An Outline of the Phonology and Morphology of Old Provençal

This book, which is intended as a guide to students of Romance Philology, represents the result of desultory labors extending through a period of twenty years. My first introduction to the scientific pursuit of Provençal linguistics was a course given by Paul Meyer at the École des Chartes in the winter of 1884-85. Since then I have been collecting material both from my own examination of texts and from the works of those philologists who have dealt with the subject. Besides the large Grammars of the Romance Languages by Diez and by Meyer-Lübke, I have utilized H. Suchier’s Die französische und provenzalische Sprache (in Gröber’s Grundriss der romanischen Philologie, I, 561), the Introduzione grammaticale in V. Crescini’s Manualetto provenzale, the Abriss der Formenlehre in C. Appel’s Provenzalische Chrestomathie, and many special treatises to which reference will be made in the appropriate places. Conscious of many imperfections in my work, I shall be grateful for corrections.

I have confined myself to the old literary language, believing that to be of the greatest importance to a student of Romance Philology or of Comparative Literature, and fearing lest an enumeration of modern forms, in addition to the ancient, might prove too bewildering. I should add that neither my own knowledge nor the material at my disposal is adequate to a satisfactory presentation of the living idioms of southern France. These dialects have, however, been investigated for the light they throw on the geographical distribution of phonetic variations; my chief source of information has been F. Mistral’s monumental Dictionnaire provençal-français. Catalan and Franco-Provençal have been considered only incidentally. I have not dealt with word-formation, because one of my students is preparing a treatise on that subject.

Readers desiring a brief description of Provençal literature are referred to H. Suchier and A. Birch-Hirschfeld, Geschichte der französischen Literatur, pp. 56-96; A. Stimming, in Gröber’s Grundriss der romanischen Philologie, II, ii, pp. 1-69; and A. Restori, Letteratura provenzale. For a more extended account of the poets they should consult Die Poesie der Troubadours and the Leben und Werke der Troubadours by F. Diez; and The Troubadours at Home by J. H. Smith. The poetic ideals are discussed by G. Paris in Romania, XII, pp. 516-34; and with great fulness by L. F. Mott in The System of Courtly Love. The beginnings of the literature are treated by A. Jeanroy in his Origines de la poésie lyrique en France au moyen âge, reviewed by G. Paris in a series of important articles in the Journal des Savants (November and December, 1891, and March and July, 1892) reprinted separately in 1892 under the same title as Jeanroy’s book. Contributions by A. Restori to several volumes of the Rivista musicale italiana deal with Provençal music; some tunes in modern notation are to be found in J. H. Smith’s Troubadours at Home, and in the Archiv für das Studium der neueren Sprachen, CX (New Series X), 110 (E. Bohn).[1] Aside from the editions of individual poets, the best collections of verses are those of C. Appel, Provenzalische Chrestomathie; V. Crescini, Manualetto provenzale; and K. Bartsch, Chrestomathie provençale. Earlier and larger anthologies are M. Raynouard’s Choix des poésies originales des troubadours, and C. A. F. Mahn’s Werke der Troubadours and Gedichte der Troubadours. The only dictionary of importance for the old language is the Lexique roman (six volumes) of M. Raynouard, augmented by the Supplement-Wörterbuch of E. Levy (now appearing in instalments). The poetic language of the present day can be studied to advantage in E. Koschwitz’s Grammaire historique de la langue des Félibres.

C. H. GRANDGENT.

Cambridge, Mass., November, 1904.

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• Abl.: ablative.
• Acc.: accusative.
• Cl.L.: Classic Latin.
• Cond.: conditional.
• Cons.: consonant.
• Einf.: W. Meyer-Lübke, Einführung in das Studium der romanischen Sprachwissenschaft, 1901.
• F.: feminine.
• Fr.: French.
• Free (of vowels): not in position.
• Fut.: future.
• Gram.: W. Meyer-Lübke, Grammaire des langues romanes, 3 vols., 1890-1900.
• Grundriss: G. Gröber, Grundriss der romanischen Philologie, 2 vols., 1888-1902.
• Imp.: imperfect.
• Imper.: imperative.
• Intertonic (of vowels): following the secondary and preceding the primary accent.
• Intervocalic (of consonants): standing between two vowels.
• It.: Italian.
• Körting: G. Körting, Lateinisch-romanisches Wörterbuch, 2d ed., 1901.
• Lat.: Latin.
• Levy: E. Levy, Provenzalisches Supplement-Wörterbuch, 1894-.
• Ltblt.: Literaturblatt für germanische und romanische Philologie, monthly, Leipzig.
• M.: masculine.
• Nom.: nominative.
• Obj.: objective (case).
• Part.: participle.
• Perf.: perfect.
• Pers.: person.
• Phon.: P. Marchot, Petite phonétique du français prélittéraire, 1901.
• Pl.: plural.
• Pr.: Provençal.
• Pres.: present.
• Pret.: preterit.
• Raynouard: M. Raynouard, Lexique roman, 6 vols., 1836-44.
• Rom.: Romania, quarterly, Paris.
• Sg.: singular.
• V.L.: Vulgar Latin.
• Voc.: H. Schuchardt, Vocalismus des Vulgärlateins, 3 vols., 1866-68.
• Voiced (of consonants): sonant, pronounced with vibration of the glottis.
• Voiceless (of consonants): surd, pronounced without glottal vibration.
• Vow.: vowel.
• Zs.: Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie, 4 to 6 nos. a year, Halle.

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N. B.—Phonetic characters not entered in this list are to be pronounced as in Italian. Whenever it is essential to distinguish spelling from pronunciation, italic type is used for the former, Roman for the latter.

• · (under a vowel): close quality.
• ¸ (under a vowel): open quality.
• ¯ (over a vowel): long quantity.
• ̆ (over a vowel): short quantity.
• ̑ (under a letter): semivowel, not syllabic.
• ´ (over a letter): stress.
• ´ (after a consonant): palatal pronunciation.
• ✱ (before a word): conjectural, not found.
• ＞ (between words or letters): derivation, the source standing at the open end.
• +: followed by.
• ạ: French â in pâte.
• ą: French a in patte.
• β: bilabial v, as in Spanish.
• c: see k.
• c´: palatal k, as in English key.
• ð: English th in this.
• ẹ: French é in thé.
• ę: French ê in fête.
• g: English g in go.
• g´: palatal g, as in English geese.
• h: English h in hat.
• ị: French i in si.
• į: English ĭ in pit.
• k: English k in maker.
• k´: see c´.
• l´: palatal l, as in Italian figlio.
• n´: palatal n, as in Italian ogni.
• ŋ: English ng in sing.
• ọ: German ō, as in sohn.
• ǫ: German ŏ, as in sonne.
• r´: palatal r.
• š: English sh in ship.
• þ: English th in thin.
• ụ: German ū, as in gut.
• ų: German ŭ, as in butter.
• ü: French u in pur.
• w: English w in woo.
• χ: German ch in ach.
• y: English y in ye.
• z: English z in crazy.
• ž: French j in jour.

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	Pages
Introduction	1-9
Phonology	10-84
Accent	11-13
Vowels	13-36
Quantity	13-14
Accented Vowels	14-24
a	14-15
ẹ	15-17
ę	17-20
ị	20
ọ	20-21
ǫ	21-23
ụ	23-24
au	24
Unaccented Vowels	24-36
Initial Syllable	25-27
Intertonic Syllable	27-29
Penult	29-32
Final Syllable	32-36
Consonants	37-84
Latin Consonants	37-40
Germanic Consonants	40-41
Greek Consonants	41-42
Initial Consonants	42-44
Single	43-44
Groups	44
Medial Consonants	45-78
Single	47-55
Groups	55-78
Double Consonants	56-57
Groups Ending in L	57-58
Groups Ending in R	58-61
Groups Ending in W	61-62
Groups Ending in Y	63-69
Groups Beginning with L, M, N, R, or S	69-74
Miscellaneous Groups	74-78
Final Consonants	78-81
Single	78-81
Groups	81
Sporadic Change	81-84
Insertion	81-82
Metathesis	82-83
Dissimilation	83-84
Morphology	85-146
Declension	85-113
Nouns	85-94
First Declension	90
Second Declension	90-91
Third Declension	91-94
Adjectives	95-99
Comparison	96-97
Numerals	98-99
Pronouns and Pronominal Adjectives	99-113
Articles	100-101
Personal Pronouns	101-105
Possessives	105-107
Demonstratives	107-109
Interrogatives and Relatives	109-110
Indefinite Pronouns and Adjectives	110-113
Conjugation	114-146
The Four Conjugations	114-115
Fundamental Changes in Inflection	116-118
Infinitive, Present Participle, and Gerund	118-119
Past Participle	119-121
Future and New Conditional	121-123
Future Endings	122-123
Conditional Endings	123
Present	123-132
Double Stems	125-126
Peculiar Forms	127-130
Personal Endings	130-132
Imperfect Indicative	132-133
Preterit, Old Conditional, and Imperfect Subjunctive	133-146
Preterit	133-144
Weak	135-138
Strong	138-144
Old Conditional	144-145
Imperfect Subjunctive	145-146
Index	147-159

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1. The language here studied is, in the main, that used by the poets of Southern France during the 12th and 13th centuries. The few works that we have earlier than the 12th century must, of course, be utilized for such information as they afford concerning the process of linguistic change; and lacking words or forms must occasionally be sought in writings later than the 13th. Prose literature, moreover, should not be neglected, as it greatly enlarges our vocabulary and throws much light on local divergences. The modern dialects need be cited only to determine the geographical distribution of variations.

2. The extent of the Provençal territory is sufficiently indicated by the map on p. viii. The upper black line separates Provençal on the northwest and north from French, on the northeast from Franco-Provençal; on the east are the Gallo-Italic dialects. The lower black line divides Provençal on the southwest from Basque, on the south from Spanish, on the southeast from Catalan. The boundary line between French and Provençal must be determined somewhat arbitrarily, as there is no distinct natural division; the several linguistic characteristics of each idiom do not end at the same point, and thus one language gradually shades into the other. The line shown on the map is based on the development of free accented Latin a, which remains a in Provençal, but is changed to e in French. The limits of other phonetic phenomena may be found in Suchier’s maps at the back of Vol. I of Gröber’s Grundriss. There may be seen also a large map showing the place of Provençal among the Romance languages. Consult, furthermore, P. Meyer in Romania, XXIV, 529.

3. The Spanish and Gallo-Italic frontiers are more clearly defined, and Basque is entirely distinct. Franco-Provençal and Catalan, on the other hand, are closely related to Provençal and not always easy to divide from it. Catalan, in fact, is often classed as a Provençal dialect; but it is sufficiently different to be studied separately.[2] Franco-Provençal, rated by some philologists as an independent language, has certain characteristics of Provençal and certain features of French, but more of the latter; in some respects it is at variance with both. The Gascon, or southwest, dialects of Provençal differ in many ways from any of the others and present not a few similarities to Spanish[3]; they will, however, be included in our study.

4. The Provençal domain embraces, then, the following old provinces: Provence, Languedoc, Foix, part of Béarn, Gascony, Guyenne, Limousin, most of Marche, Auvergne, the southwestern half of Lyonnais and the southern half of Dauphiné. The native speech in this region varies considerably from place to place, and the local dialects are, for convenience, roughly grouped under the names of the provinces; it should be remembered, however, that the political and the linguistic boundaries rarely coincide. For some of the principal dialect differences, see §§ 8 and 10-13.

5. The language of the poets was sometimes called lemosí; and, in fact, the foundation of their literary idiom is the speech of the province of Limousin and the adjacent territory on the north, west, and southwest.[4] The supremacy of this dialect group is apparently due to the fact that it was generally used for composition earlier than any of the others: popular song, in all probability, had its home in the borderland of Marche[5]; religious literature in the vulgar tongue developed in the monasteries of this region; the artistic lyric was cultivated, we know, at the court of Ventadour, and it must have found favor at others. Furthermore, many of the leading troubadours belonged by birth or residence to the Limousin district.

6. The troubadours’ verses, as we have them, seldom represent any one dialect in its purity. The poet himself was doubtless influenced both by literary tradition and by his particular local usage, as well as by considerations of rhyme and metre. Moreover, his work, before reaching us, passed through the hands of various intermediaries, who left upon it traces of their own pronunciation. It should be said, also, that the Limousin was not a single dialect, but a group of more or less divergent types of speech. For these reasons we must not expect to find in Provençal a uniform linguistic standard.

7. Neither was there a generally accepted system of orthography. When the vulgar tongue was first written, the Roman letters were used with approximately the same values that they had in Latin, as it was then pronounced. As the Provençal sounds changed, there was a conflict between the spellings first established and new notations based on contemporary speech. Furthermore, many Provençal vowels and consonants had no equivalents in Latin; for these we find a great variety of representations. The signs are very often ambiguous: for instance, c before e or i (as in cen, cinc) generally stands in the first texts for ts, in the more recent ones for s, the pronunciation having changed; z between vowels in early times usually means dz (plazer), but later z (roza); i between vowels (maiór) indicates either y or dž (English j), according to the dialect; a g may signify “hard” g (gerra), dž (“soft” g: ges), or tš (English ch: mieg). It is probable that for a couple of centuries diphthongs were oftenest written as simple vowels.

8. Some features of the mediæval pronunciation are still obscure. The close ọ was transformed, either during or soon after the literary epoch, into ụ (the sound of French ou); hence, when we meet in a late text such a word as flor, we cannot be certain whether it is to be sounded flọr or flụr. We do not know at what time Latin ū in southern France took the sound ü (French u): some suppose that it was during or shortly before the literary period; if this be true, the letter u (as in tu, mur) may represent in some texts ụ, in others ü. In diphthongs and triphthongs whose first element is written u (cuer, fuolha, nueu, buou), this letter came to be pronounced in most of the dialects like French u in huit, while in others it retained the sound of French ou in oui; we cannot tell exactly when or where, in ancient times, this development occurred. In the diphthongs ue, uo (luec, fuoc), opinions disagree as to which vowel originally bore the stress; subsequent changes seem to indicate that in the 12th and 13th centuries the practice varied in the different dialects. Old Provençal must have had in some words a peculiar type of r, which was sufficiently palatal in its articulation to call for an i-glide before it (esclairar); we do not know precisely how it was formed; in most regions it probably was assimilated to the more usual r as early as the 12th century. The š and ž (palatal s and z) apparently ranged, in the several dialects, between the sounds of French ch and j on the one hand, and those of German ch (in ich) and j (in ja) on the other; the former types were largely assimilated, doubtless by the 13th century, to s and z (pois, maisó), the latter were not (poih, maió).

