The siege of Yanuk, at the commencement of this year, 1003 of the
Hijrah, had continued a month. By the batterings of the cannon and the
springing of mines, both the outside and inside of Yanuk were completely
damaged. On the 17th of Moharrem (the first month of the year), and
after an immense quantity of earth had been thrown into the fosse, and
when a breach had been effected in the walls or ramparts, a general assault
was announced. This news fearfully alarmed the besieged. They considered
the defeat of the archduke’s army, and thought of the vast numbers
that had already perished in the siege. Their fears increased; their
condition, they saw, was perilous. To try to escape by means of planks
would be both difficult and dangerous. Their courage altogether failed
them; and many, for fear of the cannons of the Osmánlís, hid themselves
within the inner works in ditches. In short, all resistance ceased.
Towards evening, two thousand of the most celebrated of these hateful
infidels came forth and importuned the commander-in-chief to spare their
lives. Their request was granted. Next morning their commander, the
malignant count, came out with ten thousand men, all covered with steel,
and said; “This German army, who have crept into holes in the earth,
have been influenced by fear more than any thing else. Otherwise,” continued
he, “so many thousands of muskets ought to have been adequate
to prevent you from even looking at the place.” Thus saying, he wept
and fell down dead before the conquerors. The remains of this royal
count were afterwards put into a tomb and covered over with stone, when
several rounds were fired over it. The rest of the prisoners were all shipped
off in boats to their own country, and Senja Osmán Páshá and two thousand
soldiers were appointed to garrison Yanuk for three years, at a stipulated
rate of pay. A thousand Janissaries from Wáj, three hundred cannoneers,
and a thousand armourers were also added to the above number; and every
thing else necessary for defence was fully attended to.
After the defeat of the archduke, Ghází Gheráí Khán marched against
the fortress of Papa. The infidels on the approach of the Tátárs fled, and
left the place for them to take possession of it.
Information from Komran apprised the commander-in-chief that, in the
event of Yanuk being taken, Komran would yield without resistance. This
turned out, however, to be a false report; for when Yanuk did fall, they
manifested no disposition to do as they had said.
The weather was awfully cold, and the Serdár determined that if he
should be obliged to lay siege to it, it should not be said that it was taken
at an easy rate. He did lay siege to it; but his troops, from what they
had endured at the taking of Yanuk, were a good deal dispirited. The
enemy made several sorties, went as far as the Moslem trenches, and slew
a considerable number of the most heroic soldiers of the Serdár, who now
began to be convinced of the difficulty of his undertaking, and resolved, as
the day of Kásim was near at hand, to relinquish his object for the present.
Accordingly on the 7th of Sefer, after having transported his provisions and
heavy baggage to some of the nearest fortresses belonging to the Osmánlís,
he raised the siege and returned to Buda.
It is related in the histories of Hasan Beg Zádeh, Alí, and Abdulkádír,
secretary to the ordnance, that the governor of Komran cried out from the
battlement, “Send us Hasan Páshá, Beglerbeg of Romeili, and we shall
deliver up the fortress.” The son of the grand vezír, however, paid no
regard to him, and merely remarked, “Let him fire his cannons if he will;”
but the Janissaries on his saying this immediately relinquished their trenches
and retired. Kátib Chelebí2 in his Fezlikeh denies this story altogether,
and declares it to be a foul calumny invented by men who had been neither
members of the diván of that day, nor present where the event is said to
have taken place.
On the 5th of Sefer, two days before the siege was raised, permission
was granted to Ghází Gheráí Khán to return home with his Tátár army,
first giving him the robe of honour which in the spring of that year had
been sent to him, and showing him the honours due to his rank. He left,
however, one of his mirzás with a thousand Tátárs in winter quarters in the
vicinity of Alba Julia, or Weissenburg in Siebenbürgen.
The grand vezír himself made his way to Buda, and after the lapse of a
week he appointed his son, Mohammed Páshá, to remain in Buda with the
Janissaries and the army of Romeili. Lála Mohammed Páshá was sent with
the army of Anatolia into winter quarters in Weissenburg. The Beglerbeg
of Bosnia was sent with his troops to Usk. The troops of Sivás, of Diárbeker,
of Werka, of Haleb, and of Shám, were allowed to return to their
respective homes. The artillery and other stores were all deposited in
Buda, and after distribution of provision, &c. had been made to the troops,
the grand vezír returned to Belgrade.
Before leaving Buda, however, he sent off Rezván Aghá to carry tidings
to Constantinople of the fall of Yanuk, which he reached after fourteen days’
travelling. The news of the fall of Yanuk was the cause of great rejoicings
in the metropolis, which were demonstrated by the roar of cannon and the
firing of musketry. To the Serdár and to the Khán a robe of honour, a
sword, and richly ornamented plumes, accompanied by royal letters, were
sent to each of these personages; also robes of honour for each of the Beglerbegs
and other dignitaries were sent off at the same time.
There is no evidence from the records of the intendant of the finances
what was the actual number of the troops employed in the war in Hungary;
he merely states that thirty thousand household troops were sent thither.
The army of Romeili was immense. After the death of Soleimán Khán,
and before the war commenced in Hungary, the people thirsted for spoil.
An army equal to that of Romeili, but destitute of the means of subsistence,
was collected in that quarter. A swift, active body of troops, competent
for every sort of depredation, and equal to a whole province in number,
assembled. The Tátárs alone amounted to more than forty thousand. Such
was the vast army the commander-in-chief had under his command: such
also was their fitness for contending with the enemy, if properly and wisely
directed.
When, however, the pensioned Janissaries entered their trenches, the
rest needlessly wasted their time in idleness: when the Khán and other
chiefs proposed to commit depredations in the enemy’s territories, they were
checked by being asked what advantage would accrue by treading down
one province? and yet it is a certain fact, that no power whatever could
have stopped the army, especially after the victory gained at Yanuk, from
reaching Vienna, had they been properly commanded. When a deputation
came from the country about Buda, begging protection against rapine and
plunder, they were told, that unless one province fell another could not rise.
To this very evident defect and mismanagement in the government of the
commander-in-chief is to be attributed chiefly every misfortune which happened
to the Moslems. The peasants were made slaves, and villages were
ruined. Some of the most powerful of these peasants were roused to seek
revenge: five or six hundred of them seized on a palanka, and refused
giving it up so long as one of them remained alive. When their villages
and hamlets were robbed and plundered, they set fire to them and left
them. The mills near Belgrade were taxed. No apology was offered to
the Waivodas of Moldavia and Valachia for the heavy injuries done to
them, but they were still more oppressed; and when they sent their usual
presents they were rejected with disdain, and the bearers of them threatened
with death; and this wicked and unreasonable conduct awakened the spirit
of rebellion and revolt which afterwards manifested itself in these two provinces,
as we shall see.
At the time the war broke out in Hungary the Emperor of Austria sent
letters to all the Christian chiefs, and even to the Pope, to come and aid
him in attacking the followers of Mohammed. The Transylvanians, Valachians,
and Moldavians entered with one consent into this confederacy,
and commenced hostilities by making inroads on the Mohammedan population
dwelling on the banks of the Danube. At this time the Waivoda of
Moldavia was one who had been raised to that dignity by Sinán Páshá, but
who, when Ferhád was deposed, was also deposed. His office was conferred
on a young Moldavian prince who had been educated at Sinán’s expense,
and who it was supposed had embraced Mohammedanism. When
this young man went to take possession of his new government he was
accompanied, according to custom, by a kapújí báshí, whilst a messenger
was sent forward to announce his approach. Notwithstanding all this,
however, his predecessor inspired him with such terror, that he found himself
necessitated to apply for aid to the grand vezír, his patron. This aid
was accordingly granted. One Mustafa Páshá, who had been governor of
Merœsh, in Asia, was appointed to conduct a body of troops to his assistance:
and some military ághás, of whom the grand vezír wished to get rid,
were appointed to join this expedition, with two thousand Janissaries also.
When this expedition reached the Danube they found it completely frozen,
and therefore halted at Rusjuk in order to transport their field-pieces and
heavy baggage to Yerkok on the opposite side. Whilst thus employed, and
suspecting no danger, they were suddenly fallen upon by an army of infidels,
headed by the deposed Waivoda, who slew their leader, a great
number of his men, and carried off a number of others prisoners. From
this time the rebellion in Moldavia increased day after day.
As the country of Valachia abounded with sheep, cattle, honey, and salt,
the merchants and rich men of Constantinople were in the habit of advancing
sums of money to every new waivoda on the condition of collecting from
the peasantry articles of the above description in return. This practice
occasioned frequently great contention. It happened sometimes, when
the waivodas did not fulfil their engagements, that those who had advanced
them money in the way above described, went and abused and harassed the
begs, and created much disturbance. Michael, mentioned at the head of
this article, was one of these waivodas who failed to fulfil his promises, and
who was therefore one day visited by more than four thousand of this sort
of creditors, chiefly Janissaries and principal servants of great men, who
profited by this rapacity. They assaulted the waivoda in his own palace,
seized upon every thing which fell into their hands, and beat and abused as
many of his domestics as chanced to come in their way. This circumstance
of violence and mode of assault completely wrought on the mind of the
hateful infidel, and led him to the following method of settling with his
creditors. He called them together, and by way of giving them his advice,
at the same time appearing very polite, said: “If you kill me, you will of
course lose all the property that is due to you: that is evident. Come,
then, follow my advice, and go along with persons duly appointed into the
province, collect what property you can, and pay yourselves out of it.”
Manifesting for some time, however, some degree of hesitation and unwillingness,
they at last agreed; but it turned out that the quantity they had
collected was not sufficient to liquidate the whole of his debt, and they
therefore pressed him to furnish the remainder. “Let the cazí of Yerkok,”
said they, “be called, and let him examine the accounts. If he is unwell,
his deputy, Alí Ján Effendí, may come in his stead;” for it was customary
when any law-suit happened between any of the Mussulmans living in Valachia,
that an appeal was made to the cazí of the above place. The cazí,
or rather his deputy, Alí Ján, arrived and decided in favour of the appellants,
whose receipts amounted to sixty thousand dollars. The contention
was long, and a thousand obstacles presented themselves in settling this
affair; but at last the sum of the debt was reduced to six thousand akchas.
The above Alí Ján relates the following story about himself: “On
retiring from the tribunal, and when I was outside of the city,” he says,
“I was met by an old acquaintance, an infidel, who accosted me thus:
‘Alí Ján, you have been my friend for twenty years: do not let the evening
overtake you, nor remain at Yerkok; but hasten as fast as you are able
to Rusjuk, for all hope of accommodation is at an end,’ and immediately
went away.” The deputy, perceiving some strange commotion and troops
hastening towards the city, mounted his waggon, and made the best of
his way to Yerkok; but had scarcely time to give the cazí an account of the
affair in which he had been employed, before these raggamuffian soldiery
murdered every one of the Waivoda’s creditors and every Mussulman in
the place, and thence marched to Yerkok, which they also attacked.
“Seeing no alternative left me but either to fall into the hands of these
infidels, or make my escape,” says Alí Ján in continuation of his story,
“and being a good swimmer, I immediately swam across the Danube.
Another person swam across at the same time, and we were the only persons
of the inhabitants of Yerkok, amounting to four thousand men, women, and
children, that escaped being either murdered or made prisoners. The city
they afterwards burned to the ground.”
These events, now recorded, took place in Jemadi 1. of 1002. Those
Musselmans that lived in Moldavia removed to Kili, to Ak-kermán, or to
Korsú, as they found most convenient. Some of the people of Rusjuk who
were present, and saw when these movements took place, sent an account
of the whole state of matters to the court of Constantinople, but the
Rusjukians themselves afterwards removed and dispersed themselves among
the Balkan mountains.
It being the winter season when these accounts reached the metropolis,
the operations of war were deferred till the spring of the year.
In Jemadi I. of 1003 of the Hijrah, the constitution of the deceased
emperor, now removed from this vain world to the distant light of God,
became so shattered and altered, as to receive no benefit whatever from the
skill and penetration of the medical faculty.
At the commencement of his disease, the grand vezír, Sinán Páshá went
in to see him into the palace at the very time when the singers or chanters,
and the females of the palace, were all collected in the royal apartment;
and though it was an exceedingly rare thing to read or chant verses on such
an occasion, yet, contrary to usual custom, the Emperor ordered the following
distich to be chanted:
I am afflicted, O Fate!
This night me watch, and me sustain.—
3
At the time the Emperor departed this life, two vessels from Egypt
arrived before the royal fortress, and, according to ancient custom, commenced
firing their guns in token of rejoicing. But such was the tremendous
effect once and again which the concussion of the air, put in motion
by the explosions, had upon the mirrors in the apartment next to the royal
saloon, that they fell down from their places and were shattered to pieces.
When these mariners, however, were made aware of what had taken place,
and perceived the emblems of grief and affliction, their joy was turned into
sorrow, and tears began to trickle down on their beards.
On the night of the 5th of Jemadi II., the remains of the Emperor were
carried from the bed of state to the table or board on which the dead bodies
are washed, and were afterwards consigned to a coffin and put into a
vault.
For nearly two weeks the vezírs and military judges could come to no
agreement among themselves how to act, with respect to settling the
government. At length, the Aghá of the royal house, without informing
any of the vezírs what he meant to do, and under the pretext of needing
some water, called the Bostánjí Báshí, Ferhád Aghá; informed him of the
secrets that were going on, and sent him with letters to the heir-apparent,
at that time in Magnesia, calling upon him to return and ascend the throne
of his ancestors. Two days after the above messenger was sent off, one of
the vezírs, Ibrahím Páshá, learning the steps which the Aghá of the royal
house had taken, immediately sent off a letter to the prince by Súfí Osmán
Aghá, who followed the previous messenger close at his heels. Ferhád also,
the governor or Káímakám of Constantinople, on learning these manœuvres,
wrote officially to the young prince about his father’s death, and also letters
of congratulation: seeking by these means to screen himself from all suspicion,
and, at the same time, to ingratiate himself into the prince’s favour.
He also made several promotions; and the day after sending off the above
letter, he caused several criminals to be taken out of prison and executed
before the multitude, with the view of awing them, and left their bodies
exposed. His officers of police went about the city and kept every thing
quiet and in good order.
The young prince, Sultán Mohammed Khán, no sooner received intelligence
of his father’s demise than he set sail from Medeyna on the 16th of
Jemadi II., and landed near Sinán Páshá’s summer palace. Thence he
immediately went into the royal harem, where he had an interview with his
mother, and made arrangements for entering into mourning. His inauguration
was completed before Friday, the day of assembly (i.e. the Mohammedan
sabbath), when it was necessary for him to attend the mosque.
After all these things were once over, the remains of the late emperor
were carried into the area of the palace, when Khoja Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí
said, “We are now assembled to perform the last duty, to our late Emperor,”
and then requested permission to perform the funeral rites. Ferhád Páshá
obtained this permission for him from the new emperor. But before he and
the reverend prelate had time to come out from the royal presence, the
Muftí, Bostán Zádeh, in virtue of his office, proudly arrogated to himself
this honour, and without further ceremony commenced performing the
obsequies in question. When Sa’d ud dín Effendí saw this he was greatly
displeased, and said, “The relation of the dead, the chief mourner, granted
me the permission of performing what you, the Muftí, have taken upon
yourself to do. It is right and proper to perform the service over again.”
The Muftí, in reply, observed, “that it was the permission of the Lord of
the whole universe he possessed, and therefore that what the other demanded
was not only unnecessary, but prohibited him from attempting it.” This
circumstance was afterwards the cause of much ill will and strife between
these two reverend divines.
After this unpleasant discussion between the two prelates respecting the
right of performing the funeral obsequies over the remains of the deceased
emperor was finally ended, his Majesty, the Asylum of the World, returned
to the royal harem, leaving his vezírs and other grandees to accompany the
bier of his father to the vicinity of St. Sophia, where they interred it in a
tomb previously prepared.
In a tumult which had taken place on this occasion, nineteen brothers of
the emperor, all innocent and guiltless, were strangled and added to the
company of martyrs. Early next morning the reverend Muftí performed
the customary prayers over these martyred bodies, which were afterwards
interred in a grave at the foot of their father’s tomb.
