. It was not surprising that the 1200 copies
which are thought to have made the first edition did not have a brisk
sale; these were not exhausted for at least eighteen months, and a
second impression was not put out for four years.
The copies of the first printing may be divided into several classes,
according to the title-pages they bear. These all differ from one
another in several more or less important particulars, but the text
of the work is identical in all cases, except for a few typographical
errors. Two titles, supposed to be the earliest, were Licenſed and
Entred according | to Order, and have the imprint:
London | Printed, and are to be ſold by Peter Parker | under Creed
Church neer Aldgate; And by | Robert Boulter at the Turks Head in
Biſhopſgate-ſtreet; | And Matthias Walker, under St. Dunſtons Church |
in Fleet-ſtreet, 1667.
On these the poem is seen to be by "John Milton," and the only
difference between them lies in the type used for Milton's name, one
being of a smaller size than the other. A third title-page, having a
similar imprint but dated 1668, has "The Author J. M." A fourth has
"The Author John Milton," the license has given place to a group of
fleurs-de-lis, and the imprint reads:
London, | Printed by S. Simmons, and to be ſold by S. Thomſon at |
the Biſhopſ-Head in Duck-lane, H. Mortlack, at the | White Hart in
Weſtminſter Hall, M. Walker under | St. Dunſtans Church in Fleet-ſtreet,
and R. Boulter at | the Turks-Head in Biſhopſgate ſtreet, 1668.
Two new title-pages were used in 1669, differing only in the type.
The imprint reads:
London, | Printed by S. Simmons, and are to be ſold by | T. Helder at
the Angel in Little Brittain. | 1669.
Beside these there are others. Early bibliographers claimed that
eight or even nine variations existed, but later investigation has failed
to verify more than six.
The chief point of interest in all these variations lies in the fact
that Peter Parker, not Simmons, issued the first volumes. As we have
pointed out above, the theory has been advanced that the owner of
the copyright was timid about avowing his connection with the poet.
A more natural reason would seem to be that he was unable to print
the book at first, through losses, in the Fire perhaps, of presses and
types. Such a theory would seem to derive weight from the fact that
the issues of 1668 and 1669 which bear his name do not give an address,
and it is not until the second edition of 1674 that we find him
"next door to the Golden Lion in Aldersgate-ſtreet."
The original selling price of the volume was three shillings. The
prices now vary according to the sequence of the title-pages. A copy
of the first issue sold in New York in 1901 for eight hundred and
thirty dollars.
The volume has no introductory matter, but begins at once with
the lines "Of Mans Firſt Diſobedience"; Simmons added the following
note to the second edition: "There was no Argument at firſt
intended to the Book, but for the ſatisfaction of many that have deſired
it, is procured." The printer adopted a very useful custom in
numbering the lines of the poem. He set the figures down by tens in
the margin, within the double lines that frame the text.
The first edition with the first title-page.
Collation: Two leaves without signatures; A-Z, and Aa-Vv2,
in fours. Without pagination.
JOHN BUNYAN (1628-1688)
34. The | Pilgrims Progreſs | [Eleven lines] By John Bunyan.
| Licenſed and Entered according to Order. |
London, | Printed for Nath. Ponder at the Peacock | in
the Poultrey near Cornhil, 1678.
In 1672 Bunyan was released from the gaol, which, possibly with a
brief interval, had been his "close and uncomfortable" home for
twelve years; and Ponder, who, for his connection with his famous
client, was called "Bunyan's Ponder," entered the imperishable story,
written in "similitudes," at the Stationers' Hall, December 22, 1677.
The customary fee of sixpence being duly paid, early in the following
year the book was licensed, and soon after published at one shilling
sixpence.
Its success was very great: the first year saw a second edition, and
the year following a third, each with important additions.
Southey stated, in 1830, when he put out a new edition of the book,
that there was no copy of the first edition known, but since then five
have been unearthed, two of which are perfect.
The portrait of Bunyan engraved by Robert White makes our copy
unique. It shows the author lying asleep over a lion's den, while
above him Christian is represented on his journey. Until 1886, when
this volume was brought to light, the third edition was supposed
to be the first to have a picture of the author; but now it seems
quite certain that other volumes of the first edition may, like this,
have had the print. In the edition of 1679, the label of the city
from which the Pilgrim was journeying, called "Vanity" here, was
changed to "Destruction."
The price paid for this volume, when it was sold at auction in 1901,
was fourteen hundred and seventy-five pounds.
The second part of the Pilgrim's Progress appeared in 1684. It
depends more upon reflected than intrinsic merit; but copies of the
first edition are even rarer than those of the first edition of the first
part.
Octavo.
Collation: A-Q3, in eights. Portrait.
JOHN DRYDEN (1631-1700)
35. Absalom | And | Achitophel. | A | Poem. | ... Si
Propiùs ſtes | Te Capiet Magis.... | London, |
Printed for J. T. and are to be Sold by W. Davis in |
Amen-Corner, 1681.
The Earl of Shaftesbury, here typified as Achitophel for his share in
the conspiracy to place the young Duke of Monmouth, Absalom, on
the throne, was committed to the Tower in July, 1681; and this satire
appeared in November, just before the Grand Jury acquitted him.
Notwithstanding the lateness of the work, its success was unprecedented.
We are told that Samuel Johnson's father, a bookseller
of Litchfield, said that he could not remember a sale of equal rapidity,
except that of the reports of the Sacheverell trial.
The author's name does not appear in the book; nor yet in the
second edition, to which Tonson added two unsigned poems "To the
unknown author."
Jacob Tonson, the publisher of the work, was one of the notable
figures in the annals of book-publishing in England, and his name is
inseparably connected with some of the most important literary
ventures of the period: with those of Milton, Addison, Steele, Congreve,
but above all with those of Dryden. Basil Kennett wrote in
1696: "Twill be as impossible to think of Virgil without Mr. Dryden,
as of either without Mr. Tonson." He was so poor when he began
business that he is said to have borrowed the twenty pounds necessary
to the purchase of the first play of Dryden's that he published; but,
thanks to his shrewdness, and to the success of his ventures, he died
in affluent circumstances, having fully earned the title of "prince of
booksellers." He was the founder of the famous Kit-Cat Club, and
in spite of Dryden's ill-tempered lines,
"With leering looks, bull-faced and freckled fair,
With two left legs, with Judas-coloured hair,
And frowsy pores that taint the ambient air,"
he was not unliked by his clients and friends.
The only decoration in the book consists of a head-band preceding
the poem, and an initial letter. In some copies the head-band is
pieced out to the width of the type page with small ornaments.
Folio.
Collation: Two leaves without signatures; B-I, in twos.
JOHN LOCKE (1632-1704)
36. An | Essay | Concerning | Humane Understanding. |
In Four Books. [Quotation, Group of Ornaments]
London: | Printed by Eliz. Holt, for Thomas Baſſet, at
the | George in Fleet-ſtreet, near St Dunſtan's | Church.
MDCXC.
Locke's two previous works had been issued anonymously; but this
book, while it has no name on the title-page, has the author's name
signed at the foot of the dedication to Thomas, Earl of Pembroke;
a dedication of such fulsome compliment that even Pope, who called
Locke his philosophic master, is said to have thought he could never
forgive it. In the first edition, that appeared early in the year, the
dedication is not dated, but "Dorset Court, May 24, 1689," appears
in all the following issues.
Basset paid thirty pounds for the copyright of the work, and later
agreed to give six bound copies of every subsequent edition, and ten
shillings for every sheet of additional matter.
Some copies of the first edition have the imprint: Printed for Tho.
Baſſet, and ſold by Edw. Mory | at the Sign of the Three Bibles in St.
Paul's Church-Yard. MDCXC. They probably belong to an earlier issue:
the two ss in Essay, which were here printed upside down, were set
right in the title-pages of the issue facsimiled; and the group of printer's
ornaments, here placed irregularly, were straightened in our copy.
In August, 1692, Locke writes: "I am happy to tell you that a
new edition of my book is called for, which, in the present turmoil of
the protestant world, I consider very satisfactory." The month of
September, 1694 brought the book again before the public, and by
the year 1800 twenty different editions had been published.
The first edition was full of faults that the second aimed to correct.
"Beſides what is already mentioned, this Second Edition has the Summaries
of the several § §. not only Printed, as before, in a Table by
themſelves, but in the Margent too. And at the end there is now an
Index added. Theſe two, with a great number of ſhort additions,
amendments, and alterations, are advantages of this Edition, which the
bookseller hopes will make it ſell. For as to the larger additions and
alterations, I have obliged him, and he has promiſed me to print them
by themſelves, ſo that the former Edition may not be wholly loſt to
thoſe who have it, but by the inſerting in their proper places the paſſages
that will be imprinted alone, to that purpoſe, the former Book
may be made as little defective as poſſible."
The amendments and alterations were printed on separate slips of
paper, which were given to purchasers of the first edition to be
pasted into their copies; certainly an ingenious if not altogether
satisfactory way of keeping abreast with the author's mind. It must
have been considered useful, however, for the same plan was resorted
to with the fourth edition.
"Our friend Dr. Locke, I am told, has made an addition to his excellent
'Essay,' which may be had without purchasing the whole
book," said the thrifty Evelyn to the careful Pepys, who replied:
"Dr. Locke has set a useful example to future reprinters. I hope it
will be followed in books of value." A copy of the book in the
Bodleian Library, which has its little slips all carefully pasted in, has
a note on the fly-leaf, written by its owner:
"Here is observable the honesty of the great Mr. Locke in printing
for the purchasers of this edition the improvements made in the
second."
Folio.
Collation: A, four leaves; [a], two leaves; B-Z, Aa-Zz, and Aaa-Ccc,
in fours.
EDWARD HYDE FIRST EARL OF CLARENDON (1609-1674)
38. The | History | Of The | Rebellion and Civil Wars |
In | England, | [Five lines] Written by the Right Honourable
| Edward Earl of Clarendon, | [Two lines, Quotations]
Volume The First. [Vignette] Oxford, | Printed
at the Theater, An. Dom. MDCCII. [-MDCCIV].
Begun in April, 1641, and finished during the period of Clarendon's
exile, which extended from 1667 until his death, the History was prepared
for printing under the direction of Laurence Hyde, Earl of
Rochester, who received assistance from Dr. Henry Aldrich, Dean of
Christ Church, and Thomas Sprat, Bishop of Rochester. Rochester
wrote the introduction and dedications.
On the verso of the title-page of the first volume we find "Imprimatur.
Ro. Hander Vice-Can. Oxon. Apr. 29. 1702."; the second
volume is signed "Guil Delaune Vice-Can, Oxon. Sept. 15, 1703," and
the third, by Delaune, "Octob. 16, 1704."
There is no dedication to the first volume, which begins at once
with the preface; but the second and third volumes are dedicated to
the queen. In the last two volumes a proclamation by her Majesty,
dated June 24, 1703, states that: "whereas Our Truſty and
Wellbeloved William Delaune, Doctor in Divinity, and Vice-Chancellor
of Our Univerſity of Oxford, has humbly preſented unto US,
in the behalf of the ſaid Univerſity, that They have at Great Expence
already Publiſhed One Volume of the late Earl of Clarendon's
Hiſtory, and intend in a ſhort time to Publiſh the Second and
Third Volumes for Compleating the Work; and the ſole Right of the
Copy of the ſaid Work being Veſted in Our Univerſity of Oxford, and
They having humbly beſought US to Grant Them Our Royal Priviledge
and Licence for the ſole Printing and Publiſhing the ſame for
the Term of Fourteen Years; ... do therefore hereby Give and
Grant ... the same." This refers to the fact that Clarendon, who
had been chancellor of the University from 1660 until he went into
exile, provided in his will that the profits from the sale of copies of the
History should belong to the University and should be expended in erecting
a building for the exclusive use of the Press, founded in "1468."
Previously, and at the time of the printing of the book, the work of
the University Press was done in the "Theatre," a view of which is
given at the left of the figure of Minerva, in the vignette on the title-page.
This was the Sheldonian Theatre, built from designs by Christopher
Wren, at the expense of Archbishop Gilbert Sheldon, who succeeded
Lord Clarendon as chancellor. It was opened in 1669, and
was used for various academic purposes, as well as for the home of the
Press. Clarendon's design was fulfilled in 1713; and the Clarendon
Building, as it was called, was occupied until it was outgrown, and the
Clarendon Press, for under this name it was now equally well known,
was removed once more, in 1830, to its present quarters.
The vignette, with its interesting glimpse of the buildings near the
Theatre, is signed "delin
urg. ſculp. Univ. Ox.," in the first two volumes,
and "delin
urghers ſculpt, Univ. Ox. 1704," in the third,
where the plate also shows other signs of having been gone over or
reëngraved.* Beside these vignettes, the work is ornamented with ambitious
copper-plate head- and tail-pieces, and initial letters, some unsigned,
but probably all by Burg. A portrait of Clarendon occurs as a
frontispiece in each of the three volumes. It is after the painting by
Sir Peter Lely, and was engraved in 1700 by Robert White, a prolific
producer of portraits framed with borders that, in most cases, were less
tasteful than this one, with its mace, bag, and coat-of-arms. The inscription
reads: "Edward Earle of Clarendon, Lord High Chancellor of
England, and Chancellor of the Univerſity of Oxford. Ano. Dñi 1667."
The plate for the third volume has been much worked over, if not
entirely redrawn in a slavish copy. White's name is erased, and Burg's
appears in its stead. Some copies of all three volumes of the first edition
are dated 1704; while others show a confusion of dates, and the
portraits do not follow the order here described.
Folio. Large paper copy.
Collation: Three volumes. Three portraits.
THE TATLER
39. The | Lucubrations | Of | Iſaac Bickerſtaff Eſq; |
Vol. I. | [Quotation] London, | Printed: And ſold
by John Morphew, near Stationers-Hall. MDCCX.
[-MDCCXI.] Note. The Bookbinder is deſired to place the
Index after [Tatler, No. 114] which ends the Firſt Volume in Folio.
The first number of the Lucubrations, a folio sheet headed with the
title The Tatler, and ending with the imprint London: Printed for the
Author, 1709, appeared on Tuesday, April 12. It was issued thereafter
three times a week, on Tuesdays, Thursdays, and Saturdays, "for the
convenience of the post."
Public interest having displayed itself in a sufficiently emphatic
manner, the "Author" evidently felt justified in engaging a permanent
printer, and the imprint of the fifth number reads: "Sold by John
Morphew near Stationers-Hall; where Advertiſements are taken in."
The first four numbers were distributed free as a kind of advertisement.
Then, "Upon the humble Petition of the Running Stationers,
&c.," they were sold at one penny. But a charge of halfpence was
added after the twenty-sixth number, "Whereas Several Gentlemen
have deſir'd this Paper, with a blank Leaf to write Buſineſs on, and
for the convenience of the poſt."
"Quidquid agunt homines nostri farrago libelli" is the motto printed
at the head of the first forty numbers, and "Celebrare domestica
facta" on Nos. 41 and 42, but after that special mottoes were used.
The single numbers usually bear the name of "Isaac Bickerstaff, Esq,,
aged sixty-four, an old man, a philosopher, an humorist, an astrologer
and a censor," but sometimes other members of his family appear in
his stead, especially his half-sister Jenny Distaff, and her husband.
Number 271, dated January 2, 1711, omits Bickerstaff's name, and
the whole paper, except for some advertisements at the end, is given
to a letter signed by Steele, in which he says: "The Printer having
informed me that there are as many of theſe Papers printed as will
make Four Volumes, I am now come to the End of my Ambition in
this Matter, and have nothing further to ſay to the World, under the
Character of Iſaac Bickerſtaff. This Work has indeed for ſome time
been diſagreeable to me, and the Purpoſe of it wholly loſt by my being
ſo long underſtood as the Author.... All I can now do for the
further Gratification of the Town, is to give them a faithful Index and
Explication of Paſſages and Alluſions...." The index, called "A
Faithful Index of the Dull as well as Ingenious Paſſages in the
Tatlers," bears at the end the important note, "[The Price of theſe
Two Sheets, Three Pence.]" The "Explication of paſſages" was
made in "The Preface," which, in our copy, is bound after the dedications
of the second volume. For, as it will thus be seen, Steele
bethought himself to add further to the gratification of the public by
printing two title-pages and four dedications, on folio sheets, for the
benefit of those subscribers who might wish to bind their copies.
The title-page of the second volume is like the first, only it is dated
1711; and the foot-note reads:
"Note, The Bookbinder is deſired
to place the Index after [Tatler No. 271.] which ends the ſecond
Volume in Folio." The index to the Tatlers of this volume has the
note: "[The Price of theſe Three Sheets and a Half, Six Pence.]"
The notes on the dedications, and the fact that while the folio
sheets made only two volumes, four dedications were issued, shows us
that the binding of the current sheets was an afterthought, and that
the quarto edition in four volumes was relied upon to keep alive the
lucubrations. Thus the quarto edition dedications were made to do
double service.
In its present form the first volume is dedicated anonymously to
Mr. Arthur Maynwaring, while the second has the other three dedications.
One, to Edward Wortley Montague, signed Isaac Bickerstaff,
has the note: "The Dedication foregoing belongs to the Second
Volume of Tatlers in Octavo; which begins with No 51, and ends
with No 114". One, to William, Lord Cowper, signed Richard
Steele, has the note: "The foregoing Dedication belongs to the Third
Volume of Tatlers in Octavo, which begins with No. 115, and ends
with No. 189." The last one, dedicated to Charles, Lord Halifax, also
signed by Steele, has a note which reads: "This Dedication belongs
to the Fourth Volume of Tatlers in Octavo, which begins with No 190,
and ends with No 271."
Aitken tells us that, "Like other publications of the time, the successive
numbers of the Tatler were reprinted in Dublin and Edinburgh, as
they came out. The Dublin issue was in quarto form, the Edinburgh
paper a folio sheet, rather smaller than the original, and with a fresh
set of advertisements of interest to local readers."
In No. 102, our editor says of the octavo edition:
"Whereas I am informed, That there is a ſpurious and very incorrect
Edition of theſe Papers printed in a ſmall Volume; Theſe are to
give Notice, That there is in the Preſs, and will ſpeedily be publiſhed,
a very neat Edition, fitted for the Pocket, on extraordinary good
Paper, a new Brevier Letter, like the Elzevir Editions, and adorned
with ſeveral Cuts by the beſt Artiſts. To which is added, a Preface,
Index, and many Notes, for the better Explanation of theſe Lucubrations.
By the Author. Who has reviſed, amended, and made many
Additions to the Whole." In the last number he says again: "The
Third Volume of theſe Lucubrations being juſt finiſh'd, on a large
Letter in Octavo, ſuch as pleaſe to ſubſcribe for it on a Royal Paper,
to keep up their Sets, are deſired to ſend their Names to Charles
Lillie, Perfumer, at the Corner of Beauford-Buildings, in the Strand,
or John Morphew near Stationers Hall, where the Firſt and Second
Volumes are to be deliver'd."
The price of the corrected work in four quarto volumes, if bought
of the printer, was £1 per volume on royal paper, and ten shillings
on medium paper; and it is gratifying to learn that the work met
with so great a success that there was hardly a name eminent at the
time which was not subscribed.
A copy in the British Museum has for a frontispiece a portrait of
"Isaac Bickerstaff Esq. Engraved and ſold by John Sturt in Golden-Lion
Court in Alderſgate Street Price Six Pence. MDCCX." and
signed B. L ens ſenr delineavit.
Folio.
Collation: Two volumes. No signatures. Volume I: iv pp.
[114 ll.], iv pp. Volume II: viii pp. [271 ll.], vi pp.
THE SPECTATOR
40. Numb. I | The Spectator | Non fumum ex fulgore, ſed
ex fumo dare lucem | Cogitat ut ſpecioſa dehinc miracula
promat. Hor. | To be continued every Day. | Thurſday,
March 1. 1711. [At the end] London: Printed for
Sam. Buckley, at the Dolphin in Little Britain; and
sold by A. Baldwin in Warwick-Lane.
The last Tatler had appeared in the previous January: the new paper
like its predecessor came out in single folio sheets, but, as may be
seen above, its editors considered the demand sufficient to warrant its
daily publication.
The first fifteen numbers bore the imprint here given, with the additional
information, after the second number, "where Advertisements
are taken in." Buckley paid Addison and Steele £575, on November
10, 1712, for a half-share in the copyright of the paper and in the
numbers not yet published. On October 13, 1714, he transferred this
assignment to Jacob Tonson, Jr., whose name appears October 2,
1712, in place of that of Baldwin's and of "Charles Lillie, Perfumer,
at the Corner of Beaufort-Buildings in the Strand," who had sold the
sheet from the sixteenth number, dated March 19, 1711, until that time.
On December 6, 1712, the following notice by Steele appeared,
and as it sums up briefly the main points in the Spectator's successful
career, it may be regarded as a text for the succeeding notes.
"I have nothing more to add, but having ſwelled this Work to Five
hundred and fifty-five Papers, they will be diſpoſed into ſeven Volumes,
four of which are already publiſh'd, and the three others in the
Preſs. It will not be demanded of me why I now leave off, tho' I
muſt own my ſelf obliged to give an Account to the Town of my Time
hereafter, ſince I retire when their Partiality to me is ſo great, that an
Edition of the former Volumes of Spectators of above Nine thouſand
each Book is already ſold off, and the Tax on each half Sheet has
brought into the Stamp-Office one Week with another above 20 l. a
Week ariſing from this ſingle Paper, notwithſtanding it at first reduced
it to leſs than half the number that was uſually Printed before this
Tax was laid."
Volumes 1 and 2, printed in octavo, were bound up, and, dedicated
to Lord Somers and Lord Halifax, were issued in 1712; volumes
3 and 4, with dedications to Henry Boyle and the Duke of
Marlborough, came out the next year; and the remaining three, with
dedications to the Marquis of Wharton, Earl of Sunderland, and
Sir Paul Methuen, were also published in 1713. With the help of
Eustace Budgell, Addison issued a continuation of the paper in 1714,
which, when it made enough numbers for a volume, was issued with a
dedication to Will Honeycomb, in 1715. An edition in duodecimo
was also published. A few copies on large paper sold at one guinea
a volume.