9. The following table comprises the Old Provençal sounds with their usual spellings, the latter being arranged, as nearly as may be, in the order of their frequency. Diphthongs and triphthongs are included in the vowel list, compound consonants in the consonant table. For an explanation of the phonetic symbols, see p. vii. The variant pronunciations are discussed in § 8.

VOWELS.
SOUND.	SPELLINGS.	EXAMPLES.
ạ	a	pan
ą	a	car
ai	ai, ay	paire, cays
au	au	autre
ẹ	e	pena
ę	e	cel
ẹi	ei, ey	vei, veyre
ęi	ei, ey	seis, teysser
ẹu	eu	beure
ęu	eu	breu
ị	i, y	amic, ydola
ię	ie, e	quier, velh
ięi	iei, iey, ei	ieis, lieys, leit
ięu	ieu, eu	mieu, deus
ịu	iu	estiu
ọ (or ụ)	o, u	corre, sun
ǫ	o	cors
ọi	oi, oy	conoisser, oyre
ǫi	oi, oy	pois, poyssán
ọu	ou	dous
ǫu	ou	mou
ụ: see ọ, ü
ü (or ụ?)	u	mut
uę, üę	ue, o?	cuec, olh?
uęi, üęi	uei, uey, oi?	cueissa, pueyssas, oit?
uęu, üęu	ueu, ou?	nueu, bou?
üi	ui, uy	cuit, duy
uǫ, üǫ	uo, o	gruoc, folha
uǫi, üǫi	uoi, oi	puoi, noit
uǫu, üǫu	uou, ou	pluou, ou
CONSONANTS.
SOUND.	SPELLING.	EXAMPLES.
b	b, bb	bel, abbat
d	d	don
dz	z, c	plazer, dicén
dž	i, g, tg, gg, ti, tgi, ih	ioc, gen, paratge, viagge, coratie, lotgiar, puihar
ð	d	veder
f	f, ph	fer, phizica
g	g, gu	gras, guan, guerra
h (Gascon)	h, f?	ham, fe?[6]
k	c, qu, k, g	cais, quar, quer, ki, longs[7]
l	l, ll	leu, belleza
l´	lh, ill, ilh, ll, l, il, yl, yll, li	fuelha, meillor, failha, vellar, viel, voil, fiyl, fayllentia, filia
m	m, mm	mes, commanda
n	n, nn	nas, annat
n´	nh, gn, inh, ign, ing, innh, ingn, ngn, nn, n, in, ng, ynh, ni, ny, nyh	cenher, plagner, poinh, seignor, soing, poinnher, fraingner, ongnimen, vinna, franén, soin, sengor, poynh, lenia, senyoria, senyhor
ŋ	n	lonc
p	p, pp, b	prop, opparer, obs[8]
r	r	rire
r´	r	cuer
rr	rr	terra[9]
s	s, ss, c, ç, x	sap, fassa, cenat, ça, locx
š	ss, s, sh, h, hs	faissa, cais, pueysh, Foih, faihs
t	t, tt, d	tot, attenir, nud[8]
ts	c, z, tz, ç, gz, cz, ti	cel, faz, parlatz, ço, fagz, czo, fayllentia[10]
tš	ch, g, ich, ig, h, gz	chan, plag, ueich, faig, lah, gaugz[11]
v	u (printed v)	ven
y	i, y	gabia, preyar
z	s, z, ç	pausa, roza, riçia (＜ ridēbat)
ž	s, z, i	raso, poizo, maio

10. The Gascon group presents certain striking divergences from the other dialects: (1) it shows a b corresponding to Provençal v, as in be = ve ＜ vĕnit, abetz = avetz ＜ habētis; (2) it substitutes r for l between vowels, as in bera = bela ＜ bĕlla; (3) it changes initial f to h, as in he = fe ＜ fĭdem. Other Gascon peculiarities are less ancient, less general, or less important.

11. Some distinctions may be pointed out between the speech of the north and that of the south:—

12. Several Latin consonants, when combined with a following ḙ or i̭, give results that are widely different in various localities, but the geographical distribution of the respective forms is complicated and not always clear: pŏdium ＞ puech poi; basiare ＞ baisar basar baiiar baiar; bassiare ＞ baissar baichar bachar; potiōnem ＞ poizon pozon poio. The same thing may be said of intervocalic y (Latin j): major ＞ mager maier. Also of intervocalic c, sc, g, ŋg, followed by e or i: placēre ＞ plazer plaizer plager, nascere ＞ naisser nasser naicher nacher, lēgem ＞ lei leg, ŭngere ＞ onher onger.

13. In the development of unstressed vowels there are very numerous local variations, which will be discussed later. Even among accented vowels there are some divergences:—

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14. Inasmuch as Provençal, like the other Romance languages, grew out of the Latin commonly spoken under the Roman Empire, we must take this latter language as our starting-point. The transformation was so gradual and continuous that we cannot assign any date at which speech ceases to be Latin and begins to be Provençal; since, however, the various Latin dialects—destined to become later the various Romance languages—began to diverge widely in the 6th and 7th centuries, we may, for the sake of convenience, say that the Latin period ends at about this time. Before this, certain changes (which affected all the Romance tongues) had occurred in the popular language, differentiating it considerably from the classic Latin of the Augustan writers. Although the most important of these alterations have to do with inflections rather than with pronunciation, the sound-changes in Vulgar Latin are by no means insignificant.

15. It is essential at the outset to distinguish “popular” from “learned” words. The former, having always been a part of the spoken vocabulary, have been subject to the operation of all the phonetic laws that have governed the development of the language. The latter class, consisting of words borrowed by clerks, at various periods, from Latin books and from the Latin of the Church, is naturally exempt from sound-changes that occurred in the vulgar tongue before the time of their adoption. The form of learned words depends, in the first place, on the clerical pronunciation of Latin at the date of their borrowing; then, if they came into general use, their form was subject to the influence of any phonetic laws that were subsequently in force. The fate of borrowed terms differs, therefore, according to the time of their introduction and the degree of popularity which they afterwards attained.

16. The place of the primary accent, which in Classic Latin was determined by quantity, remained unchanged in Vulgar Latin even after quantitative distinctions were lost. A short vowel before a mute followed by a liquid may, in Classic Latin, be stressed or unstressed; in Vulgar Latin it is usually stressed: cathédra, tenébræ.[14]

There are some exceptions to the rule of the persistence of the accent in Vulgar Latin:—

17. In Provençal the primary accent falls on the same syllable as in Vulgar Latin: bonitātem ＞ V. L. bonitáte ＞ Pr. bontát, compŭtum ＞ V. L. cómputu ＞ Pr. cónte; cathĕdra ＞ V. L. catédra ＞ Pr. cadéira; filiŏlus ＞ V. L. filyólus ＞ Pr. filhóls, tenuĕram ＞ V. L. ténwera ＞ Pr. téngra, requĭrit ＞ V. L. requærit ＞ Pr. requér, illac ＞ V. L. illác ＞ Pr. lai.

18. The secondary accent, in Vulgar Latin, seems not to have followed the Classic Latin quantitative rule, but to have fallen regularly on the second syllable from the primary stress: cṓgĭtó, cupĭ́dĭtā́tem. If this secondary accent followed the tonic, its vowel probably developed as an unstressed post-tonic vowel; if it preceded, its vowel was apparently treated as a stressed vowel. This treatment was doubtless continued in Provençal until the intertonic vowel dropped out: cógĭtó cógĭtánt ＞ cug cúian (cf. cánto cántant ＞ can cántan), ✱comĭnĭtĭāre ＞ comén’tiáre ＞ coménzár ＞ comensár. As may be seen from this last example, after the fall of the intertonic vowel, the secondary stress, being brought next to the primary, disappeared, and its vowel was henceforth unaccented. Cf. § 45, 1.

19. Short, unemphatic words had no accent in Vulgar Latin, and were attached as particles to the beginning or the end of another word: te vídet, áma me. Such words, if they were not monosyllabic, tended to become so; a disyllabic proclitic beginning with a vowel regularly, in Vulgar Latin, lost its first syllable: illum vídeo ＞ V. L. lu véyo ＞ Pr. lo vei. A word which was used sometimes independently, sometimes as a particle, naturally developed double forms.

20. Latin had the following vowels, which might be long or short: a, e, i, o, u. The diphthongs, æ, œ, au, eu, ui, were always long: æ and œ, however, were simplified into monophthongs, mainly in the Republican epoch, æ being sounded ę̄, œ probably ẹ̄; au retained (save in some popular dialects) its old pronunciation; eu did not occur in any word that survived; ui, in cui, illui, in Vulgar Latin, was accented úi (as in fui). The simple vowels, except a, were, doubtless from early times, slightly different in quality according to their quantity, the long vowels being sounded close, the short open: ẹ̄, ị̄, ọ̄, ụ̄; ę̆, į̆, ǫ̆, ų̆.

21. Between the 1st and the 7th century of our era, the Classic Latin quantity died out: it had apparently disappeared from unstressed vowels as early as the 4th century, from stressed by the 6th. It left its traces, however, as we have seen, upon accentuation (§ 16), and also upon vowel quality, the originally long and short remaining differentiated in sound, if they were accented. Of the unaccented vowels, only i shows sure signs of such a differentiation, and even for i the distinction is evident only in a final syllable: vēnī vēnĭt ＞ vẹnị vẹnįt.

22. The vowels of Vulgar Latin are a, ẹ, ę, ị, į, ọ, ǫ, ụ, ų, with the diphthongs áu and úi; the old æ and œ had become identical in sound with ę and ẹ. As early as the 3d century of our era, į was changed, in nearly all the Empire, to ẹ, and thus became identical with the vowel coming from original ē. A little later, perhaps, ų, in the greater part of the Empire, became ọ, thus coinciding with the vowel that was originally ō. Ypsilon, in words taken from the Greek, was identified, in early borrowings, with Latin u; in later ones, with Latin i: βύρσα ＞ Pr. borsa, γῠρος ＞ Pr. girs. Omicron, which apparently had the close sound in Greek, generally (but not always) retained it in recently borrowed words in Vulgar Latin: τόρνος ＞ tọrnus (cf. Pr. tọrn), but κόλαφος ＞ cŏlăphus = cọlapus or cǫlapus (cf. Pr. cǫlp).

The development of the Vulgar Latin vowels in Provençal will now be examined in detail:—

a

23. Cl. L. ā, ă ＞ V. L. a ＞ Pr. ą: ărbŏrem ＞ ąrbre, grātum ＞ grąt, măre > mąr.

24. In some dialects, particularly in Rouergue, Limousin, Auvergne, and Dauphiné, a became ạ before a nasal, and at the end of a monosyllable or an oxytone: canem ＞ cạn, grandem ＞ grạnt, cadit ＞ cạ, stat ＞ estạ.

ẹ

25. Cl. L. ē, ĭ, œ ＞ V. L. ẹ ＞ Pr. ẹ: habēre ＞ avẹr, mē ＞ mẹ, mensem ＞ mẹs, plēnum ＞ plẹn, rēgem ＞ rẹi, vēndĕre ＞ vẹndre; ĭnter ＞ ẹntre, fĭdem ＞ fẹ, malĭtia ＞ malẹza, mĭnus ＞ mẹns, mĭttĕre ＞ mẹtre, sĭccum ＞ sẹc, vĭrĭdem ＞ vẹrt, pœna ＞ pẹna.

26. An ẹ in hiatus became i: lĭgat ＞ lia, vĭa ＞ via.

27. When there was in the next syllable a final ī, V. L. ẹ was changed in Provençal to i: ecc’ĭllī ＞ cilh, ecc’ĭstī ＞ cist, fēcī ＞ fis, ✱prēsī ＞ pris, ✱vēnuī ＞ vinc, vigĭntī ✱vĭntī ＞ vint.

ę

28. Cl. L. ĕ, æ ＞ V. L. ę ＞ Pr. ę: infĕrnum ＞ enfęrn, fĕrrum ＞ fęr, pĕdem ＞ pę; cælum ＞ cęl, quærit ＞ quęr.

29. Before a nasal, in most of the dialects of Limousin, Languedoc, and Gascony, ę became ẹ: bĕne ＞ bẹn, dicĕntem ＞ dizẹn, tĕmpus ＞ tẹms, tĕnet ＞ tẹn, vĕniam ＞ vẹnha, vĕntum ＞ vẹnt.

30. Early in the history of Provençal, before u, i, or one of the palatal consonants l´, r´, s´, z´, y, tš, dž, an ę broke into ię, except in a few dialects of the west and north: dĕus ＞ dięus, mĕum ＞ mięu; amāvi ＞ ✱amai ＞ amęi amięi,[16] ✱fĕria ＞ fięira, ✱ec(c)lĕsia? (Cf. Zs., XXV, 344) ＞ glięiza, lĕctum ＞ lięit, pĕjus ＞ pięis; vĕtŭlum vĕclum ＞ vięlh, ministĕrium ＞ mestięr, ✱ec(c)lĕsia? ＞ glięza, mĕdia ＞ mięia, lĕctum ＞ lięg. There seems to be also, at least in some dialects, a tendency to break the ę before a g or a k: lĕgunt ＞ lięgon; ✱sĕquit ＞ sęc sięc, subjunctive sięgas (sęga), but infinitive sęgre ＜ ✱sĕquere.[17]

The breaking was probably due to a premature lifting of the tongue under the influence of a following high vowel or a palatal (or velar) consonant.[18] Before u it occurred everywhere except in the extreme west; before palatals the ę apparently remained intact both in the extreme west and in Quercy, Rouergue, Auvergne, and Dauphiné. At first, no doubt, the diphthong was less marked than it became in the 12th and 13th centuries. It is not indicated in our oldest text, the Boeci (breu, deu, eu, mei, meler, vel)[19], and it frequently remains unexpressed even in the writings of the literary period.

It is to be noted that ę does not break before u ＜ l nor before i ＜ ð: bĕllus ＞ bęls ＞ bęus, pĕtra ＞ ✱pęðra ＞ pęira, Pĕtrum ＞ ✱Pęðre ＞ Pęire, rĕtro ＞ ✱ręðre ＞ ręire[20]. The breaking must, therefore, have occurred before these developments of l and ð, both of which apparently antedate the Boeci: cf. euz = els, v. 139; eu = el, v. 155; Teiric ＜ ✱Teðric ＜ Theodorīcum, v. 44, etc. On the other hand, there is no diphthong before ts, dz, s, z coming from Latin c´, cy, pty, tty, ty: dĕcem ＞ dętz, pĕttia (or pĕcia) ＞ pęssa, nĕptia ＞ nęssa, ✱prĕtiat ＞ pręza, prĕtium ＞ prętz[21]. The breaking, therefore, took place after these consonants had ceased to be palatal. We may ascribe it with some confidence to the period between the seventh and tenth centuries.