Sultán Murád Khán was fifty years old when he died, and reigned a
little more than twenty years. He was the father of one hundred and two
sons. Four of those princes who suffered martyrdom, namely, Sultán
Mustafa, Sultán Báyazíd, Sultán Osmán, and Sultán Abdullah were the
most distinguished, and were all of them instructed in the doctrines of
Nawa Effendí. The others, too, were all graceful and virtuous. Sultán
Mustafa was a man of an extensive genius, and a great orator. The glorious
parent of these princes when despairing of life repeated the following lines:
“What the Almighty Notary has written on my forehead, I know not;
“Alas! I have never smiled in the rose-bower of this world.”
4
The lamented emperor was a man of very extraordinary attainments.
Owing to his wisdom and prudence, all parts of the empire felt, during his
whole reign, the benefit of his solicitude and care, of his military skill and
heroic bravery, both in governing the empire and in vexing and punishing
the enemies of religion and of the state. In consequence of no impediment
having been thrown in the way of the learned men and poets of that day,
they have favoured the world with a sober account of his life, which is contained
and set forth in a book of contemplation called the Fatúhát Síám
(فتوحات صيام), in which is introduced Arabic, Persian, and Turkish poetry.
During the time the royal prince remained in Magnesia, the late emperor
caused a noble mosque of two minarets, a school, and other religious establishments
to be erected there, besides an inn and conservatory. He caused
also the roof of the temple of Mecca to be supported by pillars, a canal to
be made, and an edifice, where religious rites might be performed, to be
erected. He transmitted many thousands of ducats to that city of religious
fame. At Bektásh, over the grave of Yahiah Effendí, he caused a splendid
arch to be raised to his memory.
Mohammed Páshá, who had continued in possession of the premiership
ever since the days of Soleimán, was murdered in a scuffle with a furious
mad fellow in the diván. He was succeeded in office by Ahmed Páshá, who
died about four months after entering upon his duties in the grand vezírship.
Lálá Mustafa Páshá, the conqueror of Cyprus and Shirván, died when he
was governor of the Sublime Porte. Khoja Sinán Páshá, the conqueror of
Yanuk, was his successor, and he was succeeded by Zál Mahmúd Páshá,
who was proprietor of the temple called Zál Páshá in the neighbourhood of
Ayúb-Ensári. He died in office. Vezír Hasan Páshá was also carried off
by death. Síávush Páshá was Káímakám once, and three times grand
vezír, but died without any office. Osmán Páshá, son of Timúr Páshá, one
of the ancient heroes, was during his premiership commander-in-chief in
the Persian war. He reduced Tabríz, and afterwards fell sick and died.
Mesíh Páshá succeeded Osmán, but died out of office. Ferhád Páshá was
twice commander-in-chief in the east, and for having afterwards effected an
advantageous peace, was created grand vezír. He was Káímakám, or governor
of Constantinople, when Sultán Murád Khán died, as we have already
seen. Ibrahím Páshá was son-in-law to the emperor. Vezír Jeráh Páshá
is well known. Jaghala, son of Sinán Páshá, was both vezír and admiral
at the same time. Boyálí Mohammed Páshá, son of Pír Ahmed: he died
after he was deposed from the beglerbegship of Haleb. He was successively
Remembrancer, Reïs Effendí, Chancellor and Válí of Haleb, and
twice in the privy council. He was a man of very extensive information
and experience. He built a handsome mosque, a school-house, and another
edifice dedicated to a religious purpose, in Constantinople, where he
died in the month of Ramazán, in the year 1001 of the Hijrah. Khalíl Páshá
was son-in-law to the emperor. Hazár Páshá was Válí of Egypt. Ja’fer
Páshá was son-in-law to Mohammed Páshá. He was an excellent vezír:
he died lamented in 995. Hasan Páshá, the eunuch, was a potent and
brave man: he was a native of Shirván, but was raised to the office of
grand vezír. Vezír Alí Páshá married the widow of Mohammed Páshá, and
died in office. Mohammed Páshá was murdered whilst governor of Romeili.
Vezír Yúsuf Páshá was by birth an European, but of noble descent.
He died a martyr in the arms of his domestics in his own palace near Kirk
Cheshmeh. Vezír Shemshí Páshá was a Persian: he died in 989. Vezír
Hasan Páshá was joint governor in the government of Romeili with Mohammed
Páshá, who was the son of Sinán Páshá, grand vezír at the death
of Murád Khán. Between Hasan Páshá and Mohammed Páshá, who were
both in active service under Sinán Páshá, in the late war in Hungary,
existed no small degree of envy.
Hamid Effendí was mufti when Murád ascended the throne, and died
three years afterwards. Khoja Saadín Effendí was tutor to the emperor
when he resided in his Sanjak. After his elevation to the throne, Saadín
Effendí became his counsellor in what concerned the well-being of the state
and in the art of government. Cazi Zádeh Effendí was a mufti who wrote
a comment on the law, and was a guide to salvation. Malúl Zádeh Effendí
was military judge in Romeili and succeeded Cazi Zádeh as mufti. In
consequence of having failed to show some acts of politeness to the emperor’s
adviser and spiritual counsellor, Khoja Hasan Ján Zádeh Saadín,
and for some mistakes which he had committed, he was represented to the
emperor, and deposed. He died in 992. Tchoí Zádeh Effendí was an interpreter
of the law, and his decrees were esteemed more excellent than any
of those of his contemporaries. He succeeded Malúl Zádeh as the mufti.
He was a remover of oppression and injustice. He died in 995. His son,
Shúkhjí Effendí succeeded him in the high priesthood, but was afterwards
deposed. Bostán Zádeh Effendí is well known. Zekeriáh Effendí is the
most honourable of all the interpreters of the law. On going into the
imperial palace one day to receive a robe of honour from his majesty Sultán
Murád Khán, he was seized with fainting fits, in one of which he died,
1001. Abdur-rahmán was contemporary with Sultán Soleimán and Sultán
Selím, and was one of the military judges of those times in which they
lived. He died in Rabia II. 983. Násir Zádeh Effendí died suddenly in
984, whilst Cazi of Constantinople. Ahkí Zádeh Effendí retired from his
jurisdiction in Anatolia with a salary of 150 akchas. He died in 989.
Bokhárí Zádeh Effendí was deposed from his jurisdiction in Tripoli, in
Syria, and died in 986. Mehshi Sinán Effendí retired with a salary of
200 akchas from his office, as military judge, in Anatolia, and died in 982.
Neshánjí Zádeh Effendí was deposed from his jurisdiction in Medina.
Hemshíreh Zádeh Effendí died when he was lecturer in Sultán Selím’s
academy, i.e. in 989. Sinán Zádeh Effendí died in 987. Kamí Ahmed
Effendí died in the same year. Mualim Zádeh Mahmúd Effendí was
raised from the academy of Sœhen to the office of recorder or chancellor.
He was afterwards deposed, and died in 987, Bábá Effendí was tutor
to Rustem Páshá. He was a pious and religious man. Sárí Kiris
Zádeh Effendí died when he was Cazi of Haleb, in 987. Abdul Vafá
Effendí was the son of Abú Saoúd. Ezumí Effendí was tutor to one
of the royal princes. He died in 999. Hazár Beg Chelebí died in the
academy attached to the convent of Brúsa. Khosrú Zádeh Mustafa
Effendí was a man of various attainments, and an orthodox guide in
religion. In 998 he was Cazi of Tripoli in Syria, where he caught a
severe cold. He died at Aksheher, on his way to Turkey, in 1000. He
was a well-informed, gentle, and humane man. He made a collection of
all the vulgar errors, and translated the History of Kútb Mekí, and left
several fine poems in Turkish. Vankúli Mohammed Effendí was a man of
the most consummate skill and learning. From the academy of Sœhen he
was raised to be Cazi of Magnesia. He held the same office, successively,
in Thessalonia, in Kutahiah, and in Anatolia, and was afterwards raised to
the chief Caziship in Medina. He retired from office with a salary of eighty
akchés, and died in the latter city, in 1000. To his extensive information
he added that of undaunted firmness, and was a perfect linguist. He
wrote several pious epistles and translated the Seháh Júherí, which was
deposited in the mosque of Sultán Mohammed Khán. He also translated
the Kimiái Sa’ádet. Abdul Káder Effendí, son of Emír Gísúdárí,
and known by the name of Yálánjek Effendí, was judge of Kutahiah,
and afterwards held the same office in Tripoli. It was not with his
will that he was restrained from denouncing the great men of his day;
for which, in fact, he was at last banished the city. He was a man of
great violence and excessive virulence. It is said in the Zeíli Shukáïk,
that his composition is weak, and his sentiments incorrect. He was
some time Cazi of Yení Sheher, but was degraded, and died in 1000.
Mevlana Mohammed Aydin of Akhisar was some time Cazi in Egypt, and
was afterwards chief-priest in Medina. He was a clever, excellent, and
acute man. His poems were extant in the year 1003. There is also a
translated compendium of his writings. He died in the year 1000, in
Medina. Ismáíl Effendí was a complete separatist, and subsisted by teaching.
He resembled a dervish: but having been a well-informed man, he
wrote a commentary or paraphrase on the Mesnevi, the Diván of Háfiz,
the Gulistán, and the Bostán, in Turkish. He died in 1000. Sevdí Effendí
was a native of Bosnia. He was a person of great learning. After having
travelled the whole path of literature, he was content to live on a small
salary for teaching the domestics in the palace of Ibrahím Páshá. He died
in the last-mentioned year. His explanations of the Mesnevi, and of the
Diván of Háfiz, and his translations and explanations of the Káfi, the Sháfi,
and the Gulistán, are still extant. Abd-ur-rahím Chelebí Kanáli Zádeh,
was the younger brother of Alí Effendí. He too was a man of parts. He
died in 1000. Mulla Abdul Kerím, a native of Magnesia, was Imám to
the Sultán. He was studying in the academy of Magnesia when Sultán
Murád Khán, son of Sultán Selím Khán, went to that quarter. The
Imám of Magnesia having been removed by death at the time of the sultán’s
visit, this man was appointed to succeed him in the office of Imám. After
Murád ascended the throne of the Ottomans, he was created military judge.
His learning and virtues, as well as his condescension to the poor and to
strangers, are much celebrated. The following is one instance of his ingenuity
and freedom. The Jews, both priests and laity, in contradistinction
to all other people, would not wear orange-coloured turbans, and
therefore could not be distinguished in the twilight of the morning and
evening from others. On this account Mulla Abdul Kerím caused them
to be obliged to wear scarlet bonnets. He was the means also of causing
them to remove their dead in their burying-ground, near the Musselman
streets in Kásim Páshá, to some other place; and, in one night, caused a
mosque to be erected on the spot.
He was in the habit of making poor wretched apes to perform astonishing
feats, alleging they were only made to be instruments of sport; and
was thus the cause of many a poor innocent creature’s death. He died in
1002.
Sheikh Yolluk Mohammed Chelebí was preacher in the mosque of Sultán
Mohammed, and taught theology. Sheikh Mohammed Effendí was an illustrious
preacher in St. Sophia, and, in fact, a brave fearless man. He was the cause
of serious difficulties to Sheikh Emír Effendí, who was preacher in the Soleimáníyeh.
Sheikh Khezr Effendí was the son of a chief of a cohort of Janissaries,
and a pious chaste preacher and a good speaker. Sheikh Tátár Ibrahím
Effendí was a practical man and a historian: he explained and taught
extempore in the mosque of Sultán Mohammed. Sheikh Shabán Effendí
was a painter. He perfected himself in Emír Bokhárí’s convent, and chose
the life of a Dervísh. His imperial majesty was in the habit of paying him
visits. Sheikh Kúrd Effendí was a very able expositor. Sheikh Hasan
Effendí officiated in the mosque of Khoja Mustafa Páshá. Sheikh Mohammed
Effendí, after the death of Bábá Effendí, by the recommendation
of Siná Allah, military judge of Romeili, was appointed to the mosque of
Sultán Mohammed, by Ferhád Páshá. He captivated, by his lofty eloquence,
the heart and the affections of the great, and secured the respect of the
emperor’s tutor and his family. These things caused his patron, Siná Allah,
to regret his having recommended him. Jaghala Zádeh and other vezírs
were assiduous in attending the assemblies on Thursdays and Fridays to
hear his orations. In short, so great was his fame, that even the emperor
and the great men of the state were included in the number of his hearers,
which increased every day. The wife of Rustem Páshá built for him a
mosque and a small meeting-house, when of course he ceased preaching
any more in Sultán Mohammed’s mosque. Sheikh Abú-vafá was employed
by the Khalifs in many cities for the purpose of extending religion. He was
in great favour with the late lamented emperor Murád-khán when he was in
Magnesia. In consequence of his great fame he was called from that city,
after Murád’s inauguration, to Constantinople, put in possession of a splendid
mansion, and allowed a suitable salary. He was generally known by the
appellation Pádisháh Sheikhí (the emperor’s spiritual guide). He had a great
deal in his power, being keeper, as it were, of the emperor’s conscience;
and it was, therefore, an easy thing to secure offices of trust and importance
for those who found access to him. In a certain sense he was a sort of
asylum to the members of the diván. Doubtless those who had posts, and
who were deprived of them, found it their interest to wait upon his eminence,
and show him the respect due to him. He died in 998.
On the third day after Sultán Mohammed Khán succeeded to the throne
of his ancestors, i.e. on the third day after his return to Constantinople
and after his father’s interment, the whole of the nobles and dignitaries of
state laid aside their mourning, waited on his majesty to congratulate him
on his elevation, and to receive tokens of his favour, which were liberally
distributed on this occasion. To the Janissary body alone six hundred and
sixty thousand pieces of gold were given. The Bostánjí Báshí, Ferhád
Aghá, who brought the intelligence to Magnesia, where the young prince
then was, of the late emperor’s demise, received in money and presents to
the amount of twenty thousand ducats, and was, agreeably to his own
request, confirmed in his office. Lála Mohammed Páshá, who accompanied
Mohammed Khán from Magnesia, and who was the husband of the new
monarch’s nurse, was rewarded with a vezírship. The soldiers who came along
with him were registered, and a suitable provision made for them. Some
of their ághás were made masters of the royal stables: others of them were
made Kapújí Báshís; and others again were made colonels of regiments.
As the office of chief judge happened to be vacant at the time we are speaking
of, by reason of death, the emperor’s tutor, Sa’d ud-dín Effendí, was
appointed to fill it.
On the 27th of the month (Jemadi I.) an official was sent by night to
the Seven Towers, who dispatched Ibrahím Páshá, who had been degraded
and sent thither from Diárbeker, in the former reign, for having been guilty
of tyranny and oppression. The ághás, khojas, and others who had rashly
meddled with the affairs of government, were also brought forth. Most of
them were sent to Egypt, and a certain allowance was given to each of them
by way of salary: the rest were set at liberty.
In Jemadi II. a royal order was issued permitting the pages to leave the
royal harem (probably those pages who belonged to the late emperor), and
to return to their own friends.
The grand vezír, Sinán Páshá, having become obnoxious to the emperor,
in consequence of his hostility to Ferhád Páshá, who was, at that very
time, governor of Constantinople, and who had free access to the royal ear,
was deposed. On the 6th of Jemadi II. the premiership was graciously
conferred on Ferhád, and an officer was dispatched to Sinán Páshá to take
back the seals of office from him. This officer met Sinán Páshá returning
from Belgrade, and received from him the object of his mission; whilst Sinán
Páshá was ordered to retire to Mulghera. His deputy at Belgrade, vezír
Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, and the treasurer, Hájí Ibrahím Páshá, sealed
the whole of their papers and deposited them in the fortress of Belgrade.
The Waiwoda of Moldavia having marched against Bender, attacked the
emír of that place, and afterwards laid siege to Ak-kirman. But before the
Waiwoda had succeeded in reducing it, he was repulsed by Adel Gheráí,
sent thither with a body of Tátárs by Ghází Khán. The firmness of the
besiegers, on the approach of this horde, was turned into feebleness. Some
of them were killed, some fled, some were made prisoners, and the whole
body was dispersed.