There is some difference of opinion as to the exact number of copies
circulated, all founded on the facts given in the Spectator itself. In
No. 10, Addison says that there were already 3000 copies distributed
every day. "So that if I allow Twenty Readers to every Paper,
which I look upon as a modeſt Computation, I may reckon about
Threeſcore thouſand Diſciples in London and Weſtminster". On July 23,
1711, he wrote: "... my Bookſeller tells me, the Demand for theſe
my Papers increaſes daily," and on December 31 he repeated, "I
find that the Demand for my Papers has encreaſed every Month
ſince their firſt appearance in the World." On the 1st of August,
1712, St. John's Stamp Act came into force, by which a halfpenny
stamp was imposed upon all newspapers and periodical sheets. This
attempt to suppress free expression of opinion succeeded to some extent;
many of the papers of the day ceased to exist. The Spectator
continued as before, but the price was raised from one penny to
twopence. "... A payment of over £20. a week for stamp duty
represents a daily circulation of more than 1,600 copies, or 10,000 a
week, from the 1st August to the 6th December 1712, and the daily
circulation before the 1st August would therefore be, according to
Steele's statement, nearly 4000."
Two hundred and seventy-four of the 635 papers are attributed to
Addison, and from 236 to 240 to Steele. Addison usually signed his
essays with one of the letters of the name Clio, and Steele wrote over
the initials T. and R. Besides the two principal writers, Budgell,
Hughes, Parnell, Pope and Tickell are thought to have contributed
papers, but considerable uncertainty exists with regard to their work.
Folio.
Collation: In numbers.
DANIEL DEFOE (1661?-1731)
41. The | Life | And | Strange Surprizing | Adventures |
Of | Robinson Crusoe, | Of York, Mariner: | [Nine
lines] Written by Himſelf. | London: | Printed for
W. Taylor at the Ship in Pater-Noſter- | Row.
MDCCXIX.
The story is told of how Defoe's manuscript was refused by many of
the London publishers before William Taylor, one of the most esteemed
and successful of them, accepted it. The book came out
April 25, and its success was immediate; a second edition was
called for only seventeen days after the first; a third followed twenty-five
days later, and a fourth on the 8th of August. The Farther | Adventures
| Of Robinson Crusoe; | Being the Second and Laſt Part | Of
His | Life ... To which is added a Map of the World ... was
issued in August of the same year, and was followed on August 6,
1720, by a sequel called Serious Reflections | During | The | Life ...
of Robinson Crusoe. Further evidence of the popularity of the work
is furnished by the piracies, numerous imitations, and translations
that appeared within a short time after its publication.
Lowndes and others repeat an error of Dibdin's in saying that
Robinson Crusoe first appeared in the Original London Post, or
Heathcot's Intelligence, from No. 125 to No. 289 inclusive, the latter
dated October 7, 1719. The story was reprinted in that paper,
"with a care to divert and entertain the reader," but beginning
October 7, 1719, and ending with No. 289, dated October 19, 1720.
The unsigned folding map was used in this last as well as in the
fourth edition of the first part. An engraving representing the hero
of the story is placed sometimes as a frontispiece. It is signed, like
the map of the island, "Clark & Pine Sc.," and, while not remarkable
for artistic merit, is certainly notable as having been the model of all
future conceptions.
Defoe sold all his property in Robinson Crusoe to Taylor, who
gained a very large fortune by it and its successors. When that worthy
man died, only five years after the publication of the book, he was
reputed to be worth between forty and fifty thousand pounds. He
added an introduction to The Serious Reflections, in which he says:
"The ſucceſs the two former Parts have met with, has been known
by the Envy it has brought upon the Editor, expreſs'd in a thouſand
hard Words from the Men of Trade; the Effect of that Regret which
they entertain'd at their having no Share in it: And I muſt do the
Author the Justice to ſay that not a Dog has wag'd his Tongue at
the Work itſelf, nor has a Word been ſaid to leſſen the Value of it,
but which has been the viſible Effect of that Envy at the good
Fortune of the Bookſeller."
A guarantee of this good fortune may be seen in the imprint of the
book, which now reads: "At the Ship and Black-Swan in Pater-noſter
Row," that last-named property having been purchased out of
the proceeds of its sale. After Taylor's death, the business was sold
to Thomas Longman, the founder of the firm of Longmans, Green &
Co., for over three thousand pounds.
Octavo.
Collation: 3 l., pp. 364. [4 l.] pp. 373. [9 l.], pp. 270, 84 [2 l.]
JONATHAN SWIFT (1667-1745)
42. Travels | Into Several | Remote Nations | Of The |
World. | In Four Parts. | By Lemuel Gulliver, | Firſt a
Surgeon, and then a Cap- | tain of ſeveral Ships. | Vol.
I. | London: | Printed for Benj. Motte, at the | Middle
Temple-Gate in Fleet-ſtreet. | MDCCXXVI.
"I have employed my time, (beside ditching) in finishing, correcting,
amending, and transcribing my travels in four parts complete, newly
augmented and intended for the press, when the world shall deserve
them, or rather when a printer shall be found brave enough to venture
his ears." This is what Swift says in a letter written to Pope,
and thus it will be seen that there could have been no real doubt
among Swift's friends as to the authorship of the book, though for
very obvious reasons it was found desirable to have it published
anonymously. Even after it was issued, and had proved a success,
the pretense of ignorance of the author's identity was kept up. Pope
himself writes, November 16, 1726 (the work appeared October 28):
"I congratulate you first on what you call your cousin's wonderful
book, which is publica trita manu at present, and I prophesy will
hereafter be the admiration of all men...." "Motte," (the publisher
who had been brave enough to risk his ears), "received the copy,
he tells me, he knew not from whence, nor from whom, dropped
at his house in the dark, from a hackney coach. By computating
the time I found it was after you left England, so for my part, I suspend
my judgement."
Swift was staying with Pope when the manuscript was so mysteriously
left at Motte's door by Charles Ford, his intermediary, through
whom, and Erasmus Lewis, all the business was conducted. Writing
under the assumed name of Sympson, Swift demanded that Motte
should give him £200, which the publisher agreed to do after six
months if the success of the book would allow. The whole issue
was exhausted within a week after its appearance, and a second edition
speedily followed, making the payment, which we learn was
promptly effected, an easy matter. We are told that Swift used to
leave the profits of his writing to the booksellers; but Gulliver proved
the exception to the rule. He says, in 1735, "I never got a farthing
by anything I writ, except one about eight years ago, and that was by
Mr. Pope's prudent arrangement for me." Motte, like Taylor with Robinson
Crusoe, grew rich out of it; or, as Swift puts it to Knightley Chetwood
in a letter dated February 14, 1726-7, in which he still keeps up
the mystery of the authorship, "... in Engld I hear it hath made a
bookseller almost rich enough to be an alderman."
Of its success, Arbuthnot says, November 8, 1726: "Gulliver's
Travels, I believe, will have as great a run as John Bunyan. It is in
everybody's hands...." Gay wrote a few days later: "The whole
impression sold in a week. From the highest to the lowest it is universally
read, from the cabinet council to the nursery." "Here is a
book come out," says Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, "that all our
people of taste run mad about...."
It speaks well for Motte's sagacity that he should have been willing
to undertake the publishing of so violent a book at all, and we are little
surprised that he balked at certain passages, and that, to avoid
offense, "he got those alterations and insertions made" which Swift
afterward so bitterly resented. In the letter to Knightley Chetwood
quoted above, Swift said: "In my Judgment I should think it hath
been mangled in the press, for in some parts it doth not seem of a
piece, but I shall hear more when I am in England." In a letter to
Ford written more than six years later, we find him still recurring to
the matter:
"Now you may please to remember how much I complained of
Motte's suffering some friend of his (I suppose it was Mr. Tooke, a
clergyman, now dead) not onely to blot out some things that he
thought might give offence, but to insert a good deal contrary to the
author's manner and style and intention. I think you had a Gulliver
interleaved and set right in those mangled and murdered pages ...
To say the truth I cannot with patience endure that mingled and
mangled manner as it came from Motte's hands, and it will be extremely
difficult for me to correct it by other means, with so ill a
memory and so bad a state of health." Swift had good reason to
complain about this matter as he did, personally and through Ford, who
wrote to Motte blaming him for the printer's gross errors. "Besides
the whole sting is absent out of several passages in order to soften
them. Thus the style is debased, the humours quite lost, and the
matter insipid," cries the enraged author. The interleaved copy was
forthcoming, and the text as corrected was printed in Dublin in 1735.
The bibliography of the book is perplexing. There seem to have
been four distinct issues, or, rather, editions, during the first year;
while copies of the same edition show many variations. The edition to
which the large paper copies belong is usually called the first. In it the
four parts are paged separately, and the portrait of Gulliver, signed
"Sturt et. Sheppard. Sc.," is found in two states. One of these states, evidently
the first, has the inscription, "Captain Lemuel Gulliver, of Redriff
Ætat. ſuæ 58.," in two lines below the oval. The other has the inscription
around the oval, as follows: "Captain Lemuel Gulliver Of
Redriff Ætat. Suæ LVIII.," and beneath, where the name was before,
a quotation from Persius now appears.
The three other editions have distinct differences of type, setting and
ornaments. The portrait in all of these is of the second state. Two of
these editions have the parts paged separately, but one has a continuous
pagination for each volume. One edition was reissued in 1727, with
verses by Pope prefixed. On the title-page of the first volume it is
called "second edition," and on that of the second volume, "second
edition corrected." This edition was probably considered by the
publisher to be the most correct, and was therefore, probably, the last
issued in 1726.
Octavo.
Collation: Two volumes. Volume I: 1 l., xvi, 148 pp.; 3 ll., 164
pp. Volume II: 3 ll., 155 pp.; 4 ll., 199 pp. Portrait, four maps.
ALEXANDER POPE (1688-1744)
43. An | Essay | On | Man | Addreſs'd to a Friend. |
Part I. | [Printer's ornament] London: | Printed for
J. Wilford, at the Three Flower-de-luces, be- | hind the
Chapter-Houſe, St. Pauls. | [Price One Shilling.]
The friend to whom, under the name of Lælius, the four Epistles that
make up the Essay were addressed, was Henry Saint John, first
Viscount Bolingbroke, the object of Pope's reverence, and the inspirer
of much of his poetry. It seems to be agreed that Bolingbroke's
philosophical fragments gave the "philosophical stamina" to this
work also.
The first part appeared in February, the second, about April, 1733;
they were undated and anonymous, for fear of charges against the
author's orthodoxy. Pope went to considerable lengths to mislead
the public in this matter, but, as Dr. Crowley says, the applause received
"took off all the alarm which the writer might have felt at his
new experiment in the marriage of metaphysics with immortal verse."
"The design of concealing myself," said our author, "was good, and
had its full effect. I was thought a divine, a philosopher and what
not? and my doctrine had a sanction I could not have given to it."
In "Epistle II," as the second part is called on the title-page, there
is a note "To the Reader" which says: "The Author has been induced
to publiſh theſe Epiſtles ſeparately for two Reaſons; The one,
that he might not impoſe upon the Publick too much at once of what
he thinks incorrect; The other, that by this Method he might profit
of its Judgement on the Parts, in order to make the Whole leſs unworthy
of it." At the end of "Epistle III," which came out the same
year, is a note as follows: "N. B. The Reſt of this Work will be publiſhed
the next Winter." And at the end of the fourth Epistle, issued
about the middle of January, 1734: "Lately Publiſhed the three
former Parts of An Essay on Man. In Epiſtles to a Friend. Sold
by J. Wilford at the Three Flower-de-Luces, behind the Chapter-Houſe
in St. Paul's Church-yard."
All four parts were issued in octavo and quarto, as well as in folio.
The quarto edition bears the dates of publication. A second edition
of the first part, called "Epistle I, corrected by the Author," contained
a table of contents to the first three Epistles. The fourth Epistle was
originally issued with such a table called, "The Contents, Of the
Nature and State of Man, with reſpect to Happiness."
Pope intrusted the publication of the book to John Wilford, who
was afterward summoned before the House of Lords for breach of
privilege in publishing, with the bookseller, Edmund Curll, the names
of the titled correspondents in the advertisement to the quasi-unauthorized
Letters. Pope made the change from Bernard Lintot, his usual
publisher, to Wilford in order to conceal his identity the more completely,
and to add to the mystery of authorship.
The volume is handsome in appearance: it is ornamented with
initial letters, and woodcut and type-metal head- and tail-pieces.
Folio.
Collation: 19 pp., 1 l., 18, 20 pp., 2 ll., 18 pp., 1 l.
THOMAS PERCY BISHOP OF DROMORE (1729-1811)
45. Reliques | Of | Ancient English Poetry: | [Five lines]
Volume The First. | [Vignette with the words] Durat
Opus Vatum. | London: | Printed for J. Dodsley in
Pall-Mall. | MDCCLXV.
Although his name does not appear upon the title-page, the author
signed it to the dedication to Elizabeth, Countess of Northumberland.
He offers the book, he says, with some hesitation, yet hopes that the
names of so many men of learning and character among his patrons
and subscribers will "ſerve as an amulet to guard him from every
unfavourable cenſure for having beſtowed any attention on a parcel of
Old Ballads."
The book came out in February, after four or five years of active
preparation. Johnson criticised it, but in the main the work was received
with the verdict, which has held ever since, that it marked an
epoch. Dibdin says that when it appeared, the critics "roared aloud
for a sight of the MS.!" especially Joseph Ritson, the antiquary, who
denied its existence. Dibdin, however, saw the folio, and describes it
at some length, besides quoting notes in the Bishop's handwriting, one
of which is of especial interest:
"Memorandum. Northumberland House, Nov. 7, 1769. This very
curious old Manuscript in its present mutilated state, but unbound and
sadly torn, I rescued from destruction, and begged at the hands of my
worthy friend Humphrey Pitt, Esq. then living at Shiffnal in Shropshire,
afterwards of Prior Lee near that town; who died very lately
at Bath: viz. in Summer, 1769. I saw it lying dirty on the Floor
under a Bureau in ye Parlour: being used by the Maids to light the
fire. It was afterwards sent most unfortunately to an ignorant Bookbinder,
who pared the margin, when I put it into Boards in order to
lend it to Dr. Johnson."
James Dodsley, the printer of our charming volumes, was the
younger brother of Robert, with whom, as R. & J. Dodsley, he was
for some time a partner, until, in 1759, he became the sole proprietor
of the house. He lacked the elder man's energy, but he carried on
an extensive and profitable business. He is said to have paid Percy
100 guineas for the first edition of the Reliques—not a very large sum
for such a work. Pickford tells us, however, that "as the Reliques became
popular, and as other editions were in request, so did the sums paid to
Percy increase; and best of all, the book attracted the notice of those
in a high class, in whose power it was to forward and promote the
interests of the editor." Whatever the basis of his relations with
Dodsley, we have his own word for it that when the third edition was
published he "had no share in the property of the impression." Those
"in a high class" promoted our author from one thing to another,
until, as Granger had hoped he would do, "he found himself sung
into a throne," a reward quite as much to his mind, no doubt, as anything
Dodsley could have arranged.
It is only fair to say that few authors of the period were better
served by their publisher than Percy was by his in the matter of
typography. The ornament used is also especially good. A frontispiece
to the first volume, surmounted by the inscription, "Non Omnis
Moriar," and representing a harper delighting an audience, is
signed by Samuel Wale, who was chiefly employed in designing
vignettes and illustrations for books. He had studied with Francis
Hayman, a printer and maker of illustrations, who, with N. Blakey,
was employed by Messrs. Knapton and Dodsley to execute the first
series of historical prints designed by Englishmen. The plate was
engraved by Charles Grignion, or Grignon, a pupil of Gravelot and
Le Bas, who, like Wale, was much employed by publishers. Together
they illustrated a large number of books; but the charm of their work
seems to be chiefly due to Grignion. The vignettes, with the motto
"Durat Opus Vatum" on the title-pages and the head- and tail-pieces,
though unsigned, were evidently designed and engraved by the same
hands.
There are three parts to each volume, and each part begins and
ends with a copper-plate engraving illustrative of a ballad. The head-pieces
refer to the first ballad in the book, but the tail-pieces have
legends showing where the poem is found. On page 24 of the second
volume, the following note is attached to the poem "For the Victory
of Agincourt": "This ſong or hymn is given meerly as a curioſity, and
is printed from a MS copy in the Pepys collection, vol. I. folio. It
is there accompanied with the muſical notes, which are copied in a
ſmall plate at the end of this volume."
A table of "Errata" for all three volumes, an "Advertisement,"
and a note "To the Binder" are found at the end of the first volume.
The Advertisement reads: "The Editor's diſtance from the preſs has
occaſioned ſome miſtakes and confuſion in the Numbers of the ſeveral
Poems, and in the References from one Volume to another: the latter
will be ſet right by the Table of Errata, and the former by the Tables
of Contents. In the Second Volume, page 129 follows page 112:
this was merely an overſight in the Printer; nothing is there omitted."
The binder finds this caution addressed to him: "The Binder is
deſired to take Notice that the marginal Numbers of the 1ſt and 3d
Volumes are wrong: that the Sheets marked Vol. i. are to be bound
up as Volume The Third: and that thoſe noted Vol. III. as Volume
The First." Neither author nor printer thought to tell us of the
addition of "George Barnwell" in eight leaves, at page 224 of
Volume III; but perhaps the inclusion was decided upon too late for
the crowding in of another note.
The notes are interesting, and are quoted here as showing that
Percy made many changes in the work even after it was ready to be
sewed, perhaps after some copies had been issued. For instance, there
seems to be no reason to doubt that he changed the order of the
volumes after they were all printed, making the first last, in order to
bring the ballads of "Chevy Chase" and the Robin Hood cycle at
the beginning. Two volumes of the Reliques without imprints, preserved
in the Douce collection of the Bodleian Library, are interesting
in this connection since they contain many pieces not in the published
edition. A note by Furnivall, added to Rev. J. Pickford's Life
of Percy which prefaced the Hales and Furnivall Bishop Percy's
Folio Manuscript, 1867, gives the omission and changes in detail. We
quote only the following: "... and the engraving at the end of
Douce's volume ii., instead of being the published rustic sketch, is a
coat of arms, with a lion and unicorn at the side with the Percy
motto 'Esperance en Dieu.' This was wisely cancelled, no doubt,
as the Countess of Northumberland might not then have appreciated
the compliment of the grocer's son claiming kinship with her."
Octavo.
Collation: Three volumes.
WILLIAM COLLINS (1721-1759)
46. Odes | On Several | Deſcriptive and Allegoric | Subjects.
| By William Collins. | [Quotation, Vignette]
London: | Printed for A. Millar, in the Strand. |
M.DCC.XLVII. | (Price One Shilling.)
Collins and his friend Joseph Warton, the critic, both at the time unknown,
proposed to issue a volume of poems together: "Collins met
me in Surrey, at Guildford races, when I wrote out for him my odes,
and he likewise communicated some of his to me; and being both in
very high spirits, we took courage, and resolved to join our forces, and
to publish them immediately." The plan, however, fell through and
they finally published separately, though almost simultaneously. This
work, though dated 1747, really appeared in December, 1746. Warton's
Odes on various Subjects, London, 1746, reached a second edition,
but Collins's book was not a success, and it is said that, in disgust,
he burned the larger part of the unsold edition.
"Each," wrote Gray, "is the half of a considerable man, and one
the counterpart of the other. The first [i.e. Warton] has but little invention,
very poetical choice of expression, and a good ear. The
second [i.e. Collins] a fine fancy, modelled upon the antique, a bad
ear, great variety of words, and images with no choice at all. They
both deserve to last some years, but will not." Time has set Collins
right.
The vignette on the title-page, representing a pan-pipe and harp
surrounded by a wreath of fruit, laurel, oak, and palm, with heads of
Pan and Apollo at the top, is by Gerard (?) Van der Gucht. Thin
woodcut head-bands at the beginning of some of the odes, and a tail-piece
after the first one, furnish all the ornament for this pathetic
volume.
Octavo.
Collation: 2 ll., 52 pp.
SAMUEL RICHARDSON (1689-1761)
47. Clarissa. | Or, The | History | Of A | Young Lady: |
[Six lines] Publiſhed by the Editor of Pamela. | Vol. I.
| London: | Printed for S. Richardſon: | And Sold by A.
Millar, over-againſt Catharine-ſtreet in the Strand: | J.
and Ja. Rivington, in St. Paul's Church-yard: | John
Osborn, in Pater-noſter Row; | And by J. Leake, at
Bath. | M.DCC.XLVIII.
Pamela was written at the suggestion of two booksellers, Rivington
and Osborne, who published it in four volumes in 1741-42; and as it
proved a great success its "Editor" followed it with Clarissa. Only
the last five volumes appeared in 1748, the first two having come out
the previous year.
In connection with the mistaken idea, which has existed, that there
were eight volumes in the first edition, Mr. Dobson, in his life of
Richardson, gives us these quotations from the author himself:
"There were in fact, in the first edition, not eight volumes but
seven. "I take the liberty to join the 4 Vols. you have of Clarissa,
by two more," says Richardson to Hill in an unpublished letter of
November 7, 1748. "The Whole will make Seven; that is, one more
to attend these two. Eight crowded into Seven by a smaller Type.
Ashamed as I am of the Prolixity, I thought I owed the Public Eight
Vols. in Quantity for the Price of Seven"; and he adds a later footnote
to explain that the 12mo book "was at first published in Seven
Vols. [and] Afterwards by deferred Restorations made Eight as now.""
Then Mr. Dobson goes on to add the following:
"Of the seven volumes constituting the first edition, two were issued
in November, 1747; two more in April, 1748 (making "the 4
Vols. you have," above referred to); and the remaining three, which,
according to Mr. Urban's advertisement, "compleats the whole," in
December, 1748."
The second and succeeding volumes have the line, And Sold by
John Osborn, in Pater-noſter-Row, added to the imprint, after Richardson's
name.
Bishop Warburton presented the author with a preface in which he
pointed out the variety of the characters in the book, and commended
the moral tendency of the work. This, by the way, serves to remind
us that he afterward quarrelled with Richardson because the
novelist ventured to censure Pope's sentiment, "Every woman is at
heart a rake."
In a catalogue like this, no name has more interest than that of
Samuel Richardson, "The Father of the English Novel," and a
printer and publisher of distinction. At the age of seventeen he chose
the profession of printer, because he thought that in it he would be
able to satisfy his craving for reading. After a diligent apprenticeship
to John Wilde, whose daughter was his first wife, he gradually
won his way until he became one of the leading printers of his time.
He issued twenty-six volumes of Journals of the House of Commons,
though he found the position more honorable than lucrative; he was
the printer of the Daily Journal from 1736 to 1737, and of the Daily
Gazetteer in 1738; he was chosen printer to an interesting Society for
the Encouragement of Learning, for whom he printed and edited their
first and only volume, The Negociations of Sir Thomas Roe in his
Embassy to the Ottoman Porte from the year 1621 to 1628 inclusive.