ị

31. Cl. L. ī ＞ V. L. ị: amīcum ＞ amịc, fīnem ＞ fịn, trīstem ＞ trịst.

32. In the 13th century or earlier the group iu, in most dialects, became ieu: captīvum ＞ caitiu caitieu, æstīvum ＞ estiu estieu, revīvĕre ＞ reviure revieure, sī vās ＞ sius sieus.

ọ

33. Cl. L. ō, ŭ ＞ V. L. ọ ＞ Pr. ọ, which developed into ụ probably during the literary period: dolōrem ＞ dolọr, spōnsa ＞ espọsa, flōrem ＞ flọr; bŭcca ＞ bọca, gŭla ＞ gọla.

34. Before tš, dž (and it, id), before n´, and before final i, an ọ becomes ü in various dialects: cōgĭtat ＞ cüia cüida, ✱stŭdiat ＞ estüia, fŭgit ＞ füg, refŭgium ＞ refüg; jŭngĕre ＞ iünher, ŭngĕre ＞ ünher, pŭgnum ＞ pünh; dŭī ＞ düi, sŭm ＞ sọ + i ＞ süi. The ü before tš, dž apparently occurs everywhere except in Dauphiné; before n´ it is to be found in nearly all the dialects of the north and west; before final i it seems to be limited to Bordeaux, Auvergne, and a part of Languedoc.

ǫ

35. Cl. L. ŏ ＞ V. L. ǫ ＞ Pr. ǫ: cŏr ＞ cǫr, cŏrpus ＞ cǫrs, mŏrtem ＞ mǫrt, ŏpĕra ＞ ǫbra, rŏta ＞ rǫda.

36. Before a nasal, in most of the dialects of Limousin, Languedoc, and Gascony, ǫ became ọ: bŏnum ＞ bọn, fŏntem ＞ fọnt, pŏntem ＞ pọnt. Cf. E. Levy in Mélanges de philologie romane dédiés à Carl Wahlund, 1896, p. 207.

37. Early in the history of Provençal, before u, a labial consonant, a g or a k, an i, or one of the palatal consonants l´, n´, r´, s´, z´, y, tš, dž, an ǫ broke, in most dialects, into a diphthong which developed into ue, üo, üe, or ü[22]: bŏvem ＞ bǫu büọu büeu, ✱ŏvum ＞ ǫu üou üeu, nŏvus ＞ nǫus nüous nüeus; ✱cŏpero ＞ cǫbri cüebre[23], nŏva ＞ nǫva nüeva, ŏpus ＞ ǫps üops, prŏbat ＞ prǫa prüeva, ✱trŏpo? ＞ trǫp trüeb; cŏquus ＞ cǫcs cüocs cüex, fŏcum ＞ fǫc füoc füec füc, crŏcus ＞ grǫcs grüocs grüecs, jŏcum ＞ iǫc iüoc iüec iüc, lŏcus ＞ lǫcs lüocs lüecs, lŏcat ＞ lüoga, pŏtui ＞ püec, sŏc(ĕ)rum ＞ (sǫzer) sǫgre süegre (fem. süegra); ✱ingrŏssiat ＞ engrǫissa engrüeissa, ✱angŏstia ＞ engǫissa engüeissa, nŏctem ＞ nǫit nüoit nüeit, ŏcto ＞ ǫit üeit, pŏstea ＞ pǫissas püeissas, prŏximus ＞ prǫymes prüeymes; fŏlia ＞ fǫlha füolha füelha fülha, ŏcŭlus ŏclus ＞ ǫlhs üolhs üelhs ülhs, lŏnge ＞ lǫnh lüenh, sŏmnium ＞ sǫnh süenh, cŏrium ＞ cǫr cüer, pŏstea ＞ pües, prŏximum ＞ prǫsme prüesme, ✱plŏia ＞ plǫia plüeia plüia, ✱inŏdiat ＞ enǫia enüeia enüia, ✱pŏdiat ＞ pǫia püeia püia, nŏctem ＞ nüoch nüech nüh, ŏcto ＞ üeg.

The breaking was probably due to a premature lifting of the tongue under the influence of a following high vowel or a palatal or velar consonant, or to a premature partial closure of the lips in anticipation of a following labial. Before i or a palatal the diphthong was at the start presumably üo; before u or a labial or velar consonant, uo: from these two types, the first of which influenced the second, came the later developments. Ü is a reduction of üo or üe; it apparently does not occur before u.

The dialect conditions are mixed, the development in each region depending somewhat on the following sound. In the southwest, ǫ and ue seem to prevail; in the northwest, ü; in the west, in Limousin, and in Auvergne, üe; in Languedoc, üo; in the east and south, üe, üo, ǫ.

The date of breaking is discussed in § 30.

ụ

38. Cl. L. ū ＞ V. L. ụ ＞ Pr. ü: ✱habūtus ＞ avütz, jūstum ＞ iüst, mūrum ＞ mür, mūtus ＞ mütz, nūdus ＞ nütz, plūs ＞ plüs.

The date of the change of ụ into ü is not known; there is no ü in Catalan, and there may have been none in early Gascon. It seems likely that the Celts, when they adopted Latin, pronounced ū a little further forward in the mouth than did the Romans; that their ụ continued to advance gradually toward the front of the mouth until it became ü; and that this ü spread to the parts of France that were not originally Celtic.[24] In the literary period the sound was probably ü in most or all of the Provençal dialects.

au

39. Cl. L. au ＞ V. L. au ＞ Pr. au: aurum ＞ aur, gaudium ＞ gaug, paucum ＞ pauc, thesaurus ＞ tesaurs.

40. (1) The fate of an unaccented vowel depended largely upon the syllable in which it stood: in general, unstressed vowels in the initial syllable remained intact, while all vowels, except a, fell (at different dates) in the other syllables. The fall of unaccented vowels resulted in many new consonant groups: collocáre ＞ colcár, hóminem ＞ ómne, sábbatum ＞ sápte.

(2) The vowels e̯ and i̯, instead of falling or remaining unchanged, became y in Vulgar Latin, early in our era: alea ＞ alya, diŭrnus ＞ dyųrnus, mĕdium ＞ mędyu. Similarly u̯ became w: placui ＞ placwi, tĕnuis ＞ tęnwis.

Initial Syllable.

41. Usually, in the literary language, Latin a ＞ Pr. a; Latin æ, œ, and e, i (without regard to quantity) ＞ Pr. e; Latin o, u (long or short) ＞ Pr. o; Lat. au ＞ Pr. au, unless the next syllable contained an ú, in which case the au was reduced (in the Vulgar Latin time) to a. Ex.: amīcum ＞ amic, caballus ＞ cavals; æquālem ＞ egal, ✱pœnĭtĕre ＞ penẹdre, dēbēre ＞ devẹr, mĕliōrem ＞ melhọr, dīlĕctum ＞ delęit, dīvīnum ＞ devin, dīvīdĕre ＞ devire, fīnīre ＞ fenir, mĭnōrem ＞ menọr; plōrāre ＞ plorar, sōlātium ＞ solatz, cŏlōrem ＞ colọr, ✱vŏlēre ＞ volẹr, mūstēla ＞ mostẹla, sŭbĭnde ＞ sovẹn; aucĕllum ＞ auzęl, audīre ＞ auzir, augŭstum ＞ aọst, ✱augūrium ＞ aür.

42. The vowel of the initial syllable, especially in verbs, was extremely subject to the influence of analogy: cülhir (ǫ) through cülh (ǫ) ＜ cŏllĭgit, dizẹn ＜ dīcĕntem through dire ＜ dīcĕre, dürar through dür ＜ dūrum and düra ＜ dūrat, finir through fin ＜ fīnem, fivęla through fibla ＜ fībula, puęiar (ǫ) through puęia (ǫ) ＜ ✱pŏdiat.

43. Sometimes the initial syllable was altered by a change of prefix or a false idea of etymology: aucire ＜ occīdĕre (cf. the Italian and Rumanian forms), diman (e) ＜ de máne (cf. di ＜ dīem), dementre ＜ dum ĭntĕrim (cf. de ＜ de), engǫissa ＜ ✱angŭstia (cf. en ＜ in), envanezir ＜ evanēscĕre, escür ＜ obscūrum (cf. es- ＜ ex-), preọn prefọn (o) ＜ profŭndum, redọn ＜ rotŭndum (re- in V. L.: Schuchardt, Vokalismus des Vulgärlateins, II, 213), trabalh ＜ trepalium (cf. tra- ＜ tra- = trans-). Dimenge (also ditmenge) is from dīe domĭnĭco.

44. Local or partial phonetic changes affected the initial syllable of many words: demandar (do-) ＜ demandāre, emplir (üm-) ＜ implēre; ciutat cieutat ＜ cīvĭtātem; eissir issir ＜ exīre, getar gitar ＜ ✱jĕctāre; crear criar ＜ creāre; mercẹ (mar-) ＜ mercēdem; delgat (dal-) ＜ delicātum.

Intertonic Syllable.

45. The term intertonic is applied to the syllable that follows the secondary (§ 18) and precedes the primary accent. In this position all vowels, except a, regularly disappeared in popular words, probably between the 5th and the 8th century[27]; a apparently remained: ✱bŭllĭcāre ＞ boiar (bollegar), bŏnĭtātem ＞ bontat, ✱carrĭcāre ＞ carcar cargar, caballĭcāre ＞ cavalcar cavalgar, cĕrĕbĕllum ＞ cervęl, cīvĭtātem ＞ ciutat, cŏllŏcāre ＞ colcar colgar, dēlĭcātum ＞ delcat delgat, excommūnĭcāre ✱excommĭnĭcāre ＞ escomeniar, vĕrēcŭndia ＞ vergọnha; calamĕllum ＞ calamęl, invadĕre ✱invadīre ＞ envazir, margarīta ＞ margarida, mīrabĭlia ＞ miravilha, parav(e)rēdus ＞ palafrẹs.

46. Very often the intertonic vowel was preserved by the analogy of some cognate word or form in which that vowel was stressed: devinár through devín, finimén through finír, guerreiár through guerréia, noiridúra through noirír, oblidár through oblít, pertusár through pertúsa, reusar through reúsa, servidór through servíre.

Penult.[28]

47. (1) The vowel of the penult of proparoxytones fell in many words in Vulgar Latin, especially between a labial and another consonant, and between two consonants one of which was a liquid: ✱avĭca ＞ ✱auca, cŏm(i)tem, cŏmp(u)tum, dēb(i)tum, dŏm(i)nus[29]; alt(e)ra, vĭg(i)lat, cal(i)dus, vĭr(i)dem; frig(i)dus, nĭtĭdus ＞ ✱nĭttus, pŏs(i)tus, pūtĭdus ＞ ✱pūttus.

(2) The classic Latin -culus comprises an original -clus (sæclum) and an original -culus (aurĭcŭla). In popular Latin both were -clus (✱macla, ŏclus, etc.), to which was assimilated -tŭlus in current words (vĕtŭlus ＞ vĕclus, etc.).

(3) Many popular words which in Vulgar Latin had very generally lost the vowel were for some reason introduced into southern Gaul in their classical forms, and not a few were adopted both in the uncontracted and in the syncopated state: fragĭlem ＞ frágel (cf. Fr. fraile, It. frale), jŭvĕnem ＞ iọve (cf. Fr. iuevne); clĕrĭcum ＞ clęrgue clĕr’cum ＞ clęrc, dēbĭtum ＞ dẹute dēb’tum ＞ dẹpte, flēbĭlem ＞ frẹvol flēb’lem ＞ frẹble, mal’habĭtum ＞ malaute mal’hab’tum ＞ malapte, nĭtĭdum ＞ nẹde ✱nĭttum ＞ nẹt, hŏmĭnem ＞ ome hŏm’nem ＞ omne, pŏpŭlum ＞ pǫbol pŏp’lum ＞ pǫble.

48. The unaccented penult vowels that had not already fallen disappeared, in most cases, in the transition from Latin to Provençal: ✱carrĭcat ＞ carca, cŏllŏcat ＞ cǫlca, cŭrrĕre ＞ cọrre, spathŭla ＞ espatla, ✱ĕssĕre (= ĕsse) ＞ ęstre, ī(n)sŭla isla, pĕssĭmum ＞ pęsme, pōnĕre ＞ pọnre, ✱rīdĕre ＞ rire, tabŭla ＞ taula, tŏllĕre ＞ tǫlre.

49. Under certain conditions, however, a vowel which had not fallen in the Latin of southern Gaul was often kept in Provençal. It was then probably indistinct in sound, and was written usually e, but occasionally o.

(1) After c´, g´, or y the vowel was apparently retained in some dialects and lost in others. When the c´, g´, or y was intervocalic, forms with and without the vowel are about equally common; when the c´, g´, or y was preceded by a consonant, forms with the vowel predominate, and after cons. + c´ the vowel was apparently never lost. After intervocalic c´: cŏcĕre (= cŏquĕre) ＞ cǫire cǫzer, dīcĕre ＞ dire dízer, dūcĕre ＞ düire ✱düzer (condücir dedüzir), facĕre ＞ faire ✱fázer (fazedọr, etc.), gracĭlem ＞ graile, ✱nŏcĕre (= nŏcēre) ＞ nǫire nǫzer, placĭtum ＞ plach, sŏcĕrum ＞ sǫzer (sǫgre is from sŏcrum), ✱vŏcĭtum (= vacuum) ＞ vuech. After intervocalic g´ or y: bajŭlus ＞ bailes, fragĭlem ＞ frágel, imagĭnem ＞ imáge, lĕgĕre ＞ lęire legír (through ✱lęger?), rĭgĭdum ＞ rẹide rẹge, rĭgĭda ＞ rẹgeza, ✱tragĕre (= trahĕre) ＞ traire tragír (through ✱tráger?). After cons. + c´: carcer ＞ cárcer, crēscĕre ＞ crẹisser, nascĕre ＞ náisser, pascĕre ＞ páisser, parcĕre ＞ párcer, ✱tŏrcĕre (= tŏrquēre) ＞ tǫrzer. After cons. + g´ or y: angĕlum ＞ ángel (learned?), ✱cŏll’gĕre (= cŏllĭgĕre, through cŏllĭgo etc.) ＞ cǫlre cuelher colhír, ✱dē-ēr’gĕre (= ērĭgĕre) ＞ dẹrdre dẹrzer, ✱fŭlgĕrem (from fŭlger = fŭlgur) ＞ fọuzer, jŭngĕre ＞ iọnher, margĭnem ＞ marge, plangĕre> planher, vĭrgĭnem ＞ vẹrgena vẹrge.