The accursed Waiwoda of Valachia, Michael, formerly mentioned, sent a
body of troops to Ibrail, to distress and reduce that place. The inhabitants
in the villages and suburbs, on the approach of these barbarians, fled into
the fortress, leaving their dwellings to the rapacity of their invaders, who first
subjected them to spoliation, and afterwards set fire to them. Having
accomplished this, they erected fortifications against the fortress; but a body
of about four thousand Tátárs crossed over the Danube on the ice, destroyed
wholly these fortifications, and slew about one thousand of the Valachian
army, or rather insurgents. These wandering insurgents, amounting to
about twenty thousand naked wretches, collected chiefly out of Hungary,
Transylvania, and Valachia, returned again to lay siege to Ibrail, and were
accompanied by a number of field-pieces. The inhabitants, anxious to
oppose them, went forth to give them battle, but being overpowered by
numbers they returned to the fortress and annoyed them from thence. In
consequence of the ice on the Danube having all melted before this second
visit to Ibrail, and it being impossible to obtain aid from the Tátárs in
sufficient time to stop the progress of these infidels, they commenced, without
further resistance, to batter the fortress and to explode mines, which so
alarmed the besieged, seeing their condition was desperate, as to lead them
to propose a capitulation. Accordingly, Karah Shawesh Mohammed Beg
and Mustafa Shawesh stepped out and met the Hungarian chiefs, who,
according to their religion, swore solemnly that they should all be allowed
to evacuate Ibrail, and retire across the Danube without molestation or
sustaining any injury.
When these followers of Mohammed were on the eve of crossing the
Danube, according to the terms of capitulation, they found themselves
necessitated to leave behind them the greater part of their property—about
one thousand loads, which caused a great out-cry. They determined,
therefore, to take all, and made an effort to remove what was left; but the
perfidious enemy opposed them. They surrounded the complainants, seized
some of the most distinguished Moslems amongst them, and made them
prisoners: others of them they entirely robbed, and others they murdered
on the spot.
When this violence and perfidy was remonstrated against by Karah
Shawesh Beg, the Hungarian chiefs answered by displaying their naked
swords, murdering a number more in cold blood, and driving the remainder
across the Danube.
The accursed Michael, already too often mentioned, having killed Mustafa
Páshá, the Beglerbeg of Merœsh, went every where exciting insubordination
and insurrection, and plundering and murdering where he could.
With four thousand of his raggamuffin army he penetrated into Silistria,
but was so firmly and effectually opposed by Mustafa Beg, the governor,
that only about one hundred of the four thousand vagrants escaped the edge
of the sword. Thus ample vengeance was taken on them.
After the above-mentioned Yerkok was destroyed, letters reached the
Sublime Porte which imported that Michael was marching at the head of
one hundred thousand men, collected from the neighbouring princes, and
committing devastation and plunder in the villages on the banks of the
Danube and on the shores of the Black Sea; thus exercising violence and
cruelty on the servants of God. When this disastrous account reached the
royal ear, the grand vezír, Ferhád Páshá, who was also commander-in-chief,
was ordered to make preparations for war against the insurgents by the
time the spring season arrived. Letters were sent to those chiefs on the
borders who had maintained their integrity to join the troops of war at a
certain place; orders were issued to prepare bridges and other apparatus
necessary for crossing the Danube at Rusjuk, opposite Yerkok; and an
earnest request was sent to the chiefs of Silistria, Nicopolis, and Widin, to
furnish a sufficient number of artificers for accomplishing this design.
Until the arrival of the grand vezír the office of commander-in-chief was
conferred on Lála Mohammed Páshá, Beglerbeg of Anatolia, who went to
Widin. Mohammed Páshá, Beglerbeg of Romeili, son of Sinán Páshá,
lately in the premiership, gave up his office of commandant in Buda to
vezír Hasan Páshá, who had been at Widin and returned to Belgrade.
On the 12th of Shabán, as Ferhád was leaving the diván, and intending
to return to his own palace, he was met by ten thousand of the troops, who
were waiting for him at the gate of the diván. These complained of not
having been duly paid for three years’ services performed in garrisoning the
fortress of Ganjé, and demanded payment. The grand vezír told them in
return that their wages would be paid them from the treasury of Tabríz and
Ganjé. “Why,” said he, “do you break the law by raising a tumult?
Do you not know that disobedience to the supreme authority involves in it
the guilt of infidelity?” Thus saying, he dismissed them. They, however,
began to speak publicly of their grievances, and sounded abroad that they
were oppressed, and in fact effected a tumult in the city. Next day Ferhád’s
embarrassments were increased, for the whole of the Spáhís, and some
of the Salihdárs, sycophants of Sinán Páshá, who united with them, came
in a tumultuous manner to the door of the diván, declared that until Ferhád
Páshá’s head was cut off they would accept no wages, and stoned such of
their companions as ventured to ask them. The ághás endeavoured by kind
advice to soothe them, but without any beneficial effect. The chávush báshí
and the deputy of the household troops tried what they could do in appeasing
them, but were rewarded with a shower of stones, and of course were
obliged to seek shelter. The tumult increased in noise and numbers. The
insurgents were then told that the pay of the men of Ganjé would be forthwith
advanced, and that all their wishes, whatever they might be, would
be complied with. These promises also made no impression. The insurgents
continued obstinate and determined, and threatened they would permit
no member of the diván to stir out of the council alive before the head
of Ferhád was given to them, and became more and more turbulent and
vociferous.
When the emperor was made aware of these scenes of insubordination
and turbulence, he sent two military judges to exhort them to return to
their duty. These two prelates were the poet Bákí Effendí and Abúlsa’úd,
a principal effendí; but their exhortation to the mutineers had no better
result than the former. The mutineers stamped with their feet on the
ground, and again vociferated “The head of Ferhád!” Ferhád was now
induced to wait on his majesty and tell him how he had acted, and how he
had spoken to the instigators of the riots about their want of subordination,
which conduct manifested, he observed, their utter want of religion. “Lála
Mohammed Páshá and other vezírs were present when I spoke to them,”
said the grand vezír, “and I am sure nothing of all that I said ought to
have offended them. I am only one of your slaves, and though I should be
removed out of the world, that will not reduce the number of your majesty’s
councillors. To comply with their demands will only have the effect of
increasing their rebellious spirit and open a door for making similar demands
in future, which will not be so easily resisted if their present one be
complied with. At the present moment, when neither exhortation nor
threatening can make any impression on them, it will be most advisable
that your majesty authorise the ághá of the Janissaries to bring out a considerable
number of his troops and station them below the arsenal, and order
the most powerful of the Bostánjís to be in a state of readiness at the Tímúr
gate. If, therefore, the vezírs be molested when they retire from the diván,
these troops will immediately, on the first signal, advance and chastise the
insurgents for their temerity.” The emperor approved of this advice, and
promised to act accordingly. He desired Ferhád to remain with him, and
that he would again send his vezírs to try to pacify them. “If they succeed,
well; if not, then your method will be adverted to,” said he to his
grand vezír, and ordered them to make the endeavour. The vezírs, however,
no sooner showed themselves, than the audacious multitude commenced
pelting them with stones as formerly. At this moment the Janissaries
and Bostánjís were let loose upon the mutinous Spáhís, and dispersed
them in all directions: not any two of them remained together, so completely
were they awed and terrified.
In this tumult the brother-in-law of Khalíl Páshá had his head hurt, and
Lála Mohammed Páshá his arms, by stones which were hurled at them.
Both of them were carried into the diván in a wounded condition by the
ághá of the Janissaries, who related to the members of the council how
matters stood, after which they all dismissed: Ferhád mounted his horse
and rode away to his own palace.
The grand vezír, reflecting on the disgrace done to him by the friends and
sycophants of his enemies, Khoja Sinán Páshá and his son Jaghala, sought
redress from the emperor. His importunity was not in vain, for a royal
decree ordered Sinán Páshá to repair to Mulghera, where he had been
before, and Jaghala Zádeh Sinán Páshá was ordered to Karahissar. Síávush
Páshá, being also involved in raising the tumult we have described,
was ordered to Iconium. Others who had taken a share in it were similarly
punished.
After peace and quietness were restored the emperor next day ordered
100,000 dollars to be distributed among the Janissary troops, and ten of
their chiefs were presented with robes of honour.
All the preparations for the war having been properly attended to, and
all in a state of readiness, the grand vezír, Ferhád Páshá, on the 17th of
Shabán, marched at the head of his army from the imperial city, and halted
at Dávud Páshá. The second vezír, Ibrahím Páshá, was made káímakám, or
vice-governor of Constantinople. The chief ághá of the Janissaries remained
at home according to custom, but the commander or ághá of the first legion
of the Janissaries, with ten thousand Janissaries, accompanied the expedition
to Valachia. Ten galleys were ordered up the Danube with cannon
and other military stores as far as Rusjuk; but Ibrahím Páshá, the káímakám,
in consequence of some secret enmity towards Ferhád, hindered
as much as he could, and under various pretences, the dispatch of these and
similar other articles necessary for the war, though he made it appear that
he was every way active.
When Ferhád was on his way to the scene of action he wrote a very
earnest letter to his majesty, requesting an augmentation of troops. “The
enemy,” said he in his letter, “are at Bekrish, and we have advanced near
to Rusjuk, on our frontiers. The troops under my command are too few,
and they are also much weakened by the fatigues of the long journey and
other privations incident to long marching. The number of the enemy is
too great for us at present to take vengeance, and we must, before venturing
to attack them, be made better acquainted with their actual force, and be
put in circumstances to secure success.” These sentiments of Ferhád were
more than once expressed. Ibrahím Páshá, on the contrary, represented to
his majesty that the army under Ferhád was on the point of deserting him;
that they were unwilling to act under him; that what at one time had
appeared hopeful had vanished; in short, that the whole of the army would
rather perish by the sword than choose to continue under his banner. The
mufti, Bostán Zádeh, joined in the fraud; and Bákí Effendí from among
the military judges, and Jeráh Mohammed Páshá, Hasan Páshá, and Jaghala
Zádeh, from among the vezírs, were carried away by this deceit and dissimulation.
“It is not,” said the deceitful káímakám, “that I wish an
investigation to be made in the case of Ferhád that I speak as I do, neither
is it that I wish to be made grand vezír; nor is it the chief command of the
army I seek. No: it is a duty I owe to religion, to the emperor, and to
the empire, that forces me to express myself.” These sentiments, apparently
good, were uttered with the view of affecting Sinán Páshá, the late
prime minister, who was so well pleased with them that he was induced to
distribute some thousands of gold among those who were present and heard
this discourse. Ibrahím’s words soon found their way to the ear of his royal
master, who was so much affected by them that he determined on deposing
Ferhád Páshá.
On the 21st of Shabán Ferhád Páshá marched from Dávud Páshá, and on
reaching Chorlí he raised about a thousand sharp-shooters, and gave the
command of this body to one Hasan, a Spáhí. The stages by which the
army was to march were all written down, but the troops were to halt every
day at mid-day and take rest.
About the 5th of Ramazán, the government of Moldavia was conferred
on Ja’fer Páshá, who had been, formerly, Beglerbeg of Shirván, and that
of Valachia, on Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá. The office of treasurer was
conferred on Mohammed Beg of Yení Sheher. Twelve thousand men from
these two provinces were ordered to be taken into pay.
The grand vezír, Ferhád Páshá, reached Rusjuk towards the end of
Shevál, and immediately commenced preparations for erecting a bridge
across the Danube. Artificers, brought from Nicopolis, were set to the
work. From some prisoners who had been brought to the commander-in-chief
he learned that the wicked and mischievous Michael had received a
reinforcement, from Transylvania and Hungary, of about 70,000 troops,
and that he was posted at Bekrish. About the commencement of Dhu’l
Kadah, the Beglerbeg of Romeili, Hasan Páshá, joined the royal camp with
four thousand troops, and brought along with him five hundred Valachian
and Hungarian prisoners. The grand vezír and commander-in-chief, Ferhád
Páshá, sat under a canopy supported by eight pillars, and superintended
the erections which were carried on. The whole might have been
completed in five or six days had it not been found necessary to extend the
bridge to an island in the river, opposite Yerkok. To accomplish this
object, the Sanjak chiefs were ordered to cut down trees suitable for the
purpose, and to transport them to the spot where they were needed.
Whilst these erections were going forward, arrangements were also made
to pay four divisions of troops which remained in the garrison of Belgrade;
the Serdár himself intending, after he had chastised the rebel Michael, to
remove to that city.
It has already been observed how Ibrahím Páshá, the son-in-law of Sinán
Páshá, and other sycophants of the latter, had effected a change in the
emperor’s mind towards Ferhád. They at last succeeded in moving him to
remove him from office altogether. Accordingly the seals of office, at the
close of the month Shevál, were sent to Sinán Páshá, who, on being raised
to the premiership, set immediately to work in seeking the destruction of
his predecessor. He insinuated that Ferhád maintained a secret correspondence
with the apostate Michael: that he meditated the utter ruin and
destruction of the Moslem army: he accused him of negligence, infidelity,
and treachery, and importuned his warrant: and, in order to encompass
his death, he took the royal seal and signed a commission, which he sent to
the deputy of the Janissaries, Ahmed Aghá, desiring him to execute this
diabolical but earnestly desired object. He issued another order for taking
possession of the arsenal and other stores which Ferhád had provided for
the war. Before either of these firmáns reached the place of their destination,
however, a friend of Ferhád had hastened, with all manner of speed,
to inform him what was going on against him. The information had such
an effect on the unfortunate Páshá, that his life, for a while, was despaired
of. He was, however, able to make arrangements for his return. He
informed a diván, called for the purpose, that he found it necessary to
return to Constantinople, and therefore required some men to accompany
him. He, accordingly, selected about three thousand veterans from the
most valiant of the troops, and delivered over, secretly however, to Satúrjí
Mohammed Páshá, his own seal, and all the stores to Mohammed Páshá.
Having settled every thing relative to the troops that were to accompany
him, he mounted his horse and set out for Constantinople. To avoid meeting
the officer who had in charge the grand vezír’s firmán, he travelled by
a different route, night and day, with the greatest speed.
When the officer reached Rusjuk, he learned, to his surprise, that Ferhád
had set out two days before; but with the assistance of Satúrjí Mohammed
Páshá, he immediately transmitted an account of this circumstance to Constantinople.
Sinán Páshá was still in the metropolis. The Syrian troops, destined for
the war, had arrived. Sinán informed them that a sentence of death had
been issued against Ferhád. “His head is mine, his property yours,” said
he, and sent off these fearless troops to intercept him.
In the mean time Sinán Páshá busied himself in making arrangements
for carrying on the war in Hungary. The Syrian troops, just now mentioned,
fell in with Ferhád’s treasures, which were carried on camels.
These they seized, whilst Ferhád himself stood on a rising ground at a distance,
and saw what was going on. There is another version of this story.
It says, that when these Syrians met Ferhád, he had the presence of mind
to scatter some purses of silver and gold amongst the rapacious fellows,
and made off with himself whilst they were scrambling for the booty thus
thrown amongst them. The story goes on to say that the Syrians began
to quarrel about the division of the spoil they had so very easily acquired,
and that instead of fairly dividing it, each man set off with what fell into
his own hands.
Ferhád, in the meantime, succeeded in descending the mountains of
Istrenj, and arrived at his own villa near Constantinople in the middle of
Dhu’l hijja. Here he concealed himself, but sent all his treasures and
jewels as a present to the emperor’s mother. This mode of applying his
money had a wonderful effect, for the joyful news of his being about to be
pardoned soon became public.