He also printed, among other books, an edition of Æsop's Fables,
De Foe's Tour through Great Britain, Young's Night Thoughts, and
the second volume of De Thou's Historia Sui Temporis, 1733. He
became a member of the Stationers' Company in 1689, and its master
in 1754.
Duodecimo.
Collation: Seven volumes.
HENRY FIELDING (1707-1754)
48. The | History | Of | Tom Jones, | A | Foundling. | In
Six Volumes | By Henry Fielding, Eſq; | [Quotation]
London: | Printed for A. Millar, over-againſt | Catharine-ſtreet
in the Strand. | MDCCXLIX.
The announcement of the appearance of the work in the General
Advertizer for February 28, 1749, reads as follows:
"This day is published, in six vols., 12mo, The History of Tom
Jones, A Foundling.—Mores hominum multorum vidit. By Henry
Fielding Esq.
"It being impossible to get sets bound fast enough to answer the
demand for them, such Gentlemen and Ladies as please may have
them served in Blue Paper and Boards, at the price of 16s. a set, of A.
Millar, over against Catharine Street, in the Strand."
The sale was really enormous for those days, and Millar, the
successful publisher, could afford to be generous to Fielding, as he
had been to others, thus winning for himself the position of a patron
as well as publisher. Johnson called him "the Mæcenas of literature."
"I respect Millar, sir;" said he, "he has raised the price of
literature."
Horace Walpole gives us an account of the dealing of this remarkable
man in this case. He says, in a letter to George Montagu:
"Millar, the bookseller, has done very generously by him [Fielding];
finding 'Tom Jones' for which he gave him £600. sell so greatly, he
has since given him another £100."
A second edition in four volumes was issued the same year, and a
third, also in four volumes, the year following. The book has been
translated into French, German, Spanish, Dutch, Russian, and Swedish.
It was frequently dramatized, and was also turned into a comic
opera.
An original document in the possession of the owner of the book
from which the facsimile was made shows that the value of Tom
Jones had not decreased with successive editions, or else the various
partners, whose well-known names are signed to it, would not have
thought it worth their while to prosecute.
"Memorandum July, 24. 1770.
"At the Chapter Coffee-house, it is agreed by the Partners in Joseph
Andrews and Tom Jones, to prosecute Alexander Donaldson, Bookseller
in the Strand, for printing the above Books, in the Court of
Chancery, and do agree to pay our respective Shares of the Expence
of the Proscecution.
- Will: Strahan
- Thos. Longman
- W. Johnston
- Robert Horsfield
- Tho: Cadell
- T Becket
- Robinſon & Roberts
- Hawes, Clarke & Collins
- Stanley Crowdon
- Edmd. & Chs Dilly
- Wm. & J. Richardſon
- Thos. Lowndes
- Thomas Caslon"
Duodecimo.
Collation: Six volumes.
THOMAS GRAY (1716-1771)
49. An | Elegy | Wrote In A | Country Church Yard |
London: | Printed for R. Dodsley in Pall-mall; | And
ſold by M. Cooper in Pater-noſter-Row. 1751. | [Price
Six-pence.]
In 1750 Gray finished a poem which he had begun eight years before,
and it was circulated freely, in manuscript, among his delighted friends.
One of them, Horace Walpole, received the following communication
from the author, dated at Cambridge, February 11, 1751:
"As you have brought me into a little sort of distress, you must
assist me, I believe, to get out of it as well as I can.
"Yesterday I had the misfortune of receiving a letter from certain
gentlemen (as their bookseller expresses it), who have taken the Magazine
of Magazines into their hands. They tell me that an ingenious
Poem, called reflections in a Country Church-yard has been communicated
to them, which they are printing forthwith; that they are informed
that the excellent author of it is I by name, and that they beg
not only his indulgence, but the honour of his correspondence. As I
am not at all disposed to be either so indulgent or so correspondent as
they desire, I have but one bad way left to escape the honour they
would inflict upon me; and therefore am obliged to desire you would
make Dodsley print it immediately (which may be done in less than a
week's time) from your copy, but without my name, in what form is
most convenient for him, but on his best paper and character; he
must correct the press himself, and print it without any interval between
the stanzas, because the sense is in some places continued beyond
them; and the title must be,—Elegy, written in a Country
Church-yard. If he would add a line or two to say it came into his
hands by accident, I should like it better. If you behold the Magazine
of Magazines in the light that I do, you will not refuse to give
yourself this trouble on my account, which you have taken of your
own accord before now. If Dodsley do not do this immediately, he
may as well let it alone."
"You have indeed, conducted with great decency my little misfortune:"
(this was written to Walpole on Ash-Wednesday, after the
book was published): "you have taken a paternal care of it, and expressed
much more kindness than could have been expressed from so
near a relation. But we are all frail; and I hope to do as much for
you another time.
"Nurse Dodsley has given it a pinch or two in the cradle, that (I
doubt) it will bear the marks of as long as it lives. But no matter:
we have ourselves suffered under her hands before now; and besides
it will only look the more careless and by accident as it were. I thank
you for your advertisement [the preface, signed 'The Editor'], which
saves my honour, and in a manner bien flatteuse pour moi, who should
be put to it even to make myself a compliment in good English."
Dodsley's promptness was noteworthy; on February 16 the book
was issued, having been six days, at most, in the printer's hands. The
author, even if he had desired, could hardly have complained about
the ornaments on the title-page, since he had given Dodsley a free
hand. It would be pleasant to see in the woodcuts, with their
death's-heads, spades, cross-bones, hour-glasses, pickaxes and crowns,
an argument for a sense of decoration, or even of a sense of humour,
rather than the evidences of a habit of the use of such things for
funeral sermons.
Speaking of Nurse Dodsley's "pinches," the following extract from
a letter to Walpole, dated March 3, 1751, proves of additional interest:
"I do not expect any more editions; as I have appeared in more
magazines than one. The chief errata were sacred bower for secret;
hidden for kindred (in spite of dukes and classics); and "frowning as
in scorn" for smiling. I humbly propose, for the benefit of Mr. Dodsley
and his matrons, that take awake for a verb, that they should read
asleep, and all will be right."
The two versions of the poem probably appeared on the same day.
The Magazine of Magazines Compiled from Original Pieces, With
Extracts from the moſt celebrated Books And Periodical Compoſitions Publiſhed
in Europe, was issued by William Owen, maker of mineral water,
at Homer's Head, near Temple Bar. Owen's compositor, having had
more time, avoided some of the errors of the printers of the book, but
he fell into others of his own; and he completely frustrated Gray's
desire to be anonymous. The poem is introduced, amidst a running
fire of talk, in this way: "Gentlemen, ſaid Hilario, give me leave to
ſooth my own melancholy, and amuſe you in a moſt noble manner,
with a fine copy of verſes by the very ingenious Mr. Gray, of Peterhouſe,
Cambridge.—They are—"Stanza's written in a Country Church-yard.""
The book proved immensely popular. Gray himself received no
pecuniary reward from it, having given the copyright to Dodsley
in accordance with a notion, very common in the preceding century
but seeming quixotic now, that it was beneath a gentleman to receive
money from a bookseller, a view in which, we are told, Dodsley
warmly concurred. Later, Mason, Gray's friend, attempted to regain
possession of the copyright by means of litigation.
We are indebted to our Author for the following bibliographical
note: "Publish'd in Febry, 1751, by Dodsley, & went thro' four editions,
in two months; and afterwards a fifth, 6th, 7th, & 8th, 9th, & 10th,
& 11th; printed also in 1753 with Mr. Bentley's Designs, of wch there
is a 2d Edition, & again by Dodsley in his Miscellany, Vol. 7th & in a
Scotch Collection call'd the Union; translated into Latin by Chr
Anstey, Esq., and the Revd. Mr. Roberts, & published in 1762, & again
in the same year by Rob. Lloyd, M.A."
Dodsley figures so prominently in the publication of the Elegy that
we are reminded that he was himself a poet and also a dramatist. His
epitaph in the churchyard of Durham cathedral lays stress on this point:
"If you have any respect
for uncommon industry and merit,
regard this place,
in which are deposited the remains of
Mr. Robert Dodsley;
who, as an Authour, raised himself
much above what could have been expected
from one in his rank in life,
and without a learned education;
. . .. . .
. . .. . ."
Quarto.
Collation: 11 pp.
SAMUEL JOHNSON (1709-1784)
50. A | Dictionary | Of The | English Language: | [Ten
lines] By Samuel Johnson, A.M. | In Two Volumes |
Vol. I. | [Quotation] London, | Printed by W. Strahan,
| For J. and P. Knapton; T. and T. Longman; C.
Hitch and L. Hawes; | A. Millar; and R. and J. Dodsley.
| MDCCLV.
Robert Dodsley first suggested to Johnson that a dictionary of the
English language would take well with the public; though Johnson
afterward told Boswell that he had long thought of it himself. But it
was Dodsley who, in accordance with the custom of the time of
placing books under the patronage of an influential person, suggested
the Earl of Chesterfield as patron for the work; and Johnson addressed
him as such in The Plan Of A Dictionary Of The English
Language; Addreſſed to the Right Honourable Philip Dormer, Earl
of Chesterfield: ... London, 1747, a pamphlet of thirty-four pages.
This step eventually led to the letter called by Carlyle "the far famed
blast of doom proclaiming into the ears of Lord Chesterfield, and
through him to the listening world, that patronage should be no more."
For the Earl was tardy in acknowledging the inscription (his commendatory
letters did not appear until the November and December
issues of The World, 1754), and did little to encourage the enterprise;
"Upon which," said the irritated author, "I wrote him a letter expressed
in civil terms, but such as might show him that I did not
mind what he said or wrote, and I had done with him." It was
dated February 7, 1755, and ends with the famous words: "Is not
a patron, my lord, one who looks with unconcern upon a man struggling
for life in the water, and when he has reached ground encumbers
him with help?"
Johnson undertook his great work single-handed, expecting to
finish it in three years; but the labor was enormous, and eight years
were consumed (the work appeared on February 20, 1755), though
not all of the time was spent upon the Dictionary, for he was editor
of The Rambler, also, at this period. In this connection his own
words written at the end of the Preface are: "I have protracted my
work till moſt of thoſe whom I wiſhed to pleaſe have ſunk into the
grave, and ſucceſs and miſcarriage are empty ſounds: I therefore
diſmiſs it with frigid tranquillity, having little to fear or hope from
cenſure or from praiſe."
The A.M. after the author's name was procured for him at Oxford
through the good offices of his friend, the poet-laureate, Thomas
Warton, since it "was thought desirable that these letters should appear
on the title-page of the dictionary for the credit both of himself
and the university."
The publishers whose names are given in the imprint were joint
proprietors of the work, having paid Johnson 1575l. for the copyright.
"The payment included the whole work of preparing for the
press; and Johnson lost 20l. on one occasion for a transcription of
some leaves which had been written on both sides. He employed six
amanuenses, five of whom, as Boswell is glad to record, were Scotsmen
... they received 23s. a week, which he agreed to raise to 2l.
2s., not, it is to be hoped, out of the 1,575l." Boswell would lead us
to think that even if these extras did come out of Johnson's pocket,
he was not dissatisfied. "I once said to him, "I am sorry, sir, you
did not get more for your Dictionary." His answer was "I am sorry
too. But it was very well. The booksellers are generous liberal-minded
men.""
To Andrew Millar fell the responsibility of seeing the book through
the press; and his patience, we are told, was sorely tried by Johnson's
dilatoriness. When the last sheet was brought to him, he exclaimed:
"Thank God I have done with him!" This was repeated to Johnson,
who said, with a smile: "I am glad that he thanks God for
anything."
Folio.
Collation: Two volumes. Without pagination.
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN (1706-1790)
51. Poor Richard improved: | Being An | Almanack | And |
Ephemeris | [Eight lines] For The | Year of our Lord
1758: | [Ten lines] By Richard Saunders, Philom. |
Philadelpeia: | Printed and Sold by B. Franklin; and
D. Hall. [1757.]
Franklin says in his Autobiography:
"In 1732 I first publish'd my Almanack, under the name of Richard
Saunders; it was continu'd by me about twenty-five years, commonly
call'd Poor Richard's Almanac. I endeavor'd to make it both entertaining
and useful, and it accordingly came to be in such demand,
that I reap'd considerable profit from it, vending annually near ten
thousand...." The price was five pence. So great was its popularity
that it was found necessary to issue three editions in the first
month. In 1747 we are told in a note, "This Almanack us'd to contain
but 24 Pages, and now has 36; yet the Price is very little
advanc'd," and to fit the new conditions the title was changed to Poor
Richard Improved.
The Almanac, whose title-page is here facsimiled, was the last of
the series edited by Franklin. A collection of the proverbial sentences
which had "filled all the little spaces that occur'd between the remarkable
days in the calendar" in former issues, were collected into
one speech, supposed to be delivered by an old man, named Father
Abraham, to the people at an auction sale. "The bringing all these
scatter'd counsells thus into a focus enabled them to make a greater
impression." The discourse was quickly reprinted, and is famous now
under various titles, The Speech of Father Abraham; The Way to
Wealth, and La science du bonhomme Richard. It has been translated
and reprinted oftener "than any other work from an American
pen." "Seventy editions of it," says Mr. Paul L. Ford, "have been
printed in English, fifty-six in French, eleven in German, and nine in
Italian. It has been translated into Spanish, Danish, Swedish, Welsh,
Polish, Gaelic, Russian, Bohemian, Dutch, Catalan, Chinese, Modern
Greek and Phonetic writing. It has been printed at least four
hundred times, and is to-day as popular as ever."
Franklin borrowed for his pseudonym the name of an English
"philomath" of the seventeenth century, because, as he says, he knew
"that his name would hardly give it [the Almanack] currency among
readers who still looked upon it as dealing in magic, witchcraft and
astrology."
In 1747 or 1748 our author-printer entered into partnership with
David Hall, who took the sole management of the business until 1766,
when the firm was dissolved.
Octavo.
Collation: 36 pp.
OLIVER GOLDSMITH (1728—1774)
53. The | Vicar | Of | Wakefield: | A Tale. | Suppoſed to
be written by Himself. | Sperate miſeri, cavete fœlices. |
Vol. I. Salisbury: | Printed by B. Collins, | For F. Newbery,
in Pater-Noſter-Row, London. | MDCCLXVI.
Boswell, Mrs. Piozzi, Sir John Hawkins and others have given
slightly different versions of the well-known story of the sale of the
manuscript of the Vicar; but aside from throwing light on the character
of Goldsmith, none of them have helped us to a definite understanding
of the transaction. The earliest account was written by Mrs.
Piozzi in 1786, under the title of Anecdotes of the late Samuel Johnson,
LL.D., during the last Twenty Years of his Life. At pp. 119-120 she
says:
"I have forgotten the year, but it could scarcely I think be later
than 1765 or 1766, that he [Johnson] was called abruptly from our
house after dinner, and returning in about three hours, ſaid, he had
been with an enraged author, whose landlady pressed him for payment
within doors, while the bailiffs beset him without; that he was drinking
himself drunk with Madeira to drown care, and fretting over a
novel which when finished was to be his whole fortune; but he could
not get it done for distraction, nor could he step out of doors to offer
it to sale. Mr. Johnson therefore set away the bottle, and went to the
bookseller, recommending the performance, and desiring some immediate
relief, which when he brought back to the writer, he called the
woman of the house directly to partake of punch, and pass the time
in merriment."
Boswell adds, in his account, that Johnson sold the novel for £60.
There seems to be no evidence to prove this, nor yet to show who
bought it. It has generally been supposed that the publisher, "F.
Newbery," or his uncle, John Newbery, with whom he was inseparably
connected, was the purchaser, until Mr. Charles Welsh made the discovery
which he relates in his A Bookseller of the Last Century. He
says:
"In a book marked 'Account of copies, their cost and value,
1764,' I find the following entry:—"'Vicar of Wakefield,' 2 vols.
12mo., ⅓ rd. B. Collins, Salisbury, bought of Dr. Goldsmith, the
author, October 28, 1762, £21.""
From this entry of Collins, the Salisbury printer, we may conclude
that the amount Johnson is said to have received for the distressed
author (from Newbery, perhaps) was an advance on the unfinished
story; and that Collins bought his third interest some time afterward.
In 1785, when Collins sold out his interest, Mr. Strahan owned one
third, and Carnan and Newbery the other third.
There are several circumstances, besides the date given by Collins,
which show that the Vicar was sold, in whole or in part, at least four
years before it was published, and not a few months before, as Mrs.
Piozzi thought. The occasion for the delay has been explained in
various ways. One explanation is that it was held back until the
Traveller, which came out in 1765, should have increased the author's
reputation. It may have been, as Johnson told Boswell, that the publishers
were afraid that the book would not sell. Certainly the results
would seem to bear them out in any doubts they may have had of
its financial success. Mr. Welsh says:
"All the writers who have spoken of the "Vicar of Wakefield" have
jumped to the conclusion that it brought a golden harvest to its publishers
... The first three editions ... resulted in a loss, and the
fourth, which was not issued until eight years after the first, started
with a balance against it of £2 16s. 6d., and it was not until the
fourth edition had been sold that the balance came out on the right
side."
After being three months in the press, the book appeared March
27, 1766. The advertisement in the Public Advertiser reads: "This
Day is publiſhed, In two Volumes in Twelves, Price 6s. bound, or 5s.
ſewed, The Vicar of Wakefield, A Tale. Supposed to be written by
Himself. 'Seperate [ſic] miſere cavete fœlices.' Printed for F. Newbery,
at the Crown in Pater-Noſter Row, of whom may be had, Price
1s. 6d. The Traveller, or, a Proſpect of Society, a Poem. By Dr.
Goldsmith." The author's name was signed to the preface, or "Advertisement"
of the book, so it was not really anonymous, as the
title-page and newspaper advertisement would lead us to think. If it
was not a financial success the tale seems to have met with popular
favor. The second edition, bearing the imprint London: Printed for
F. Newbery, in Pater-Noster-Row, MDCCLXVI., was issued May 31,
and the third on August 29. Ninety-six editions were issued before
1886, and there are translations in every European language.
This Francis Newbery, as we have said, was nephew and successor
to John Newbery. The elder man combined a successful business in
the publishing of books with the sale of quack medicines,—not an
unusual thing in those days. His list of nostrums contained over
thirty medicines, among them being Dr. James's Fever Powder, Dr.
Steer's Oil for Convulsions, Dr. Harper's Female Pills, and a certain
Cordial Cephalic Snuff. His book-selling ventures demand more than
passing mention, since he really introduced "the regular system of a
Juvenile Library, and gave children books in a more permanent form
than the popular chap-books of the period,"—delightful books of which
more than one writer has spoken with affection. The general character
of the stories, splendidly bound in flowered and gilt Dutch
papers, may be gathered from a few of their titles: The History of
Little Goody Two Shoes, The Renowned History of Giles Gingerbread,
and Blossoms of Morality.
Newbery's publishing ventures were not confined to children's
books, by any means; his name gains additional luster by appearing
on the title-pages of several of Goldsmith's works. Francis was mostly
a reflection of his enterprising uncle, but his connection with the Vicar
of Wakefield will ever cause him to be remembered.
Duodecimo.
Collation: Two volumes. Volume I: 2 ll., 214 pp. Volume II:
1 l., 223 pp.
LAURENCE STERNE (1713—1768)
54. A | Sentimental Journey | Through | France And Italy.
| By | Mr. Yorick. | Vol. I. | London: | Printed for T.
Becket and P. A. De Hondt, | in the Strand. MDCCLXVIII.
The real journey immortalized in the story was made in October,
1765; in December, 1767, two volumes were completed, and on February
27, the work was published at five shillings for the two volumes.
On the eighteenth of March, Sterne died.
Yorick, in Tristram Shandy, was represented as an Englishman, descended
from the Yorick of Shakespeare, "a fellow of infinite jest, of
most excellent fancy." Sterne also used the pseudonym in his Sermons
by Mr. Yorick, published in 1760, so that the authorship of this
book was probably never in doubt. "The lively, witty, sensitive and
heedless parson," was, as Sir Walter Scott says, "the well-known personification
of Sterne himself."
Fitzgerald tells us in his biography of Sterne, that it was the author's
first thought to have the volume a stately quarto with handsome
margins, costing a half-guinea, but that he finally decided to use the
Shandy size, which had become a favorite with the public. The book,
which is without ornament, except for an engraving on copper of a
coat of arms (Sterne's book-plate), in the second volume, is a good
specimen of the best typography of the period. Large paper copies
also were issued. The first volume begins with a long list of "Subscribers,"
the names starred being down for "Imperial Paper."
Thomas Becket lived to be ninety-three years old, long enough, as
Charles Knight remarks, to see many revolutions in literary taste;
long enough, in fact, to see Sterne, his most successful author, go out
of fashion. He was an assistant to Andrew Millar, before he became
De Hondt's partner. It was he who published the famous anonymous
book, The Pursuits of Literature by Mathias, which had the distinction
of running into fourteen editions.
Duodecimo.
Collation: Two volumes. Volume I, xx, 203 pp. Volume II, 2 ll.,
208 pp.
THE FEDERALIST
55. The | Federalist: | A Collection | Of | Essays, | Written
In Favour Of The | New Constitution, | As Agreed
Upon By The Federal Convention, | September 17,
1787. | In Two Volumes | Vol. I. | New-York: |
Printed And Sold By J. And A. M'Lean, | No. 41,
Hanover-Square. | M,DCC,LXXXVIII.
"The papers under the title of "Federalist," and signature of
"Publius," were written by Alexander Hamilton, James Madison,
and John Jay, in the latter part of the year 1787 and the former part
of the year 1788. The immediate object of them was, to vindicate
and recommend the new Constitution to the State of New York,
whose ratification of the instrument was doubtful, as well as important.
The undertaking was proposed by A. Hamilton (who had
probably consulted Mr. Jay and others) to J. M., who agreed to take
a part in it. The papers were originally addressed to the people of
N. York, under the signature of a "Citizen of New York." This
was changed for that of "Publius," the first name of Valerius Publicola.
A reason for the change was, that one of the writers was not
a Citizen of that State; another, that the publication had diffused
itself among most of the other States. The papers were first published
at New York in a newspaper printed by Francis Childs, at the
rate, during great part of the time, at least, of four numbers a week;
and notwithstanding this exertion, they were not compleated till a
large proportion of the States had decided on the Constitution.