(2) After ks, s, ss, and sy the vowel was apparently retained in some dialects and lost in others: dīxĕrunt ＞ diron dissęron (through ✱dísseron)[30], dūxĕrunt ＞ düystrent düissęron (✱dúisseron), fraxĭnum ＞ fraisne fraisse, traxĕrunt ＞ traissęron (✱tráisseron), tŏxĭcum ＞ tuęissec; asĭnum ＞ asne ase, mĭsĕrum ＞ miser (learned), ✱prē(n)sĕrunt ＞ prẹson prezęron (✱prẹzeron), rema(n)sĕrunt ＞ remastrent remasęron (✱remáseron); ✱ĕssĕre (= ĕsse) ＞ ęstre ęsser (used in Rouergue, Limousin, Marche, and Dauphiné), ✱mĭssĕrunt (= mīsĕrunt) ＞ mestrunt (mẹsdren) mesęron (✱mẹsseron), passĕrem ＞ pásser; ✱cō(n)sĕre (= consuĕre) ＞ coser (cozír is from V. L. ✱cosīre).

(3) Between a labial and a dental the vowel was apparently kept: cŭpĭdum ＞ cọbe,[31] fēmĭna ＞ fẹmena fẹme (but fēm’na ＞ fẹmna), jŭvĕnem ＞ iọve, ✱lūmĭnem ＞ lüme (lūmen ＞ lüm), hŏmĭnem ＞ ómen óme (but hŏm’nĕm ＞ omne), tĕpĭdum ＞ tębe,[31] tĕrmĭnum ＞ tęrme. Cf. § 48, 1.

(4) Between a dental and a guttural the vowel remained long enough for the guttural to become y (§ 52; § 65, G): mĕdĭcum ＞ ✱mędegu ＞ ✱mędeye ＞ mędže (= mege). If the first consonant was a liquid or a nasal, the vowel apparently allowed the guttural to become y in some dialects, but not in others: ✱carrĭcat ＞ caria carga, clĕrĭcum ＞ clęrie clęrgue, mŏnăchum ＞ monie mongue. Caballĭcat ＞ cavalga, cŏllŏcat ＞ cǫlca cǫlga show an earlier fall. In clĕr´cum ＞ clęrc the fall goes back to Latin times.

(5) Between lv and r the vowel was kept in some dialects and lost in others: sŏlvĕre ＞ sǫlver sǫlvre, vŏlvĕre ＞ vǫlver vǫlvre, pŭlvĕrem ＞ polvęra.

50. Some learned proparoxytones kept for a while both post-tonic vowels (usually written e), but most of them ultimately either shifted their accent to the penult (§ 17, 1) or dropped their final syllable: domĕstĭcum ＞ domęstegue, lacrĭma ＞ lágrema, mĕrĭtum ＞ męrite, hŏrrĭda ＞ ǫreza, rēgĭmen ＞ régeme; fĭstŭla ＞ festóla, fragĭlem ＞ fragíl, mĕrĭtum ＞ merít, tĕrmĭnum ＞ termíni; diacŏnum ＞ diágue, flēbĭlem ＞ frẹvol (cf. flēb´lem ＞ frẹble), nĭtĭdum ＞ nẹde (cf. ✱nĭttum ＞ nẹt), ōrdĭnem ＞ órde, pŏpŭlum ＞ pǫbol (cf. pŏp´lum ＞ pǫble), prīncĭpem ＞ príncep prínce. Cf. § 47, (3).

Final Syllable.

51. As early as the 8th century, in popular words, the vowels of final syllables fell, the fall occurring first, perhaps, after liquids: hĕrĭ ＞ ęr, malĕ ＞ mal; bŏnŭs ＞ bos, cŏlăphŭm ＞ cǫlp, cōgĭto ＞ cüg, panĕm ＞ pan, prĕtiŭm ＞ prętz.

(1) Latin a, however, remained, being generally pronounced ạ: audiăm ＞ auiạ, bŏnă ＞ bonạ, fīliās ＞ filhạs.[32]

(2) Latin final ī probably remained in all dialects later than the 8th century, and in some until the beginning of the literary period: hábuī ＞ águi ＞ aguí. Before it fell, it changed an accented ẹ in the preceding syllable to ị: see § 27.

(3) Latin i and u remained if they were immediately preceded by an accented vowel: fuī ＞ füi, mĕī ＞ męi, sŭī ＞ sọi; cavum ✱caum ＞ chau, dĕus ＞ dęus, ĕgo ✱ĕo ✱ĕu ＞ ęu, rīvum rīum ＞ riu. In such cases the two vowels formed a diphthong.

(4) Before final nt Latin e, u remained as e, o: cantent ＞ canten, vēndunt ＞ vẹndon.

52. When the fall of the vowel would have resulted in an undesirable consonant group at the end of a word, the vowel was retained as an indistinct e: dŭbĭto ＞ dọpte, lŭcrum ＞ lọgre.

The principal groups that call for a supporting vowel are: (1) a consonant and a liquid; (2) a labial and a dental; (3) in proparoxytones, a consonant and a c´ or c originally separated by the vowel of the penult; (4) in proparoxytones, a consonant and an m or n originally separated by the vowel of the penult. Ex.: ĭnter ＞ ẹntre; aptum ＞ apte; ✱dōdĕcim ＞ dọtze, jūdĭco ＞ iütge; ✱Jacŏmus ＞ Iacmes, asĭnum ＞ asne.

If the word was a paroxytone, and the first consonant was a palatal and the second an r, the supporting vowel stood between the two: major ＞ maier, mĕlior ＞ męlher, mŭlier ＞ mọlher, pĕjor ＞ pęier, sĕnior ＞ sęnher. Otherwise the supporting vowel followed the consonant group.

The four classes of groups (aside from the palatal + r just mentioned) will now be examined in detail:—

(1) Examples: alter ＞ autre, Carŏlus ＞ Carles, dŭplus ＞ dọbles, ✱ĕssĕre ＞ ęstre, fabrum ＞ fabre, ✱mĕr(ŭ)lum ＞ męrle, nŏster ＞ nǫstre, pauper ＞ paubre, pŏp(ŭ)lum ＞ pǫble, pōnĕre ＞ pọnre, recĭpĕre ＞ recẹbre, rŭmpĕre ＞ rọmpre, tŏllĕre ＞ tǫlre, vŏlvĕre ＞ vǫlvre; mascŭlum ＞ mascle, etc.; flēb(ĭ)lem ＞ frẹble, etc. Under this head is included r-r (cŭrrere ＞ cọrre, quærĕre ＞ quęrre), but not ll and rr (bĕllum ＞ bęl, fĕrrum ＞ fęr). In Provençal the first element was often changed, later than the 8th century, into a vowel, original b and v becoming u, and d, t, c, g, and y being turned to i: bĭbĕre ＞ bẹure, scrībĕre ＞ escriure, ✱mŏvĕre ＞ mǫure, plŏvĕre ＞ plǫure, vīvĕre ＞ viure; latro ＞ laire, matrem ＞ maire, radĕre ＞ raire, ✱rīdĕre ＞ rire, vĭtrum ＞ vẹire; desīdĕro ＞ desire, etc.; amātor ＞ amaire, servītor ＞ servire, etc.; dīcĕre ＞ dire, dūcĕre ＞ düire, facĕre ＞ faire, gracĭlem ＞ graile, ✱tacĕre ＞ taire; frīgĕre ＞ frire, weigăro gaire, lĕgĕre ＞ lęire; bajŭlum ＞ baile. Apparent exceptions to the rule are intervocalic cl, gl, which were probably reduced to single consonants before the 8th century: ŏc(ŭ)lum ＞ ǫlh, vĭg(ĭ)lo ＞ vẹlh.

(2) Examples: cŭbĭtum ＞ cọde; cŏmĭtem ＞ comte; dēbĭtum ＞ dẹpte dẹute, § 47, (3); dŏmnum ＞ domne; dŭbĭto ＞ dọpte; hŏspĭtem ＞ ǫste; sabbătum ＞ sapte.

(3) Examples: jūdicem ＞ iütge[33]; pŏllĭcem ＞ pǫuze; quīndĕcim ＞ quinze; salĭcem ＞ sauze; sēdĕcim ＞ sẹdze;—canŏnĭcum ＞ canonge canọrgue,[34] § 49, (4); clĕrĭcum ＞ clęrge clęrgue (§ 48, 2); mĕdĭcum ＞ mętge; mŏnăchum ＞ monge mongue mǫrgue,[34] § 49, (4); vĭndĭco ＞ vẹnie; viatĭcum ＞ viatge, etc.

(4) Examples: æstĭmo ＞ esme; dĕcĭmum ＞ dęsme; fraxĭnum ＞ fraisne; incūdĭnem ＞ enclütge (cf. § 80, Dn); ✱metĭpsĭmum ＞ medẹsme; pĕssĭmum ＞ pęsme; prŏxĭmus ＞ prǫsmes.

(5) In some dialects, at least, by, mby, mny, py, rny required a supporting vowel: rŭbeum ＞ rọtge, cambio ＞ camie, sŏmnium ＞ songe suenh, apium ＞ ache api, ✱Arvĕrnium[35] ＞ Alvęrnhe; ratge (= rabiem) is probably French. Original lm, rm, sm required a supporting vowel in some dialects but not in others: hëlm ＞ ęlme ęlm, ŭlmum ＞ ọlme ọlm, palmum ＞ palm; ✱ĕrmum ἔρημον ＞ erm, fĭrmum ＞ fẹrm, gĕrmen ＞ gęrme; spasmum ＞ espasme.

(6) Many verbs regularly have an -e in the first person singular of the present indicative: desire, dọpte, iütge, etc. By the analogy of these, -e often appears in the first person singular of verbs which need no supporting vowel: remīro ＞ remir remire. By the analogy of the preterit (águi, füi, etc.), -i is very often substituted for this -e: azọr azọri, cant canti, prętz pręzi, etc.

53. Many late words preserve the final vowel as -e: benigne, bisbe ＜ epĭscŏpum, digne (cf. denhar), mixte (cf. mẹst), regne (cf. reing), signe (cf. sẹnh). Cf. § 50; (for cǫlbe) § 48, 1; and (for cǫinde, etc.) § 47, 1. Learned formations from nouns in -ium usually end in -i, simply dropping the -um: capitǫli, edifici, empęri, iüzízi, martíri (martíre), negǫci, ofíci, periüri, remęzi, servízi, vici. Similar forms in -i were sometimes taken from the accusative of nouns and adjectives in -ius: Boęci ＜ Boëthium, prǫpri (prǫpre) ＜ prŏprium, savi ＜ sabium.

54. The Latin consonants which we have to consider are: b, c (= k), d, f, g, h, j (= y), l, m, n, p, qu (= kw), r, s, t, v (= w), x (= ks). To these we must add the Vulgar Latin w coming from u̯, and y coming from e̯, i̯: see § 40, (2). Furthermore, in words borrowed from Germanic dialects we find b, ð, h, k, þ, w, which call for special notice; and, in words borrowed from Greek, ch, k, ph, th, z.

The Latin d, f, j, l, p, t call for no remark at present. Latin h, in popular speech, became silent very early (hŏc ＞ ŏc, hŏmo ＞ ŏmo), and, although an attempt was made to restore it in polite speech, it left no trace in the Romance languages: cf. Rom., XI, 399. Double consonants were pronounced distinctly longer than single ones: annus, ĭlle, ŏssum, tĕrra.

55. Latin b, c, g, m, n, qu, r, s, v, w, x, y show the following developments in popular Latin speech:—

B between vowels became, through failure to close the lips tightly, β (bilabial v), from the 1st to the 3d century of our era: habēre ＞ aβẹre. The same change took place, to a certain extent, when the b was not intervocalic, but we have few, if any, traces of it in Provençal. Between vowels, even in learned words, the clerical pronunciation was probably β or v until the 7th century. Cf. V.

C before a front vowel (e, i), as early as the 3d century, doubtless had, in nearly all the Empire, a front or palatal articulation; that is, it was formed as close as possible to the following vowel[36]: cĕntum ＞ c´ĕntu, dūcĕre ＞ dūc´ĕre. The next step was the introduction of an audible glide, a brief y, between the c´ and the vowel[37]: c´yęntu, dục´yere. By the 5th century this c´y had developed into a kind of ty, the c´ having been drawn still further forward: t´yęntu dụt´yere. Through a modification of the y-glide, the group then became, in the 6th or 7th century, tš or ts: tšęntu tsęntu. See H. Schuchardt, Voc., I, 151, and Ltblt., XIV, 360; P. E. Guarnerio, in Supplementi all’ Archivio glottologico italiano, IV (1897), pp. 21-51 (cf. Rom., XXX, 617); G. Paris, in the Journal des savants, 1900, 359, in the Annuaire de l’École pratique des Hautes-Études, 1893, 7, in the Comptes rendus des séances de l’Académie des Inscriptions, 1893, 81, and in Rom., XXXIII, 322; W. Meyer-Lübke, Einf., pp. 123-126; F. G. Mohl, Zs., XXVI, 595; P. Marchot, Phon., pp. 51-53; W. Meyer-Lübke, in Bausteine zur romanischen Philologie, 313. Cf. G and X.[38]

G between vowels, before the accent, disappeared in some words in at least a part of the Empire: le(g)ālis, li(g)āmen, re(g)ālis, (realis is attested for the 8th century); ĕgo, generally used as a proclitic, everywhere lost its g; on the other hand, g was kept in castigāre, fatigāre, ligāre, negāre, pagānus. G before a front vowel (e, i), by the 1st or 2d century, was pronounced g´ (cf. C): gĕntem ＞ g´ĕnte, fragĭlis ＞ frag´ĭlis. As early as the 4th century this g´, through failure to form a close articulation, opened into y[39]: yęnte, fráyilis. Before an accented e or i an intervocalic y disappeared, in the greater part of the Empire, being fused with the vowel: magĭster ＞ mayįster ＞ maẹster, ✱pagēnsis ＞ payẹsis ＞ paẹsis, regīna ＞ reyịna ＞ reịna.[38]

M and n, when final, were weak and indistinct from the earliest times, except in monosyllables; by the 3d or 4th century they had probably disappeared altogether from the end of polysyllables: damnu, nọme; but jam, non.

N before spirants (f, j, s, v), except in the prefixes con- and in-, became silent during the Republican period, the preceding vowel, if it was short, being lengthened by compensation[40]: mē(n)sis, pē(n)sare. If the syllable con- or in- was not recognized as a prefix, the n fell: co(n)sul, co(n)ventum, i(n)fas. In learned and newly constructed words the n was pronounced. Cf. M.

Qu, gu before o or u were reduced to c, g in the 1st or 2d century: see W.