The grand vezír, Sinán Páshá, reached Rusjuk, on the borders of the
empire, before these things had transpired, and had other objects to occupy
his attention, independent of Ferhád. But his son-in-law, Ibrahím Páshá,
was still governor of Constantinople, and when he heard the report that Ferhád
was to be pardoned, formed another plot for effecting his destruction,
which succeeded, as the sequel will show. He employed one Soleimán,
a German Jew, a well-known fellow, who succeeded in finding out where
Ferhád had secreted himself, and afterwards sent him (probably by the
same infamous Jew) a letter, as from the emperor, which conveyed to him
a free pardon. This, the poor man had no doubt, was an act of mercy
from his sovereign, and therefore ventured out of his hiding-place and commenced
paying visits to his friends. One morning, however, by break of
day, his villa was surrounded, and himself made prisoner by the Bostánjí
báshí, who conducted him forthwith to the Seven Towers. This took place
on the 5th of Sefer, 1004. Ibrahím Páshá wrote out his indictment and
laid it before the throne, and soon afterwards succeeded in obtaining the
emperor’s warrant for taking away his life. Accordingly, Chobán Soleimán
Aghá, a chávush báshí, strangled him in the Seven Towers that same night,
before supper-time.
The late Ferhád Páshá was a man who had rendered many important
services to his country whilst employed in the Persian war, and was one of
those who had forwarded the elevation of the then reigning monarch; but
he was rewarded, as we have seen, with disgrace heaped upon him, and,
at last, with an ignominious death. The late emperor knew his value, and
always showed him peculiar honour and respect. Sultán Mohammed Khán
was a man who was free from guile and duplicity, and unacquainted
with cunning and deceit; but he had not reached that degree of penetration
which so much distinguished his father, and which would have secured
him from putting too much confidence in his advisers, and have kept him
from committing himself before he had made proper and strict inquiry.
The result of the want of these qualities we have seen.
The new grand vezír, Sinán Páshá, left the plains of Dávud Páshá on the
11th Dhu’l Kadah, passed through Adrianople, the pass of Chaluk
Kovak, and, after encountering a thousand difficulties, reached the
camp towards the end of the month. The above-mentioned bridge was
in a state of completion, and about the middle of the month Dhu’l hijja,
the grand vezír crossed over with his whole army. The troops of Romeili,
with their Válí at their head, formed the advance guard: Satúrjí Mohammed
Páshá, at the head of the Syrian troops, formed the right wing:
the chiefs of Thessalonica and Nicopolis were appointed to watch the
bridge: the ten galleys which had been ordered to convey military stores
had reached Rusjuk, and on the 17th the army removed from Yerkok, and
halted near a wood about four leagues distant from a narrow pass which led
to Bekrish. A party was led forward to reconnoitre this pass, but they
had scarcely approached it when they observed a cloud of dust, and soon
afterwards saw the enemy’s troops advancing. The party retreated to
the camp: the grand vezír girded on his sword, ordered planks to be
placed over a marsh which lay in front, by which he made the Janissaries
pass, and stationed them in a part of the wood. On the top of an eminence
he placed ten pieces of ordnance, which did great execution, and with
the middle division of his army he succeeded in driving back those of
the enemy which were advancing upon him, and spiked their cannon which
they had been obliged to leave behind them. A few only of the enemy
were killed, but every thing was in favour of the Moslems, who now advanced
upon them, and took their position near Kalúgirvan. The whole of
the enemy were concentrated in the pass or valley of Bekrish, where they
during the night lighted fires, made a tremendous noise and stir, and, at
the same time, brought forward a great number of buffaloes.
In the history called Bahjet, the account is thus related:—The Moslem
army having halted in a marshy and woody spot near the bridge of Kalúgirvan,
were soon attacked by a body of the enemy, whose cannon and
small arms were most galling to them. In these circumstances, Satúrjí
Mohammed Páshá, Haider Páshá, Hasan Páshá, and Mustafa Páshá, the
son of Ayás Páshá, crossed the bridge with a considerable number of troops,
and attacked them in return, and after a most dreadful conflict succeeded in
securing ten of the enemy’s cannon, but were afterwards obliged to retreat,
leaving their acquisition behind them. Mohammed Páshá, in the act of
retreating, was wounded in the above-mentioned marsh. Hasan Haider
and Mustafa sunk into the mud and perished. The grand vezír himself was
also very unfortunate, for in this moment of confusion and retreat, he too
was obliged to fly; and in doing so, fell into a morass. His body guards
sought their own safety, and left him to shift for himself the best way
he could. He got out, but soon fell into another; and in this predicament
he continued till he was observed by a veteran Romeilian called
Hasan, who advanced towards him, took him on his back, and thus
carried him out of the marsh. This hero, the deliverer of the grand vezír,
acquired public fame for his heroism, and had the word “marsh” affixed
to his name ever afterwards. He was, therefore, called Hasan Bátákjí,
and became afterwards the commander of a body of heroes under Khoja
Murád Páshá, honourably mentioned in the sequel of this history.
On the night of the above-mentioned disastrous event, one of the Janissaries
happened to lay down an unextinguished match upon some gunpowder,
which, when it ignited, communicated itself to a great quantity of
the same material which lay in its neighbourhood, and which produced so
tremendous an explosion as to cause an universal cry of “Yá allah,” among
the troops. The effect of this explosion on the infidel army was astonishing—for
they supposed they were attacked by the Moslems, and to escape
them they immediately retired. Michael hastened to Bekrish with the
greater part of his army, whilst a smaller body made its way into Moldavia,
but afterwards returned to join their infamous leader at Bekrish.
The Moslems unable, in consequence of the fatigues they had endured the
preceding day, to take advantage of the flight of the enemy, and thus gain
the open field, retreated a little. Here they remained two days, during
which time some prisoners were brought in, who informed them that the
enemy had concentrated at Bekrish. Encouraged by this information,
Hasan Páshá, on the 18th of the month, crossed over with his division,
gained the plain beyond the valley or pass, and sent out a foraging party
through the country, who returned with provisions, prisoners, and cattle.
Michael, not thinking himself secure at Bekrish, retired to Terghúshta,
and afterwards, from the same dread, penetrated the almost inaccessible
mountains which form the boundaries of Transylvania. The grand vezír,
now that the enemy had entirely disappeared, passed through the valley
on the 20th and appeared before Bekrish, in the plains of which he pitched
his tent. The churches of Bekrish were converted into mosques; and
worship, according to Mohammedan usage, was performed in them. The
ornaments and crosses which adorned the roofs of the churches, as well
as the whole of the images and pictures which were placed in them, were
totally demolished. Not a vestige of them was allowed to remain.
The nobles and princes having assembled in the grand vezír’s pavilion,
they consulted as to the most effectual method they should adopt to prevent
Valachia and Moldavia from falling into the hands of the infidels; and also
as to the difficulty there existed in keeping the inhabitants of these provinces
under subjection. After these matters were fully discussed, it was
resolved and agreed to: 1st, That an impregnable fortress should be built
at Bekrish; and 2ndly, That a similar one should be erected at the pass of
Terghúshta. After the passing of these resolutions, it was thought proper
to transmit a report of affairs to the court of Constantinople for its approbation;
and at the same time, the government of the country was conferred
on Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá. When once these things were thus settled,
the grand vezír and his nobles proceeded to the suburbs of Bekrish and
measured off double the space of ground on which Alexandra, the Waiwoda’s
Monastery stood, and which was formerly a fortress, and made preparations
for commencing the first fortress mentioned in the resolutions adverted to
above. The whole was completed in the space of twelve days after it was
fairly commenced. But what more relates to this fortress we must reserve
till we relate the events of the following year.
Mohammed Páshá, son of Sinán Páshá, having been appointed commander-in-chief
on the frontiers, went, at the commencement of the month
Shevál, to Buda, where he properly housed a quantity of provisions which
had been sent from Belgrade; and afterwards distributed troops among the
military stations along the frontiers in that quarter. He himself went to
Kiris Elias, where he pitched his camp. The beglerbeg of Anatolia, of
Karamania, of Sivás, of Buda, of Temisvar, of Haleb, and of Scutari,
the deputy-ághá of the Janissaries, the salihdárs of the Spáhís, and all
the various troops regular and irregular, assembled at Old Buda, where a
distribution of provisions and of other necessaries was made to them.
About this time Osmán Páshá, beglerbeg of Yanuk, sent information
that the Austrians were preparing to send a large army; and it so happened
that, towards the end of Dhu’l Kada, an army of 50,000 foot and
20,000 horse laid siege to Osterghún. The Moslem serdár, or commander-in-chief,
and the other beglerbegs, could muster no more than 10,000, and
therefore prudently forbore attempting to offer battle to so immense a host.
They accordingly took up their position on a hill opposite the enemy, and
there meant to wait till they received more succour.
About the commencement of the month Dhu’l hijja, the commander-in-chief,
Sinán’s son, the beglerbeg of Buda; Súfí Sinán Páshá, the beglerbeg
of Temisvar; Mikaeljelí Ahmed Páshá, the beglerbeg of Scutari; Teríakí
Hasan Páshá, the beglerbeg of Haleb; Mohammed Páshá, and the beglerbeg
of Yanuk, Osmán Páshá, advanced with the 10,000 lately mentioned
to Osterghún, and took up their position immediately opposite the enemy.
This was a fool-hardy step, and one for which they paid dearly: for that
very day the battle commenced, and was continued for several days, when
it ended in the discomfiture of the Moslem army, as might have been easily
anticipated, considering the vast majority of the enemy. The following
day, when the Moslems advanced to the conflict, they were encircled by a
considerable body of the enemy, drawn up in regular order to receive them,
but whom the Moslems, led on by Osmán Páshá, drove back, retaking at
the same time Jegirdilen, a place of some strength, and spiked the whole of
the cannon in it. Hitherto fortune seemed to declare for the orthodox
army, but on the fourth day it experienced a reverse. In approaching Dipadilen,
another place of strength, the Moslems were much annoyed by the
small arms of the enemy, which played incessantly upon them. Here
many of the brave Musselmans fell lifeless on the ground, and among
them was Osmán Páshá. Another division of the Moslem army attacked
the enemy’s trenches on the Danube, and got possession of them. Here
they either slew or drowned in the river such of the enemy as fell into their
hands: but alas! this act of heroism was dearly paid for; for on retiring
from these trenches they were met by a strong augmentation of the enemy
coming forward to the aid of those who had been in the trenches, when a
most desperate and awful conflict ensued. The Serdár, thinking his Moslems
were overpowered, turned his face towards Buda and set off. Others,
seeing this, followed his example. Teríákí Hasan Páshá was no sooner
made aware of the state of matters than he too ordered his tents to be
struck, loaded his waggons with the heaviest of his baggage, caused oxen
to be put to them and to his field-pieces—which had been kept as memorials
of Soleimán—and moved off for Buda, whither the rest had fled.
After this signal superiority gained by the enemy they proceeded, without
any further resistance from the scattered army of the Serdár, to effect
their original purpose, the reduction of Osterghún. But we must defer
any further account of this till we relate the events of the following year.
The Serdár Mohammed Páshá, after reaching Buda, and after his troops
had found their way to that city, was in conformity to a resolution passed
by a council of war, appointed to the government of Yanuk, and proper
persons were also dismissed in order to assemble forces at Belgrade.
When the enemy, stationed about Novograde, heard of the defeat sustained
by the Moslems they were emboldened to lay siege to Wáj, but
were repulsed with great loss. Finding they were unable for the task they
had undertaken, they contented themselves with carrying off what cattle
they could seize or drive off. But this also belongs to the affairs of the
following year.
The grand vezír, Sinán Páshá, after having seen the fortress completed,
which he had ordered to be erected of wood at Bekrish, as before observed,
placed a garrison of one thousand Janissaries and a thousand other troops in
it, besides cannon and other implements of war for defence, and on the
13th of Moharrem removed to the plains of Terghúshta. The inhabitants
of this latter place having all fled before his arrival, he commenced building
in it a fortress of wood, similar to the one erected at Bekrish, and ordered
two deep ditches to be cut round it. The whole was completed in the
space of a month; and after having placed a garrison in it, and supplied it
with all kinds of necessary stores, he commenced his countermarch on the
12th of the month Sefer.
The grand vezír had scarcely reached the very first stage, however, before
the atrocious Michael started out of the woods and surrounded Terghúshta
with his troops. The sound of his cannon was distinctly heard in the grand
vezír’s camp. After three days of violent effort he took the place. Alí
Páshá, Khoja Beg, and other persons of distinction, he caused to be fixed
on spits and roasted before a fire: the rest of the garrison he made prisoners,
set fire to the place, and withdrew. Information of this disaster reached
the grand vezír the day it took place, and awakened the grief and sympathy
of the whole army. Whilst they stood deploring the fate of the garrison,
and of their brethren who had fallen into the hands of their merciless
enemies, three hundred of these infidels issued out of the wood, not very
distant from the Moslem camp, but they were all dispersed by a party of
the Romeilian troops. The army now began to retrace their steps. After
consulting as to the propriety of returning to Terghúshta, about which there
existed a variety of opinion, they at last resolved on going to Bekrish,
which they accordingly did. During fifteen days which the army was
ordered to remain there, all the traders, whether belonging to the army or
otherwise, were requested to remove in that space of time with their effects
out of Bekrish, and retire to some other place of greater security. After
this and other matters of importance were fully attended to, the guns and
other stores belonging to this garrison were put on waggons and removed,
and itself, so lately built, set fire to about midnight, when the troops left
it to perish. After hastily passing through the pass of Bekrish they arrived
at Yerkok, where they halted three days.
On reaching this place, the grand vezír was confounded when he perceived
that the bridge, which had been confided to a sufficient guard, across
which ten thousand waggons and captives had passed, was now watched
only by five. Formerly, the Moslem troops were in the habit of making
excursions by this bridge into the country of Transylvania, and returning
by the same with waggons loaded with spoil, thousands of captives, and
with droves of cattle, sheep, and young horses, and which used to be sold
in the Moslem camp. Here also a faithful custom-house officer used to sit
and collect an impost which was levied on all such imports.
The grand vezír was but a very few days at the above place when he
learned that the apostate Michael was at his heels. Without waiting the
arrival of this rebel he crossed over by night, and permitted his troops to do
as they might be able. Before morning they succeeded in getting over part
of their ordnance, whilst they were obliged to leave the remainder behind
them. Whilst all were in confusion, and petrified with terror at the recent
information, each one, concerned about himself, sought to save himself the
best way he could. In these circumstances of confusion and terror the
enemy appeared in the vicinity of Yerkok, and arrived in sufficient time to
seize on all which yet remained to be passed over to the Moslem side.
A party of the enemy, more like enraged swine, hastened forward to the
edge of the river, and from an eminence sufficiently near, played with their
cannon against the bridge, which soon gave way in the middle. Such of
the retreating Moslems and baggage as were crossing at the time, fell into
the river along with it, and were lost. Some of the unfortunate wretches
who got hold of pieces of the bridge were carried down the stream, and
their shrieks pierced the skies. All who had not been able to make their
escape from Yerkok were butchered without mercy, and their blood made
to flow in rivulets. In short, the slaughter was terrible. The cannon which
fell into the hands of the enemy were directed, after they had burned the
city, against the fortress. So very disastrous a retreat, as well as defeat,
has never been recorded in any history.
The troops who were stationed in this garrison at this time shut themselves
up in it, but the rabble-army, after three days’ bombardment, took
it by storm on the 10th of the month Sefer, put every Mussulman within
it to death, and afterwards directed its cannon against the grand vezír’s
camp on the opposite side of the river. About this time information was
received from Ghází Gheráí Khán, khán of the Tátárs, which apprised them
that he had entered Moldavia with his Tátár army, and had brought the
inhabitants of that province under subjection and promise of obedience; and
further, that they had promised to deliver up the apostate Michael, the sole
author of all the evils and mischief which had taken place. In the letter
which they addressed to the khán, they requested that one of his emírs
might be appointed governor over them; but their chiefs not liking this
arrangement, the thing was delayed.
In the month of Dhu’l hijja of last year the enemy, as we have seen, laid
siege to the fortress of Osterghún, and after having defeated the army sent
from Buda to oppose them, they redoubled their efforts against the above
place, which at last the Moslems were necessitated to give up. This took
place on the 1st, or about the beginning of the month Sefer. About forty
or fifty Mussulmans, who were allowed to leave Osterghún, went by water
to Buda.