They were edited as soon as possible in two small volumes, the preface
to the first volume, drawn up by Mr. Hamilton, bearing date
N. York, March, 1788...." This from Madison in a letter to Mr.
Paulding at Washington, dated July 24, 1818.
The first seven papers appeared under the title The Fœderalist.
No. 1. To the People of the State of New York, in The Independent
Journal, and many of the succeeding numbers first came out in that
paper: some were issued in The New York Packet, two appeared in
The Daily Advertiser, six appeared simultaneously in two or more
papers, and nine were not published until the whole was collected in
book form.
Mr. Paul Leicester Ford, in his Bibliotheca Hamiltoniana, gives Jay
credit for five numbers; "Madison numbers 10, 14, 37 to 48 inclusive;
numbers 18, 19 and 20 are the joint work of Madison and Hamilton;
numbers 49 to 58, 62 and 63 are claimed by both Madison and
Hamilton; the rest of the numbers are by Hamilton."
Duodecimo.
Collation: Two volumes. Volume I, vi, 227 pp. Volume II, vi,
384 pp.
EDWARD GIBBON (1737-1794)
58. The | History | Of The | Decline And Fall | Of
The | Roman Empire. | By Edward Gibbon, Eſq; |
Volume The First. | [Quotation] London: | Printed
For W. Strahan; And T. Cadell, In The Strand. |
MDCCLXXVI. [—MDCCLXXXVIII]
We are fortunate in having an account of the publication of this work
written by Gibbon himself. In June, 1775, he says:
"The volume of my history, which had been somewhat delayed by the
novelty and tumult of a first session, was now ready for the press. After
the perilous adventure had been declined by my timid friend Mr. Elmsley,
I agreed, on very easy terms, with Mr. Thomas Cadell, a respectable
bookseller, and Mr. William Strahan, an eminent printer; and they
undertook the care and risk of the publication, which derived more
credit from the name of the shop than from that of the author. The
last revisal of the proofs was submitted to my vigilance; and many
blemishes of style, which had been invisible in the manuscript, were
discovered and corrected in the printed sheet. So moderate were our
hopes, that the original impression had been stinted to five hundred,
till the number was doubled by the prophetic taste of Mr. Strahan.
During this awful interval I was neither elated by the ambition of
fame, nor depressed by the apprehension of contempt. My diligence
and accuracy were attested by my own conscience...."
It was on the 17th of February that the first volume of the great
work finally "declined into the World," as the author expressed it.
Its success was immediate. "I am at a loss how to describe the success
of the work without betraying the vanity of the writer. The first
impression was exhausted in a few days; a second and third edition
were scarcely adequate to the demand, and the bookseller's property
was twice invaded by the pyrates of Dublin. My book was on every
table, and almost on every toilette...."
The second edition was called for in 1776. On May 20th Gibbon
writes to J. B. Holroyd:
"In about a fortnight I again launch into the World in the shape
of a quarto Volume. The dear Cadell assures me that he never
remembered so eager and impatient a demand for a second Edition."
And again in June he writes to the same: "The 1500 Copies are moving
off with decent speed, and the obliging Cadell begins to mutter
something of a third Edition for next year." This third edition did not,
however, appear until 1782.
In June, 1780, we find our author busy revising and correcting for
the press the second and third volumes of the first edition, both of
which appeared the next year. Under date of April 13, 1781, he
writes to his stepmother:
"The reception of these two volumes has been very unlike that
of the first, and yet my vanity is so very dextrous, that I am not displeased
with the difference. The effects of novelty could no longer
operate, and the public was not surprised by the unexpected appearance
of a new and unknown author. The progress of these two
volumes has hitherto been quiet and silent. Almost everybody that
reads has purchased, but few persons (comparatively) have read them;
and I find that the greatest number, satisfied that they have acquired
a valuable fund of entertainment, differ the perusal to the summer, the
country, and a more quiet period. Yet I have reason to think, from
the opinion of some judges, that my reputation has not suffered by
this publication. The Clergy (such is the advantage of a total loss of
character) commend my decency and moderation: but the patriots
wish to down the work and the author."
The concluding volumes were delayed for various reasons as Gibbon
said to Lord Sheffield in July, 1786: "A book takes more time
in making than a pudding." In June, 1787, he says: "I am building
a great book, which, besides the three stories already exposed to the
public eye, will have three stories more before we reach the roof and
battlement," and promises that, with the diligence and speed then
exerted, he hopes to be able to have the work ready for the press in
August, or perhaps July. In an earlier letter he says:
"About a month ago I had a voluntary, and not unpleasing Epistle
from Cadell; he informs me that he is going to print a new octavo
edition, the former being exhausted, and that the public expect with
impatience the conclusion of the excellent work, whose reputation and
sale increases every day, etc. I answered him by the return of the
post, to inform him of the period and extent of my labours, and to
express a reasonable hope that he would set the same value on the
three last as he had done on the three former Volumes. Should
we conclude in this easy manner a transaction as honourable to the
author and bookseller, my way is clear and open before; in pecuniary
matters I think I am assured for the rest of my life of never
troubling my friends, or being troubled myself; a state to which I aspire,
and which I indeed deserve, if not by my management, at least
by moderation."
The publishers had allowed Gibbon two thirds of the profits for the
first volume, which amounted on the first edition to £490. In a letter
written in 1788, to his stepmother, he refers again to his relations with
Cadell: "The public, where it costs them nothing, are extravagantly
liberal; yet I will allow with Dr. Johnson 'that booksellers in this age are
not the worst patrons of literature.'" Allibone tells us that the historians'
"profit on the whole is stated to have been £6,000, whilst the
booksellers netted the handsome sum of £60,000."
The sixth volume was finished June 27, 1787, and was published with
the fourth and fifth in April, 1788. Gibbon says:
"The impression of the fourth volume had consumed three months;
our common interest required that we should move with quicker
pace, and Mr. Strahan fulfilled his engagement, which few printers
could sustain, of delivering every week three thousand copies of
nine sheets. The day of publication was, however, delayed, that
it might coincide with the fifty-first anniversary of my own birthday:
the double festival was celebrated by a cheerful literary dinner at Mr.
Cadell's house, and I seemed to blush while they read an elegant
compliment from Mr. Haley."
John Hall, historical engraver to George III, and one of the engravers
of the plates for Alderman Boydell's collection, executed the
portrait of Gibbon, after Sir Joshua Reynolds, which faces the title-page
of our first volume. The plate was issued separately in 1780,
Cadell having "strenuously urged the curiosity of the public" as a
reason for its immediate publication. It was most appropriate to introduce,
as he did, the vignettes emblematic of Rome.
Duodecimo.
Collation: Six volumes.
WILLIAM COWPER (1731-1800)
60. The | Task, | A | Poem, | In Six Books. | By William
Cowper, | Of The Inner Temple, Esq. | Fit ſurculus
arbor. | Anonym. | To which are added, | By The Same
Author, | An Epistle to Joseph Hill, Eſq. Tirocinium,
or a | Review of Schools, and the History of John Gilpin.
| London: | Printed For J. Johnson, No 72, St.
Paul's | Church-Yard: | 1785.
In October, 1784, William Cawthorne Unwin,
"A friend whose worth deserves as warm a lay
As ever friendship penned,"
received from Cowper "four quires of verse" with the request that it
might be read by him and, if approved, conveyed to Joseph Johnson,
the publisher of Cowper's first volume.
"If, when you make the offer of my book [The Task], to Johnson,
he should stroke his chin, and look up at the ceiling and cry 'Humph!',
anticipate him, I beseech you, at once by saying 'that you know I
should be sorry that he should undertake for me to his own disadvantage,
or that my volume should be in any degree pressed upon
him. I make him the offer merely because I think he would have
reason to complain of me if I did not.' But, that punctilio once
satisfied, it is a matter of indifference to me what publisher sends me
forth." Johnson, however, accepted.
"My imagination tells me," says Cowper to Unwin, "(for I know
you interest yourself in the success of my productions) that your heart
fluttered when you approached his door, and that it felt itself discharged
of a burthen when you came out again."
The "Advertisement," or preface, accounting for The Task, is worth
reprinting. It runs:
"The hiſtory of the following production is briefly this. A lady,
fond of blank verſe, demanded a poem of that kind from the author,
and gave him the Sofa for a ſubject. He obeyed; and having much
leiſure, connected another ſubject with it; and purſuing the train of
thought to which his ſituation and turn of mind led him, brought forth
at length, inſtead of the trifle which he at firſt intended, a ſerious
affair—a Volume."
The lady, who was Cowper's friend, Lady Austin, was also responsible
for John Gilpin, for it was from her that the poet first heard the
tale. It is said that he wrote the outline that night and sent it to
The Public Advertiser, anonymously, the next morning; but, in fact, it
appeared in November, 1782. It had a great success in the newspapers,
and in pamphlet form, and Henderson, the actor, gave it further
vogue by his recitations.
"I have not been without thoughts of adding 'John Gilpin' at the
tail of all," wrote Cowper, while The Task was in press. "He has
made a good deal of noise in the world; and perhaps it may not be
amiss to show, that though I write generally with a serious intention,
I know how to be occasionally merry."
There was some discussion between the poet and the publisher, as to
the propriety of putting poems so different in character into the
same volume. The poet says to Mr. Newton: "I should blame nobody,
not even my intimate friends, and those who have the most
favorable opinion of me, were they to charge the publication of John
Gilpin, at the end of so much solemn and serious truth, to the score
of the author's vanity; and to suspect that, however sober I may be
upon proper occasions, I have yet that itch of popularity that would
not suffer me to sink my title to a jest that had been so successful.
But the case is not such. When I sent the copy of the Task to Johnson,
I desired, indeed, Mr. Unwin to ask him the question, whether or
not he would choose to make it a part of the volume. This I did
merely with a view to promote the sale of it. Johnson answered, 'By
all means.' Some months afterward, he enclosed a note to me in one
of my packets, in which he expressed a change of mind, alleging, that
to print John Gilpin would only be to print what had been hackneyed
in every magazine, in every shop, and at the corner of every street. I
answered, that I desired to be entirely governed by his opinion; and
that if he chose to waive it, I should be better pleased with the omission.
Nothing more passed between us on the subject, and I concluded
that I should never have the immortal honor of being generally
known as the author of John Gilpin. In the last packet, however,
down came John, very fairly printed, and equipped for public appearance.
The business having taken this turn, I concluded that Johnson
had adopted my original thought, that it might prove advantageous to
the sale; and as he had had the trouble and expense of printing it, I
corrected the copy, and let it pass."
The half-title to John Gilpin in our copy reads: The Diverting | History
| Of | John Gilpin, | Shewing How He Went Farther Than He |
Intended And Came Safe Home Again.
The book appeared in June, having now grown into a volume of
poems, containing, as the title-page shows, four works, paged continuously.
It cost four shillings, in boards. The volume was a great success,
and two issues were made in the same year. These show several
variations, but chiefly in the arrangement of the pages. A half-title,
found in some copies, and thought to belong only to late issues, reads:
Poems, By William Cowper, Esq. Vol. II. Herein we may possibly see
Johnson's afterthought to make the book a second volume to the collection
of Poems issued in 1782, and referred to in the advertisement on
the last page: "Lately publiſhed by the ſame Author, in one Volume of
this Size. Price 4s. ſewed." It would have been a shrewd plan thus to
make the successful later volume carry the unsuccessful earlier.
Cowper gave the copyright to Johnson, who afterward, when the
work proved so successful, would have allowed him to take back his gift,
but Cowper refused.
This Johnson was also the publisher of Horne Tooke, Fuseli, Bonnycastle,
Mary Wollstonecraft, and Miss Edgeworth. He, as well as
his successor, Rowland Hunter, was a dissenter, and the building
which he occupied, we are told, was "plain and unadorned, befitting
the head-quarters of the bookselling of Protestant Dissent." Charles
Knight, in Shadows of the Old Booksellers, has a paragraph, which must
be quoted in connection with the appearance of Johnson's books.
"With wire-wove hot-pres'd paper's glossy glare,
Blind all the wise, and make the stupid stare."
The publisher of Cowper was an exception to his brother publishers
of that day, who are addressed in these lines. Aikin says of him,
"It is proper to mention that his true regard for the interests of literature
rendered him an enemy to that typographical luxury which, joined
to the necessary increase of expense in printing, has so much enhanced
the price of new books as to be a material obstacle to the indulgence
of a laudable and reasonable curiosity to the reading public."
It is quite certain that in making the Task he did not sin against
these principles of philanthropy, even if he sinned against many of the
rules of good book-making.
Octavo.
Collation: 4 ll., 359 pp.
ROBERT BURNS (1759-1796)
61. Poems, | Chiefly In The | Scottish Dialect, | By | Robert
Burns. | [Quotation] Kilmarnock: | Printed By John
Wilson. | M,DCC,LXXXVI.
One of Burns's warmest friends, Gavin Hamilton, advised him to publish
his poems in order to get enough money to emigrate to Jamaica,
where it was hoped he would escape from the complications incident
upon his love affair with Jean Armour. In the preface Burns tells us
that none of the poems was written with a view to publication, but as
a counterpoise to the troubles of the world.
The Proposals For Publishing By Subscription, Scottish Poems, By
Robert Burns, only one copy of which is known, appeared in 1786, and
ran as follows: "The Work to be elegantly printed, in one volume
octavo. Price, stitched, Three Shillings. As the Author has not the
most distant mercenary view in publishing, as soon as so many subscribers
appear as will defray the necessary expense, the work will be sent to
Press." A stanza of a poem by Alan Ramsay was followed by the
agreement: "We undersubscribers engage to take the above-mentioned
work on the conditions specified." The book went to press in
June, and appeared the last day of July. Six hundred and twelve
copies were printed; three hundred and fifty were taken by the author's
friends; and, by August 28, all but thirteen had been sold. Burns
cleared about twenty pounds.
In October a new edition of a thousand copies was suggested by
Burns, but the printer refused to proceed unless the author would
advance twenty-seven pounds, the price of the paper, "But this, you
know," says the luckless poet to Robert Aiken, "is out of my power;
so farewell hopes of a second edition till I grow richer! an epocha,
which, I think, will arrive at the payment of the British National
Debt."
Unlike Messrs. Dunlop and Wilson of Glasgow, to whom Burns is
said, without much authority, to have first offered the poem, Wilson,
the printer of the little volume, was not a great or leading publisher;
but he succeeded in making a volume that is very charming in appearance,
and not without reminders of the French press-work of the
period.
A copy of this book sold at the auction of the library of Mr. A. C.
Lamb of Dundee, in February, 1898, for the sum of five hundred and
seventy-two pounds, five shillings—"the most amazing price ever
realized for a modern book."
Octavo.
Collation: 240 pp.
GILBERT WHITE (1720-1793)
62. The | Natural History | And | Antiquities | Of | Selborne,
| [Two lines] With | Engravings, And An
Appendix. | [Quotations] London: | Printed by T.
Bensley; | For B. White And Son, at Horace's Head,
Fleet Street. | M,DCC,LXXXIX.
"B. White" was Benjamin, next older brother of Gilbert, and one
of the chief publishers of books relating to natural history. His
interest in this book, therefore, must have been more than usually
great, an assumption justified by its typographical appearance. It
may, perhaps, be truly said that, with the possible exceptions of Clarendon's
History and Percy's Reliques, it is the only work in our series
having special artistic merit.
Thomas Bensley was one of the first English printers to turn his
attention to printing as a fine art; and he may be reckoned, with
Bulmer, chief among the reformers of the art. As Dibdin says, in
the Bibliographical Decameron, he "completed the establishment of a
self working press, which prints on both sides of the sheet by one and
the same operation—and throws off 900 copies in an hour! This
really seems magical. It is certainly without precedent." It was, no
doubt, with intent that Benjamin White gave the printing of this book
into such hands, and something of the sumptuousness which afterward
in Macklin's Bible and Hume's History of England made Bensley
famous may be seen in this work.
Our chief interest in the volume, as a piece of bookmaking, centers
in the illustrations, engraved by Peter Mazell and Daniel Lerpinière.
These comprise a vignette on the title-page to The Natural History,
with a line from White's own poem, "The Invitation to Selbourne";
seven plates, one, the large folding frontispiece, which is said to contain
portraits of four of White's friends; and a vignette on the title-page
of The Antiquities. They are all from drawings by a young
Swiss artist named Samuel Hieronymus Grimm, who settled in London
in 1778, and was much employed in topographical work.
White's references to him in various letters give us quite an insight
into the details of making this delightful book. Writing to Rev. John
White, August 12, 1775, he says:
"Mr. Grimm, the Swiss, is still in Derbyshire; and is to continue
there and in Staffordshire 'til the end of the month. I have made all
the inquiry I can concerning this artist, as it much behoves me to do.
Mr. Tho. Mulso, and Brother Thomas, and Benjamin, and Mr. Lort
have been to his lodgings to see his performances. They all agree
that he is a man of genius; but the two former say that he does hardly
seem to stick enough to nature; and that his trees are grotesque and
strange. Brother Benjamin seems to approve of him. They all allow
that he excels in grounds, water, and buildings. Friend Curtis recommends
a Mr. Mullins, a worker in oil-colours. Grimm, it seems, has
a way of staining his scapes with light water-colours, and seems disposed
much in scapes for light sketchings; now I want strong lights
and shades and good trees and foliage."
The inquiries seem, in the end, to have been satisfactory, and by
May the fifth of the next year the young man had been engaged. An
entry in The Naturalists' Journal, under date of July 8, 1776, records:
"Mr. Grimm, my artist, came from London to take some of our finest
views."
On August 9, 1776, he says:
"Mr. Grimm was with me just 28 days; 24 of which he worked
very hard, and shewed good specimens of his genius, assiduity, and
modest behaviour, much to my satisfaction. He finished for me 12
views. He first of all sketches his scapes with a lead-pencil; then he
pens them all over, as he calls it, with india-ink, rubbing out the superfluous
pencil-strokes; then he gives a charming shading with a brush
dipped in indian-ink; and last he throws a light tinge of water-colours
over the whole. The scapes, many of them at least, looked so lovely
in their indian-ink shading, that it was with difficulty the artist could
prevail on me to permit him to tinge them; as I feared those colours
might puzzle the engravers; but he assured me to the contrary."
In a letter to Mr. Samuel Barker, November 1, 1776, we find:
"In 24 days Mr. Grimm finished for me 12 drawings; the most
elegant of which are 1, a view of the village and hanger from the
short Lithe [the large folding frontispiece]; 2, a view of the S. E.
end of the hanger and its cottages, taken from the upper end of the
street; 3, a side view of the old hermitage, with the hermit standing
at the door, [the vignette on the title-page]: this piece he is to copy
again for Uncle Harry; 4, a sweet view of the short Lithe and Dorton
from the lane beyond Peasecod's house. He took also two views
of the Church [opposite pp. 315, 323]; two views of my outlet;
a view of the Temple-Farm [opposite p. 342]; a view of the village
from the inside of the present hermitage; Hawkley hanger, which
does not prove very engaging; and a grotesque and romantic drawing
of the water-fall in the hollow bed of the stream in Silkwood's vale to
the N. E. of Berriman's house. You need not wonder that the drawings
you saw by Grimm did not please you; for they were 3s. 6d. pieces
done for a little ready money; so there was no room for softening his
trees, &c. He is a most elegant colourist; and what is more, the use
of these fine natural stainings is altogether his own, yet his pieces were
so engaging in India-ink that it was with regret that I submitted to
have some of them coloured...." The plates bear the legend,
"Published Novr. 1. 1788 as the Act directs, by B. White & Son."
The work appeared anonymously at the end of 1788, but it is
dated the next year. It was sold for one guinea, in boards. Fifty
copies were printed on large paper, with the plate on page 3 in colors.
Although it seems to have sold well, it was the only edition issued
during the author's lifetime. White wrote to a friend in 1789: "My
book is still asked for in Fleet Street. A gent. came the other day,
and said he understood that there was a Mr. White who had lately
published two books, a good one and a bad one; the bad one was
concerning Botany Bay ['A Voyage to New South Wales,' by John
White (no relation), published in 1790], the better respecting some
parish."
The index, which White described when he was making it as "an
occupation full as entertaining as that of darning of stockings," was
criticised for not being full enough, a criticism applicable to every
edition issued since the first.
Quarto
Collation: 1 l., v., 468 pp., 7 ll. Seven plates.
THOMAS PAINE (1737-1809)
64. Rights Of Man: | Being An | Answer To Mr. Burke's
Attack | On The | French Revolution. | By | Thomas Paine, | Secretary For Foreign Affairs to
Congress In The | American War, And | Author Of The Work Intitled Common Sense. | London: |
Printed for J. Johnson, St. Paul's Church-Yard. | MDCCXCI.
"Mr. Burke's Attack," as we have seen, appeared in November, 1790,
and Paine immediately replied with the first part of his "Answer."
Joseph Johnson, who printed Cowper's Task, and published for Horne
Tooke, Fuseli, Bonnycastle and Miss Edgeworth, began the work and
issued a few copies, but he became frightened at the serious outlook
and gave it up. It was then put into the hands of J. S. Jordan, of
No. 166 Fleet Street, who reissued it March 13, 1791, under the
superintendence of three of Paine's friends, Paine himself having in
the meantime gone to Paris. There were a few corrections in the spelling
of some words, some passages were softened, and a preface to the
English edition, which Paine sent back from Europe, was added to
the new edition.
The success of the book was enormous, and it ran into edition after
edition. In a letter to Washington, to whom it was dedicated, Paine
says, under date of July 21, 1791:
"... I took the liberty of addressing my late work 'Rights of Man',
to you; but tho' I left it at that time to find its way to you, I now request
your acceptance of fifty copies as a token of remembrance to
yourself and my Friends. The work has had a run beyond anything
that has been published in this Country on the subject of Government,
and the demand continues. In Ireland it has had a much greater. A
letter I received from Dublin, 10th of May, mentioned that the fourth
edition was then on sale. I know not what number of copies were
printed at each edition, except the second, which was ten thousand....
"I have printed sixteen thousand copies; when the whole are gone,
of which there remain between three and four thousand, I shall then
make a cheap edition, just sufficient to bring in the price of printing
and paper as I did by Common Sense."
The earlier editions of the first part were made uniform with Burke's
Reflections, and sold, so we learn from the half-title, for half a crown;
the second edition sold for three shillings; and the cheap edition,
which was Printed For H. D. Symonds, Paternoster Row, M,DCC,XCII.,
sold for sixpence.