R before s, in a number of words, became s in the Republican period: deōrsum ＞ deōssum, dŏrsum ＞ dŏssum, sūrsum ＞ sūssum; so, in a part of the Empire, pĕrsĭca ＞ pĕssĭca, vĕrsus (preposition) ＞ vĕssus. Early in our era ss after a long vowel was reduced to s: deōsu, sūsu.

S was probably always voiceless, or surd, in classic Latin, but became voiced between vowels, in Gaul, at the end of the Vulgar Latin period: casa. To initial s + consonant an i or e was prefixed, at first, no doubt, after a word ending in a consonant: in schŏla ＞ in iscŏla; this process began in the 2d century and had become general by the 4th.

V, originally pronounced w, became β probably in the 1st century: vīvĕre ＞ βīβĕre. Before u, v regularly disappeared, but it was restored by analogy in many words: flavus ＞ flaus, ōvum ＞ ŏum, rīvus ＞ rīus; but also ŏvum, rīvus, by the analogy of ova, rivi. In the greater part of the Empire v apparently fell also before an accented o: pavōnem ＞ paōne, pavōrem ＞ paōre. Cf. W. When a β, representing either b or v, became contiguous to a following consonant, it changed to u: ✱avĭca ＞ aβĭca ＞ auca, gabăta ＞ gaβata ＞ gauta, ✱flavĭtat ＞ flaβĭtat ＞ flautat. In several words rv became rb in Latin: vervēcem ＞ berbēce berbīce, cŏrvus ＞ cŏrbus, cŭrvus ＞ cŭrbus.

W coming, in the 2d or 3d century, from u̯ (§ 40) differed from Latin v, then pronounced β, but was probably identical with Germanic w: dēbuī ＞ dẹbwị, placuī ＞ placwị, sapuit ＞ sapwit, tĕnuis ＞ tęnwis. W fell between a consonant and o or u: antīquus ＞ antịcus, battuo ＞ batto, carduus ＞ cardus, cŏquus ＞ cǫcus, distĭnguo ＞ distįngo, mŏrtuus ＞ mǫrtus; so eccu’hŏc ＞ Pr. acǫ. Cf. Qu.

X (= ks) was reduced to s, in the 2d or 3d century, before a consonant or at the end of a word of more than one syllable: sĕstus, sĕnes; but sĕx. So the prefix ex- ＞ es- before any consonant but s: ✱exgaudēre ＞ Pr. esiauzir, ✱exlucēre ＜ Pr. esluzir, ✱exmĭttĕre ＞ Pr. esmẹtre; excernĕre ＞ ✱escernīre ＞ Pr. eissernir. Ex- + s apparently became either ex- or ess-: ✱exsanguinātum ＞ Pr. eissancnat, ✱exsaritāre ＞ Pr. eissartar, ✱exsĕquĕre ＞ Pr. essęgre, ✱exsŭrgĕre ＞ Pr. essọrger, ✱exsūcāre ＞ Pr. eissügar essügar.

Y coming, in the 2d or 3d century, from e̯ or i̯, (§ 40) coincided with Latin j: habeam ＞ abya, eāmus ＞ yamus, tĕneat ＞ tęnyat; audio ＞ audyo, fīlia ＞ fịlya, vĕniat ＞ vęnyat. As early as the 4th century the groups dy, gy were reduced to y; and ly, ny probably became l´, n´: mĕdius ＞ mędyus ＞ męyus, corrĭgia ＞ corrįgya ＞ corrẹya; mĕlior ＞ męlyor ＞ męl´or, tĕneo ＞ tęnyo ＞ tęn´o.

56. Germanic b, ð, h, k, þ, w call for special mention:—

B did not participate in the change of Latin intervocalic b to β: roubôn ＞ Pr. raubar. The words containing it were evidently adopted after this phonetic law had ceased to operate.

ð, þ were pronounced by the Latins as d, t: ✱waiðanjan ＞ ✱wadanyāre ＞ Pr. gazanhar (It. guadagnare), þrëscan ＞ ✱trescāre ＞ Pr. trescar.

H, at the beginning of a word, was lost in the greater part of the Empire, including southern Gaul: hapja ＞ ✱apya ＞ Pr. apcha. H between vowels was lost in some words and replaced by kk in others: spëhôn ＞ Pr. espiar, fëhu ＞ Pr. fęu, jëhan ＞ ✱yekkīre ＞ Pr. gequir. Ht was regularly replaced by tt: slahta ＞ ✱sclatta ＞ Pr. esclata; but wahta, perhaps borrowed at a different period, became Pr. gaita.

K, in southern Gaul, did not take the palatal pronunciation before front vowels: skërnon ＞ Pr. esquernir, skina ＞ Pr. esquina, skiuhan ＞ Pr. esquivar, ✱rîk-ĭtia ＞ Pr. riquẹza; only the derivatives of Franko (doubtless Latinized early) show palatalization, as ✱Francia ＞ Pr. Fransa. G, however, seems to have been palatalized: gîga ＞ Pr. giga, geisla ＞ Pr. giscle. Before a, in words introduced early, k and g were treated like Latin c and g: kausjan ＞ Pr. cauzir chauzir, gâhi ＞ Pr. gai iai; see § 11, (1).

W was vigorously pronounced, and, through reinforcement of its velar element, came to be sounded gw: warjan ＞ ✱warīre gwarīre ＞ Pr. garir, wërra ＞ ✱węrra gwęrra ＞ Pr. guęrra.

57. Greek ζ, θ, κ, φ, χ did not exactly correspond to any Latin consonants:—

Z, whatever may have been its original pronunciation, received in Vulgar Latin the value dy, which then, like any other dy, became y: ✱zelōsus (from ζῆλος) = dyelọsus yelọsus ＞ Pr. gelọs. The infinitive ending -ίζειν, introduced in such words as βαπτίζειν, ＞ baptizāre = bapti(d)yāre, became very common in the form -įdyāre -įyāre, and was used to make new verbs: wërra + ίζειν ＞ ✱werrįdyāre gwerrįyāre ＞ Pr. guerrẹiar.

θ, in the popular speech of Rome, was replaced by t: similarly χ was replaced by c: σπαθή ＞ spatha = spata; χορδή ＞ chŏrda = cǫrda.

κ was apparently intermediate in sound between Latin c and g; it was generally replaced by the former, but sometimes by the latter: κατά ＞ cata, κυβερνᾰν ＞ gubernare.

φ, in Greek, was in early times (perhaps until the 4th century of our era) a strongly explosive p; it then developed into f. In words borrowed by the Romans in the early period it was replaced by p; in later words it was sounded f: κόλαφος ＞ cŏlăphus = cǫlapus, φασίολος ＞ phaseŏlus faseŏlus.

58. The fate of all these consonants in Provençal depended largely on their position in the word: we must therefore distinguish initial, medial, and final consonants. In a general way, the first tended to remain unchanged, the second to weaken, the third to disappear. Furthermore we must separate single consonants from consonant groups: the latter resisted change better than the former; but a group consisting of dissimilar elements tended to assimilate them.

59. A consonant preceded by a prefix was treated as an initial consonant as long as the character of this preceding syllable was recognized: de-cadĕre ＞ decazẹr, de-pĭngĕre ＞ depẹnher, præ-parāre ＞ preparar, re-cordāre ＞ recordar, re-patriāre ＞ repairar, re-pausāre ＞ repausar, se-dūcĕre ＞ sedüire. If, however, the initial syllable ceased to be recognized as a prefix, the following consonant was treated as a medial consonant: præpŏsĭtum ＞ prebǫst, retŏrta ＞ redǫrta; so, perhaps, profŭndum ＞ preọn. The rare rebọnre (beside repọnre) ＜ re-pōnĕre has the special sense ‘to bury’.

Single Initial Consonants.

60. B, d, l, m, n, p, r, s, t underwent no change: ben, dọn, lǫc, mẹ, nau, pauc, rius, si, tü.

61. C, c´, f, g, g´, β, y suffered some change. C, g must be distinguished from c´, g´: § 55, C, G.

C, g before o, u remained unchanged: colōrem ＞ colọr, cūra ＞ cüra; gŭla ＞ gọla, gŭtta ＞ gọta. Before a they changed only in the north and northeast, where they became (perhaps from the 7th to the 9th century) respectively tš and dž: campus ＞ camps champs; gaudēre ＞ gauzir iauzir.

C´ ＞ ts, which just before and during the literary period was reduced to s: cælum ＞ cęl sęl, cīvitātem ＞ ciutat ciptat siptat. For g´, see Y.

Y, comprising Latin dy, g´, gy, j, and z, became dž (except in Béarn, where it remained y): diurnālem ＞ iornal (yornal), deō(r)sum ＞ iọs; gĕlus ＞ gęls, gentīlem ＞ gentil (yentil), gȳrāre ＞ girar; jam ＞ ia, jŏcum ＞ iǫc (yǫc), jŭvĕnem ＞ iọve; ✱zelōsus ＞ gelọs.

F remained unchanged, except in Béarn and a part of Gascony, where it became h: famem ＞ fam ham, fĭdem ＞ fẹ hẹ, fŏcum ＞ fǫc hüc, fŏlia ＞ fuelha huelha.

β ＞ v (the dentilabial spirant), except in Béarn, Gascony, and parts of Languedoc, where it became b: vĕnit ＞ ven be, vĕntum ＞ vent bent, vĕrsus (§ 55, R) ＞ vęs bęs, vōs ＞ vọs bọs.

Initial Groups.

62. There are three classes of groups: those ending in l or r, those ending in w, and those beginning with s:—

(1) Bl, br, cl, cr, dr, gl, gr, pl, pr, tr underwent no change: blasphemāre ＞ blasmar, brĕvem ＞ bręu, clarus ＞ clars, crŭcem ＞ crọtz, drappus ＞ draps, glaciem ＞ glatz, gradum ＞ gra, plēnum ＞ plẹn, precāre ＞ pregar, trans ＞ tras. Gras is from grassus, a fusion of crassus and grossus. For grǫcs ＜ κρόκος see § 57, κ.

(2) Gw (Germanic w) and kw (Latin qu) were reduced, perhaps in the 10th century, to g and k, except in the west, where the w was retained: wahta ＞ gaita guaita, warjan ＞ garir guarir, wërra ＞ gęrra guęrra, wīsa ＞ gisa guisa; quando ＞ can quan, quare ＞ car quar. It should be noted that the u was commonly kept in the spelling (especially before e and i) after it had ceased to be pronounced, gu and qu being regarded merely as symbols for “hard” g and c. For cinc ＜ quīnque, see § 87, kw. Sw remained in suavem ＞ suau.

(3) To groups beginning with s a vowel had been prefixed in Vulgar Latin (§ 55, S); this vowel appears in Provençal as e. Sc´ apparently did not occur in any popular word; sl early became scl; the other groups (sc, scl, scr, sp, st, str) remained unchanged, except that in the north and northeast sc ＞ stš before a: scala ＞ escala eschala, schŏa ＞ escǫla, slahta ＞ ✱sclatta ＞ esclata, scrībĕre ＞ escriure, spīna ＞ espina, stare ＞ estar, strĭngĕre ＞ estrẹnher.

63. (1) It is well to note at the outset that when, through the fall of an unaccented vowel (§ 51), an early Provençal b, d, dz, dž, g, z, or ž was made final or contiguous to a final s, it became voiceless: ŏpus ＞ ǫbus ＞ ǫbs ǫps, ŏrbum ＞ ǫrbu ＞ ǫrb ǫrp: datum ＞ dadu ＞ dad dat, vĭrĭdem vĭrdem ＞ vẹrde ＞ vẹrd vẹrt; prĕtium ＞ prędzu ＞ prędz pręts (written pretz), vōcem ＞ vọdze ＞ vọdz vọts (written votz); mĕdium ＞ męyu mędžu ＞ mędž mętš (written meg or mech); amīcus ＞ amigus ＞ amigs amics, largum ＞ largu ＞ larg larc; rīsum ＞ rizu ＞ riz ris; basium ＞ bažu ＞ baiž baiš (bais). The combination tšs, however, loses either its second or its third element: ✱gaudios ＞ gautšs ＞ gautš or gauts (both of them often written gaugz); so nŏctes ＞ nuetšs ＞ nuetš or nuets (nuegz). For local variations of g, see (6). For apud ＞ ab ap am an, see § 65, P. 2.

(2) Under the same conditions, y became i: vĭdeo ＞ vẹyo ＞ vẹy vẹi, pĕjus ＞ pęyus ＞ pęys pięis.

(3) Under the same conditions, ð, coming from intervocalic d, fell when final, but became t before s: audit ＞ auði ＞ auð au; crūdus ＞ cruðus ＞ cruds crüts. So crūdum ＞ crü, fĭdem ＞ fẹ, fraudem ＞ frau, gradum ＞ gra, nīdum ＞ ni, nōdum ＞ nọ, pĕdem ＞ pę, sapidum ＞ sabe, tĕpidum ＞ tębe; grados ＞ grats, nōdus ＞ nọts, nūdus ＞ nüts, pĕdes ＞ pęts. The two sets of forms influenced each other: hence degras, fes,[41] nis, pes, etc.; crut, grat, not, nut,[41] etc.

(4) Under the same conditions, β, coming from v or from intervocalic b, became u if preceded by a vowel, but fell if preceded by a consonant: bĭbit ＞ bẹβi ＞ bẹβ bẹu, vīvit ＞ βịβi ＞ βịβ vịu, claves ＞ claβes ＞ claβs claus, vīvus ＞ βīβus ＞ βịβs vịus; salvet ＞ sal, salvum ＞ sal, sĕrvit ＞ siẹr, nĕrvos ＞ nęrs, salvus ＞ sals, sĕrvus ＞ sęrs. Sometimes, however, final β preceded by a consonant, instead of falling, became f: salvet ＞ salf, salvum ＞ salf, sĕrvit ＞ sięrf, vŏlvit ＞ vǫlf; it may be that these are the only regular forms for cons. + β when final, and that sal, sier are due to the analogy of sals, siers.

(5) Under the same conditions, final n, if preceded by a vowel, was kept in the extreme west, parts of the north, and all the southeast and east, but fell everywhere else; n before s was generally kept only in the southeast and east: bĕne ＞ be ben, canem ＞ ca can, sŏnum ＞ so son[42]; bŏnus ＞ bos bons, mansiōnes ＞ maisọs maisọns. In mĭnus ＞ mẹns the n was kept, perhaps through the analogy of menọr. If the n was preceded by a consonant (r), the fall seems to have been even commoner: cŏrnu ＞ cǫr cǫrn, tŏrno ＞ tọr tọrn; diŭrnus ＞ iọrs iọrns. For iọrnh ＜ diŭrnī, see § 51, 1. Provençal n coming from nn never falls: annus ＞ ans.