After the reduction of Osterghún the enemy surrounded the fortress of
Vishégrade, a place of considerable strength, not far from the above, and
which, through the treachery of one Osmán, who had been degraded from
the rank of an ághá of the Janissaries, was delivered over to the enemy;
but the inhabitants and the garrison were allowed to retire to Buda. The
above-mentioned apostate Osmán, in order to ingratiate himself with the
King of Hungary, went and pointed out the vaults in which the Moslems
had preserved their gunpowder, and which till then had not been discovered.
The enemy carried the whole away in boats.
When accounts of the ill fate of the expedition conducted by the grand
vezír into Valachia, of the pusillanimity of his son, who permitted Osterghún
to fall into the enemy’s hands; and who was the first who fled from
the field of battle, and shut himself up within the fortress of Buda, were
received at Constantinople, the whole of the Moslem population and the
grandees of the state were roused to madness and indignation; and when
the emperor was formally informed of these disgraceful circumstances, he
immediately ordered the grand vezír, Sinán Páshá, to be deposed and to go
to Mulghura. On the 16th of Rabia II. the seals were transferred to Lála
Mohammed Páshá, but who, on account of his bad state of health, was never
able, with the exception of the day he had the honour of kissing the emperor’s
hand, to attend to his duties in the diván. He died shortly after
his elevation to the premiership.
The káímakám of Constantinople, Ibrahím Páshá, of whom frequent
though not honourable mention has been made, expected that on the death
of Lála Mohammed Páshá, as well as on some former occasions, when a
prime minister was degraded, that the emperor would confer the seals upon
him. He was mistaken, and of course disappointed. The fact was,
that the emperor had discovered before then that he was the principal
cause of Ferhád Páshá’s murder, and was seized with a kind of horror
and remorse, and therefore dismissed him from office and from his presence.
The friends of Sinán, lately deposed and banished, were not idle. They
threw a cloak over his faults, and represented his virtues and high qualifications
for government in such a light as to induce his majesty to recall
him from his exile, and to reinstate him (a fifth time) in his former office.
He took his place in the diván about the end of Rabia II.
A circumstance took place about this time which is worthy of being
recorded. A great dispute having taken place between Ibrahím Páshá
and his father-in-law, Sinán Páshá, the former accused the latter, in
the presence of the diván, of maladministration, and charged him with
being the cause of all the insurrections which had happened, by his
having given places of trust and responsibility to men who were unfit to
hold these offices. On another occasion Ibrahím spoke in the same strain
in presence of the emperor, which so enraged Sinán that he said: “I am
represented to your majesty as a person every way unfit to hold office, and
though it be Ibrahím who has thought fit to do so, I challenge him to go
down to the court, and there let us try the edge and strength of our daggers.”
Thus saying, he seized him by his robes and thrust him out of
the presence of the emperor. These were times in which rebellion and
disorder, hatred and envy, reigned without; rudeness and asperity within;
and had the effect of marring the tranquillity of all ranks and conditions.
One day when the grand vezír was sitting with his imperial majesty he
offered him the following counsel. “Sire,” said he, “it is inconsistent with
sound policy to have a commander-in-chief in hostile countries, and it is
incompatible for two to hold that office. In having a commander-in-chief,
or a person of this description, it falls either to the grand vezír, or some
other one of the vezírs, to hold it. If the grand vezír exercise this function,
then the káímakám, in order to get himself into the vezírship, will throw all
the hindrances he possibly can in his way, and no good will be effected.
On the other hand, if it be a vezír who shall exercise that high office, then
the grand vezír, for fear his services should, perchance, recommend him to
hold the premiership, will, from mere envy, seek to hide what glory he
may acquire in the service of his country. For how many years have
ambition and envy of this kind been the cause of the ruin of our armies,
and the wasting of our treasures, without producing the least benefit
to the state, but, on the contrary, misfortune and disgrace! Do you,
therefore, Sire, imitate the example set before you by Sultán Suleimán,
and declare that you will, in person, take the chief command of the
army in the present war with the infidels on the north of our frontiers.
Do this, that, after you have gained victories, and restored the fading
glory of the Ottomans, you may then have it in your power to make peace
on honourable terms. The presence of the royal warrior in the midst of his
camp will inspire the enemies of our religion and of our country with
dread, and paralyze their efforts against us.” Khoja Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí,
being of one mind with the grand vezír, confirmed his sentiments by an
appeal to the practice of former emperors, who all commanded in person,
and who, by their valour and heroism, extended the dominions of the
Ottomans. The result was, that the grand sultán determined on joining
his army, and on conducting it to battle in person.
Accordingly, every preparation for furthering the views of the royal
warrior was promptly attended to. Khoja Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí was appointed
to accompany the royal suite; and on the 1st of Rajab, 150,000
ducats were delivered out of the royal treasury to Kara Mohammed Páshá,
who was commissioned to proceed to Belgrade and make the necessary
purchases of provisions for the army. Artificers were also sent out to mend
the roads and bridges every where. Orders were issued to have all kinds
of vessels, and all sorts of apparatus in a state of readiness on the Danube.
The whole of the royal tents, &c. were confided to the emperor’s chancellor,
Hamza Páshá. To the chief master of the horse, Tarnákjí Hasan
Aghá, in conjunction with a chávush, called Konáí Zádeh Mohammed,
was committed the charge of collecting in Caramania and thereabouts the
necessary number of beasts of burden for the war. In short, the preparations
were decisive and complete.
Whilst the grand vezír, Sinán Páshá, was actively employed in carrying
on the preparations alluded to in the preceeding section, death put an end
to his blemished life. He did not survive the murder of Ferhád Páshá a
full year. His death took place on the 5th of Shabán. Ahmed Aghá,
Ketkhodá of the household troops, was deputed to carry the seals to Ibrahím
Páshá, who happened, at the time they were sent to him, to be praying
in St. Sophia. The learned and exalted men, Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí
and others, besides vezírs, who were present in the temple when the seals
were put into his hand, congratulated him on his elevation. After having
finished their religious duties they accompanied the remains of the deceased
grand vezír, and buried him in his own tomb, when the newly created one,
Ibrahím Páshá, returned to his own palace.
On the third day after Ibrahím’s exaltation to the premiership, the
reverend Effendí, Sa’d-ud-dín, went to pay him a visit, and to do him the
honours due to his high office. Whilst the reverend father was sitting and
holding friendly conversation with the grand vezír, letters were brought to
his excellency, one of which was from Hasan Páshá, son of Mohammed
Páshá. This letter informed him of the submission of the haughty Michael
and of the Boyárs of Valachia. As the exalted vezír was in the act of
beginning to read these communications, the Muftí arrived to congratulate the
new minister, and formed one of the company. These two magazines of
learning and science sat, the one on the right and the other on the left hand
of the grand vezír, resembling two lofty but firmly based mountains. These
two august personages, being noble, were permitted, of course, to sit and
speak in the sublime council. The papers above alluded to were put into
the hands of the reverend Effendí, who began to read their contents in a
loud voice, and gave his opinion freely on the points submitted to their
consideration and judgment. But the Muftí, from motives dictated by
envy, opposed and contradicted his reverend brother without ceremony.
To his grave, wise, and straight-forward advice he would give no place.
This circumstance, unfortunately, was the cause of producing a most serious
altercation between the two reverend prelates, which put a complete stop,
for the time being, to all further reading and cool deliberation. “Why,”
said the reverend Effendí, “if the Boyárs of Valachia, and Michael, have
petitioned for pardon, let no discouraging answer be returned to them.
Let them only be required to deliver up Michael’s son, as hostage, in
proof of the sincerity of their repentance. It is in this way, I propose,
their letters ought to be answered.” The superior priest, or Muftí, under
the influence of envy, opposed this judgment, and in his turn maintained,
that no offers whatever ought to be accepted at the hands of the apostate
Michael. The storm increased: mutual accusations ensued. To such a
length, indeed, did these reverend fathers carry their animosity and personal
reproach, that they completely exhausted the patience of the other emírs
present. At length the Muftí rose up from his seat, turned himself to the
grand vezír, and thus addressed him: “If it please your excellency, we
have come hither for the purpose of congratulating you on your recent
exaltation; not for contention and strife: may the most high Allah,
therefore, bless you in your high office.” Thus saying, he returned to his
own house. The other prelate was very much offended at the Muftí for his
outrageous conduct, who, at the very commencement of their deliberations,
began to oppose his opinion and advice, and then marched off in a pet.
This, he said, was far from being honourable. However, he had this consolation
afforded him: his advice was adopted and followed. Orders
accordingly were given to Músá Chelebí, the secretary, to prepare a suitable
answer to Michael and the other Boyárs, and Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí
returned home.
By the time the spring arrived the preparations deemed necessary for the
war were fully attended to, and on the 15th of Ramazán the different commanders
were appointed. Immediately after the feast in the month of
Shevál the royal pavilion was erected on the plains of Dávud Páshá. The
ulemá and great men were ordered to join the royal suite, and record the
deeds of the war. On the journey, Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí regaled the royal ear,
in presence of his vezírs, by talking to him of foreign affairs. On reaching
Adrianople, the reverend prelate’s second son, Izzet Effendí, a eunuch and
cazí of Adrianople, applied to his father to importune the emperor in his
favour for the cazíship of Constantinople. The father’s request was graciously
granted. The grand army had scarcely commenced its march towards
Philippopolis, when Izzet Effendí directed his course to the metropolis, but
was disappointed. Abdul Helím Effendí, through the intercession of the
queen-mother, was confirmed in the office of which Izzet thought himself sure,
and was obliged to retrace his steps to the place whence he came. When
his father had learned that his wishes respecting his son had been thwarted,
he approached the grand vezír, and complained against the Káímakám
Hasan Páshá, for his want of politeness, and of the disdain and contempt
which had been shown to his son. The grand vezír went immediately and laid
the affair before the royal presence, and added, that it had been owing to the
intercession of the queen-mother the favour had not been granted: but
something else he intimated ought to be conferred on the reverend priest
as an equivalent. The monarch ordered his minister to create him a military
judge, which was accordingly done. His father soon after this fell sick
of a fever, but was fully restored to health by the time the city of Agria was
taken.
On the 8th of the month Dhu’l Kadah, the emperor removed from Adrianople,
and after reaching Philippopolis, the fifth stage, the cazí of that city,
Chelebí Kází, inspector of the river Ebras, gave him a splendid entertainment
in a large pavilion erected for the occasion. During four days which
the emperor passed in this city, nothing was seen or heard but demonstrations
of joy. Chelebí Kází was confirmed in his office for life.
When the emperor arrived at Batchina, Mohammed Páshá, son of Sinán
Páshá, came with a choice body of troops and saluted him. Two days
afterwards, Jeráh Mohammed Páshá, who was sent to Belgrade to collect
provisions, &c. for the army, came out to meet the emperor, and had the
honour of kissing his hand. Shortly afterwards the emperor entered the
city of Belgrade, where every thing had been prepared for the reception of
the royal guest.
Soon after his majesty entered Belgrade, his royal pavilion was erected
on a small eminence opposite to the city, and demonstrations of joy were
every where manifested by the roar of cannon and the firing of musketry.
Provisions also were distributed among the troops, and a considerable
quantity of the same article was sent in boats up the Danube to the fortresses
on the frontiers. It is to be observed, however, that the emperor, who was
exceedingly displeased with Mohammed Páshá, the son of Sinán Páshá, for
having allowed the city of Osterghún to fall into the hands of the enemy,
and for neglecting to watch the frontiers with greater vigilance than he had
done, put him in prison, and confiscated the whole of his property. One
Kishedhán Alí Chávush, a man lame in both his feet, and who had been
appointed by the late grand vezír to be resident custom-house officer at Belgrade,
was discovered to have been guilty of some crime or other, and therefore
ordered to be executed before one of the gates of the city; but his
majesty was satisfied with having him thrust into prison. Both these
prisoners, however, were afterwards set at liberty, and Mohammed Páshá
was reinstated in his vezírship. In consequence of the whole of his property
having been confiscated, he was not in circumstances to enable him to
accompany the army, and therefore remained at Belgrade. The munificence
of his late fellow-prisoner, however, made up this deficiency to him,
and he immediately set out and followed the royal camp.
His majesty, the asylum of the world, removed from Belgrade, crossed
the Save, and on arriving in the neighbourhood of Islancúmin, called
a general council of all his princes, great lords, and high vezírs. In
this council it was discussed whether it would be more advisable to commence
their operations by first laying siege to Komran, or to proceed
directly to Agria. To Jaghala Zádeh the first of these two proposals seemed
the most proper; but the other vezírs opposed this. They said that
Komran was a place of no note, and of no great importance: neither would
the reduction of it reflect any great credit to their royal leader, nor very
much intimidate the enemy. Agria, they maintained, and justly too, was
a place of great importance, it being one of the largest and most populous
cities of the Germans, the chief or principal one within the limits of Hungary;
famed also for the mines which abound in its neighbourhood, and
which are held in much esteem by the infidels. The reduction of this city
and fortress, continued the speakers, will extend the glory and promote the
honour of the Moslem religion. This speech had the effect it was intended
to have; and, accordingly, the army, in order to reach Segdin, in the
enemy’s country, passed the fortresses of Tetul and Waradin, when the ághá
of the Janissaries was ordered to proceed with carpenters and erect a bridge
of boats across the Danube; which he accomplished in the space of four
days. The emperor, vezírs, and the army, after having crossed this bridge,
waited a whole day, until all the ordnance and heavy baggage were also
safely got across, when they proceeded to the plains of Segdin, and pitched
their camp opposite that fortress.
Here the royal camp was joined by the army of Romeilia with their beglerbeg,
Hasan Páshá, a heroic vezír, at their head, and the sight of whom
inspired the royal troops with animation and courage. His battering cannon
he caused to be transported in boats along the Danube from Widin;
and among other important services which he rendered on this occasion, he
caused all the other Romeilian princes to be sent down the river Tisse to
Segdin.
The army was not long at Segdin before a number of letters were presented
before the royal presence by a deputation from the borders, which
set forth the conduct of the detestable enemy in laying siege to Khutván,
and many other grievances which these infidels had given occasion to complain
of. The deputation added, that if immediate aid were not afforded, the
besieged Mussulmans would inevitably fall into the hands of the enemy and
perish.
To prevent, therefore, the disgrace of allowing these Mussulmans to
perish by the enemy’s sword, Jaghala Zádeh was ordered to proceed with
a party of troops to their aid, and beat off the besiegers. But Jaghala
Zádeh, another son of Sinán Páshá, was too tardy in his movements, and
before he had time to arrive to afford aid to Khutván, it was in the hands
of the abject enemy. All the men, women, and children were put to death,
and the fortress itself was made level with the ground. The conduct of Jaghala
Zádeh on this occasion was such as deserved the severest punishment; but
being highly esteemed and of noble birth, he not only escaped with impunity,
but even without reproof, a circumstance which is truly marvellous
and confounding.
About this same time, also, the troops created a tumult, and complained
against Hájí Ibrahím Páshá, the treasurer, under the pretext of not receiving
their dues; for which reason the treasurer was deposed and Kej Dehán
Alí, a chávush báshí, was appointed in his stead. On the 18th of the
Moharrem the troops were all paid their wages, each man receiving his
usual allowance.
After the army had reached the vicinity of the fortress of Sonluk they
disembarked their serpent and dragon-mouthed cannon, which they had
conveyed thither by water, and transported them on sledges drawn by
oxen towards Agria, as also their heavy baggage. The royal camp, after
three other stages were accomplished, reached, without being observed, an
open field in the skirts of the city, where the necessary quantity of arms
and ammunition was immediately distributed among the troops.
It was on the 28th of Moharrem that the Sháhin-Sháh of the universe
pitched his royal camp in the plains of Agria. The two first days were
employed in arranging the machinery for making the ditches and raising
mounds, and in examining the ground.
Agria appeared, in the distance, like a mountain. The top of the fortress
was hid in the clouds; its towers rose one above another; and its lofty
buildings and turrets filled the eye. The fortress itself was situated on a
high hill, and three parts of it presented a rock, on which was built a
wall so firmly constructed that cannon could hardly affect it. A huge
mineral rock adjoined it on the south side, and as a guard to their outer
works or fortifications, there was an immense deep ditch cut in front of
them. In short, it was a place of the utmost strength—a first-rate fortress.