The Gazetteer for January 25, contained the following announcement:
"Mr Paine, it is known, is to produce another book this
season. The composition of this is now past, and it was given a few
weeks since to two printers, whose presses it was to go through as soon
as possible. They printed about half of it, and then, being alarmed
by some intimations, refused to go further. Some delay has thus
occurred, but another printer has taken it, and in the course of the
next month it will appear. Its title is to be a repetition of the former,
'The Rights of Man,' of which the words 'Part the Second,' will show
that it is a continuation."
The title in full, runs as follows: Rights Of Man. | Part | The
Second. | Combining | Principle And Practice. | By | Thomas Paine, |
[Four lines] London: | Printed for J. S. Jordan, No. 166, Fleet-Street. |
1792.
The volume was the same size as the first part, and contained 178
pages, selling, as the half-title tells us, for three shillings. It was
dedicated to Lafayette. This part was also issued by Symonds in a
cheap edition, uniform with the first part, which sold for sixpence.
The printer alarmed by the "intimations" was Chapman. He had
offered successively, at different stages of the publication, £100, £500,
and £1000, for the work, but Paine preferred to keep it in his own
hands, fearing, perhaps, that this was a government attempt to suppress
the book. From a financial point of view he was wise, since, on
July 4, he handed over to the Society for Constitutional Information,
£1000, which he had already received from sales. After Chapman's
withdrawal, Jordan took up the printing, but with the understanding
that if questioned he should say that Paine was author and publisher,
and would personally answer for the work.
The fears of the printers proved anything but groundless. The persecution,
by imprisonment or fines, of those who were connected with the
publishing (printing and selling) of the book would "astonish you",
as Dr. Currie writes in 1793, "and most of these are for offences committed
many months ago. The printer of the Manchester Herald has
had seven different indictments preferred against him for paragraphs
in his paper; and six different indictments for selling or disposing of
six different copies of Paine—all previous to the trial of Paine. The
man was opulent, supposed worth 20,000 l.; but these different actions
will ruin him, as they were intended to do."
Octavo.
Collation: 1 l., 162 pp.
JAMES BOSWELL (1740—1795)
65. The | Life | Of | Samuel Johnson, LL.D. | [Twelve
lines] In Two Volumes. | By James Boswell, Esq. |
[Quotation] Volume The First. | London: | Printed by
Henry Baldwin, | For Charles Dilly, In the Poultry. |
MDCCXCI.
Boswell had published, the year before, two specimens of his work:
The Celebrated Letter from Samuel Johnson, LL.D., to Philip Dormer
Stanhope, Earl of Chesterfield, now first published, with notes by James
Boswell, Esq., and A Conversation between His Most Sacred Majesty
George III, and Samuel Johnson, LL.D., illustrated with observations
by James Boswell, Esq. They were probably issued to secure the
copyright, and sold for half a guinea apiece.
The whole matter of publication of the Life was a source of no
small worry to our author. He was plunged, at that time, in pecuniary
difficulties due to the purchase of an estate for £2500, and it seemed
as if he might be obliged to accept the offer of Robinson, the publisher,
of £1000 for the copyright of his beloved book. "But it would
go to his heart," he said, "to accept such a sum, which he considered
far too low", and he avoided the difficulty by borrowing the money.
All of these things made him very low-spirited:
"I am at present," he says, "in such bad spirits that I have fear
concerning it—that I may get no profit, nay, may lose—that the public
may be disappointed, and think that I have done it poorly—that I
may make many enemies, and even have quarrels. But perhaps the
very reverse of all may happen."
He worked very hard over all the details connected with the making
of the book. "I am within a short walk of Mr. Malone, who
revises my 'Life of Johnson' with me. We have not yet gone over
quite a half of it, but it is at last fairly in the press. I intended to
have printed it upon what is called an English letter, which would
have made it look better. I have therefore taken a smaller type,
called Pica, and even upon that I am afraid its bulk will be very
large." He gave much thought to the title-page, and we are told that
it was a long time before he could be perfectly satisfied. This statement,
we are compelled to assume, refers to the literary composition
of the title, rather than to the construction of the page: upon the latter
he might have worked much longer and still have been dissatisfied.
The work was at last delivered to the world May sixteenth (the
"Advertisement" is dated April twentieth), and was sold for two guineas
a copy. So successful was it that by August twenty-second, 1200 out of
the edition of 1700 copies were disposed of, and the whole edition
was exhausted before the end of the year. A supplement was issued
in 1793, at one guinea; and a second edition with eight additional
sheets appeared in July of the same year.
With all Boswell's fussiness many mistakes crept into the printing,
and the book abounds in wrong paging, omission of pages, and
other things "of which," says Fitzgerald, "the great exemplar is the
first Shakespeare Folio." So bad were these errors, indeed, that it
was found necessary to issue a small quarto volume of forty-two
pages to correct them. This pamphlet is sometimes bound up with
the second edition. It is entitled: The | Principal Corrections and
Addition | To The First Edition Of | Mr. Boswell's Life | Of | Dr.
Johnson. | London: | Printed by Henry Baldwin, | For Charles Dilly
In The Poultry. | MDCCXCIII.| [Price Two Shillings and Sixpence.]
"A Chronological Catalogue of the Prose Works of Samuel Johnson,
L.L.D.," is printed at the end.
Charles Dilly, the bookseller, was well known in his day. Beloe
speaks of him as "the queer little man ... characterized by a dryness
of manner peculiarly his own." He and his elder brother,
John, were famous not only for their successful publishing ventures,
but for their dinners as well. Boswell speaks of "my worthy booksellers
and friends, Messrs. Dilly, in the Poultry, at whose hospitable
and well covered table I have seen a greater number of literary men
than at any other, except that of Sir Joshua Reynolds."
The engraved portrait of Doctor Johnson by James Heath, after the
painting by Sir Joshua Reynolds, 1756, which forms the frontispiece
to the first volume, bears the inscription: "Samuel Johnson. From
the original Picture in the Poſseſsion of James Boswell, Esq. Publiſh'd
April 10, 1791, by C. Dilly." A plate of facsimiles of Dr. Johnson's
handwriting, and another showing a "Round Robin, addreſsed to
Samuel Johnson, L.L.D., with FacSimiles of the Signatures," add to
the interest of the second volume. Both plates were engraved by
H. Shepherd.
Quarto.
Collation: Two volumes. Volume I: xii pp., 8 ll., 516 pp. Volume
II: 1 l., 588 pp. Portrait. Two plates.
WILLIAM WORDSWORTH (1770-1850) AND SAMUEL TAYLOR COLERIDGE (1772-1834)
66. Lyrical Ballads, | With | A Few Other Poems. | London: |
Printed For J. & A. Arch, Gracechurch-Street. |
1798.
In Cottle, the Bristol bookseller and poet, Wordsworth and Coleridge
found a friend whose appreciation of their genius took a practical form.
As early as 1795 we learn from a letter of Coleridge to Thomas Poole
that "Cottle has entered into an engagement to give me a guinea and
a half for every hundred lines of poetry I write, which will be perfectly
sufficient for my maintenance, I only amusing myself on mornings; and
all my prose works he is eager to purchase." When the two poets
planned to issue a book in which Coleridge should show "the dramatic
treatment of supernatural incidents," while Wordsworth should try to
give the charm of novelty to "things of ever[y] day," it was Cottle who
bought it. He says: "A visit to Mr. Coleridge at Stowey has been the
means of my introduction to Mr. Wordsworth, who read me many of
his Lyrical Pieces, when I perceived in them a peculiar but decided
merit. I advised him to publish them, expressing a belief that they
would be well received. I further said that he should be at no risk;
that I would give him the same sum which I had given Mr. Coleridge
and Mr. Southey, and that it would be a gratifying circumstance to me
to usher into the world, by becoming the publisher of, the first volumes
of three such poets as Southey, Coleridge and Wordsworth—a distinction
that might never again occur to a provincial publisher."
He gave Wordsworth thirty guineas for the copyright, and issued the
book with the following imprint: Bristol: Printed by Biggs and Cottle,
for T. N. Longman, Paternoster Row, London, 1798. But this imprint
did not remain upon the title-page of the whole edition, for Cottle tells
us that the sale was so slow, and the severity of most of the reviews
so great, that its progress to oblivion seemed ordained to be as rapid
as it was certain. He parted with the largest proportion of the five
hundred at a loss, to Mr. Arch, a London bookseller, who bound up
his copies with a new title-page bearing his name. The copies of
the earlier issue are very rare.
Shortly after the transfer, Cottle retired from business, selling all his
copyrights to Longman and Rees, far-sighted publishers, both of
whom were also Bristol men. In the transfer the copyright of the
Lyrical Ballads was down in the bill as worth nothing, whereupon
Cottle begged the receipt for the thirty guineas, and presented it to
Wordsworth.
The work was entirely anonymous, with nothing to show that it
was a joint production. Coleridge's poem, The Nightingale, inserted
at the last minute, in place of Lewti, makes an extra leaf between
pages 68 and 69. It is numbered 69 (the verso is blank), but no
apparent confusion results since the original page 69 is not numbered,
in accordance with the printer's scheme of numbering.
We catch an interesting glimpse of this poet-publisher in a letter of
Coleridge's to Robert Southey, written under date of July 22, 1801:
"Poor Joseph! he has scribbled away both head and heart.
What an affecting essay I could write on that man's character! Had
he gone in his quiet way on a little pony, looking about him with a
sheep's-eye cast now and then at a short poem, I do verily think from
many parts of the "Malvern Hill," that he would at last have become
a poet better than many who have had much fame, but he would be
an Epic, and so
'Victorious o'er the Danes, I Alfred, preach,
Of my own forces, Chaplain-General.'"
Duodecimo.
Collation: viii, 68 pp., 1 l., 69-210 pp., 1 l.
WASHINGTON IRVING (1783-1859)
67. A History | Of | New York, | From The Beginning Of
The World To The | End Of The Dutch Dynasty. |
[Eight lines] By Diedrich Knickerbocker. | [Quotation]
In Two Volumes. | Vol. I. | Published By Inskeep &
Bradford, New York; | Bradford & Inskeep, Philadelphia;
Wm. M'Il- | Henny, Boston; Coale & Thomas,
Baltimore; | And Morford, Willington, & Co. Charleston.
| 1809.
Early in the year 1809 a notice in the newspapers, headed "Distressing,"
announced the disappearance from his lodgings of a "small
elderly gentleman" named Knickerbocker; and another notice, signed
Seth Handaside, landlord of the Independent Columbian Hotel, Mulberry
Street, reads:
"Sir:—You have been good enough to publish in your paper a
paragraph about Mr. Diedrich Knickerbocker, who was missing so
strangely from his lodgings some time since. Nothing satisfactory
has been heard of the old gentleman since; but a very curious kind of
a written book has been found in his room in his own handwriting.
Now I wish you to notice him, if he is still alive, that if he does not
return and pay off his bill, for board and lodging, I shall have to dispose
of his Book, to satisfy me for the same."
On December 6, 1809, the actual publication of the work is announced
in the American Citizen:
"Is This Day Published,
By Inskeep And Bradford—No. 128 Broadway
A History Of New York.
In 2 vols. duodecimo—price 3 dollars.
"Containing an account of its discovery and settlement, with its internal
policy, manners, customs, wars, &c., &c., under the Dutch government,
furnishing many curious and interesting particulars never
before published, and which are gathered from various manuscripts
and other authenticated sources, the whole being interspersed with
philosophical speculations and moral precepts.
"This work was found in the chamber of Mr. Diedrich Knickerbocker,
the old gentleman whose sudden and mysterious disappearance
has been noticed. It is published in order to discharge certain debts
he has left behind."
In this way Irving chose to introduce his satire to the world. The
book was put to press in Philadelphia instead of in New York, in order
the more easily to preserve its anonymous character.
The pretence that it was a serious history was carried even into the
dedication "To the New York Historical Society," and the work may
really be described as a practical joke in book form.
The volumes sold well, and, on the whole, were well received.
Some members of the old Dutch families of the state saw in them a
reflection upon their ancestors that they found it hard to overlook, and
Irving himself describes their indignation against him. Mr. Pierre M.
Irving tells us that he heard his uncle say that the avails of the first
edition of The History amounted to about three thousand dollars.
A narrow folded plate, in the first volume, is entitled, "New
Amsterdam (Now New-York) As it appeared about the year 1640,
while under the Dutch Government". A legend beneath the engraving
adds: "Copied from an ancient Etching of the same size, Published
by Justus Danckers at Amsterdam". The view is often missing,
being much sought after by print collectors.
Duodecimo.
Collation: Two volumes. Volume I: xxiii, 268 pp. Volume II:
1 l., 258 pp. Folded plate.
GEORGE GORDON BYRON, SIXTH BARON (1788-1824)
68. Childe Harold's Pilgrimage. | A Romaunt. | By | Lord
Byron | [Quotation] London: | Printed For John
Murray, 32, Fleet-Street; | William Blackwood, Edinburgh;
And John Cumming, Dublin. | By Thomas
Davison, White-Friars. | 1812.
Robert Charles Dallas, a "well-meaning, self-satisfied, dull, industrious
man," Byron's friend, having read with enthusiasm "a new attempt in
the Spenserian stanza," which Byron brought back from Italy with him,
undertook to find a publisher for it. William Miller, who afterward
sold out to John Murray, refused it on the ground that it contained
"sceptical stanzas," and that it attacked Lord Elgin as a "plunderer."
To this criticism Byron's reply is characteristic:
"Reddish's Hotel, July 30th, 1811.
"Sir: I am perfectly aware of the justice of your remarks, and am
convinced that, if ever the poem is published, the same objections will
be made in much stronger terms. But as it was intended to be a poem
on Ariosto's plan, that is to say on no plan at all, and, as is usual in
similar cases, having a predilection for the worst passages, I shall retain
those parts, though I cannot venture to defend them. Under
these circumstances I regret that you decline the publication, on my
own account, as I think the book would have done better in your
hands; the pecuniary part, you know, I have nothing to do with.
But I can perfectly conceive, and indeed approve your reasons, and
assure you my sensations are not Archiepiscopal* enough as yet to
regard the rejection of my Homilies."
Murray, to whom the manuscript was next carried, was more than
willing to undertake the publication of the poem. He offered six
hundred pounds for the copyright of the first two cantos; but Byron,
refusing to keep the money himself, presented it to the needy Dallas.
Dallas was the intermediary, at first, as we learn from Byron's letter
to him dated August 21, 1811: "I do not think I shall return to
London immediately, and shall therefore accept freely what is offered
courteously—your mediation between me and Murray." Again, in
a letter to Murray, August 23, 1811, he says: "My friend, Mr.
Dallas, has placed in your hands a manuscript poem written by me in
Greece, which he tells me you do not object to publishing."
The relations between Murray and Byron form one of the most
interesting chapters in the history of bookselling, redounding equally
to the credit of each. In a letter to the publisher, dated September
5, 1811, the poet says: "The time seems to be past when (as Dr.
Johnson said) a man was certain to 'hear the truth from his bookseller,'
for you have paid me so many compliments, that if I was not
the veriest scribbler on earth, I should feel affronted." Murray in
one letter asked him to "obviate" some expressions concerning Spain
and Portugal, "and with them, perhaps, some religious feelings which
may deprive me of some customers amongst the Orthodox," but
Byron refused to change anything, saying: "As for the 'Orthodox'
let us hope they will buy, on purpose to abuse—you will forgive the
one if they do the other."
The following extracts give us an insight into our author's feelings
about the appearance and make-up of his book. Speaking of its form,
he says: "He [Murray] wants to have it in a quarto, which is a cursed
unsaleable size; but it is pestilent long, and one must obey one's publisher."
And to Murray himself he writes in answer to a very natural
question: "... The printer may place the notes in his own way, or
any way, so that they are not in my way. I care nothing about types
or margins."
The use of the poet's name on the title-page caused some discussion,
as we see from a letter to Dallas already quoted: "I don't
think my name will answer the purpose, and you must be aware that
my plaguey Satire will bring the north and south Grub Street down
upon the Pilgrimage;—but, nevertheless, if Murray makes a point of
it, and you coincide with him, I will do it daringly; so let it be
entitled 'By the author of English Bards and Scotch Reviewers...."
There was another reason why he did not want his name to appear:
"Has Murray shown the work to any one? He may—but I will
have no traps for applause ... I much wish to avoid identifying
Childe Harold's character with mine, and that, in sooth, is my second
objection to my name appearing in the title-page." Later, however,
as we see, he gave way on this point.
We are indebted to Smiles, in his memoirs of John Murray, for a
vivid picture of Byron as a book-maker.
"He afterwards looked in [at 32, Fleet Street] from time to time,
while the sheets [of Childe Harold] were passing through the press, fresh
from the fencing rooms of Angelo and Jackson. He used to amuse himself
by renewing his practice of Carte et Tierce, with his walking-cane
directed against the book-shelves, while Murray was reading passages
from the poem with occasional ejaculations of admiration, on which
Byron would say, 'You think that a good idea, do you, Murray?'
Then he would fence and lunge with his walking stick at some special
book which he had picked out on the shelves before him. As Murray
afterwards said, 'I was often very glad to get rid of him!'"
The poem, that is, two Cantos of it, was published March 1, 1812,
in an edition of five hundred copies, which were all sold in three days.
We hear from Elizabeth, Duchess of Devonshire, that "the subject of
conversation, of curiosity, of enthusiasm, almost, one might say, of
the moment is not Spain, or Portugal, Warriors or Patriots, but Lord
Byron!" "He returned," she continues, "sorry for the severity of
some of his lines (in the English Bards), and with a new poem, Childe
Harold, which he published. This poem is on every table, and himself
courted, visited, flattered, and praised whenever he appears. He
has a pale, sickly, but handsome countenance, a bad figure, and, in
short, he is really the only topic almost of every conversation—the
men jealous of him, the women of each other."
Thomas Davison, the printer of the book, was also responsible for
many of the volumes of Campbell, Moore and Wordsworth, but he is
known chiefly for his fine edition of Whitaker's History of Richmondshire,
Rogers's Italy, and Dugdale's Monasticon Anglicanum.
Timperley speaks of the singular beauty and correctness of his works,
which brought about him a "connection" of the most respectable
publishers of the day, and he adds: "By improvements which he
made in printing ink, (a secret of which he had for a long time the
exclusive possession) and other merits, he acquired great celebrity;
and few indeed of his competitors, could approach the characters of
what issued from his press."
"For equal accuracy and beauty, let the palm be extended to Davison
and Moyes," cries Mr. Dibdin in The Bibliographical Decameron.
In a note he adds: "Mr. Davison is both an excellent and an elegant
printer. His Gil Blas, published by Messrs. Longman, Hurst,
and Co. is quite worthy of the beautiful engravings with which that
edition is adorned: but his Arabian Nights, by Scott, 1811, in 6
octavo volumes, is, to my eye, a more exquisite performance."
Early in their intercourse Murray had said to Byron: "Could I
flatter myself that these suggestions were not obtrusive, I would hazard
another, in an earnest solicitation that your lordship would add the
two promised Cantos, and complete the Poem." But the volume containing
the third Canto was not issued until 1816, when Murray
paid £2000 for it. The fourth Canto, in a much thicker volume,
came out two years afterward, and for this £2100 were received by
the poet. The second volume sold for 5s. 6d., and the last for 12s.
Byron must have carried his point about the size, for these last
volumes were issued in octavo.
Quarto.
Collation: vi pp., 1 l., 226 pp. Facsimile.
JANE AUSTEN (1775-1817)
69. Pride | And | Prejudice: | A Novel. | In Three Volumes.
| By The | Author Of "Sense And Sensibility."
| Vol. I. | London: | Printed For T. Egerton, | Military
Library, Whitehall. | 1813.
Egerton published Sense and Sensibility in 1811, while Pride and Prejudice
(originally named First Impressions), which had been finished in
August, 1797, was first offered by Miss Austen's father to Cadell, the
famous publisher, in the following letter:
"Sir,—I have in my possession a manuscript novel, comprising 3
vols., about the length of Miss Burney's 'Evelina.' As I am well
aware of what consequence it is that a work of this sort shd make its
first appearance under a respectable name, I apply to you. I shall
be much obliged, therefore, if you will inform me whether you choose
to be concerned in it, what will be the expense of publishing it at the
author's risk, and what you will venture to advance for the property
of it, if on perusal it is approved of. Should you give any encouragement,
I will send you the work.
"Steventon, near Overton, Hants.
"1st. Nov. 1797."
Cadell refused the book without reading it, and it was finally carried
to Egerton, who accepted the story and made it into an attractive
volume, although Gifford, who afterward read it for Murray with a
view to publishing Emma, tells us that it was "—wretchedly printed,
and so pointed as to be almost unintelligible."
Mansfield Park and Emma, like her two earlier novels, were issued
anonymously during Miss Austen's lifetime. Though the author's
name was an open secret, it did not appear in any of her books
until the year after her death, when her brother, Henry Austen,
announced it in a short biographical notice prefixed to Northanger
Abbey and Persuasion.
One hundred and fifty pounds were received from the sale of
Sense and Sensibility, and less then seven hundred pounds from the
sale of all four books issued before the two novels of 1818.
The work, "my own darling child," as Miss Austen called it, appeared
in January, and she says of it: "There are a few typical
errors; and a 'said he,' or a 'said she,' would sometimes make the
dialogue more immediately clear; but 'I do not write for such dull
elves' as have not a great deal of ingenuity themselves. The second
volume is shorter than I could wish; but the difference is not so much
in reality, as in look."
Duodecimo.
Collation: Three volumes.
SAMUEL TAYLOR COLERIDGE (1772-1834)
70. Christabel: | Kubla Khan, | A Vision; | The Pains Of
Sleep. | By | S. T. Coleridge, Esq. | London: | Printed
for John Murray, Albemarle-Street, | By William Bulmer
And Co. Cleveland-Row, | St. James's. | 1816.
Coleridge, writing to his wife, April 4, 1803, says: "To-day I dine
again with Sotheby. He had informed me that ten gentlemen who
have met me at his house desired him to solicit me to finish the
'Christabel,' and to permit them to publish it for me; and they
engaged that it should be in paper, printing, and decorations the most
magnificent thing that had hitherto appeared. Of course I declined
it. The lovely lady shan't come to that pass! Many times rather
would I have it printed at Soulby's on the true ballad paper. However,
it was civil, and Sotheby is very civil to me."