(6) Under the same conditions, g, representing original c or g, became c after o or u, and after other vowels either became c or was changed to i (which fused with a preceding i): fŏcum ＞ fǫc, lŏcus ＞ lǫcs, paucum ＞ pauc, Hūgo ＞ Uc; Aureliācum ＞ Aurelhac, dīco ＞ dic di, Henrīcum ＞ Enric Enri, ✱trago ＞ trac trai. The forms with c are the commoner; they have been most persistent in the west.

(7) The vocalization of l before s (malus ＞ maus) is a different phenomenon from the foregoing. See § 65, L.

(8) An m or an n that becomes contiguous to final s often develops into mp or nt, but oftener (judging from the spellings) does not: nĭmis ＞ nems nemps; annos ＞ ans anz.

(9) Between a liquid or a nasal and a final s, a b or a p generally fell, unless supported by the analogy of a form in which the b or p was final: ambos ＞ ams ambs, cŏrpus ＞ cors, tĕmpus ＞ tems temps; cf. balbs (balb), orbs (orb).

64. Final ts from any source, in Provence, Limousin, and a part of Languedoc and Gascony, was reduced, during the literary period, to s: amātis ＞ amatz amas, habētis ＞ avętz avęs, dīcit ＞ ditz dis, grandes ＞ granz grans, latus ＞ latz las, prĕtium ＞ prętz pręs. On the other hand, in a part of Limousin (especially in Limoges), and also in Dauphiné, -ts, in the second person plural of verbs, became t: habētis ＞ avęt.

Single Medial Consonants.

65. The single medial consonants will now be considered separately, in alphabetical order:—

β, coming from b or v, became v; except in the west and a part of the centre, where, if it remained intervocalic, it changed to b: habētis ＞ avętz abętz, debēre ＞ devẹr debẹr, faba ＞ fava faba; avārum ＞ avar, æstīva ＞ estiva, brĕvem ＞ bręu,[43] clavem ＞ clau, dīe Jŏvis ＞ diiǫus, lĕvat ＞ lęva, novĕlla ＞ novęla nabęra (Gascon), vīvus ＞ vius. When the preceding or following vowel was o or u, a β before the accent fell in most dialects, being fused with the vowel: abŭndare ＞ aondar abondar, gŭbĕrnare ＞ goernar governar, proclitic ŭbĭ ＞ ọ, prŏbare ＞ proar, sŭbĭnde ＞ soẹn sovẹn sobẹn, trĭbūtum ＞ treüt; Lŭdovīcus ＞ Lozoics, Provĭncia ＞ Proẹnsa Provẹnsa, novĕllum ＞ noęl novęl, novĕmbrem ＞ noembre novembre, pavōnem ＞ paọn, pavōrem ＞ paọr (cf. § 55, V).

C, from the 4th to the 6th century, was voiced to g, and then developed like any other g. See G.

C´, when it became contiguous to a consonant, through the fall of the unaccented vowel of the penult, was reduced to i: cŏcĕre ＞ cǫire, dīcĕre ＞ diire dire, dīcĭtis ＞ ditz, facĕre ＞ faire, facĭmu(s) ＞ faim, facĭtis ＞ faitz, fēcĕram ＞ fẹira, fēcĕrunt ＞ fẹiron, gracĭlem ＞ graile. When it remained intervocalic, it was assibilated during the transition period (§ 55, C); in most of the Provençal territory it became dz, which during the literary period was simplified to z; but in some dialects of the south and the northwest it resulted in idz (later iz), an i-glide having developed before the consonant while it was still palatal: aucĕllum ＞ auzęl, jacēre ＞ iazẹr, lĭcēre ＞ lezẹr, lūcēre ＞ lüzẹr lüzir lüisir, placēre ＞ plazẹr plaizẹr; crŭcem ＞ crọz crọiz crọis (see §§ 63, 64), dīcere ＞ dízer, dīcit ＞ ditz dis, dūcit ＞ dütz düs, facit ＞ fatz fas, jacet ＞ iatz ias iays, pacem ＞ patz pas pais, placet ＞ platz plas plais, verācem? ＞ verais, vōcem ＞ vọtz vọiz.

D, in a part of the west, remained unchanged; elsewhere, during the Vulgar Latin period, it opened into ð, which fell in the 11th century and earlier in parts of the north and east, and in the rest of the Provençal territory became z as early as the first part of the 12th century: audīre ＞ auzir auir audir,[44] audit ＞ au,[45] cadit ＞ ca, crudēlem ＞ cruzęl cruęl crudęl, fīdat ＞ fia, ✱gaudo ＞ gau, hŏrrĭda ＞ ǫreza, hŏrrĭdum ＞ ǫre, laudo ＞ lau, alauda ＞ lauzẹta laudẹta, rīdat ＞ ria, tradĕre ＞ trazir trair tradir, vidēre ＞ vezẹr vẹr vedẹr, vĭdet ＞ vẹ. When ð became contiguous to a following consonant (except final s), it changed to i: divīdĕre ＞ divire,[46] traditōrem ＞ traidọr (which, influenced by traïr, was pronounced traïdọr).[47]

F is very rare (cf. § 59). The few examples appear to show that f (presumably in the 6th century or earlier) became β, and then developed like any other β (see β): Stĕphănum ＞ Estęve, co(n)fortāre? ＞ ✱coβortar ＞ ✱coortar ＞ conortar (through the common use of the double forms, con-, co-), gryphum ＞ griu, raphănum ＞ rave rafe, ✱refusāre ＞ rehusar refusar, ✱prefŭndum (= pro-) ＞ preọn. Nevertheless, cofịn ＜ cŏphĭnum, defǫrs ＜ de fŏris, grifọ, profięg ＜ profĕctum, rafe, would seem to indicate that in some words, possibly less popular at the outset, f was retained.

G, representing original c and g, had a varied development.[48] For the fall of g in some words in Vulgar Latin, see § 55, G.

(1) Before a, g remained in the greater part of the territory, but in the north and east it early became y; and this y was generally retained in the eastern dialects (often fusing with a preceding i), while in most of the northern it developed into dž (cf. Y): amīca ＞ amiga amiia amia, dīcam ＞ diga dia, mīca ＞ miga miia mia,[49] pacāre ＞ pagar paiar, precāre ＞ pregar preiar; castigāre ＞ castigar castiar, legālem ＞ leial leyal lial, ligāmen ＞ liam, lĭgātum ＞ legat liat, plaga ＞ plaga plaia, regālem ＞ reial, rūga ＞ rüa.[50]

(2) Before o and u (ü), g was preserved, except in a few words which (doubtless in Vulgar Latin times) lost it either in all or in many dialects: acūtum ＞ agüt, secŭndum ＞ segọn, secūrus ＞ segürs; ✱a(u)gūrium ＞ agür aür, a(u)gŭstum ＞ agọst[51] ahọst, proclitic ĕgo ＞ ęu, ✱fagŏttum ＞ fagǫt, figūra ＞ figüra, Hugōnem ＞ Ugọ. For a g that becomes final or contiguous to final s, see § 63, (6): amīcus ＞ amics amis, Auriācum ＞ Auriac, cŏcum (= cŏquum) ＞ cǫc, jŏcus ＞ iǫcs, Ludovīcum ＞ Lozoic Lozoi, prĕco ＞ pręc; castīgo ＞ chastic chasti.

(3) Between the last two vowels of a proparoxytone, g, early in the Provençal period, became y, which developed into dž before the literary epoch; cf. § 49, (4): clĕrĭcum ＞ clęrge, ✱coratĭcum ＞ coratge, domĭnĭcum ＞ dimẹnge, manĭca ＞ mania, mĕdĭcum ＞ męge, mŏnăchum ＞ monge, ✱paratĭcum ＞ paratge, viatĭcum ＞ viatie. In some dialects, however, the vowel of the penult, after liquids and nasals, fell too early for the g to become y: clęrgue,[52] esta(t)ga, mętgue, mongue.

G´ became y during the Vulgar Latin period (§ 55, G). See Y.

L remained: colōrem ＞ colọr, male ＞ mal, ✱volēre (= velle) ＞ volẹr. Before final s, l became u in most dialects, in some as early as the 10th century: malos ＞ maus, talis ＞ taus; l was written, however, long after l had been vocalized. Under the influence of forms in which -ls ＞ -us, final l became u in the southwest and in some other regions: Aprīlem ＞ abriu. Cf. § 74, (2). Au ＜ -al is common in William of Poitiers.

L´ will be considered, as ly, under Groups, § 73, Ly.

M remained: amāre ＞ amar, hŏmo ＞ om, timōrem ＞ temọr.

N remained: bŏnas ＞ bonas, donāre ＞ donar, lūna ＞ lüna. For n final or contiguous to final s, see § 63, (5): fīnis ＞ fis fins, panem ＞ pa pan.

N´ will be considered, as ny, under Groups, § 73, Ny.

P, from the 4th to the 6th century, was voiced to b: capĭllum ＞ cabẹl, rīpa ＞ riba, ✱sapēre (= sapĕre) ＞ sabẹr, trepalium ＞ trebalh; capit ＞ cap (§ 63), sapis ＞ saps.

R remained: amāra ＞ amara, durāre ＞ dürar, ĕrat ＞ ęra. Final rs was reduced to s, in most dialects, during and after the literary period: priōres ＞ priọrs priọs (Girart); the reduction apparently began in Limousin as early as the 12th century (Bertran de Born rhymes iọs and flọrs).

S was voiced to z, probably from the 4th to the 6th century: pausa ＞ pausa, presĕntem ＞ presen; rīsum ＞ ris (§ 63).

T, from the 4th to the 6th century, was voiced to d: amāta ＞ amada, natālis ＞ nadals, servitōrem ＞ servidọr; habētis ＞ avętz avęs avęt (§§ 63, 64), latus ＞ latz las, natum ＞ nat. For a t which became contiguous to r (amātor ＞ amaire), see § 52, (1), and § 70, Tr.

W will be considered, as gw, under Groups, § 72, βw.

X is a symbol for ks: see Groups, § 79, Ks.

Y, representing Latin dy, g´, gy, j, and z (cf. § 55, G, Y; § 57, Z) had a varied development.

(1) When it became contiguous to a following consonant (§§ 45, 49) it changed to i: adjutāre ＞ ayudāre ＞ ay’dar ＞ aidar, medietātem ＞ meitat; cōgitāre ＞ cüidar, frīgĕre ＞ frire, lĕgĕre ＞ lęyre, propagĭnem ＞ probaina, rĭgĭda ＞ rẹida, ✱tragĕre ＞ traire; bajŭlus ＞ bailes.

(2) When it remained intervocalic, it became dž in most of the territory, but in the northeast and parts of the north it was not changed:[54] audiam ＞ auia, in-ŏdiare ＞ enoiar, invĭdia ＞ envẹia, invĭdiōsus ＞ enveiọs enveyọs, ✱gladia ＞ glaya, mediānum ＞ meian, ✱pŏdiāre ＞ poiar, radiāre ＞ raiar, sordĭdior ＞ sordẹier, vĭdeat ＞ vẹia; fragĭlem ＞ fragel; ✱exagiāre ＞ assatiar essaiar essayar, corrĭgia ＞ corrẹia corrẹya, fagea ＞ faia faya, regiōnem ＞ reiọ; dīe Jŏvís ＞ diiǫus, major ＞ maier, pĕjor ＞ pięier, pejōrem ＞ peiọr, trŏja ＞ trǫia; baptizāre ＞ bateiar. For a dž or a y that became final or contiguous to final s, see § 63, (1), (2): audio ＞ auch, in ŏdio ＞ enuęg (plural enuętz enuęg) enǫi, gaudium ＞ gauch, gladium ＞ glai, mĕdium ＞ męg męi, hŏdie ＞ ǫi, pŏdium ＞ puęg pǫi, radium ＞ rai; fŭgit ＞ füg füi, grĕgem ＞ gręy, lēgem ＞ lẹg (pl. lẹitz) lẹi, lĕgit ＞ lięg, magis mais,[55] rēgem ＞ rẹi, exagium ＞ essai; pĕjus ＞ pięis.

(3) Before accented e or i, y disappeared (doubtless in Vulgar Latin: § 55, G), except in some western dialects, where it became dž: vagīna ＞ guaīna, ✱legīre (= lĕgĕre) ＞ legir,[56] magĭster ＞ maẹstre maiẹstre magẹstre, ✱pagē(n)sis ＞ paẹs pagẹs, regīna ＞ reïna, sagĭtta ＞ saẹta saiẹta sagẹta.

Medial Groups.

66. Medial groups may be conveniently classified as follows:—A. Double Consonants (1); B. Groups of Dissimilar Consonants: groups ending in l (2), groups ending in r (3), groups ending in w (4), groups ending in y (5), groups beginning with l, m, n, r, or s and not ending in l, r, w, or y (6), all other groups (7). This order will be followed.[57]

1. Double Consonants.

67. In general, the double consonants became single, in the 9th or 10th century (perhaps earlier before the accent), but underwent no other change save those described in §§ 63, 64: abbātem ＞ abat, sĭccum ＞ sẹc, rĕddo ＞ ręt, affībulāre ＞ afiblar, aggregāre ＞ agregar, flamma ＞ flama, pĭnna ＞ pẹna, cappa ＞ capa, passum ＞ pas,[58] mŭttum ＞ mọt, advenīre ✱avvenīre ＞ avenir.

(1) Cc before a, in the east and northeast, became tš; elsewhere, c; bŭcca ＞ bọca bọcha, vacca ＞ vaca vacha.

(2) Ll, in some southern dialects, became l´; elsewhere, l: capĭllum ＞ cabẹl cabẹlh, grȳllum ＞ gril grilh, mantĕllum ＞ mantęl mantęlh, villānus ＞ vilas vilhas. It is possible, however, that -llī regularly became l´ in Limousin, while ll before other vowels was not palatalized: caballum ＞ caval, caballī ＞ cavalh; ĭllī ＞ ilh, ĭllōs ＞ ẹls; this would account in part for the frequent occurrence of lh in the poems. So in some dialects -nnī ＞ n´: annī ＞ anh. Cf. § 51, 1. For final ls and l, see § 65, L: ĭllos ＞ ẹls ẹus, vallem ＞ val vau. For Gascon l ＞ r, see § 10: appĕllat ＞ apęla apęra.

(3) Rr, when intervocalic, seems generally to have been distinguished from r during the literary period and later: cŭrrĕre ＞ cọrre, ✱corrŭptiāre ＞ corrossar, errāre ＞ errar, tĕrra ＞ tęrra. Occasionally, however, rr is found in rhyme with r.