There were in it at this time two princes; the one a relation of the Emperor
of Austria, who was the commander of the Germans in it; the other
the Prince of Hungary.
Before the commencement of hostilities the following communication was
sent to the two above-mentioned chiefs, and to the inhabitants of Agria.
“Be it known to the princes and all others in the city of Agria that we
(the Emperor of the Ottomans) have come with the intention of reducing
it. We, therefore, call upon you, in the name of the most High Allah, to
embrace our religion. If you become Mussulmans, then we promise you
shall sustain no injury from us, but shall be allowed to live in tranquillity
and in the possession of all your property. If, on the other hand, you will
not be converted, but continue obstinate at all hazard, then we command
you to abandon your present position, and to set out for some other country.
In the event of your not embracing either of the alternatives now proposed,
and prepare to offer resistance; if you fire one cannon, musket, or mortar
at us and our army, then, by God and by God’s prophet, we shall commence
a general slaughter, and not one of you shall escape. Let this be known to
you.” The person who carried the above to Agria was seized as a spy and
put into prison.
In the meantime, however, the Moslem troops entered into the trenches
they had before this prepared, and during the night planted their ordnance
in the most proper position for annoying the walls and the sides of the
citadel. When all was in a state of preparation the Moslems cried Allah!
Allah! and commenced the work of destruction. Day and night the firing
of cannon and musketry and the bursting of mortars ceased not. The sound
and roar of these instruments of death from both sides shook the earth,
whilst the volume of smoke formed a black cloud above and around them.
The brave, the heroic, the orthodox Moslems relaxed not in their mighty
efforts, nor once turned away their faces from danger.
After a whole week’s constant fighting, as above described, the Moslems
succeeded in taking the outer line of the enemy’s fortifications, and drove
the enemy within the inner one. The Moslems slackened not in pressing
them hard; and by the constant springing of mines they at last effected a
breach; but in consequence of a constant fall of rain for some days they
found it impossible, though they made several heroic attempts, to scale
the walls. The artillery, however, continued to play with effect.
On the 18th of the month Sefer the command of the Janissaries was
conferred on Mustafa Aghá. Next day, which was the Sabbath, and the
19th of the month, the rain fell in torrents, and the difficulty of succeeding
in reducing the place appeared to be greater than ever; yet by constantly
and unweariedly, and under every difficulty, persevering in their efforts,
they brought the besieged, about noon of that day, to capitulate for their
lives.
Next morning two begs and eight sons of begs came forth to the trenches
to the vezírs, whilst Begtásh Beg, beg of Sonluk, was sent into the city as
a hostage till the articles of the capitulation were fully settled and signed.
This negotiation being over the commissioners were conducted into the
imperial presence, when they informed his majesty that one or two of them
wished to embrace Islamism. Immediately they were clothed in white
robes, and the drums throughout the camp began to beat in token of victory,
and great rejoicings took place. The beglerbeg of Romeili, the ághá
of the Janissaries, the commander of the artillery, and the head of the
arsenal, entered the city and took possession of it in the name of the Emperor
of the Ottomans.
On the 20th of the last-mentioned month, the commander of the Spáhís
was ordered to conduct the weak and half-famished garrison of Agria, in
conformity to the articles of capitulation, which guaranteed to them their
lives, to the end of the first stage; but unfortunately for them, though the
emperor had promised them every security, and even granted them passports,
the men of the borders and the Tátár military, roused with indignation
and thirst for revenge, when they remembered the fate of the inhabitants
of Khutván, seized on what weapons lay nearest to them, and
massacred them all before they got out from among the tents. Not one of
them escaped, and their number amounted to about 5,000. The two princes
who had the command in Agria were sent to Belgrade.
The victorious Moslems commenced repairing the breaches which their
own artillery had effected in the walls of Agria, and on the same day, i.e. on
the 20th, the beglerbeg of Caramania, Khezr Páshá, and the begs of Sonluk
and Segdin, were ordered to repair to Khutván and commence rebuilding
it. Dilsiz Aghá was sent off to Constantinople with tidings of the fall of
Agria. On the 23rd provisions were distributed among the various troops.
The guns in the trenches were all conveyed into the fortress. On the 25th,
being the day of assembly (Friday), the emperor and his suite converted
the large churches of Agria into mosques, in which public devotion was
performed.
Some captives, who had been seized by Moslem spies, informed the
Osmánlí camp that Maximillian, with an army of 100,000 foot and horse,
composed of Bohemians, Poles, Italians, Spaniards, and others, was encamped
in the valley of Mehaj not far from Tokái, and only three stages
distant from Agria, where he had erected fortifications. This information
had only the effect of awakening more strongly the enthusiasm of the
Muselmans, who all with one voice declared they would either bring renown
on the Muselman name, or perish for their religion. The news,
however, turned out to be true.
In the Fateh námeh it is said, that when it was known that the Ottomans
were collecting troops on the frontiers, and marching towards Agria, an
army of 300,000 men levied by the kings of Vienna and Spain, by the
Pope, and the ruler of Transylvania, in short by the seven European
monarchs, assembled also in the vicinity of Agria. This mighty host was
furnished with one hundred pieces of ordnance, and with every kind of
military apparatus. Its object was, so soon as the Moslem army was fairly
engaged in carrying on the siege of Agria, suddenly to surround their camp,
and cut them to pieces. The fate of Agria, however, reached them before
they found an opportunity of accomplishing their object, and caused them
to alter their manœuvres. They retreated two stages, but it was only with
the view of deceiving. Their real purpose was, when they found the
Moslem army had retired from Agria, to return with all their force and
retake it: but the Moslems, who were informed of their movements, as well
as of their purposes, resolved on anticipating them on their own ground.
Maximillian being lame and afflicted with blindness, the crown was conferred
on his brother, Duke Matthias, and with it the whole command of the
army. It is related in some history, that after the Duke and the ruler of Hungary
had united in their hostility against the Osmánlís, they debated over
their cups about the propriety of attacking the Moslem camp. Other
histories say, however, that it was the Austrian minister to whom the joint
command was given.
After it had been fully ascertained what the enemy meditated to do,
Ja’fer Páshá, one of the most illustrious vezírs, and an eunuch, was dispatched
with a chosen body of various troops to surprise the enemy in their
strong-hold. Ja’fer Páshá, on leaving the camp, began to reflect what the
issue of the expedition on which he was sent might be, and therefore sent
out spies, who brought him intelligence with regard to the numerical force
of the enemy, which was immense. Ja’fer Páshá, on receiving the above
intelligence, sent word to his Majesty that his offering to contend with such
a vast multitude with so small a force as he possessed, could only terminate
in disgrace and ruin. For his own part, he said, the thought of his
own life gave him no concern, and that at all times he was ready to
sacrifice it, when necessary, for the honour and glory of the Mohammedan
Faith: to proceed to the assault, therefore, under such circumstances,
could not fail, as he had before observed, to throw disparagement on the
Supreme authority: the great men in the camp however said, that this
story was a mere pretence; and, in order to remove it, proposed sending
the governor of Romeili with his Romeilian troops to his assistance.
This proposal was accompanied by bitter reproach, and of course was
very discouraging; yet Ja’fer Páshá, notwithstanding all this untoward
aspect of things, attempted to face the enemy with the forces he had.
After having girded on his arms he divided his artillery into two divisions,
and having rescued his men out of the mud into which they had sunk,
conducted the whole to a secure spot, but from which the enemy could not
yet be observed. It was not long however before they began, like black
mountains, to make their appearance, and seemed as if they covered the
whole surface of the plains of Mehaj. Ja’fer Páshá, with a select body
of borderers, ascended an eminence in order to get a view of the enemy’s
camp, which had the appearance of an extended sea, whose raging billows
beat against the shore. Though the troops of Ja’fer Páshá amounted only
to three thousand, he resolved, few in comparison though they were, to
attempt something, and prepared to engage some of these iron-cased
infidels. They on perceiving his boldness dashed towards his standard and
knocked it down. The contest became general. Ja’fer himself fought
most desperately, though almost up to the breast in mud and water; and
continued thus to show his bravery, till all who were about him either
perished or fled from the contest, and he himself was nearly taken prisoner:
such was the heroic boldness which this brave man evinced on this
occasion of unequal battle. Several of the ághás came up to him and
begged him on bended knees to retreat. “It was no bravery,” they
observed, “for a handful of men to contend with a host; it was not
necessary, in order to escape the reproach of the enemy, to throw one’s self
into utter ruin and destruction: it was impossible for a small number of
men, however valiant they might be, and where there was not one to a
thousand, either to resist such a vast multitude as that with which they
then contended, or even to make an impression upon it. Return,” they
still continued, “return to the Moslem camp, and do not be the cause
of the destruction of troops whom no one will blame. Such conduct can
never advance the general interest.” This exhortation had not the desired
effect on the mind of the valorous chief. It was night before he consented
to yield to their entreaties. One Ahmed, in consequence of the darkness
of the night, led his horse to the gates of Agria. The whole of his
ordnance and heavy baggage fell into the hands of the enemy. About
thirty or forty of the men perished; and had not night come on, not one of
those who had entered the lists with the iron-cased soldiery would have
escaped alive. Their retreat was however marvellously quick, for they
performed in one night a journey of three days.
The emperor, on receiving intelligence of the above disaster, which was
now become public, was displeased with Ja’fer, reprimanded him for his
adventurous mode of attack, which ought to have been made during the
night, deposed him from all his offices, and granted his principality to
Mohammed Páshá, Sinán Páshá’s son.
On the morning after the disaster above described took place, the grand
vezír, the reverend prelate, Sa’d-ud-dín, the vezírs and other magnates
assembled in the royal pavilion, in order to take into grave consideration
the propriety of giving the enemy battle or not. In this august assembly
most of the grandees opposed the experiment of offering the enemy battle.
The excellent and reverend Sa’d-ud-dín, however, formed an exception.
He rose and addressed the assembly in the following heroic speech:
“Doubtless, it is right,” said he, “to give battle to the enemy of our
religion and perish to a man, rather than suffer their insult to pass unnoticed
and with impunity: for should they perceive any unwillingness on our
part to meet, or if they see us begin to retrace our steps, then most
assuredly they will attack us. To act in this way, would be like alluring a
bird into a gin. More especially,” continued he, raising his voice, “was
it ever heard that an emperor of the Ottomans turned away his face from
danger!” And even after the members who composed this council entered
the royal apartment, he continued to express the same sentiments and with
the same freedom—and again added: “the situation in which this fortress
(Agria) is situated, is far from being favourable to our engaging with them
in so narrow a space. Should they, for instance, succeed in placing their
artillery on the surrounding hills, we shall find it hard work to resist them.
The plains where the enemy now lies encamped afford ample space for
performing heroic exploits: thither let us march. This is the first and only
thing which ought to be attended to. We must attack them and not they
us.” So much for the reverend prelate. The bold and heroic speech of the
veteran priest made a deep impression on the heart of his royal master, and
awakened within him that innate bravery which he had inherited from his
ancestors.
It was proposed by some in the assembly, that Hasan Páshá, the válí
of Romeili, should be appointed to conduct the next attack. This was
opposed. To conduct so important an expedition as the one now contemplated,
it was absolutely requisite, not only that the whole of the army
should be called into requisition, but that the emperor himself should be its
conductor. This last proposition met with the royal approval, when the
discussion, of course, came to an end. The Reïs Effendí immediately sent
off dispatches to Sultán Fateh Gheráí, brother to the Tátár khán, in which
he instructed him to be on the look-out for such stragglers as might chance
to fall in his way.
After the above-mentioned assembly or council broke up, the grand
vezír Ibrahím Páshá entered into the fortress, and made a selection of such
pieces of ordnance as could most easily be made use of in the approaching
conflict. Among other arrangements which the grand vezír attended to,
he appointed Súfí Sinán Páshá and Lála Mohammed Páshá, governor of
Anatolia, with his provincial troops, to take charge of the garrison or
rather fortress of Agria. Towards evening he returned to the emperor’s
pavilion, when a note from the reverend prelate was put into his hand;
it imported, that if the Anatolian troops were to occupy the fortress of
Agria, his majesty, when he entered the field of battle in consequence of
this arrangement, would necessarily be defenceless on one side. “This,”
said the sagacious prelate, “is a dangerous thing. If the enemy should
even attempt to get possession of Agria, its present garrison is sufficiently
able to hold out till succours can be sent to them. From the garrison, in
the day of battle, no aid can be expected. It is therefore proper that the
troops of Anatolia, according to ancient custom, be appointed to form the
right wing.” Lála Mohammed Páshá was, accordingly, ordered to be in
readiness with the troops under his command.
After having made a distribution of provisions to those employed in
repairing the breaches and appointed to garrison the fortress, many of
whom were very ill off, the zealous, the orthodox army stood fully prepared
to take the field.
Early in the morning of the 1st of the month of Rabia II. after the troops
were all properly adjusted, and when his Majesty, the asylum of the
world, had mounted his steed with pomp and great glory, the moslem,
the orthodox legions, commenced their march, which they continued till
after mid-day, when they happened to halt at the very place at which Ja’fer
Páshá halted, when he was sent to surprise the enemy, as before related.
The grand vezír lost no time in advancing a little farther, in order to
reconnoitre the enemy’s camp and apparent strength; and having made his
observations, he determined in his own mind on commencing hostilities on
the following day. He reached his own tent towards evening, and after
having offered up his devotions, he was suddenly put into a state of
surprise by the appearance of a royal letter which was brought to him from
the emperor, and which was as follows: “I appoint thee, my lálá or
adviser, to be commander-in-chief in this war: may I not return to Constantinople?”
The grand vezír, as may easily be conceived, was utterly
confounded and astonished at this sudden and unexpected change in the
emperor’s views, and hastened to consult the Reïs Effendí on the subject.
They were not long together, however, when a messenger arrived to call
them to the emperor, who wished to see them. They proceeded to the
royal pavilion together, and it was about supper-time when they reached
it. Here they were met by Ghaznafer Aghá, the steward of the royal
house, who took the vezír aside and conversed with him privately, and
both afterwards entered into the royal apartment, and laid themselves down
to sleep there. It was not long after they had laid themselves down, when
behold, sixty-three iron-cased captives, which were sent by Fateh Gheráí
Sultán, were arranged before the royal pavilion. The object in sending
these prisoners was to elicit from them information respecting the enemy,
and the grand vezír and Ghaznafer were soon on the spot to put the proper
interrogatories to them. The grand vezír said to Ghaznafer in their hearing,
“Let the money promised by our gracious emperor be paid to these men,
and let them have security afforded to them of their personal safety.” The
ághá replied, that he would do all these things. This stratagem of the vezír
and the ághá had the effect intended, viz. that of making the prisoners tell
all they knew concerning their late associates in arms. They confirmed the
account, more than once received before, of the confederacy formed among
the European powers for annihilating the Ottoman dominions; and moreover,
that Zughmund, the bán or chief of Transylvania, was amongst the enemy.
The prisoners, after having given the above information, were immediately
slain, and the grand vezír returned to his own tent.
Early the following morning, the 4th of the month, the troops were
again put into motion; but they left their heavy baggage behind them.
The emperor, with his right and left-hand troops, marched at a slow pace,
and halted at so great a distance from the enemy as to secure himself from
the reach of their cannon. This, however, was considered to be a disgrace;
and it was after showing him the impracticability of any contact whatever
at such a distance, that he ventured a little farther in advance, when he
ordered a general halt.
The royal personage now took up his position in front of his own standard,
and was supported by six divisions of his troops. The vezírs, according
to their rank, stood on his left, and the reverend prelate Sa’d-ud-dín and
two military judges on his right. The whole of their cattle and such heavy
baggage as they were obliged to carry along with them, were put under
the charge of a party of cavalry in the rear. The Janissaries, full of
enthusiasm, and ardent for contest and battle, were placed in advance.
The cannon-waggons were all chained and bound together in front of the
monarch and his royal suite. Hasan Páshá, Válí of Romeili, and the Beglerbeg
of Temisvar, took up their position on one side; and the Beglerbeg
of Anatolia, Lála Mohammed Páshá, the Beglerbeg of Caramania, the Beglerbeg
of Haleb, and the Beglerbeg of Merœsh, in conformity with ancient
custom, took up their position on the other side (i.e. these chiefs commanded
the right and left wings which were composed of their respective troops).