It was not until May 8, 1816, that the still unfinished poem of
Christabel was offered to Murray, who, upon Byron's recommendation,
so Lamb tells us, agreed to take it, paying seventy guineas for
it, "until the other poems shall be completed, when the copyright
shall revert to the author." Christabel is in two parts. The "three
parts yet to come," and which Coleridge in the Preface said he hoped
would be finished in the present year, never appeared. Kubla Khan;
Or A Vision In A Dream is prefaced by a short introduction. The
seventy guineas Coleridge turned over to a needy friend. Murray
also gave "£20 for permission to publish the other fragment of a
poem, Kubla Khan, but which the author should not be restricted from
publishing in any other way that he pleased."
We may not pass over this book, modest as it is in appearance,
without giving a quotation from the voluble Dibdin on the merits of
its printer and his press, "The Shakespeare Press." "Trivial as the
theme may appear," says he, "there are some very reasonable folks
who would prefer an account of this eminent press to the 'History of
the Seven Years War:' and I frankly own myself to be of that number.
Nor is it—with due deference be it said to William Bulmer &
Co.—from the least admiration of the exterior or interior of this
printing-office that I take up my pen in behalf of it; but because it
has effectually contributed to the promotion of belles-lettres, and
national improvement in the matter of puncheon and matrix."
Dibdin might have said more, without exaggeration; some of the
chief glories of English typography came from the hands of William
Bulmer & Co., works like the edition of Shakespeare of Alderman
Boydell; The Poetical Works of John Milton, in three volumes, with
engravings after designs by R. Westall; Goldsmith's Traveller and
Deserted Village, with engravings upon wood by Thomas Bewick;
Somerville's Chase, with engravings by John and Thomas Bewick;
Forster's edition of The Arabian Nights' Entertainments in five volumes,
with illustrations after Smirke's designs; and last, but not least,
Dibdin's own Bibliotheca Spenceriana. Specimens of printing such as
these justify Bulmer's claim that great strides had been taken toward
raising the art from the depths to which it had fallen.
One is tempted to wonder if the ten gentlemen friends of Sotheby,
smitten by the mania for this new-found mode of expression in book-making,
could have had it in mind to issue Christabel with designs by
Bewick, or Westall, or Smirke.
Octavo.
Collation: vii, 64 pp., 2 ll.
SIR WALTER SCOTT (1771-1832)
71. Ivanhoe; | A Romance. | By "The Author Of Waverley,"
&c. | [Quotation] In Three Volumes. | Vol. I. |
Edinburgh: | Printed For Archibald Constable And Co.
Edinburgh: | And Hurst, Robinson, And Co. 90, Cheapside,
London. | 1820.
Constable offered "The Author of Waverley" £700 for its copyright;
but was told that the sum was too little if the book succeeded, and too
much if it failed. The success of the novel, when it appeared, July 7,
1814, was enormous. One thousand copies were sold in the first five
weeks, and six editions were necessary within the year. The whole
English-reading world waited for another book from the same pen.
Ivanhoe appeared, December 18, 1819, and Mr. Leslie Stephen
says that it was "Scott's culminating success in a book-selling sense,
and marked the highest point both of his literary and social prosperity."
The "Waverley novels" had been issued in duodecimo, but this volume
marked a change to a new size. The paper was finer than
hitherto, and the press-work much better. The price, too, was raised
from eight shillings the volume to ten. These changes were made,
Lockhart tells us, to assist the impression, which it was thought best
to create, that Ivanhoe was by a new hand; but "when the day of
publication approached, [Constable] remonstrated against this experiment,
and it was accordingly abandoned." The sale of the novel, in
the early editions, amounted to 12,000 copies. Its popularity to-day
is as great as ever.
Scott's persistence in keeping up his anonymity is well known. In
agreements with Constable a clause was introduced making the publisher
liable to a penalty of £2000 if the author's name were revealed.
A survey of Scott's publishing ventures would hardly be complete
without a word concerning this publisher with whom his fortunes were
so inseparably connected. Curwen says: "From 1790 to 1820 Edinburgh
richly deserved the honorable title of 'Modern Athens.' Her
University and her High School, directed by men preëminently fitted
for their duties ... attracted and educated a set of young men, unrivalled,
perhaps, in modern times for genius and energy, for wit and
learning. Nothing, then, was wanting to their due encouragement but
a liberal patron, and this position was speedily occupied by a publisher
who, in his munificence and venturous spirit, soon outstripped his
boldest English rival—whose one fault was, in fact, that of always being
a Mæcenas, never a tradesman." By his liberality to writers, Constable
transformed the publishing business, and practically put it upon
a new basis. He made it possible for authors to do away with aristocratic
patrons, and to stand upon their own merits. Scott had good
reason to say, even after his disastrous participation in Constable and
Co.'s failure, "Never did there exist so intelligent and so liberal an establishment."
Octavo.
Collation: Three volumes.
JOHN KEATS (1795-1821)
72. Lamia, | Isabella, | The Eve Of St. Agnes, | And |
Other Poems. | By John Keats, | Author Of Endymion. |
London: | Printed For Taylor And Hessey, | Fleet-Street.
| 1820.
The poems in this volume represent the labor of a little over a year
and a half—that is, from March, 1818, to October, 1819,—and were all
written after the publication of Endymion. The book was issued in
the beginning of July, and was the third, and, as it proved, the last of
the poet's works. "My book is coming out," said he, "with very low
hopes, though not spirits, on my part. This shall be my last trial;
not succeeding, I shall try what I can do in the apothecary line." It
was not lack of success, however, that led him to discontinue the publishing
line.
Among the "other poems" mentioned on the title-page is Hyperion.
A Fragment. The publishers, who seem to have cordially appreciated
Keats's genius, refer to it in a special "Advertisement" placed after
the title-page, and dated Fleet-Street, June 26, 1820:
"If any apology be thought necessary for the appearance of the
unfinished poem of Hyperion, the publishers beg to state that they
alone are responsible, as it was printed at their particular request, and
contrary to the wish of the author. The poem was intended to have
been of equal length with Endymion, but the reception given to that
work discouraged the author from proceeding."
The volume was issued in light brown paper-covered boards, at
7s. 6d., and our poet says in a letter to Charles A. Brown: "My
book has had good success among the literary people, and I believe
has a moderate sale." And again he writes on this subject to Mr.
Brown, August, 1820: "The sale of my book is very slow, though it
has been very highly rated. One of the causes, I understand from
different quarters, of the unpopularity of this new book, is the offence
the ladies take at me. On thinking that matter over, I am certain
that I have said nothing in a spirit to displease any woman I would
care to please; but still there is a tendency to class women in my
books with roses and sweetmeats,—they never see themselves dominant."
On the verso of the title-page of some copies, and at the end of the
book, we find London: Printed by Thomas Davison, Whitefriars, a
guarantee for the excellence of the typography, the key-note of which
is struck in the admirably arranged title-page.
Duodecimo.
Collation: 3 ll., 199 pp.
PERCY BYSSHE SHELLEY (1792-1822)
73. Adonais | An Elegy On The Death Of John Keats, |
Author Of Endymion, Hyperion Etc. | By | Percy. B.
Shelley | [Quotation] Pisa | With The Types Of
Didot | MDCCCXXI.
Charles Ollier, the publisher, received the following interesting letter
from Shelley, dated at Pisa, June 8, 1821:
"Dear Sir,—You may announce for publication a poem entitled
"Adonais." It is a lament on the death of poor Keats, with some interposed
stabs on the assassins of his peace and of his fame; and will be
preceded by a criticism on "Hyperion," asserting the due claims which
that fragment gives him to the rank which I have assigned him. My
poem is finished, and consists of about forty Spenser stanzas. I shall
send it you, either printed at Pisa, or transcribed in such a manner as it
shall be difficult for the reviser to leave such errors as assist the obscurity
of the "Prometheus." But in case I send it printed, it will be merely
that mistakes may be avoided; [so] that I shall only have a few copies
struck off in the cheapest manner."
The latter course was finally decided upon. The manuscript was
sent to the printer at Pisa on June 16, 1821, and the first finished
copy, in a blue, ornamented paper wrapper, was received July 13.
This was not slow work, and the more remarkable when it is known
that there are very few printer's errors in the book. This accuracy is
due to the great pains Shelley took in revising the proofs.
The volume, and especially the untrimmed copies measuring
10×7½ inches, are beautiful in appearance. There is a certain marked
peculiarity in the typography, however, which is explained by Mr.
Forman in this way: "The frequent dashes, which seem to have
exactly the value usual with Shelley, are all double the usual length, except
in two instances. The fact is that, in Shelley's bold writing,
these dashes were very long: the English printers would understand
this; but Didot's people seem to have followed them literally; and
the book being boldly printed, this peculiarity would not be likely to
strike Shelley in revising."
The name of the press at Pisa is not given; the fact that the "Types
of Didot" were used does not of course necessarily mean that the
Didots had an office there, as Mr. Forman would seem to imply.
In the preface Shelley speaks as if he had changed his mind about
issuing the criticism of Hyperion with this volume, as he planned
to do in the letter to Ollier. "It is my intention to subjoin to the
London edition of this poem, a criticism upon the claims of its
lamented object to be classed among the writers of the highest genius
who have adorned our age." No London edition is known, however.
The poem was first printed in England in the columns of the Literary
Chronicle for December 1, 1821, where it was appended to a
review; but in this form stanzas XIX to XXIV were omitted. The
earliest separate reprint bears the impress Cambridge: Printed by
W. Metcalfe, and sold by Messrs. Gee & Bridges, Market-Hill.
MDCCCXXIX.
Two quotations from an interesting unpublished letter, belonging to
a member of the Grolier Club, show that Ollier, who had been the publisher
of most of Shelley's works, had copies of the Pisa book for sale,
shortly after it was issued; the letter is addressed to "Meſsr. Ollier
& Co., Booksellers Vere Street, Bond St., London, Angleterre," and
reads:
"Bagni. July 27. 1821
"Dear Sir
"I send you the bill of lading of the box containing Adonais: and
I send also a copy to yourself by Mr. Gisborne who probably will
arrive before the Ship ... The work I send you, has been seen in
print by Mr. Gisborne, & has excited, as it must in every one, the
deepest interest.
"Dear Sir, Yours very truly
"P. B. Shelley."
Quarto.
Collation: 25 pp.
CHARLES LAMB (1775-1834)
74. Elia. | Essays Which Have Appeared Under That
Signature | In The | London Magazine. | London: |
Printed For Taylor And Hessey, | Fleet-Street. | 1823.
"Poor Elia," says Lamb in a letter to the publisher, Taylor, under
date of July 30, 1821, "Poor Elia, the real (for I am but a counterfeit),
is dead. The fact is, a person of that name, an Italian, was a
fellow-clerk of mine at the South Sea House thirty (not forty) years
ago, when the characters I described there existed, but had left it like
myself many years; and I, having a brother now there, and doubting
how he might relish certain descriptions in it, I clapt down the name
of Elia to it, which passed off pretty well, for Elia himself added
the function of an author to that of a scrivener, like myself.
"I went the other day (not having seen him for a year) to laugh
over with him at my usurpation of his name, and found him, alas! no
more than a name, for he died of consumption eleven months ago, and
I knew not of it.
"So the name has fairly devolved to me, I think, and 'tis all he has
left me."
In this way our author himself accounts for the pseudonym, which,
by the way, he says should be pronounced "Ellia."
The London Magazine, London: Printed for Baldwin, Cradock, And
Joy, was established in January, 1820; but Taylor and Hessey did not
become its proprietors until July of the following year, when Taylor,
who was something of a writer himself, especially on monetary subjects,
acted as editor, with Thomas Hood as sub-editor. John Scott,
whom Byron described as "a man of very considerable talents and of
great acquirements," had been called to the editorship when Lamb
began his essays, and William Hazlitt was on the staff.
The first of the series appeared in the August number, 1820, and
the papers continued until October, 1822, when, twenty-seven having
been issued, they, with one other called Valentine's Day, which had
appeared in the Indicator for February, 1821, were collected to form
this volume.
When the book was in press Lamb thought to use a dedication,
which he wrote and sent to Taylor with the following note, dated
December 7, 1822:
"Dear Sir—I should like the enclosed Dedication to be printed,
unless you dislike it. I like it. It is in the olden style. But if you
object to it, put forth the book as it is; only pray don't let the printer
mistake the word curt for curst.
C. L.
"On better consideration, pray omit that Dedication. The Essays
want no Preface: they are all Preface. A Preface is nothing but a talk
with the reader; and they do nothing else. Pray omit it.
"There will be a sort of Preface in the next Magazine, which may
act as an advertisement, but not proper for the volume.
"Let Elia come forth bare as he was born."
The label on the paper-covered boards gives the price of the
volume as 9s. 6d., a fairish price for the neat, but in no way remarkable
piece of book-making which Thomas Davison executed for
the publishers.
Some copies of the first edition show a variation in the imprint:
Messrs. Taylor and Hessey having opened a new shop at 13, Waterloo
Place, this address was printed in a line below the old one. Occasion
was also taken, at this time, to furnish the book with a half-title.
Octavo.
Collation: iv, 341 pp.
SAMUEL PEPYS (1633-1703)
75. Memoirs | Of | Samuel Pepys, Esq. F.R.S. | [Two
lines] Comprising | His Diary | From 1659-1669, |
Deciphered By The Rev. John Smith, A.B. Of St.
John's College, Cambridge, | From The Original Short-Hand
MS. In The Pepysian Library, | [Two lines]
[Copy of one of Pepys's book-plates] Edited By |
Richard, Lord Braybrooke. | In Two Volumes. | Vol.
I. | London: | Henry Colburn, New Burlington Street. |
MDCCCXXV.
To the information given on the title-page, the noble editor adds some
further facts in a preface. He says that the six volumes, closely
written in short-hand by Pepys himself, had formed a part of the collection
of books and prints bequeathed to Magdalen College, where they
had remained unexamined (from the date of Pepys's death) until the
appointment of Lord Braybrooke's brother, George Neville, afterwards
called Grenville, as master of the College. Under Neville's auspices
they were deciphered by Mr. Smith, whom his lordship had not the
pleasure of knowing.
Pepys used short-hand for his notes because he often had things to
say which he did not think fit for all the world to know; and Lord
Braybrooke found it "absolutely necessary" to "curtail the MS. materially."
The complete journal, all that it is possible to print, was not
issued until 1893.
Colburn, the publisher, known for his successful ventures, and
especially for the series called Colburn's Modern Standard Novelists
and The Literary Gazette, containing works by Bulwer Lytton, Lady
Morgan, Captain Marryat, and others, had been so fortunate with an
issue of Evelyn's Diary that he was led into the present undertaking.
With this edition, which sold at six pounds six shillings, and with two
succeeding editions selling at five guineas, he is reputed to have made
a handsome profit on the twenty-two hundred pounds paid for the
copyright.
The large volumes with their broad margins are handsome specimens
of the excellent typographical work of the Bentleys. They are
embellished with two illustrations in the text, and thirteen engraved
plates. A frontispiece portrait of the author, after the painting by
Kneller, was engraved by T. Bragg, and a smaller portrait used as a
head-piece to the Life is signed R. W. ſculp. This last is a copy of
one of Pepys's book-plates; it has the motto "Mens cujusque is est
Quisque" above the oval frame, and "Sam. Pepys. Car. Et. Iac.
Angl. Regib. A. Secretis Admiraliæ" in two lines below. Another
book-plate used by the Secretary is copied on the title-page. Of the
remaining portraits, one was engraved by John Thomson, while five
were the work of R. Cooper, who also engraved the "View of the
Mole at Tangier" and the "View of Mr. Pepys' Library." The other
plates, including one showing facsimiles of Pepys's short- and long-hand;
two of pedigrees, and a folded map, are signed "Sidy. Hall,
Bury Strt. Bloomsby."
Some copies of the book on fine paper, with beautiful impressions
of the plates, are marked in red on the half-title page, "Presentation
Copies."
Quarto
Collation: Two volumes. Volume I: 1 l., xlii, 498, xlix pp.
Volume II: 2 ll., 348, vii, 311 pp. Seven portraits. Six plates.
JAMES FENIMORE COOPER (1789-1851)
76. The Last | Of | The Mohicans; | A Narrative Of |
1757. | By The Author Of "The Pioneers." [Quotation]
In Two Volumes. | Vol. I. | Philadelphia: | H. C.
Carey & I. Lea—Chestnut-Street. | 1826.
The Pioneers was the first of The Leather Stocking Tales. It appeared
in 1823, and was an immediate success; more than 3500 copies
are said to have been sold before noon of the day of publication.
This was reason enough for following the custom of the English
novelists of putting on the title-page, not the name of the author, but
the name of his first success. The Last of the Mohicans appeared
February 4, 1826, and was also a prodigious success.
The surprising meagerness of bibliographical facts concerning
Cooper's works is, Professor Lounsbury says in his life of the novelist,
characteristic of a reticence and dislike of publicity which extended
to all his dealings. "The size of the editions has never been given to
the public. The sale of 'The Pioneers' on the morning of its publication
has already been noticed, and there are contemporary newspaper
statements to the effect that the first edition of 'The Red
Rover' consisted of five thousand copies, and that this was exhausted
in a few days. But it was only from incidental references of this
kind, which can rarely be relied upon absolutely, that we, at this
late day, are able to give any specific information whatever.
"He was unquestionably helped in the end, however, by what in
the beginning threatened to be a serious if not insuperable obstacle.
He was unable to get any one concerned in the book trade to assume
the risk of bringing out 'The Spy.' That had to be taken by
the author himself. In the case of this novel, we know positively that
Cooper was not only the owner of the copyright, but of all the
edition; that he gave directions as to the terms on which the work
was to be furnished to the booksellers, while the publishers, Wiley
& Halsted, had no direct interest in it, and received their reward
by a commission. It is evident that under this arrangement his
profits on the sale were far larger than would usually be the case.
Whether he followed the same method in any of his later productions,
there seems to be no method of ascertaining. Wiley, however,
until his death, continued to be his publisher. 'The Last of the Mohicans'
went into the hands of Carey & Lea of Philadelphia, and this
firm, under various changes of name, continued to bring out the
American edition of his novels until the year 1844."
Henry Charles Carey, son of Matthew Carey, was as celebrated for
his writings on political economy as for his connection with this publishing
house, which was one of the largest in the country.
Duodecimo.
Collation: Two volumes. Volume I: 262 pp. Volume II: 260 pp.
WALTER SAVAGE LANDOR (1775—1864)
77. Pericles And Aspasia | By | Walter Savage Landor,
Esq. | In Two Volumes. | Vol. I. | London | Saunders
and Otley, Conduit Street. | 1836.
These volumes were issued in three or more styles of binding: paper-covered
boards, straight-grain dull green cloth, and half roan with
brown glazed paper boards all with paper labels. The publishers'
advertisements, two leaves at the end of Vol. II, are the same with
each style of binding.
This work was written by Landor during his residence at Fiesole,
but it was published after his return to England. His own choleric
temperament and irascible manner unfitted him for personal dealings
with publishers, as he had found from past experiences, and so the
arrangements for this publication were intrusted to his friend Mr. G.
P. R. James, the novelist, who sold the manuscript to Saunders and
Otley for £100.
The following unpublished letter of Landor's, belonging to a member
of the Grolier Club, is interesting as referring to this transaction.
"My dear Sir:
"When I offered my Pericles to MM. Saunders & Otley I did not
suppose there was more than enough for one volume, the size of the
Examination of Shakspeare. They told you it would form two
volumes of that size. Knowing that I had material for thirty pages
more, I said that if they would make the first vol: 300 pp. I would
take care that the second should not fall short of it more than a dozen
pages. Now I have sent them not thirty but a hundred—and they
tell me to-day that there is not remaining, for the second volume, more
than 175 pp. I have, you perceive, already sent above one third more
than what I calculated the whole at, when you had the kindness to
make the agreement for me.
"In reply to their letter I have said that, if they will give me fifty
pounds more, I will send one hundred more pages, 50 within three
weeks, 50 more in the three following; and if this does not appear
equitable to them I leave it entirely to you. I shall then have
given them 200 pp. for fifty pounds, when I offered them only 285 for
a hundred. It will be my business to take care that the remainder
shall fall as little short as possible of the preceding. I have furthermore
stipulated for twenty copies. Many of these will take nothing
from the profits, as more than a dozen will be given to people who
certainly would not have bought them, and who are not likely to lend
them.
"A friend has offered me some pheasants, which I have desired to be
sent to you. I hope they will please the young lion with their plumage.
The first of Feb. I set out for Clifton: an old favorite of mine for
winter and spring. I have requested MM Saunders to favour me with
two (I should be glad of three) copies of the first volume as my friend
Ablett's birthday is on the 31 of this month, and mine on the 30,
and I have three friends to whom it would delight me to give them
before I leave Wales. With best compliments to Mrs. James, believe
me ever,
"Yrs very sincerely
"W. S. Landor
"Llambedr, Jan. 18 [1836]
"I have seen the last sheet of Vol. I, but not the short Preface sent
from London.
"How can you complain of your English. There is hardly a fault
to be found in the 3 volumes. I have read them a second time.
G. P. R. James, Esq.
"1 Lloyds Buildings
"Blackheath
"London"
The work appeared during the early part of 1836, and though it
was received with much praise by his friends, and had many favorable
reviews, the sale dragged. In October of the same year, Landor,
in one of his letters to Forster, refers to an unfavorable review which
appeared in Blackwood: "... I am not informed how long this
Scotchman has been at work about me, but my publisher has advised
me, that he loses £150. by my Pericles. So that it is probable the
Edinburgh Areopagites have condemned me to a fine in my absence;
for I never can allow any man to be a loser by me, and am trying
to economise to the amount of this indemnity to Saunders and
Otley ..." The money was in fact paid back, and yet, curiously
enough, as Forster relates, Landor not only forgot, three years later,
that he had received a payment for the copyright, but even that he
himself had sent back the money, and was making further remittances
to satisfy the supposed loss. This was stopped by a statement from
Mr. Saunders, to which Landor refers in a letter to Forster: "Never,
in the course of my life, was I so surprised as at the verification of my
account with Saunders; for such it is. Certain I am that no part of
the money was ever spent by me, nor can I possibly bring to mind
either the receiving or the returning of it ..."
The first American edition of Pericles and Aspasia, in two volumes,
was published by Carey, Philadelphia, 1839, the second English
edition in 1849, and there have been frequent editions since, both in
England and in America.
Duodecimo.