2. Groups Ending in L.

68. The groups of two consonants will be treated in alphabetical order. It will be seen that bl, rl, sl remained unchanged; ml developed a glide consonant between its two members; pl, tl, βl and yl respectively voiced, assimilated, and vocalized their first element; while cl, gl were fused into l´. For an explanation of this last phenomenon, see § 79.

Bl ＞ bl: nĕbŭla ＞ nębla, ✱oblītāre ＞ oblidar, sabulōnem ＞ sablọn.[59]

βl ＞ ul: fabŭla ✱faβla ＞ faula, sibilāre ✱siβlāre ＞ siular, tabŭla ✱taβla ＞ taula.

Cl ＞ l´: genŭcŭlum ＞ genọlh, ŏcŭlum ＞ ǫlh, sĭtŭla ✱sĭcla[60] ＞ sẹlha, vĕtŭla vĕcla[60] ＞ vęlha. In learned words we find gl, cl: ✱e(c)clĕsia ＞ glęiza, joculārem ＞ ioglar, sæcŭlum ＞ sęgle sęcle.

C´l ＞ il: gracĭlem ＞ graile.

Dl ＞ dl, which during the literary period became ll and then l: mŏdŭlum ＞ ✱mǫdle mǫlle.

Gl ＞ l´: rēgŭla ＞ rẹlha, ✱strĭgŭla ＞ estrẹlha, vĭg(ĭ)lat ＞ vẹlha. Lẹula ＜ lĕgŭla, tẹula ＜ tēgŭla are irregular: cf. Archivio glottologico italiano, XIII, 439, 459.

Ml ＞ mbl: sĭmĭlāre ＞ semblar, trĕmŭlat ＞ trẹmbla. In sembrar we find an r ＜ l due perhaps to the analogy of membrar ＜ memorāre. In semel gives ensẹmble essẹms.

Pl ＞ bl: cōpŭla ＞ cọbla, dŭplum ＞ dọble. Learned words have pl: duplicar.

Rl ＞ rl: Carŏlus ＞ Carles, hōrolŏgium ＞ orlǫi, ✱paraulare ＞ parlar.

Sl ＞ sl: ī(n)sŭla ＞ isla. For ilha, see § 65, S, 1.

Tl ＞ tl, which during the literary period became ll and then l: rŏtŭlum ＞ rǫtle rǫlle, spathūla ＞ espatla espalla espala. In really popular words tl had become cl in Vulgar Latin.[61]

Yl ＞ il: bajŭlus ＞ bailes. Cf. § 65, Y, (1).

69. A group of three consonants remained unchanged, except that double consonants became single: ambulāre ＞ amblar, implēre ＞ emplir, avŭncŭlus ＞ avọncles, cĭrcŭlus ＞ cẹrcles, mascŭlus ＞ mascles, ✱afflammāre ＞ aflamar, inflāre ＞ enflar, ŭngŭla ＞ ọngla, emplastrum ＞ emplastre.

3. Groups Ending in R.

70. The groups of two consonants will be treated in alphabetical order. It will be seen that br, gr, lr, nr generally remained unchanged; mr, sr, zr (and sometimes lr, nr) developed a glide consonant; cr, pr voiced, and βr, c´r, dr, tr, yr vocalized their first element.

Br ＞ br, also ur, occasionally ir (through ür): fabrum ＞ fabre faure[62], fĕbrem ＞ fębre fęure, lībra ＞ liura; Octōbrem ＞ ochọyre. For brg, see § 80.

βr ＞ ur, occasionally ir: bĭbĕre ＞ bęure, débēr’ hábḙo ＞ deβr’áyo ＞ deurái, ✱rōbŏrem ＞ rọure rọire; ✱mŏvĕre (= mŏvēre) ＞ mǫure, plŏvĕre ＞ plǫure.

Cr ＞ gr: acrem ＞ agre, lacrĭma ＞ lagrema, lŭcrum ＞ lọgre, macrum ＞ magre, sacrāre ＞ sagrar, sŏcrum ＞ sǫgre.[63] In late learned words we find cr: secret.

C´r ＞ ir: cŏcĕre ＞ cǫire, dīcĕre ＞ dire, dūcere ＞ düire, facĕre ＞ faire. Cf. § 49, (1).

Dr ＞ ðr ＞ ir: divīdĕre ＞ devire, quadrum ＞ caire, vídēr’ hábe̯o ＞ veð’r-áyo ＞ veirái. After au, apparently, ð simply disappeared: claudĕre ＞ claure. Late learned words have dr: quadrupedi.

Gr, in popular words, was reduced to r in Vulgar Latin in parts of the Empire fra(g)rāre ＞ ✱frarar ✱flarar flazar, intĕ(g)rum ＞ entęr entięr, nĭ(g)rum ＞ nęr nięr,[64] pere(g)rīnum ＞ peleri, pĭ(g)rĭtia ＞ perẹza; these forms occur in Gascony, Rouergue, and Limousin, but forms with gr are found in the same region. Elsewhere, in these same words, and everywhere, in more bookish words, gr remained in Vulgar Latin; this gr was kept in most of the Provençal territory, but was changed to ir in Dauphiné, Auvergne, and Languedoc: fragrāre ＞ flairar, integrāre ＞ enteirar, intĕ́grum ＞ entęgre entęir,[65] nĭgrēscĕre ＞ negrezir, nĭgrum ＞ nẹgre nẹir,[65] peregrīnum ＞ pelegri, pĭgrĭtia ＞ pigręza. Purely learned words have gr everywhere: agricultura.

G´r: see Yr.

Lr usually remained unaltered, but in some dialects became ldr[66]: vălēr’ hábe̯o ＞ valrai valdrai, ✱vólēr’ hábe̯o ＞ volrai voldrai.

Mr ＞ mbr: camĕra ＞ cambra, memorāre ＞ membrar, nŭmĕrum ＞ nọmbre.

Nr usually remained unaltered, but in some dialects became ndr[66] cĭnĕrem ＞ cẹnre cẹndre, dīe Vĕnĕris ＞ divenres divendres, in-gĕnerāre ＞ engenrar, Henrīcum ＞ Enric, expōnĕre ＞ espọnre espọndre, ✱gĕnĕrem (= gĕnus) ＞ genre, gĕnĕrum ＞ genre gendre, honorāre ＞ onrar ondrar, tenēr’ habeo ＞ tenrai tendrai, venīr’ habeo ＞ venrai vendrai.

Pr ＞ br: capra ＞ cabra, cŭperāre ＞ cobrar, erĭpĕre ＞ erẹbre, ŏpĕra ＞ ǫbra, pauper ＞ paubre, ✱pĭperāta ＞ pebrada, recĭpĕre ＞ recẹbre, sŭperāre ＞ sobrar, sŭper ＞ sọbre. Purely learned words have pr: caprin. It is uncertain whether paupre (beside the usual paubre) is a Latinism or represents some dialect in which au prevented voicing.

Sr ＞ str: ✱ĕssĕre (= ĕsse) ＞ ęstre. For ęsser, see § 49, (2).

Tr ＞ dr ＞ ðr ＞ ir: amātor ＞ amaire, fratrem ＞ fraire, latro ＞ laire, mater ＞ maire, ŭtĕrem ＞ ọire, pĕtra ＞ pęira, Pĕtrus ＞ Pęires, petrōnem ＞ peirọ, petrōsus ＞ peirọs, pre(s)by̆tĕrum (Einf., § 140) ＞ prevẹire, servītor ＞ servire, vĭtrum ＞ vẹire. Learned words have dr and tr: ✱poenĭtĕre ＞ penedre (penedir), impetrāre ＞ impetrar.

Yr ＞ ir: frīgĕre ＞ frire, lĕgĕre ＞ lęyre.

Zr ＞ zdr: mīsĕrunt + ✱mĭssĕrunt ＞ ✱mẹzron mẹsdron.

71. A group of three consonants nearly always remained unchanged, except that double consonants became single: ŭmbra ＞ ọmbra, arbŏrem ＞ arbre, sepŭlcrum ＞ sepulcre, ✱canc(e)rōsus ＞ cancrọs, ✱addīrēctum ＞ adrẹit, fŭndĕre ＞ fọndre, ardĕre ＞ ardre, ✱offerīre ＞ offrir, ✱Hungaría ＞ Ongria, rŭmpĕre ＞ rọmpre, apprĕssum ＞ apręs, asprum ＞ aspre, ŭltra ＞ ọltra, intrāre ＞ entrar, mo(n)strāre ＞ mostrar, mĭttĕre ＞ mẹtre. Lβr and rg´r, however, regularly became ldr and rdr, and llr became ldr to the same extent as lr (q. v.): absŏlvĕre ＞ absǫldre (absolvre is probably a Latinism), pŭlvĕrem ＞ pọldre; ✱dē-ēr’ gĕre ＞ dẹrdre; tollĕre ＞ tǫlre tǫldre. Rmr became rbr in marmor ＞ marbre (also marme). Prendre often became penre (perhaps to distinguish it from pendre ＜ pĕndĕre) through the analogy of genre gendre, etc.; the first r having been lost by dissimilation.

4. Groups Ending in W.

72. This class includes not only Latin gu̯, qu̯, but all combinations of consonant + u̯, cf. § 40, (2). A w thus evolved seems to have developed like Germanic w (cf. § 56, W): it became gw (assimilating the preceding consonant, unless that consonant was a liquid or a nasal), and then was reduced, before the literary period, to g, cf. § 62, (2). Pw, however, had a quite different history, owing, on the one hand, to the affinity of its two labial elements, and, on the other, to the stability of the voiceless stop, which prevented the assimilation that we find in βw ＞ ww.

ßw ＞ ww ＞ gw ＞ g: habuĭssem ＞ aguẹs, dēbuit ＞ dẹc (§ 63); ✱co(g)nōvuit (cf. Meyer-Lübke, Gram., II, p. 357) ＞ conọc, ✱crevuĭstī ＞ creguist, ✱movuĭsset ＞ mogues, ✱plŏvuit ＞ plǫc. We seem to have the same combination in Germanic treuwa ＞ tręgua tręga (treva is probably French).

Dw ＞ gw ＞ g: ✱sĕduit ＞ sęc.

Kw ＞ gw ＞ g: antīqua ＞ antiga, ĕqua ＞ ęga, æquālem ＞ egal (engal has received through a mistake in etymology the prefix en- or e- ＜ in-), nŏcuit ＞ nǫc, placuĭstī ＞ plaguist, ✱sĕquĕre (= sĕqui) ＞ sęgre, ✱sequīre ＞ seguir, tacuĭssem ＞ taguẹs.

Lw ＞ lgw ＞ lg: caluit ＞ calc, ✱toluĭstī ＞ tolguist, valuĭssem ＞ valguẹs, vŏluĕrunt (§ 16, 2) ＞ vǫlgron.

Nw, ngw, nkw ＞ ngw ＞ ng: tĕnuit ＞ tẹnc, ✱venuĭsset ＞ venguẹs; sanguem ＞ sanc; cīnque (= quinque) ＞ cinc.

Pw ＞ upw ＞ up ＞ ub: sapuĭsset ＞ saubẹs, recĭpuit ＞ recẹup.

Rw ＞ rgw ＞ rg: mĕruit ＞ męrc.

Sw seems to have been reduced early to s in consuetūdĭnem ✱costūmen ＞ costüm (costüma). Cōnsŭo apparently became ✱cōsio, whence an infinitive ✱cōsĕre or ✱cosīre (Pr. cǫzer, cosir).

Tw ＞ dw ＞ gw ＞ g: pŏtuit ＞ pǫc.

5. Groups Ending in Y.

73. This class contains: 1st, combinations of consonant + y ＜ e̯ or i̯, cf. § 40, (2); 2d, consonant + g´ ＞ y (§ 55, G), the g´ having been in some cases always contiguous to the preceding consonant, in others originally separated from it by a vowel; 3d, consonant + g ＞ y, the g representing an original c or g between the last two vowels of a proparoxytone, cf. § 65, G, (3). It does not include dy and gy, which early became y: see § 65, Y. See § 63, (1). The groups will be considered in alphabetical order:—

Bry ＞ bry in ebriācum ＞ ebriac (iure is probably French).

βy was early reduced to y in habeo habeam etc. and dēbeo dēbeam etc., partly, no doubt, through the proclitic use of these words, partly under the influence of audio ＞ ✱auyo audiam ＞ ✱auya and video ＞ ✱veyo vĭdeam ＞ ✱veya; this y, like any other medial y (§ 65, Y), became džy̆ or remained y: ai (for some reason there seems to have been no form ✱ach), aia; dẹi dẹch, dẹia. Aside from these words, βy ＞ udž and uy apparently in the north; elsewhere uy, by, vy—uy prevailing in the west, by and vy in the south and east. When the y became final, it changed to i, which, after a consonant, was syllabic. Ex.: abbrĕviat ＞ abręuia, ✱aggrĕviat ＞ agrẹuia, allĕviat ＞ alęuia, avĭŏ́lum ＞ aviǫl aiǫl, cavĕa ＞ gabia cauia, labia ＞ lavia-s, ✱leviarius ＞ leugięrs, ✱rabiam (= rabiem) ＞ rabia rauia,[67] ✱rabiāre ＞ rabiar, rabiōsus ＞ rabiọs rauiọs, rŭbeum ＞ rọg rọi,[68] ✱sabium ＞ savi sabi, atavia ＞ tavia, vidŭvium ＞ vezọig bedọi.[68] In purely learned words, Latin bi, vi, etc., are kept: abiurament, fluvial. Brĕvio ＞ bręy: cf. § 65, β, 3.

Cc´y: see C´y.

Cly ＞ l´: coclearium ＞ cuilhięr.

Cty ＞ is: factiōnem ＞ faissọ, lectiōnem ＞ leissọ, suspectiōnem ＞ sospeissọ. In purely learned words we find the spellings cti, cci, which doubtless indicate ktsy or ksy: electio, accio. Cf. Ssy.

C´y, cc´y, kwy ＞ ts; this ts, when it remained medial, was reduced, before and during the literary period, to s: bracchia ＞ brassa, bracchium ＞ bratz bras (§ 64), faciam ＞ faza fassa, faciem ＞ fatz fas, glaciem ＞ glatz glas[69], laqueāre ＞ lassar, laqueum ＞ latz las, ✱pĕcia ＞ pęssa, placeam ＞ plassa. Learned words have zi and ci, doubtless pronounced at first dzi, tsi, later zi, si (cf. A. Horning, Zs., XXIV, 545; XXV, 736): iuzizi iudici, edifici, Grecia. Cf. Pty.