The advance guard was put under the command of Jaghaleh Zádeh.
After the two hostile armies were once confronted, Sinán Páshá, belonging
to the Cherkess (Circassian), Fateh Gheráí and Murád Páshá, the Beglerbeg
of Diárbeker, besides some other valiant and heroic chiefs, rode forth in front
on their prancing horses, and giving the cry of war, rushed forward, sword
in hand, to the bloody conflict and to death. They were, however, very
much impeded in consequence of the marshy nature of the ground. This
marsh, which resembled a small river, and which could only be forded at
certain places, was occasioned by water which issued from the valley of
Mehaj, and in which the enemy’s camp was strongly fortified. The conflict,
however, was begun, and became hotter and hotter. The vezírs
stepped alternately forward and encouraged and animated the divisions, as
they moved onwards to the mighty contest, and returned again to the
emperor and reported progress. In consequence, however, of the enemy’s
cannon doing execution at a great distance, the orthodox troops were not
able to get sufficiently close to their antagonists. About mid-day a cannon-ball
passed over the emperor’s head, but fortunately it did harm to
no one; though it clearly showed that the emperor’s person was in a dangerous
situation, and therefore his majesty was conveyed to a tent which
belonged to Yúnus Aghá, the commander of the cavalry, who afterwards fell
a martyr. The well-ordered divisions, nevertheless, maintained their ranks
unbroken, and continued firm.
On the opposite side of the marsh there was a dilapidated church which
formed a covert to thousands of the enemy, and against whom the Cherkajís
had hitherto directed their efforts. It happened, however, that the
body defended by this church rushed forth to the amount of several thousands,
and like wild swine, or as if enraged with wine, commenced fording
the marsh or river, in the intention of coming into close quarters with their
assailants. At this favourable moment, the Moslems showered volleys of
ball amongst them, and Jaghaleh Zádeh, who was posted behind a hillock,
coming up at the same time with his Cherkajís, did immense execution,
wounding and killing vast numbers of them: so much so indeed, that he
almost filled that part of the marsh with their carcasses. Their drums and
kettle-drums were seized, and such of their officers as were taken alive,
were conducted before the royal presence. Those of them who escaped
were terror-struck, and endeavoured to regain their strong-hold, but were intercepted
by a body of Tátárs who made them all prisoners, and brought
them bound in chains to the emperor, who commanded that their bonnets
(i.e. their heads) should be made to roll on the ground.
Fortune, hitherto, declared herself in favour of the orthodox army; but
night coming on, and the atmosphere becoming dark and cloudy, both sides
retired from the conflict for the night. Several of the Musselman veterans
threw down their burdens on the spot, and waited with cheerfulness of
mind for a renewal of the contest. Others, however, pitched their tents and
went to rest. But, in fact, such was the tumult and confusion altogether,
that the greater part of the cavalry chose to rest all night in their saddles.
The sentinels were every where placed, and silence at length ensued, till
the following morning when the battle was renewed.
The morning at length arrived. It was the 5th of the month, and the
day of the Sabbath (Saturday). His imperial majesty was on horseback
by daylight; the drums were ordered to beat; the victorious troops
were arranged in proper order; and, placing their confidence in God,
they advanced with boldness to meet the enemy of their religion. They
perceived that none of the enemy occupied the position where the church,
which yesterday afforded them shelter, stood, but that a great number of
them had concentrated themselves near a church on the plain, about half
a league distant from the left ford, finding it impracticable to defend the
other fords. The orthodox army, like the raging sea, rushed forward,
crossed the river, and prepared to attack their fortifications: the Janissaries
put their hands to their muskets; the field-pieces were properly stationed,
and each man stood in his place ready to commence at the first signal.
The emperor himself did not cross the river, but remained in a tent which
was erected for him on the bank. Jaghaleh Zádeh, who commanded the
Cherkajís or vanguard, took up his position immediately in front of the
enemy.
Notwithstanding all this hostile attitude in which the Moslem, the orthodox
troops, arrayed themselves before their enemies, they, singularly
enough, never once showed their faces till about mid-day, though in fact
they had made every preparation. Suddenly, however, about that time
of the day, their foot soldiery came pouring forth in chariots, and after them
the iron-cased dragoons, troop after troop, to the amount in all of fifteen or
sixteen thousand, and formed, as it were, an irresistible barrier. Their
field-pieces were placed in the most excellent order. At every step almost
they fired their muskets and discharged their cannon, and continued
advancing on the Moslem army like a horde of swine, whom even Rustam
and Zál5 would hardly think of resisting. Their columns resembled
mountains of iron, and their lines seemed incapable of being broken. The
right wing of the Moslems gave way, and were thrown into confusion: the
left, composed of the household troops, after making a mighty and heroic
resistance, was overpowered, when the enemy forced their way to the
Moslem side of the marsh. At this moment of vehement struggle and
impetuous movement, the Tátár troops advanced and supported their chief
Fateh Gheráí, and thus checked, in some degree, the progress of the enemy.
That part of the enemy which had succeeded in throwing the right wing
into confusion made a strong effort to reach the royal tent, and was only
restrained for a short time by the Romeilian troops, brought up by Hasan
Páshá, who with the utmost celerity attacked them in the rear, but was
again repulsed by the briskness of the enemy’s fire. The Spáhís, weakened
by the fatigue they had undergone, and hopeless of victory, were obliged
to withdraw. The rest of the troops, perceiving the field thus clear of their
companions in arms, conjectured at once that the emperor had fled, and
therefore immediately turned about, some taking the road to Belgrade, some
to Buda, and thus leaving the enemy complete masters of the field. The
victorious enemy now commenced the work of spoliation: they entered
the Moslem tents and laid their hands on every thing which came in
their way. Five thousand of these wretches came within bow-shot of
the emperor’s sejada, or prayer-carpet, when the most desperate struggle
ensued. Musselman and Káfir, laying aside their muskets, betook themselves
to their swords, and fell to cutting and slashing each other with the
most deadly animosity. The vezírs and nobles rallied round his majesty’s
person, and defended him with the most heroic bravery; and when some of
the execrated wretches endeavoured to cut the cords of the royal tent, the
ághás who were within it rushed out and slew them. It was a period
which might be called an antetype of the day of the resurrection, wherein
these Moslems, a mere handful, evinced the warm and genuine feelings of
their loyal hearts. The reverend prelate, Sa’d-ud-dín, was not wanting in
his duty: he translated, explained, and enforced the following sentiment:
“Victory is gained by patience, and after difficulty comes prosperity,”
which was calculated both to console and tranquillize the afflicted monarch’s
mind: he augured, also, a happy reverse.
The despicable but now triumphant infidels, thinking themselves perfectly
secure from any further annoyance from the defeated Moslems, were
intent only on acquiring spoil. God did not let them, however, escape
without a mark of his signal vengeance. They dispersed themselves among
the tents of the royal camp in search of booty, and thus became divided.
Their minds were engrossed wholly in this way, and it so happened, by the
providence of God, whilst fearlessly thus employed, that the grooms, cooks,
muleteers, camel-drivers, grooms, and other servants which remained in the
camp, perceiving the scattered condition of their vile visitors, seized, some
on axes, some on knives, or whatever other weapon fell into their hands,
and fell upon these regardless spoliators, and slew as many of them as they
were able. This unlooked-for retaliation so terrified these robbers that
they all fled, and never halted till they got beyond their own fortifications.
The cry that the infidels were routed was now sounded, and spread like
wildfire every where. The affrighted Moslems returned from their hiding-places
and commenced pursuing the fugitives, and slew immense numbers
of them. According to the most authentic accounts it appears, that in this
pursuit the pursuing army, lately vanquished but now triumphant, killed
no less than 100,000 of these infidels. The victory was most decisive: the
fear of the Moslems so seized upon them that they fled in all directions.
The Moslem pádisháh (emperor) was declared conqueror in the battle of
Mehaj: his righteous cause triumphed, and the fame of Islamism and that
of the Ottoman empire was raised to the highest renown. Never at any
former period did any emperor, by so simple and so extraordinary a means,
acquire so much glory. Some, however, have given a very different account
of this battle.
The Defterdar (treasurer or recorder) Ibrahím Effendí, who himself was
present in this war, relates it thus: On the morning of that day (i.e. on
which the Moslems were defeated, but afterwards became conquerors, as
above related), the Moslem army directed their movements towards the
church situated near the lake; but finding the enemy had retreated within
their fortifications they advanced, after having crossed the ford in that
quarter, towards the enemy’s strong-hold, keeping their cannon in the rear.
The enemy, keeping close within their fortifications, did not venture to show
themselves till near mid-day, when they began to issue forth in multitudes.
1st. The German foot soldiers, all of them covered with mail and carrying
arms. 2d. Another body of the same race covered with breast-plates of
iron, carrying arms called muskets, which were capable of discharging
ten, fifteen, or twenty drachms weight. 3d. A body of Hungarians, consisting
of one hundred companies, each company amounting to five hundred
men, on foot and carrying fire-arms. 4th. The Hungarian cavalry, whose
display of standards and flags made them resemble a mountain covered with
trees. Besides all these there were also Germans, Bohemians, Poles,
and men of other nations, who were mounted on horses, and carrying some
three, some four, some five Hungarian fire-arms. The whole of this immense
army exceeded fifty divisions.
This immense number of troops is stated in the infidels’ own history of
events belonging to the period referred to. The karals (kings) and dukes
of different nations and states who aided the Emperor of Austria in this war,
caused the number of their respective troops to be taken down, and the
whole put together amounted to more than two hundred legions, besides
another army which they say had not reached the field of battle. But to
continue. The hostile divisions advanced, maintaining as they did so a
constant fire of musketry and other fire-arms. Murád Páshá and the Bostánjí
báshí, Alí Páshá, were sent to support Sinán Páshá; but the dreadful
effect of the musketry was such that they found it impossible to withstand
it, and therefore retraced their steps across the marsh, when they dispersed
themselves through the fields. The enemy continued to press forward, with
drums beating and the constant roar of cannon and of musketry, directly towards
the royal camp. Hasan Páshá and his Romeilian troops were ordered
to take up their position at the head of the ford on the right, and oppose
them; but this effort proved ineffectual. The showers of musketry which
were poured in amongst them prevented their maintaining their ground for
a moment, and therefore they retired and joined the main body. The fearless
and inconsiderate infidels no sooner reached the royal camp, though the
Moslems were by no means broken and dispersed, than they recklessly
gave themselves over to the work of spoliation and plunder. Two regiments
of them made towards the imperial treasures, dispersed the Janissaries
and Spáhís who had been appointed to guard them, drew out the
coffers from the tent in which they were placed, threw down their cross-bearing
banners, and began to dance for joy; but their joy was not of long
duration.
These disastrous appearances altogether were truly afflicting, and to none
did they appear more so than to Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí. He counselled his
majesty to continue firm and to maintain his position. “Such is the state
of matters at present,” said he to his majesty, “and such they frequently
were in the days of your illustrious progenitors; but depend upon it,” continued
the reverend prelate, “depend upon it, that by a Mohammedan
miracle the Mohammedan people, God willing, will yet obtain the victory:
keep up, therefore, sire, your spirits, and be of good courage.” It is related
that the emperor was informed of the disasters which befell his army whilst
he was sitting on horseback, and the reverend prelate standing at his stirrup,
to whom he dictated a humble and earnest supplication, which the prelate
offered up to God. The Germans have recorded that this prayer or
supplication was heard.
Of the enemy’s entering the royal camp, and of their having given themselves
over to the work of spoliation, we have already spoken. The enemy
were astonished beyond bounds at the sight of the vast riches and wealth
which the Osmánlí camp presented to their view. In fact, their eyes had
never before seen such a quantity of wealth. In their thirst and greediness
to acquire the valuables they every where saw around them, they forgot,
or laid aside the art of war. The repulsed Moslems, seeing how their
enemies were engaged, and watching their every motion, began to reflect
how they might recover their property which their enemies were busily
employed in appropriating to themselves. Just at this moment, and towards
evening, an army raised up by God himself accomplished the destruction
of these wretches. The grooms, cooks, and other menials who belonged to
the camp, and who still remained in it, were roused to indignation. Some
seized on axes, some on spades, or similar instruments, and fell, with undaunted
fury, on the robbers, and slew many of them. The barbarians, by
this circumstance, were panic-struck, and began to run away. The cry
now resounded that the enemy had fled: the Moslems, who through fear
had fled from the field of battle, returned at this exhilarating sound, fell
with exasperated rage on the fugitives, and killed every one they were able
to overtake. Not a few even of those of them who wore chains perished from
fear and palpitation of heart. It may be affirmed, without incurring the
charge of overstepping the bounds of truth, that fifty thousand of these
hateful wretches fell by the edge of the sword. Very many of them stuck
in the mud, and were there beheaded. Twenty thousand of their cavalry
perished in one short hour on the right of the camp, by the heroic bravery
of Sinán Páshá and his men. Vast numbers of them were drowned in the
marsh. To complete their ruin, Fateh Gheráí, with his Tátár troops, pursued
them even to their own fortifications, where they attempted to offer resistance,
but again their courage failed them. They left all, and escaped only
with their heads to the surrounding mountains. Ten thousand ducats, ninety-seven
pieces of ordnance, with the whole of their magazines of powder,
their mortars, their light guns, and in short, the whole of their arsenal fell
into the conquerors’ hands. Thus did these wretches meet with retributive
justice. To have slain so many in so short a period, it has been observed,
could not have been the work of mere mortals. Those who were eye-witnesses,
and who related these other facts, declared, that there was no comparison
between the number who died in actual battle to the number that
perished otherwise.
This victory was gained on the 5th of Rabia II., 1005 of the Hejirah.
After having finally defeated and put to flight the enemy, as above related,
Jaghaleh happened to reach the emperor before the grand vezír, Ibrahím
Páshá, had time to do so, and said to him: “Sire, your slave has been the
means of obtaining this glorious victory;” and boasted of himself at no
allowance. The reverend prelate, and Ghaznafer Aghá, who witnessed his
vanity, or who at least heard him tell of his exploits, thought it would be
but justice to confer the seals of office on him, and therefore induced the
emperor to promise to send them to him.
Being now, as he thought, firmly established in the office of prime
minister, he caused himself to be congratulated as such, and to have his
hand kissed. It was not long, however, before it began to be rumoured
that Jaghaleh was the very first who had taken flight. In the meantime,
the grand vezír also arrived and confirmed the joyful tidings which had just
a little before been communicated to the emperor; but this had not the least
effect in making him alter the resolution he had come to with respect to the
seals of office: neither did he give any hint of it to the grand vezír himself,
who, soon afterwards, returned to his tent and devoted himself to the duty
of conferring gifts and presents on those who had signalized themselves with
him in the battle, not knowing that he was deposed. He also sent off couriers
to recall such of the Moslem fugitives as had not returned to their duty.
The following day, as Ibrahím was on the eve of accompanying Jeráh
Mohammed Páshá and Ja’fer Páshá to the field of battle, and examining the
ground lately occupied by the enemy’s camp, as well as all the tents and
other furniture which they had been under the necessity of abandoning, the
reverend prelate hastened to the royal tents to enquire of Ghaznafer whether
Ibrahím still retained the seals or not, and wondered much whether his
majesty was sincere in what he yesterday proposed: “it would have been
better,” he added, “if his majesty had rejected Jaghaleh’s request.” The
other replied, he did not know what the emperor had done with respect to the
seals. The prelate observed that the change might occasion, at some future
period, a disagreeable tumult and uproar. Ghaznafer Aghá, the emperor’s
chamberlain, said he was afraid to say any thing further about the matter to
his royal master, but that he was a witness of his royal master’s attachment
to Ibrahím.