Collation: Two Volumes. Volume I: viii, 299 pp.
Volume II: viii, 343 pp.
CHARLES DICKENS (1812-1870)
78. The | Posthumous Papers | Of | The Pickwick Club. |
By Charles Dickens. | With | Forty-three illustrations
by R. Seymour and | Phiz. | London: | Chapman and
Hall, 186, Strand. | MDCCCXXXVII.
An advertisement in the Times for March 26, 1836, reads:
"THE PICKWICK PAPERS.—On the 31st of March will be
published, to be continued monthly, price One Shilling, the first number
of the Posthumous Papers of the Pickwick Club, containing a
faithful record of the Perambulations, Perils, Travels, Adventures, and
Sporting Transactions of the Corresponding Members. Edited by
Boz. Each monthly Part embellished with four Illustrations by Seymour.
Chapman & Hall, 186 Strand, and of all booksellers."
Robert Seymour, a caricaturist, and the illustrator of such works as
The Odd Volume, The Looking Glass, and Humorous Sketches, had been
employed by Chapman and Hall to illustrate a comic publication
called The Squib Annual; and this led him to suggest that he should
make a series of Cockney sporting plates which could be furnished
with letter-press. Hall applied to Dickens, then an unknown newspaper
man, for the text, a "something which should be a vehicle for
certain plates to be executed by Mr. Seymour." Dickens says of this
proposition: "I objected.... My views being deferred to, I thought
of Mr. Pickwick, and wrote the first number; from the proof-sheets
of which Mr. Seymour made his drawing of the Club and his happy
portrait of its founder. I connected Mr. Pickwick with a club, because
of the original suggestion; and I put in Mr. Winkle expressly
for the use of Mr. Seymour."
The work came out in twenty parts (parts nineteen and twenty were
bound together), beginning in April, 1836, and ending with November,
1837. They were covered in light green paper bordered with a design
by Seymour, and engraved by John Jackson, a pupil of Bewick and
Hervey. The title reads, The Posthumous Papers of the Pickwick
Club [Five lines] Edited by "Boz. With Illustrations ..."
The publication of the second number was delayed by the suicide
of Seymour, whose mind gave way from overwork. This sad event
was announced to the public in a note, and an apology was offered for
the reduction of the number of plates from four to three. "When we
state that they comprise Mr. Seymour's last efforts, and that on one of
them, in particular (the embellishment of the Stroller's Tale), he was
engaged up to a late hour of the night preceding his death, we feel
confident that the excuse will be deemed a sufficient one."
The third and succeeding numbers contained two plates each.
Those in the third part were originally executed by Robert Buss, who
learned to etch in order to produce them. But he gave up the work,
and his plates were replaced in later issues by others by Hablot K.
Browne, or "Phiz," who did the remaining plates. The last or double
part contained three plates and an engraved title-page. With it subscribers
received also the printed title-page, dedication, preface, contents,
Directions to the Binder and Table of Errata.
In the eighteenth number, dated September 29, 1837, the following
important announcement appears:
"The subscribers to this work and the trade are respectfully informed
that Nos. XIX. and XX. (with titles, contents, &c.) will be
published together on 1st of November; and that the complete volume,
neatly bound in cloth, price one guinea, will be ready for delivery
by the 14th of that month, and for which country producers are
requested to send early orders to their respective agents."
The venture was almost a failure at first, and it was not until the
appearance of Sam Weller, with the fifth number, that the bookbinder,
who had prepared four hundred copies of the first number,
was obliged to increase the supply. From this time on, the demand
grew until the enormous output of forty thousand was reached with
the fifteenth number.
There are differences in the various accounts of the amount Dickens
was to receive for his work. A letter from the publishers to him mentions
their terms as nine guineas a sheet for each part consisting of a
sheet and a half; fifteen guineas a number was the sum as stated by
Mr. Edward Chapman to Mr. Forster; and Dickens himself, in a letter
to Miss Hogarth, afterwards his wife, says, fourteen pounds a
month. During publication, he received in checks from the publishers
£3000. In 1837 Chapman & Hall agreed that after five
years he should have a share in the copyright, on consideration that
he write a similar book for which he was to receive £3000, besides
having the whole copyright after five years. Forster thinks the
author received, in all, £25,000, while the publishers' profits during
the three years from 1836 to 1839 are said to have amounted to
£14,000 on the sale of the work in numbers alone.
Chapman & Hall issued the book in volume form in 1837, at
twenty-one shillings.
Mr. Frederic G. Kitton says:
"There are probably not more than a dozen copies of the first edition
of "Pickwick" in existence. An examination of a number of
impressions presumably of this edition results in the discovery of
slight variations both in plates and text. These are especially noticeable
in the illustrations, for, owing to the enormous demand, the plates
were re-etched directly they showed signs of deterioration in the
printing, and "Phiz," in reproducing his designs, sometimes altered
them slightly. The earliest impressions of the work may be distinguished
by the absence of engraved titles on the plates, and by their
containing the original etchings by Seymour and Buss, not "Phiz's"
replicas of them."
Octavo.
Collation: xiv pp., 1 l., 609 pp. Forty-five plates, including engraved
title-page.
THOMAS CARLYLE (1795-1881)
79. Sartor Resartus. | In Three Books. | Reprinted for
Friends from Fraser's Magazine. | [Quotation] London:
| James Fraser, 215 Regent Street. | M.DCCC.XXXIV.
Carlyle went up to London with Teufelsdröckh in his satchel, to
find a publisher for it. He put much confidence in the help of his
friend Francis Jeffrey, the lord advocate, who exerted himself chiefly
to establish relations between the author and John Murray.
Mrs. Carlyle, at home in Craigenputtoch, received the following
letter from her husband, August 11, 1831:
"... After a time by some movements, I got the company dispersed,
and the Advocate by himself, and began to take counsel with
him about 'Teufelsdröckh.' He thought Murray, in spite of the
Radicalism, would be the better publisher; to him accordingly he
gave me a line, saying that I was a genius and would likely become
eminent;... I directly set off with this to Albemarle Street; found
Murray out; returned afterwards and found him in, gave an outline
of the book, at which the Arimaspian smiled, stated also that I had
nothing else to do here but the getting of it published, and was above
all anxious that his decision should be given soon...."
On the 22d he wrote again:
"On Saturday morning I set out for Albemarle Street. Murray,
as usual, was not in; but an answer lay for me—my poor 'Teufelsdröckh,'
wrapped in new paper, with a letter stuck under the packthread.
I took it with a silent fury, and walked off. The letter
said he regretted exceedingly, etc.; all his literary friends were out of
town; he himself occupied with a sick family in the country; that
he had conceived the finest hope, etc. In short, that 'Teufelsdröckh'
had never been looked into; but that if I would let him keep it for a
month, he would then be able to say a word, and by God's blessing a
favorable one.
"I walked on through Regent Street and looked in upon James
Fraser, the bookseller. We got to talk about 'Teufelsdröckh,' when,
after much hithering and thithering about the black state of trade,
&c., it turned out that honest James would publish the book for me
on this principle: if I would give him a sum not exceeding 150 l.
sterling! 'I think you had better wait a little,' said an Edinburgh
advocate to me since, when he heard of this proposal. 'Yes,' I answered,
'it is my purpose to wait to the end of eternity for it.' 'But
the public will not buy books.' 'The public has done the wisest
thing it could, and ought never more to buy what they call books.'
"Spurning at destiny, yet in the mildest terms taking leave of
Fraser, I strode through the street carrying 'Teufelsdröckh' openly in
my hand ... Having rested a little, I set out again to the Longmans,
to hear what they had to say."
The Longmans, "honest, rugged, punctual-looking people," said
little to the point, however, and then, through Lord Jeffrey's efforts
in his behalf, Murray offered as follows: "The short of it is this:
Murray will print an edition (750 copies) of Dreck on the half-profit
system (that is, I getting nothing, but also giving nothing);
after which the sole copyright of the book is to be mine ..."
Carlyle then tried Colburn & Bentley, but with his mind made up
"unless they say about 100 l. I will prefer Murray." These negotiations
came to nothing, and back he went to Murray, whose offer
"is not so bad: 750 copies for the task of publishing poor Dreck,
and the rest of him our own." The terms were accepted, the manuscript
was sent to the printer, and a page set up, when Murray repented
his bargain, which had never pleased him, and, having heard
that Carlyle had carried his MS. elsewhere, he seized the opportunity
to send the author a note saying that since he had, unbeknown to him,
carried his book to "the greatest publishers in London, who had declined
to engage in it," he must ask to have it read by some literary
friend, before he could in justice to himself engage in the printing of
it. The upshot was that the manuscript was returned to its author.
"The printing of 'Teufelsdröckh,'" Carlyle says to his wife, "which
I announced as commencing, and even sent you a specimen of, has
altogether stopped, and Murray's bargain with me has burst into air.
The man behaved like a pig, and was speared, but perhaps without
art; Jack and I at least laughed that night à gorge déployée at the answer
I wrote his base glare of a letter: he has written again in much
politer style, and I shall answer him, as McLeod advised my grandfather's
people, 'sharp but mannerly.' The truth of the matter is now
clear enough; Dreck cannot be disposed of in London at this time.
Whether he lie in my trunk or in a bookseller's coffer seems partly indifferent.
Neither, on the whole, do I know whether it is not better
that we have stopped for the present. Money I was to have none;
author's vanity embarked on that bottom I have almost none; nay,
some time or other that the book can be so disposed of it is certain
enough."
Nearly two years later, in 1833, the unlucky Dreck was published
"piecemeal," in ten parts of ten pages each, in Fraser's Magazine, beginning
with November and running until August, 1834. With the
shrewdness of his tribe, Fraser, fearing failure, paid only twelve guineas
a sheet for the work, though he had been paying its author twenty
guineas a sheet, five guineas more than he paid to any other contributor.
It turned out, however, that he was wise, for the great essay
was not a success, even in the magazine.
"'Magazine Fraser' writes that 'Teufelsdröckh' excites the most unqualified
disapprobation—à la bonne heure," said Carlyle; and again:
"—Literature still all a mystery; nothing 'paying;' 'Teufelsdröckh'
beyond measure unpopular; an oldest subscriber came into him and
said, 'If there is any more of that d——d stuff, I will,' &c., &c.; on
the other hand an order from America (Boston or Philadelphia) to
send a copy of the magazine 'so long as there was anything of Carlyle's
in it.' 'One spake up and the other spake down.'"
After the work had run its course in the magazine, about fifty copies
were struck off from the types and stitched together for distribution
among friends.
It remained to the honor of America, to print the book in 1836,
through the energetic efforts of Dr. LeBaron Russell. Emerson furnished
the copy and a preface; and before the end of the year he
was able to announce to Carlyle the sale of the whole edition.
Another edition of over a thousand copies was sold before the first
English edition, "a dingy, ill-managed edition" of a thousand copies,
was published anonymously by Saunders and Otley in 1838.
Octavo.
Collation: 1 l., 107 pp.
WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT (1796-1859)
81. History | Of The | Conquest Of Peru, | [Three lines]
By | William H. Prescott, | [Two lines] [Quotations]
In Two Volumes. | Volume I. | New York: | Harper
And Brothers, 82 Cliff Street. | MDCCCXLVII.
George Ticknor, in his life of Prescott, gives the story of the production
of the History in the following words:
"The composition of the 'Conquest of Peru' was, therefore, finished
within the time he had set for it a year previously, and the work being
put to press without delay, the printing was completed in the latter
part of March, 1847; about two years and nine months from the day
when he first put pen to paper. It made just a thousand pages, exclusive
of the Appendix, and was stereotyped under the careful correction
and supervision of his friend Mr. Folsom of Cambridge.
"While it was passing through the press, or just as the stereotyping
was fairly begun, he made a contract with the Messrs. Harper to pay
for seven thousand five hundred copies on the day of publication at
the rate of one dollar per copy, to be sold within two years, and to
continue to publish at the same rate afterwards, or to surrender the
contract to the author at his pleasure; terms, I suppose, more liberal
than had ever been offered for a work of grave history on this side of
the Atlantic. In London it was published by Mr. Bentley, who purchased
the copyright for eight hundred pounds, under the kind auspices
of Colonel Aspinwall; again a large sum, as it was already doubtful
whether an exclusive privilege could be legally maintained in Great
Britain by a foreigner."
The demand for the book was large: in five months five thousand
copies were sold in America, and an edition of half that number sold
in England. By January 1, 1860, there had been sold of the American
and English editions together, 16,965 copies. It was translated
into Spanish, French, German, and Dutch.
Octavo.
Collation: Two volumes. Volume I: xl, 527 pp. Volume II:
xix, 547 pp.
EDGAR ALLAN POE (1809-1849)
82. The Raven | And | Other Poems. | By | Edgar A. Poe.
| New York: | Wiley And Putnam, 161 Broadway. |
1845.
The poem first appeared in print in the columns of the New York
Evening Mirror for January 29, 1845, where N. P. Willis, its editor,
says in a note: "We are permitted to copy, (in advance of publication,)
from the second number of the American Review, the following
remarkable poem by Edgar Poe." Willis issued the poem again in
the weekly edition of the Mirror, dated February 8, and Charles F.
Briggs, with whom Poe afterward became associated, also published it
in the Broadway Journal of the same date, crediting it to "Edgar A.
Poe." Both of these weeklies seem to have appeared before the
American Review came out. We are not told the reason for Mr.
George H. Colton's editorial courtesy in permitting this advance publication
when the second, or February number of his paper, The American
Review: A Whig Journal Of Politics, Literature, Art And Science,
was so soon to appear. It is a curious circumstance that Willis and
Briggs gave the author's name freely, while Colton's issue, as originally
intended, appeared with the pseudonym of "—— Quarles."
The poem was an immense success, and was copied far and wide in
all the newspapers of the country. Writing to F. W. Thomas, May 4,
Poe says:
"'The Raven' has had a great run, Thomas—but I wrote it for
the express purpose of running—just as I did the 'Gold Bug,' you
know. The bird beat the bug, though, all hollow."
This popularity was the poet's greatest reward, for we learn that
the actual money remuneration was only ten dollars. Poe makes us
think of the early writers, like Bacon and Browne, whom we have
seen take to printing their books to save them from the errors of the
unlicensed publisher. In a preface to this volume he writes:
"These trifles are collected and republished chiefly with a view
to their redemption from the many improvements to which they
have been subjected while going at random 'the rounds of the
press.' If what I have written is to circulate at all, I am naturally
anxious that it should circulate as I wrote it...."
From the original straw-colored paper covers in which it appeared,
about December, we learn that the book was issued as one of a
series, Wiley And Putnam's Library Of American Books. No. VIII.,
and that its price was the unusual sum of thirty-one cents. Among the
other volumes, its companions in the set, were Journal of an African
Cruiser, edited by Nathaniel Hawthorne; Tales of Edgar A. Poe;
Letters from Italy, by J. T. Headley; The Wigwam and the Cabin, by
W. Gilmore Simms; and Big Abel, by Cornelius Mathews.
Duodecimo.
Collation: 4 ll., 91 pp.
JAMES RUSSELL LOWELL (1819-1891)
86. Melibœus-Hipponax. | The | Biglow Papers, | Edited, |
With An Introduction, Notes, Glossary, | And Copious
Index, | By | Homer Wilbur, A.M., | [Three lines]
[Quotations] Cambridge: | Published By George Nichols.
| 1848.
Writing to Thomas Hughes on September 13, 1859, Lowell says:
"I tried my first "Biglow Papers" in a newspaper, and found that
it had a great run. So I wrote the others from time to time during
the year which followed, always very rapidly, and sometimes (as
"What Mr. Robinson thinks") at one sitting.
"When I came to collect them and publish them in a volume, I
conceived my parson-editor with his pedantry and verbosity, his amiable
vanity and superiority to the verses he was editing, as a fitting
artistic background and foil."
The following extracts from letters show, in detail, the evolution of
the work.
"You will find a squib of mine in this week's Courier," said he to
Sidney H. Gay, on June 16, 1846, "I wish it to continue anonymous,
for I wish Slavery to think it has as many enemies as possible. If I
may judge from the number of persons who have asked me if I wrote
it, I have struck the old hulk of the Public between wind and
water...." On the last day of December, 1847, he says to C. F.
Briggs:
"I am going to indulge all my fun in a volume of H. Biglow's
verses which I am preparing, and which I shall edit under the character
of the Rev. Mr. Wilbur ... I am going to include in the volume
an essay of the reverend gentleman on the Yankee dialect, and on
dialects in general, and on every thing else, and also an attempt at a
complete natural history of the Humbug—which I think I shall write
in Latin. The book will purport to be published at Jaalam (Mr. B's
native place), and will be printed on brownish paper with those little
head and tail-pieces which used to adorn our earlier publications—such
as hives, scrolls, urns, and the like."
The latter part of 1848 found the poet busily engaged in getting
out the book, and he wrote to Gay in September:
"This having to do with printers is dreadful business. There was
a Mr. Melville who, I believe, enjoyed it, but, for my part, I am
heartily sick of Typee."
In October he says:
"I should have sent you this yesterday, but it was not written, and
I was working like a dog all day, preparing a glossary and an index.
If I ever make another glossary or index—!" ...
"... Hosea is done with," he says in November, "and will soon
be out. It made fifty pages more than I expected and so took
longer." The volume appeared on the 10th, and on the 25th he
again writes to Gay: "... The first edition of Hosea is nearly exhausted
already."
The following retrospect, sent to the same friend on February 26,
1849, contains the lesson of experience:
"There were a great many alterations of spelling made in the plates
of the "Biglow Papers," which added much to the expense. I ought
not to have stereotyped at all. But we are never done with cutting
eye-teeth."
George Nichols, who published the book, was at one time an owner
of the University Book-store, and, later, one of the proprietors of the
University Press. He was noted for his skill in proof-reading.
The printing was done by Metcalf and Company, printers to the
University; and the little book came out from their hands innocent
of hives, scrolls, urns, or any other ornament. Something changed
the author's mind, too, regarding Jaalam as the purporting place of
publication.
Duodecimo.
Collation: 12, xxxii, 163 pp.
WILLIAM MAKEPEACE THACKERAY (1811-1863)
87. Vanity Fair. | A Novel without a Hero. | By | William
Makepeace Thackeray. | With Illustrations On Steel
And Wood By The Author. | London: | Bradbury and
Evans, 11, Bouverie Street. | 1848.
The name of the book, as we see it in the delightful and altogether
characteristic drawing on the engraved title-page, reminds us of what
Miss Kate Perry says in her reminiscences of Thackeray:
"He told me, some time afterward, that, after ransacking his brain
for a name for his novel, it came upon him unawares, in the middle
of the night, as if a voice had whispered, 'Vanity Fair.' He said,
'I jumped out of bed, and ran three times round my room, uttering
as I went, 'Vanity Fair, Vanity Fair, Vanity Fair.'"
It has been repeated, more than once, that Vanity Fair was refused
by Colburn's Magazine, and various other publishers, before Bradbury
and Evans undertook it, but Vizetelly, in his Glances Back
Through Seventy Years, thinks that this could not have been the case,
since Thackeray did not finish the story until long after it had been
accepted, and, in fact, was well along in the printer's hands. If refused,
therefore, it was refused before it was finished. "I know perfectly
well that after the publication commenced much of the remainder
of the work was written under pressure for and from the
printer, and not infrequently the first instalment of 'copy' needed to
fill the customary thirty-two pages was penned while the printer's boy
was waiting in the hall at Young Street."
Vizetelly also gives the following account of the final arrangements
for the publication of the book:
"One afternoon, when he called in Peterborough Court he had a
small brown paper parcel with him, and opened it to show me his two
careful drawings for the page plates to the first number of Vanity
Fair. Tied up with them was the manuscript of the earlier part of
the book, of which he had several times spoken to me, referring to
the quaint character that Chiswick Mall—within a stone's throw of
which I was then living—still retained. His present intention, he
told me, was to see Bradbury & Evans, and offer the work to them ...
In little more than half an hour Thackeray again made his appearance,
and, with a beaming face, gleefully informed me that he had
settled the business. 'Bradbury & Evans,' he said, 'accepted so
readily that I am deuced sorry I didn't ask them for another tenner.
I am certain they would have given it.' He then explained that he
had named fifty guineas per part, including the two sheets of letterpress,
a couple of etchings, and the initials at the commencement of
the chapters. He reckoned the text, I remember, at no more than
five-and-twenty shillings a page, the two etchings at six guineas each,
while as for the few initials at the beginnings of the chapters, he threw
those in."
Following the plan of Chapman and Hall, who issued Dickens's
works in monthly parts in green covers, and of Charles James Lever's
publishers, who brought him out in pink, Bradbury and Evans published
Vanity Fair in yellow-covered numbers dated January, 1847, to
July, 1848, and costing one shilling a part. The title on these paper
covers ran: Vanity Fair: Pen And Pencil Sketches Of English Society.
By W. M. Thackeray [Two lines] London: Published At The
Punch Office, 85, Fleet Street. [One line] 1847., and there was a
woodcut vignette.
There are numerous illustrations in the text, and each part has two
plates, etchings, except the last, which has three and the engraved
title-page. The last part as published contained the title-page, dedication,
"Before the Curtain," a preface, table of contents, and list of
plates.
The earliest issues contain, on page 336, a woodcut of the Marquis
of Steyne, which was afterward suppressed, the type from pages 336
to 440 being shifted to fill the vacancy. In the first edition, too, the
title at the head of Chapter I is in rustic type.
At first the novel did not sell well; it was even questioned whether
it might not be best to stop its publication. But later in the year,
owing to some cause, perhaps the eulogistic mention in Miss Brontë's
preface to Jane Eyre, or, perhaps, a favorable review in the Edinburgh
Review, its success became assured.
Mrs. Carlyle, writing to her husband, says: "Very good indeed,
beats Dickens out of the World."
Octavo.
Collation: xvi, 624 pp. Forty plates, including the engraved title-page.
THOMAS BABINGTON MACAULAY, FIRST BARON MACAULAY (1800-1859)
88. The | History Of England | From | The Accession Of
James II. | By | Thomas Babington Macaulay. | Volume
I. | London: | Printed For | Longman, Brown,
Green, And Longmans, | Paternoster-Row. | 1849.
[-1861].
Trevelyan, in his Life and Letters of Lord Macaulay, tells us there was
no end to the trouble that the author devoted to matters which most
writers are glad to leave to their publishers. "He could not rest until
the lines were level to a hair's breadth, and the punctuation correct to
a comma; until every paragraph concluded with a telling sentence,
and every sentence flowed like water."