In the midst of this conversation between the emperor’s spiritual guide and
his chamberlain, the grand master of the horse went boldly into his majesty’s
presence, and related to him the whole of the prelate’s conduct in
this affair, and asked what evil he had seen in Ibrahím that he should be so
summarily dismissed. “As for this Ghaznafer,” said he, “he is a Frank by
birth, and of the same race with Jaghaleh, the son of Sinán Páshá. It is
right and proper therefore,” continued this grand master of the stables,
“to make enquiry into Ibrahím’s conduct. Let him be called into your
own presence, hear his account, and you will then be convinced that the
insinuations which have been made are false.” Whilst this officer went out
to order a horse for his majesty, that he might go forth and examine matters
on the field in person, the reverend prelate renewed his efforts in favour
of Jaghaleh; and the result was, that the emperor, after a few moments of
reflection, ordered an officer of the Kapújís to proceed and take the seals
from Ibrahím and give them to Jaghaleh. This latter officer hastened to
Ibrahím’s tent to fulfil his commission; but not finding him there, he proceeded
towards the field of battle whither Ibrahím had gone, and met him
returning to the Moslem camp. He told him the purport of his mission,
received the seals, and went and delivered them to Jaghaleh.
The late victory and glory acquired by the Moslem army having been
acquired under the auspices of Ibrahím Páshá, it may easily be conjectured
that Jaghaleh did not much enjoy his promotion. His imprudence and mismanagement,
in short, his whole conduct created him many enemies; but
we shall hear of him afterwards.
After Jaghaleh was confirmed in the premiership, he commenced an inquiry
with respect to those of the Moslems who had fled in the day of battle,
which inquiry continued for the space of three successive days. The result
of this inquiry was, that 30,000 were discovered to have deserted their
colours, and were therefore not only cut off from receiving pay and provisions,
but permission was given to slay them wherever any of them might
be found. Those who did return, in consequence of the late grand vezír’s
invitation, were miserably and cruelly put to death. Yúnus Aghá, in whose
tent the emperor took refuge during the action, the Aghá of a regiment and
many other worthies, he caused to be beheaded. This Yúnus was master
of the horse to the grand vezír, Sinán Páshá, and was honoured by his
majesty’s entering his tent on the day of battle, as already related. Much
innocent blood was made to flow by the instrumentality of the new vezír,
which roused a spirit of general murmuring against him. By his imprudent
and violent conduct in trying to rectify the evil, he not only gave
greater prominency to it in the sight of the enemy, but confirmed those
Muselman troops who fell into the hands of the enemy in their terror of
him, and inclined them to stay where they were, or caused them to seek
refuge in their provinces. He executed all those who fell into his hands,
and confiscated their property. When he returned to Belgrade he degraded
Sohráb Páshá of Egypt, a man of great rank and office, and made
him wear old and tattered garments.
So great indeed was the consternation into which his intolerable government
plunged every one of the military, that very many of them fled to
Anatolia, which so roused the inhabitants of that country that they were
constrained to rise in their behalf, and thus caused a rebellion which
only terminated with his downfall. Among the many instances of his
maladministration, the following was by no means the least: He removed
Ghází Gheráí Khán, Khán of the Tátárs, from holding the supreme authority,
and placed Fateh Gheráí in his room, a circumstance which
caused great disorder and tumult among the Tátárs, and finally led to the
murder of the latter.
After the contemptible enemy had been defeated and routed, as before
related, the drums were kept beating and rejoicings celebrated till supper-time
that night. Next day a diván was summoned, and congratulations
offered on account of the success which the Muselmans had achieved.
They remained three days in the valley of Mehaj after the troops were all
gathered together. The command of the Janissaries was conferred on Tarnákjí
Aghá. The ninety-seven pieces of ordnance taken from the enemy
were transported to the fortress of Solnuk, or distributed among the Beglerbegs
and Begs of Sanjaks, and other divisions of the army. On the 11th
of Rabia II., the whole army returned to Agria. About the middle of the
same month, Alí Aghá, Aghá of the household troops, was sent to Constantinople
to announce the success of the Moslem arms. One thousand Kúl
Oghlí and one thousand Agria Janissaries were registered and left as a
garrison at Agria: and Tarnákjí Aghá, and three thousand Janissaries were
left there also as an army of observation. The Beglerbeg of Romeili, Válí
Páshá, and one thousand Janissaries were appointed to garrison Buda.
Towards the end of Rabia II., the emperor, the asylum of the world,
left Agria, and passing through Solnuk, Segdin, and Waradin, arrived at
Belgrade, where he rested two days, appointed the fourth vezír, Hasan
Páshá, commander-in-chief of the army, and afterwards set out for the
metropolis.
Jaghaleh Zádeh Sinán Páshá’s maladministration secured him, as might
easily have been prognosticated, the hatred and aversion of all ranks, high
and low, prince and people. As soon as the emperor had reached the
place called Khurmán, near Adrianople, he dispatched Omar Aghá, secretary
to the Chávush Báshí, to receive back the seals from Jaghaleh, and to
deliver them to Ibrahím Páshá, his predecessor in office. Jaghaleh himself
was exiled to Aksheher, beyond the Hellespont, where he was doomed
to spend his days in obscurity and inactivity.
Ibrahím Páshá was no sooner reinstated in the premiership than he waited
on his majesty, and paid him all due acknowledgment for the honour conferred
on him. On returning to the camp, he banished Mohammed Aghá,
master of the horse, the writer of this account; besides several other
favourites of the late grand vezír, whom he turned out of office. Ghází
Gheráí, the ex-khán, was reinstated in the regal dignity over the Tátárs of
the Crimea. Hasan Páshá, the son of Mohammed Páshá, who was lately
made commander-in-chief, was deposed, and Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá appointed
in his stead. Thus did Ibrahím Páshá compensate his own friends
for the injuries they had sustained in consequence of his deposition. Even
the reverend prelate Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí was not allowed to escape without
feeling the effects of the new vezír’s displeasure. He was deposed from his
high office, and to prevent him from carrying on intrigue and fraud with the
learned body of which he was a member, he was obliged to live a recluse
life, even that of a hermit.
The services and heroism of Jaghaleh Zádeh we have already contemplated.
We have seen how he attributed the victory gained over the infidels at
Mehaj to his own bravery and proper management; how he endeavoured to
throw the services of Ibrahím Páshá into the shade, and, in short, how he succeeded
by fraud and artifice to get himself created grand vezír. It is said
that the emperor, when he first petitioned to be made prime minister, demurred;
and that it was only after he represented the great interest he possessed
among the troops, who doubtless would create a tumult in his favour,
if he was not raised to the dignity of the premiership, that his majesty at last
agreed to confer the seals on him. In fact, he did not scruple even to assert
that there were not wanting signs of this disposition in the soldiery at the
very time he was speaking to the emperor, and thus urged him to a compliance
with his wishes. Jaghaleh was a man of great intrepidity, but
wrathful. His heart was unacquainted with gentleness and compassion. In
consequence of his reckless and horrible cruelties towards the unfortunate
fugitives, and other crimes, the hearts of all were turned against him, and
his downfall was sought. When Ibrahím was again raised to the grand vezírship,
new life seemed to be transfused throughout all ranks; and all rejoiced
at Jaghaleh’s misfortunes. The chancellor, Alí Chelebí, who wrote a detail
of the victories obtained in the conquest of Agria, and in the battle of
Mehaj, wrote it in the name of Jaghaleh, as if he really were the conqueror,
and praised him in the most extravagant manner. For this he was not
only sharply rebuked, but also deposed. Okjí Zádeh was appointed in his
stead.
When his majesty reached Dávud Páshá, on his return, he was there
met by the Káímakám Hasan Páshá, the eunuch, and the mufti, who
came thither with a splendid escort to congratulate his majesty on his
return, and on the successes which had attended the Moslem arms. On
the 6th of Jemadi II. the grandees and nobles preceded the army in
solemn procession to the imperial city, and conducted his majesty to his
royal palace, and for three successive days and nights the whole exhibited
nothing but demonstrations of joy. Núh Páshá was appointed to the
government of Caramania; and as a mortification to the reverend prelate,
so frequently mentioned in the course of this history, and latterly
so very unfortunate, his eldest son, Mohammed Effendí, was deprived of his
office of cazí, in Anatolia, which was given to Kúsh Yahiah Effendí, who
had been deposed from the jurisdiction of Mecca. Two days after these
changes and new appointments had taken place, the prelate’s son-in-law, the
governor of Romeili, Yahiah Effendí, just mentioned, and the poet, Bákí
Effendí, met and consulted together how they might succeed in again
bringing Sa’d-ud-dín into notice and favour. They got the chancellor,
Okjí Zádeh, to draw out a document in his favour, recommending him to
the cazíship of Mecca. But the grand vezír, the prelate’s enemy, succeeded
in getting some of the Aghás about the queen-mother to hinder
this document finding its way to the royal presence, and kept it back two
days.
In the meantime the reverend prelate was made acquainted with what
was going on in his favour, and sent his slaves and other property to the
empress, supposing she would, by her interference, prevent his being sent
to any place distant from the metropolis. He was mistaken: for an answer
to the above document or petition was sent to the petitioner, which intimated
that the reverend prelate, to prevent his exercising fraud and deceit
in future, should retire to a cell, and there pass the remainder of his life
in religious meditation. The learned body of the Ulemá, however, ventured
to oppose the grand vezír, and therefore entered into consultation with the
mufti, Bostán Zádeh, as to the way they should act.
After the conquest of Agria, and the subsequent victory gained at Mehaj,
when Jeghala Zádeh Sínán Páshá was raised to the premiership, as recorded
in former sections of this work, he, in his imprudence, caused Ghází Gheráí
Khán to be removed from holding the khánship of the Crimea, and put his
brother, Fateh Gheráí, in his place; alleging that Fateh Gheráí had rendered
very great and important services in the late war, and therefore
ought, as his reward, to ascend the throne of the Tátár kháns. Fateh
Gheráí, more virtuous than the prime minister, strongly dissuaded the premier
from his purpose, urging as a powerful reason, that were he to accede
to the proposal, he would thereby be invading the rights of his brother; of
one who had been to him, he said, not only a kind brother, but a father
also. The grand vezír’s solicitations, however, were too powerful to be
long resisted, and therefore he consented to be made khán. The new vezír,
Ibrahím Páshá, however, reversed this arrangement, for he was no sooner
reinstated in the premiership, than he meditated the re-installing of Ghází
Gheráí in his former dignities. He therefore called a council of the vezírs
and the other magnates of the state, and laid this subject as a matter of discussion
before them. This council prepared papers, which stated that
Ghází Gheráí had filled the Tátár throne with dignity, that he had the
esteem and good will of his tribe, and that the whole of the tribe had paid
a cheerful obedience to his sway; whereas, the papers went on to say, that
if Fateh Gheráí were allowed to usurp his authority and place, a rebellion
would doubtless be the consequence: besides, it was further stated, that to
place Fateh Gheráí on the throne of the Tátárs would be to deprive the
other, the lawful sovereign, of his just rights and titles without his own
consent, or even without any shadow of reason whatever, and thus make
him appear unworthy of holding the office of khán.
Accordingly, letters were prepared in the name of both these princes
and committed to one Khundán Aghá, a Circassian, with instructions to act
according to circumstances. He was instructed, for instance, that if he
perceived, on his arrival in the Crimea, that the Tátárs still adhered to
Ghází Gheráí, he was to deliver to him the letter addressed to him; and on
the contrary, if he saw that they were in subjection to Fateh Gheráí, he
was in this case to deliver to him the one addressed to him, and invite
Ghází Gheráí to come to Turkey.
Khundán Aghá set out with these two royal letters and landed at Kafa,
in the Crimea, but found on his arrival there that Ghází Gheráí had already
embarked for the imperial dominions, though he had not yet sailed. The
officer, forgetting his instructions, attached himself exclusively to the interests
of the ex-khán, and without further inquiry delivered the packet
addressed to him, and exercised, besides, other unwarrantable liberties.
The ex-khán, on receipt of the above packet, disembarked and returned
to Kafa, took advantage of the frauds exercised by the officer,
showed the documents from Constantinople of which the officer was the
bearer, and, lastly, announced himself as recalled by these documents to
the exercise of the khánship.
When Fateh Gheráí perceived what was going on to his prejudice, as
now mentioned, he bestirred himself in order to thwart the purposes and
endeavours of the ex-khán. He, too, produced a royal mandate, which he
said had been sent to him, and which confirmed him in the khánship.
Hence arose a very serious dispute between these two royal brothers respecting
the khánship: the Tátárs became divided. Abdur-rahmán Effendí
maintained, that as Fateh Gheráí’s document was more recent, it ought
to be regarded as the only one which had any claim, and as dispossessing
Ghází Gheráí for ever of the throne of the Tátárs. The mufti of Kafa
thought otherwise. He said that all the imperial commands which had
been received acknowledged Ghází Gheráí as the legitimate sovereign of the
Crimea; that they confirmed him in the exercise of regal authority; and
that the document which Fateh Gheráí had presented was altogether doubtful,
if not an artifice to impose upon them. One single paper, letter, or
written document, he further maintained, was not sufficient of itself for
them to act upon; and to do so would be both injudicious and imprudent.
There can be no doubt, continued the mufti, that to disobey or disregard
the imperial authority, as vested in the person of Ghází Gheráí, will be considered
as obstinacy and rebellion. After having delivered this speech he
gave forth judgment in favour of Ghází Gheráí, rejecting Fateh Gheráí’s pretensions
altogether as spurious. The whole of the tribe followed the high
priest, and declared in favour of Ghází Gheráí, leaving Fateh Gheráí the
victim of astonishment and surprise. Some forward persons, more zealous
than prudent, insisted that he, Fateh Gheráí, should do homage to his elder
brother and make an apology to him. The simple-hearted prince, influenced
by the arguments which were employed to incline him to do so,
went to his brother and did as he was required; but it proved fatal to him.
On coming out from his brother’s presence he was met by a body of mirzás,
adherents of the former, who fell upon him and murdered him, cutting him
to pieces. Not satisfied with this, they also extirpated the whole of his
family, leaving neither root nor branch.
Ghází Gheráí having been reinstated in the regal authority, the Mirzás
and Tátárs yielded obedience to his firmáns, and all rancour and dispute
was at an end. Fateh Gheráí, it must be acknowledged, was an excellent
man, a great hero, and well qualified to fill a throne. By Jeghala’s uncalled-for
interference in his favour he eventually lost his life, and his whole
family were rooted out from the face of the earth.
Ghází Gheráí, now absolute and supreme, commanded a fortress to be
erected in the heart of Circassia, which was afterwards fully completed.
Khundán Aghá returned with great joy to Constantinople, and related the
success of his mission to the Crimea; but the emperor was so very much
displeased with him for the conduct he had pursued, that his case was deferred
for future consideration.
The loss of Yanuk on a former occasion, the conquest of Agria, and the
immense loss sustained in the valley of Mehaj this year, were disasters, no
doubt, which must have sensibly affected the Emperor of Austria. He soon
showed that this was really the case; for the grand sultán had scarcely
returned to his metropolis, when the Austrian emperor again assembled
another vast army, which was ordered to march on Yanuk. Satúrjí Mohammed
Páshá, who was appointed commander-in-chief, wrote a statement
of the ill condition of the troops under his command to the grand vezír, who
again laid it before his majesty. Accordingly, stores of all kinds and ten
thousand ducats from the imperial coffers were immediately voted for his
use. The grand vezír himself made a present of his own horses and beasts
of burden, and the other vezírs followed his example. Five regiments or
legions and ten thousand Janissaries, under the command of Alí Aghá, the
deputy of the ághá of the Janissaries, were appointed to take the field.
Ahmed Effendí, son of Etmekjí, was appointed military treasurer, and one
thousand yúks of money were put under his charge for the purpose of defraying
the expense of the war. The troops of Romeili, of Anatolia, of
Caramania, of Sivás, of Diárbeker, of Merœsh, and of Ruka, were all
ordered on this expedition. Letters were also issued to the Tátár Khán,
ordering him to be present with his troops.
The serdár or commander-in-chief, after the above arrangements were
fully attended to, commenced his march to Adrianople, reached Sofia on
the 7th of Dhu’l hijja, and the plains of Belgrade on the 29th of the same,
which concluded the year.