In a footnote he adds this quotation from one of Macaulay's
letters to Mr. Longman, which, while it referred to the edition of
1858, is also indicative of his attitude toward this, the first edition:
"I have no more corrections to make at present. I am inclined to
hope that the book will be as nearly faultless, as to typographical execution,
as any work of equal extent that is to be found in the world."
He was apprehensive concerning the success of the book. He writes,
"I have armed myself with all my philosophy for the event of failure,"
but his fears were groundless.
"The people of the United States," says Trevelyan, "were even more
eager than the people of the United Kingdom to read about their common
ancestors; with the advantage that, from the absence of an international
copyright, they were able to read about them for next to nothing.
On the 4th of April, 1849, Messrs. Harper, of New York, wrote
to Macaulay: 'We beg you to accept herewith a copy of our cheap
edition of your work. There have been three other editions published
by different houses, and another is now in preparation; so there will
be six different editions in the market. We have already sold forty
thousand copies, and we presume that over sixty thousand copies have
been disposed of. Probably, within three months of this time, the sale
will amount to two hundred thousand copies. No work, of any kind,
has ever so completely taken our whole country by storm.' An indirect
compliment to the celebrity of the book was afforded by a
desperate, and almost internecine, controversy which raged throughout
the American newspapers as to whether the Messrs. Harper were
justified in having altered Macaulay's spelling to suit the orthographical
canons laid down in Noah Webster's dictionary."
This quotation refers to the first volume. The second volume came
out in the same year, but the third and fourth did not appear until
1855. Volume five was edited by Macaulay's sister, Lady Trevelyan,
in 1861. It continued the portion of the History which was fairly
transcribed and revised by the author before his death.
The posthumous appearance of the last volume reminds us of what
Mr. Alexander B. Grosart says in his life of Spenser, apropos of the
promise on the title-page of the Fairy Queen that the work should be
in twelve books fashioning twelve moral virtues:
"Than this splendid audacity I know nothing comparable, unless
Lord Macaulay's opening of his History of England, wherein—without
any saving clause, as Thomas Fuller would have said, of 'if the
Lord will'—he pledges himself to write his great Story down to
'memories' of men 'still living.'"
Octavo.
Collation: Five volumes.
NATHANIEL HAWTHORNE (1804-1864)
90. The | Scarlet Letter, | A Romance. | By | Nathaniel
Hawthorne. | Boston: | Ticknor, Read, And Fields |
MDCCCL.
James T. Fields, in his little life of Hawthorne, tells of a visit to Salem
to see the author. He goes on to say:
"... I caught sight of a bureau or set of drawers near where we were
sitting; and immediately it occurred to me that hidden away somewhere
in that article of furniture was a story or stories by the author
of the 'Twice-Told Tales,' and I became so positive of it that I
charged him vehemently with the fact. He seemed surprised, I
thought, but shook his head again; and I rose to take my leave ...
I was hurrying down the stairs when he called after me from the
chamber, asking me to stop a moment. Then quickly stepping into
the entry with a roll of manuscript in his hands, he said: 'How in
Heaven's name did you know the thing was there? As you have
found me out, take what I have written, and tell me, after you get
home and have time to read it, if it is good for anything ...' On
my way up to Boston I read the germ of 'The Scarlet Letter'; before
I slept that night I wrote him a note all aglow with admiration
of the marvellous story he had put into my hands, and told him that
I would come again to Salem the next day and arrange for its publication."
It was Hawthorne's first intention to make the romance one of a
volume of several short stories, because, as he remarks to Mr. Fields:
"A hunter loads his gun with a bullet and several buckshot; and,
following his sagacious example, it was my purpose to conjoin the
one long story with half a dozen shorter ones, so that, failing to kill
the public outright with my biggest and heaviest lump of lead, I
might have other chances with the smaller bits, individually and in
the aggregate." But this plan was finally changed and it was decided
to publish the story alone. There was then some talk about
a title for it. "In this latter event" (the event of publishing alone),
"it appears to me that the only proper title for the book would be
'The Scarlet Letter,' for 'The Custom House' is merely introductory ..."
And so it was decided.
"If 'The Scarlet Letter' is to be the title," he asked Mr. Fields,
"would it not be well to print it on the title-page in red ink? I am
not quite sure about the good taste of so doing, but it would certainly
be piquant and appropriate, and, I think, attractive to the great gull
whom we are endeavoring to circumvent." The reader might ask
the bibliophile if the red title line, for it was printed in that way,
really did have anything to do with the circumventing which eventually
took place.
On February 4, 1850, Hawthorne wrote to Horatio Bridges:
"I finished my book yesterday, one end being in the press in Boston,
while the other was in my head here in Salem; so that, as you
see, the story is at least fourteen miles long."
The book appeared about March 16. As Mr. George Parsons
Lathrop points out, there seems to have been no expectation of a
very successful sale, in spite of Mr. Fields's enthusiasm; but to the
surprise of all, the whole issue was exhausted in ten days. A second
edition, with a preface dated March 30, was soon published, making,
with the first, a total number of five thousand copies. All these were
printed by Metcalf & Company of Cambridge. The third issue was
entirely reset and electrotyped, and numbered 307 pages.
The second issue, beside the preface, shows numerous changes,
especially in words. Among these the bookseller's favorite catch-word
"reduplicate" (p. 21, l. 20) was changed to "repudiate." In
late copies of the stereotyped form, this word was changed to "resuscitate."
Duodecimo.
Collation: vi, 322 pp.
JOHN RUSKIN (1819-1900)
92. The | Stones of Venice. | Volume The First. | The
Foundations. | By John Ruskin, | [Two lines] With
Illustrations Drawn By The Author. | London: | Smith,
Elder And Co., 65. Cornhill. | 1851. [-1853.]
These fine volumes, printed by Spottiswoode and Shaw, have a particularly
clean and clear type-page, and are excellent in press-work.
It is not the type, however, that demands our especial attention, but
the illustrations with which the work is liberally furnished. These
distinguish it from anything we have hitherto seen in our list of books.
The plates and cuts, made by various processes, mezzo-tinting, lithography,
line engraving and wood-cutting, mark most clearly the advance
in bookmaking which had taken place within the half century.
Hitherto we have had illustrations for their own sakes, or for the
ornamentation of the books they are in, and depending for their
existence solely upon the liberality and intelligence of the publisher;
but here we have illustrations introduced into the book for the sake
of the text, of which they are an integral part. Ruskin's own words
about them, as found in the Preface, are instructive:
"It was of course inexpedient to reduce drawings of crowded
details to the size of an octavo volume,—I do not say impossible, but
inexpedient; requiring infinite pains on the part of the engraver, with
no result except farther pain to the beholder. And as, on the other
hand, folio books are not easy reading, I determined to separate the
text and the unreduceable plates. I have given, with the principal
text, all the illustrations absolutely necessary to the understanding of
it, and, in the detached work, such additional text as had special reference
to the larger illustrations.
"A considerable number of these larger plates were at first intended
to be executed in tinted lithography; but, finding the result unsatisfactory,
I have determined to prepare the principal subjects for mezzotinting,—a
change of method requiring two new drawings to be made
for every subject; one a carefully penned outline for the etcher, and
then a finished drawing upon the etching ...
"For the illustrations of the body of the work itself, I have used any
kind of engraving which seemed suited to the subjects—line and
mezzotint, on steel, with mixed lithographs and woodcuts, at a considerable
loss of uniformity in the appearance of the volume, but, I
hope, with advantage, in rendering the character of the architecture
it describes."
"The illustrations to the new book," Collingwood adds, "were a
great advance upon the rough soft-ground etchings of the Seven
Lamps. He secured the services of some of the finest engravers who
ever handled the tools of their art. The English school of engravers
was then in its last and most accomplished period. Photography had
not yet begun to supersede it; and the demand for delicate work in
book illustration had encouraged minuteness and precision of handling
to the last degree. In this excessive refinement there were the
symptoms of decline; but it was most fortunate for Mr. Ruskin that
his drawings could be interpreted by such men as Armytage and
Cousen, Cuff and Le Keux, Boys and Lupton ... The mere fact of
their skill in translating a sketch from a note-book into a gem-like
vignette, encouraged him to ask for more; so that some of the subjects
which became the most elaborate were at first comparatively rough
drawings, and were gradually worked up from successive retouchings
of the proofs by the infinite patience of both parties. In other cases,
working drawings were prepared by Mr. Ruskin, as refined as the plates."
"Like much else of his work, these plates for 'Stones of Venice'
were in advance of the times. The publishers thought them 'caviare
to the general,' so Mr. J. J. Ruskin told his son; but gave it as his
own belief that 'some dealers in Ruskins and Turners in 1890 will
get great prices for what at present will not sell.'"
An "Advertisement" in the second volume tells us, "It was originally
intended that this Work should consist of two volumes only;
the subject has extended to three. The second volume, however, will
conclude the account of the ancient architecture of Venice. The
third will embrace the Early, the Roman, and the Grotesque Renaissance;
and an Index...."
The first volume, called The Foundations, and having twenty-one
plates, and the second, called The Sea-Stories, with twenty plates,
each cost two guineas. The third volume, called The Fall, with twelve
plates, cost a guinea and a half. They were bound in cloth, stamped
in gold, with the "Lion of St. Mark" on the back. A few copies of
both volumes one and two were issued in two parts. The first volume
ran into a second edition in 1858, and the second and third
were reissued in 1867.
Octavo.
Collation: Three volumes. Illustrations. Fifty-three plates.
JOHN LOTHROP MOTLEY (1814-1877)
94. The Rise | Of The | Dutch Republic. | A History. |
By John Lothrop Motley. | In Three Volumes. | Vol.
I. | New York: | Harper & Brothers, | 329 & 331
Pearl Street. | 1856.
Motley wrote a letter to his wife, dated at London, May 10, 1854,
in which he says that he has had the matter of copyright looked up,
and finds that the English law will protect him if he publish his book
recently completed, first, by however small an interval, in England.
He then carried the manuscript to Murray, who received him civilly,
and professed interest in his subject, promising an answer in a fortnight.
But the answer, when it came, was unfavorable, and, being of
the mind that "if Murray declines ... I shall doubt very much
whether anybody will accept, because history is very much in his line,"
he seems to have tried no farther, but to have arranged with Mr. John
Chapman to publish the Dutch Republic himself.
Throughout the transaction Motley was very modest and not at all
sanguine for the success of his venture.
"It cannot take in England," he says to his mother in 1855, "and
moreover the war, Macaulay's new volumes, and Prescott's, will entirely
absorb the public attention." And again to his father, May 13, 1856,
he says:
"I have heard nothing from Chapman since the book was published,
but I feel sure from the silence that very few copies have been sold. I
shall be surprised if a hundred copies are sold at the end of a year."
In reality, the book, as Dr. Holmes said, was "a triumph." Seventeen
thousand copies were sold in England alone during the first
year, and in America, where it was issued by the Harpers, just long
enough after the English edition to fulfill all the demands of the
copyright law, it was equally popular. Mr. Murray afterward asked
to be allowed to publish The History of the United Netherlands, and
expressed his regret "at what he candidly called his mistake in the
first instance." Prescott, Motley's friend and generous rival, wrote
from Boston, April 18, 1856:
"You have good reason to be pleased with the reception the book
has had from the English press, considering that you had no one
particularly to stand godfather to your bantling, but that it tumbled
into the world almost without the aid of a midwife. Under these
circumstances success is a great triumph...."
Octavo.
Collation: Three volumes.
GEORGE ELIOT MARY ANN or MARIAN CROSS (1819-1880)
95. Adam Bede | By | George Eliot | Author Of | "Scenes
Of Clerical Life" | [Quotation] In Three Volumes |
Vol. I. | William Blackwood And Sons | Edinburgh
And London | MDCCCLIX | The Right of Translation
is reserved.
Scenes from Clerical Life had appeared in the early part of January,
1858, and had proved an unexpected success, but the name of its author,
concealed under a pseudonym, long proved a mystery.
"The first volume [of Adam Bede]," says Mrs. Cross, "was written
at Richmond, and given to Blackwood in March. He expressed
great admiration of its freshness and vividness, but seemed to hesitate
about putting it in the Magazine, which was the form of publication
he, as well as myself, had previously contemplated. He still
wished to have it for the Magazine, but desired to know the course
of the story. At present he saw nothing to prevent its reception in
'Maga,' but he would like to see more. I am uncertain whether
his doubts rested solely on Hetty's relation to Arthur, or whether they
were also directed towards the treatment of Methodism by the Church.
I refused to tell my story beforehand, on the ground that I would not
have it judged apart from my treatment, which alone determines the
moral quality of art; and ultimately I proposed that the notion of
publication in 'Maga' should be given up, and that the novel should
be published in three volumes at Christmas, if possible. He assented."
"... When, on October 29, I had written to the end of the love-scene
at the Farm between Adam and Dinah, I sent the MS. to
Blackwood, since the remainder of the third volume could not affect
the judgement passed on what had gone before. He wrote back in
warm admiration, and offered me, on the part of the firm, £800 for
four years' copyright. I accepted the offer ... The book would
have been published at Christmas, or rather early in December, but
that Bulwer's 'What will he do with it?' was to be published by
Blackwood at that time, and it was thought that this novel might
interfere with mine."
The book was published the first day of January with the still unpenetrated
pseudonym on the title-page. It cost thirty one shillings
and six pence. The advance subscriptions amounted to 730 copies,
and the following note, written March 16, gives the history of its
success:
"Blackwood writes to say I am 'a popular author as well as a
great author.' They printed 2,090 of 'Adam Bede,' and have disposed
of more than 1800, so that they are thinking of a second
edition."
In May, Blackwood proposed to add, at the end of the year, £400
to the £800 originally given for the copyright. A fourth edition of
5000 volumes was issued in 1859, all of which were sold in a fortnight;
a seventh was printed the same year, and in October Blackwood
felt justified in proposing to pay £800 more at the beginning
of the new year. The sale amounted to 16,000 volumes in one year.
Octavo.
Collation: Three volumes.
CHARLES ROBERT DARWIN (1809-1882)
96. On | The Origin Of Species | [Four lines] By Charles
Darwin, M.A., [Three lines] London: | John Murray,
Albemarle Street. | 1859. | The right of Translation is
reserved.
The simplicity and honesty of Darwin's character are nowhere more
clearly seen than in his correspondence over the production of this
book, which, from its unorthodoxy, he feared might expose others as
well as himself to censure. For example, he says in a letter of March
28, 1859, to Sir Charles Lyell, the famous geologist, who made the
arrangements for the publication of the work:
"P.S. Would you advise me to tell Murray that my book is not more
un-orthodox than the subject makes inevitable ... Or had I better
say nothing to Murray, and assume that he cannot object to this much
unorthodoxy, which in fact is not more than any Geological Treatise
which runs slap counter to Genesis."
Afterward, in a letter to J. D. Hooker, under date of April 2, 1859,
he says:
"... I wrote to him [Mr. Murray] and gave him the headings of
the chapters, and told him he could not have the MSS. for ten days
or so; and this morning I received a letter, offering me handsome
terms, and agreeing to publish without seeing the MS.! So he is
eager enough; I think I should have been cautious, anyhow, but,
owing to your letter, I told him most explicitly that I accepted his
offer solely on condition that, after he has seen part or all the MS., he
has full power of retracting. You will think me presumptuous, but I
think my book will be popular to a certain extent (enough to ensure
[against] heavy loss) amongst scientific and semiscientific men....
Anyhow, Murray ought to be the best judge, and if he chooses to
publish it, I think I may wash my hands of all responsibility...."
His views on the success of the book are worth recording. To
Murray he writes, April 5, 1859: "It may be conceit, but I believe
the subject will interest the public, and I am sure that the views are
original. If you think otherwise, I must repeat my request that you
will freely reject my work; and though I shall be a little disappointed,
I shall be in no way injured." And again to J. D. Hooker:
"... Please do not say to any one that I thought my book on
Species would be fairly popular, and have a fairly remunerative sale
(which was the height of my ambition), for if it proves a dead failure,
it would make me the more ridiculous."
After the book went to press he found it necessary to make many
corrections involving no slight extra expense; without waiting for
Murray to complain he took the initiative in setting the matter upon
the proper footing in the following manner, in a letter written June 14,
1859:
"P.S. I have been looking at the corrections, and considering
them. It seems to me that I shall put you to quite unfair expense.
If you please I should like to enter into some such arrangement as the
following:
"When work completed, you to allow in the account a fairly
moderately heavy charge for corrections, and all excess over that to
be deducted from my profits, or paid by me individually."
"... But you are really too generous about the, to me, scandalously
heavy corrections. Are you not acting unfairly towards yourself?
Would it not be better at least to share the £72 8s.? I shall be fully
satisfied, for I had no business to send, though quite unintentionally
and unexpectedly, such badly composed MS. to the printers."
The first edition, a child, Darwin calls it, in whose appearance he
takes infinite pride and pleasure, was published November 24:
"It is no doubt the chief work of my life. It was from the first
highly successful. The first small edition of 1250 copies was sold on the
day of publication, and a second edition of 3000 copies soon afterward.
Sixteen thousand copies have now (1876) been sold in England; and
considering how stiff a book it is, this is a large sale. It has been
translated into almost every European tongue, even into such languages
as Spanish, Bohemian, Polish, and Russian. It has also, according to
Miss Bird, been translated into Japanese [a mistake] and is there
much studied. Even an essay in Hebrew has appeared on it, showing
that the theory is contained in the Old Testament!"
The second edition of 3000 copies, only a reprint, yet with a few
important corrections, was issued January 7, 1860. An edition of 2500
copies was issued in the United States, where it enjoyed great popularity.
"I never dreamed," said he, "of my book being so successful
with general readers; I believe I should have laughed at the idea of
sending the sheets to America."
The sum of £180 was received by the author for the first edition,
and £636 13s., for the second.
Duodecimo.
Collation: ix, 502 pp. Folded plate.
JOHN HENRY NEWMAN, CARDINAL (1801-1890)
98. Apologia Pro Vita Sua: | Being | A Reply to a
Pamphlet | Entitled | "What, Then, Does Dr. Newman
Mean?" [Quotation] By John Henry Newman,
D.D. | London: | Longman, Green, Longman, Roberts,
And Green. | 1864.
The pamphlet "What, Then, Does Dr. Newman Mean?" A Reply
to a Pamphlet lately published by Dr. Newman. By the Rev. Charles
Kingsley., was issued in March, 1864. Cardinal Newman's rejoinder
took the form of a series of pamphlets. The first appeared on Thursday,
April 21, and its brown paper cover bore the title given above,
with the additional line, Pt. I. Mr. Kingsley's Method of Disputation.
Thereafter, on successive Thursdays, until June 16, the following
numbers appeared: Pt. II. True Mode Of Meeting Mr. Kingsley.
Pt. III-VI. History Of My Religious Opinions. Pt. VII. General
Answer To Mr. Kingsley. Appendix. Answer in Detail To Mr.
Kingsley's Accusations.
A title-page and "Contents" were issued with the Appendix. Parts
I, II, and III cost a shilling each, Parts IV, V, and VII, two shillings
each, Part VI, and the Appendix, each two shillings sixpence.
The parts were issued afterward in a cloth binding. In later editions
almost all of Parts I and II, and about half of the Appendix were
omitted, while some new matter was added in the form of notes.
Octavo.
Collation: iv, 430, 127 pp.
JOHN GREENLEAF WHITTIER (1807-1892)
100. Snow-Bound. | A Winter Idyl. | By | John Greenleaf
Whittier. | [Vignette] Boston: | Ticknor And Fields. |
1866.
It was at first proposed to publish the poem with illustrations by Felix
Octavius Darley, who so successfully illustrated Cooper, Irving, Longfellow,
Lossing, and many others; but, for some reason, this idea was
abandoned, and illustration of the work was reduced to a vignette
showing "a view of the old farm house in a snow storm, copied from
a photograph ..." It was drawn by Harry Fenn. We might regret
that we are thus the losers of some characteristic work by Darley,
but, on the other hand, we must agree with Whittier, who, when
referring to the proposed illustrations of The Pageant, published later,
said: "I know of no one who could do it, however, so well as Harry
Fenn." The bit of work reproduced here is in its way quite as
worthy of commendation as that drawn by this "Nestor of his guild,"
for Ballads of New England, 1869, and so appreciatively reviewed
by Mr. William Dean Howells in The Atlantic for December.
The poet took an unusual interest in the make-up of his book.
For example, he says of the vignette:
"In the picture of the old home, the rim of hemlocks, etc., at the foot
of the high hill which rises abruptly to the left, is not seen. They would
make a far better snow picture than the oaks which are in the view."
His remarks, too, about his portrait are particularly entertaining.
"I don't know about the portrait. At first thought, it strikes me
that it would be rather out of place at the head of a new venture in
rhyme. I don't want to run the risk of being laughed at. However,
do as thee likes about it. Put thyself in the place of Mrs.
Grundy, and see if it will be safe for any 'counterfeit presentment' to
brave the old lady's criticism."
Mr. Fields evidently dared to add the portrait. It is a steel engraving,
and bears, besides the name, the following inscription: "Engraved
By H. W. Smith. From a Photograph By Hawes." The book is
further embellished by a woodcut head-piece and an initial letter,
representing snow scenes.
From other letters we learn that Whittier liked the page and type
of the volume, and in this he showed himself a good judge. His
opinion is confirmed by those who see in the book an example worthy
of its publishers, all of whose productions, issued at this period, are
good, while some are beautiful in their simplicity and elegance. When
the matter of paper was brought up, the author said, "Don't put
the poem on tinted or fancy paper, let it be white as the snow it
tells of." Fifty copies were printed on large paper, and were probably
given by the poet only to his friends. These embodied all the corrections
afterward incorporated in the regular editions.
Whittier's feeling for appropriateness is shown also in the following
quotation:
"I wish it could come out in season for winter fireside reading—the
very season for it.... I shall dedicate it to my brother, and shall
occupy one page with quotations from Cor. Agrippa, and from Emerson's
'Snow Storm.' ..."
He changed his mind about the dedication, however, for the book
is inscribed "To the memory of the household it describes."
Among the errors which crept into the poem, one, the phrase
"Pindus-born Araxes," was afterward corrected to "Pindus-born
Arachthus"; and another,
"The wedding knell and dirge of death,"
held its ground from 1866 until 1893.
Whittier's share in the profits of Snow-Bound, we are told, amounted
to ten thousand dollars.
Collation: 52 pp. Portrait.