D-g ＞ dž: jūdĭco ＞ iütge, mĕdĭcum ＞ męge, ✱sĕdĭcum ＞ sęie[70].

Dy: see § 55, Y and § 65, Y.

Gdy: see § 80, Gd.

Gy: see § 55, Y and § 65, Y.

Kwy: see Cy.

Lc´y ＞ lts ＞ uts ＞ us: calceāre ＞ caussar. Cf. Lty. See § 74, (2).

Lg´ apparently became ldz ＞ udz ＞ uz in ✱fŭlgĕrem (= fŭlgur) ＞ fọuzer.

Ll-g´ ＞ l´ in cŏllĭgit ＞ cuęlh. Cf. Ly.

Lly: see Ly.

Lny ＞ n´: balneum ＞ banh.

Lty ＞ lts >uts ＞ us: ✱altiāre ＞ auçar aussar. Cf. Lc´y. See § 74, (2).

Lvy ＞ lby ＞ uby in salvia ＞ saubia (Gascon).

Ly, lly ＞ l´: consĭlium ＞ cossẹlh, fīlium ＞ filh, fīlia ＞ filha, nūllī + vowel ＞ nülh. Learned words have li: familiarmens. Lili liri lire ＜ līlium are doubtless learned; lis is French.

Mby ＞ mby, mdž, and ndž; mdž being the usual form in the literary language: cambiāre ＞ camiar caniar cambiar.

Mmy ＞ my, mdž, and ndž: commeātus ＞ comiatz coniatz.

Mny ＞ n´ in Limousin and in the extreme east and southwest, elsewhere ndž: somniāre ＞ sonhar soniar. Somni, beside suenh songe, is learned.

Mply ＞ mply in ampliāre ＞ ampliar, probably learned.

My ＞ my and n´: sīmia ＞ simia, vindēmia ＞ vendẹmia vendanha.

Nc´y ＞ nts ＞ ns: ✱Francia ＞ Fransa. Cf. Nty.

Nd-g ＞ ndž: ✱pĕndĭcat ＞ penia, vĭndĭco ＞ vẹnie. Similarly mandūcāre ＞ ✱mandugare manduyare mandyare ＞ maniar[71].

Ndy ＞ n´: ✱Burgŭndia ＞ Borgọnha, verecŭndia ＞ vergọnha.

N-g ＞ ndž: ✱excommĭnĭco (= excommūnĭco) ＞ escomẹnie[71], mŏnăchum ＞ monie.

Ng´ ＞ n´ and ndž: jŭngĕre ＞ iọnher iọnger, ŭngĕre ＞ ọnher ọnger, plangĕre ＞ planher planger, pŭngĕre ＞ pọnher pọnger. Angel is probably learned.

Ng´y ＞ ndž: spŏngia ＞ esponia.

Nny ＞ n´: stanneum ＞ estanh.

Nty ＞ nts ＞ us: cantiōnem ＞ cansọ, comĭn(i)tiāre ＞ comensar, sperantia ＞ esperansa. Purely learned words have nti: essentia. Cf. Nc´y.

Ny ＞ n´: extraneum ＞ estranh, tĕneo ＞ tenh, vĕniat ＞ venha. Before or during the literary period final n´ or n´s lost its palatal quality in many dialects: ingĕnium ＞ genh gen. If estraniar comes from extraneāre (and not from ✱extranicāre), it must be a word of later adoption; so estrangier. In sotran ＜ subterraneum there is probably a change of suffix.

Pry probably became regularly bry: capreŏlum ＞ ✱cabriǫl cabirǫl (cabrǫl seems to be a new formation from cabra). Coyre ＜? cŭpreum is unexplained.

Pty ＞ ts, which, when it remained medial, was reduced, before and during the literary period, to s: ✱captiāre ＞ cassar, ✱corrŭptiāre ＞ corrossar, nĕptia ＞ nęssa, ✱nŏptias (§ 38, 2) ＞ nǫssas. Cf. C´y.

Py remained py in the west and a part of the south, and elsewhere became ptš, later tš: apium ＞ ache api, ✱apprŏpiat (＜ prŏpe) ＞ aprǫpcha aprǫcha aprǫpia, sapiam ＞ sapcha sacha sapia, sapiĕntem ＞ sachent sapient, sēpia ＞ sẹpia. Asabentar is from sabẹn. Piion ＜ pipiōnem is French. Learned words have pi: copia; but mancĭpium ＞ mancip massip.

Rc´y ＞ rts (＞ rs?): urceŏ́lum (Zs., XXVI, 668) ＞ orzǫl.

Rdy ＞ rdz: ✱dis-tardiat ＞ destarza. Ordi = hŏrdeum is perhaps from the genitive hŏrdeī, as in tres modii hordei, etc.

R-g ＞ rdž: clĕrĭcus ＞ clęries.

Rg´ ＞ rdž and rdz (＞ rz): argĕntum ＞ argen, ✱burgē(n)sis ＞ borgẹs borzẹs (also borgues, under the influence of borc), ✱dē-ērĭgit ＞ dẹrs, ✱dē-ē(i)gĕre ＞ dẹrzer (also derdre: § 71), sŭrgĕre ＞ sọrger sọrzer, sŭrgit ＞ sọrtz.

Rny ＞ rn´: ✱Arvĕrnium ＞ Alvęrnhe.

Rr-g ＞ rdž: ✱carrĭcat ＞ caria.

Rry ＞ ir: porrum ＞ ✱porreum ＞ poyre; but ✱horrearium? ＞ orgięr (cf. Körting).

Rt-g ＞ rdž and rts (＞ rs): ✱excŏrtĭcat ＞ escǫria escǫrsa.

Rty ＞ rts ＞ rs ✱fortiāre ＞ forsar, tĕrtium ＞ tęrz tęrs. Convercio is learned.

Rvy ＞ rvy rby: ✱cĕrvia ＞ cervia cerbia.

Ry ＞ r´, which developed into ir when it remained medial, but became r at the end of a word[72]: ✱exclariāre ＞ esclairar, ✱donatōria ＞ donadọira, ✱fĕria ＞ fęira fięira, fĕriat ＞ fęira, matĕria ＞ madęira, ✱mŏriat ＞ mǫira, primaria ＞ premęira premięira (§ 23, 1), ✱punitōria ＞ punidọira, varia ＞ vaira, variāre ＞ vairar; ✱a(u)gūrium ＞ aür, cŏrium ＞ cuęr, ✱donatōrium ＞ donadọr, impĕrium ＞ empięr, mĭnistĕrium ＞ mestięr, ✱mŏrio ＞ mǫr muęr, monastĕrium ＞ mostięr (§ 45, 3), primarius ＞ premięrs, ✱punitōrius ＞ punidọrs. If the ry is preceded by au, it apparently remains unchanged: Auriācum ＞ Auriac (Zs., XXVII, 559). Learned words have ri: bori ＜ ebŏreum, contrari.

Sc´y: see Ssy.

Ssy, sc´y, sty ＞ s´, which in most of the territory became is, but in the west and the extreme east developed into i(t)š and (t)š: ✱bassiāre ＞ baissar baichar bachar, ✱angŭstia ＞ engọissa, ✱ingrŏssiat ＞ engruęissa, fascia ＞ faissa, ✱grassiāre ＞ graissar, pŏstea ＞ puęissas pueih püch, ūstium ＞ üis.

Sty: see Ssy.

Sy ＞ z´, which in most of the territory became iz, but in parts of the northeast, north, and west developed into i(d)ž and (d)ž, and in some scattered dialects gave y and z: basium ＞ bais bai (§ 63), basiare ＞ baisar baiiar baiar bayar basar, quasi + vowel ＞ cais quaish, camisia (cf. Archiv für lateinische Lexikographie, XII, 265) ＞ camiza, cerĕsea (Einf., § 103) ＞ ciręiza cirięiia cerięya cerięza, ma(n)siōnem ＞ maisọn maiiọn maiọn mayọ, occasiōnem ＞ ochaizọ, pre(hen)siōnem ＞ preisọ (cf. enpreyọna, ‘imprisons’), quĭd se + vowel ＞ quẹis, Ger. sazjan ＞ saisir, to(n)siōnem ＞ toisọ.

T-g ＞ dž: ✱coratĭcum ＞ corage, ✱paratĭcum ＞ parage, viaticum ＞ viatie. For messatgue, etc., see § 65, (3).

Try apparently became ir: atrium? ＞ aire, arbĭtrium ＞ albire.

Tty ＞ ts ＞ s: ✱plattĕa ＞ plassa.

Ty ＞ apparently t´ ＞ d´ ＞ generally d´z´,[73] which in most of the west and north became dz, but in the south and east developed into idz; dz and idz, when they remained medial, were reduced, before and during the literary period, to z and iz: ✱altĭtia ＞ altẹza, ✱bellĭtia ＞ belẹza, malĭtia ＞ malẹza, pigrĭtia ＞ perẹza, ✱prĕtiat ＞ pręza, ✱rikĭtia ＞ riquẹza; palatium ＞ palatz palaitz palais (§ 64), pŭteum ＞ pọtz püis, prĕtium ＞ prętz pręs, solatium ＞ solatz solas; potiōnem ＞ pozọn poizọn, ✱pretiāre ＞ prezar, ratiōnem ＞ razọ raizọn, s(t)atiōnem ＞ sazọ saizọn. The forms without i prevail in the literary language, and in words in which the dz comes after the accent (especially in the ending -ẹza) they seem to have encroached largely upon the ground of the others.[74] According to some philologists, the development of ty differed according to its position before or after the accent: for a brief bibliography of the discussion, see Zs., XXVII, 689. In learned words we find zi, ci, çi, ti: estimatio, iustizia -icia -ecia -eçia, natio nacio, negoci, servizi -ici (cf. A. Horning, Zs., XXIV, 545, XXV, 736, XXXI, 200).

6. Groups Beginning with L, M, N, R, or S.

74. (1) Of the groups beginning with l (and not ending in l, r, w, or y), the following remained unchanged (except that c before a became tš in the north and northwest).— lb, lc (and llc), lg (llg), lm, lp, lv: alba ＞ alba; calcāre ＞ calcar, collocāre ✱colcāre ＞ colcar (-char); collocare ✱collogare ✱colgare ＞ colgar; hëlm ＞ ęlm, ŭlmum ＞ ọlm; cŏlăphum ✱cŏlpum ＞ cǫlp (κόλπος ＞ gọlfe is unexplained); calvum ＞ calv (= calf?), salvāre ＞ salvar. Ld, ls (lls), lt (llt) were regularly unchanged except for the vocalization of the l: see below. Lc´ (llc´) became lts, and then the l was vocalized: see below. Lc´p became lp in calce pīsāre ＞ calpisar. Lg´, llg´, have been treated in § 73. Lvs, lvt became ls, lt, and then the l was vocalized: see below.

(2) L became u before the dental consonants d, s, t in most of the dialects. The vocalization seems to have begun in the 8th century and to have progressed through the literary period and later. It is difficult to trace it, as l long continued to be written for u. In modern Provençal, ls remains in Languedoc, lt in Rouergue. Auça occurs in the Boeci. The l was probably first retracted, to differentiate it from the following dental; and then this velar l was opened into u. Ex.: cal(ĭ)daria ＞ caudiera, cal(ĭ)dum ＞ caut, sŏl(ĭ)dum ＞ sǫlt sǫut; falsum ＞ fals faus, malos ＞ mals maus, valles ＞ vals vaus; ✱fallĭta ＞ fauta, mŭltum ＞ mọlt mọut, ✱tŏllĭtum ＞ tǫlt tǫut; dŭlcem ＞ dọlz dọutz dọus, pŏllĭcem ＞ pǫutz, salĭcem ＞ sautz; calvus ＞ ✱cals caus, ✱vŏlvĭta ＞ vǫlta vǫuta. So ✱altiat ＞ auça aussa, ✱calceare ＞ cauçar caussar: cf. § 73, Lc´y, Lty. In dọs (= dọus) and mọt (= mọut) the ọ seems to have absorbed the u. Cf. § 65, L.

75. Of the groups beginning with m (and not ending in l, r, w, or y), the following usually remained unchanged—mb, md, mf, mp, ms, mt: gamba ＞ gamba (if bobansa is from βόμβος, it is irregular); ✱semitarium ✱semidarium ＞ semdięr; triumphāre ＞ triomfar; lampas ✱lampa ＞ lampa; ✱camisīle? ＞ camsil (dialectically cansil; so Samson, Sanso); cŏmĭtem ＞ comte (dialectically conte). For mbd in ambo dŭos see § 111, 2. Mn in the literary language generally remained unchanged (often spelled mpn), but in some dialects it was assimilated into nn, which was locally simplified into n: dŏmĭna dŏmna ＞ dompna domna donna dona, damnāre ＞ dampnar damnar dannar danar, fēmĭna ✱fēmna ＞ fẹmna fẹnna (feme is from fémena ＜ fēmĭna),[75] hŏmĭnem ✱hŏmnem ＞ omne (ome is from ✱ómene ＜ hŏmĭnem).[75] When final, it regularly became n, occasionally m: damnum ＞ dan, somnum ＞ son som.[76] Mnc´ ＞ ndz nz in ✱domnicĭlla ＞ donzẹla. Mpt mt ＞ mt, dialectically nt: computāre ＞ comtar contar, temptāre ＞ temptar tentar; domitāre ＞ domptar.[77]

76. (1) Of the groups beginning with n (and not ending in l, r, w, or y), the following generally remained unchanged (except that c, g before a became tš, dž in the north and northeast)—nc, nd, ng, nm, nt: hanka ＞ anca, blank- ＞ blanc (-ca -cha), franko ＞ franc (-ca -cha); mandāre ＞ mandar, ŭnda ＞ ọnda; lŏngum ＞ lonc (-ga -ia), plango ＞ planc, rĭng ＞ rẹnc; anĭma ＞ anma (also, by dissimilation, arma); sentīre ＞ sentir. For final nd, nt, see (2) below. Nc´ ＞ nts ns: ✱francē(n)sis ＞ francẹs, mancĭpium ＞ mansip (also massip: cf. ns below), vĭncere ＞ vẹncer vẹnser. Nct became in different dialects n´ int nt ntš: jŭnctum ＞ iọnh ioint iọnt iọnch, ŭnctūra ＞ onchüra, ✱pĭnctūra ＞ peintüra penchüra, planctum ＞ planh planch, sanctum ＞ sanh saint sant. Ndc´ became, in different dialects, ndz (later nz), nts, ndž: quīndĕcim ＞ quinze quintze quinge. Ndt ＞ nd nt: ✱rendĭta ＞ renda renta. Nf remained in some dialects, while in others it became ff, then f: confŭndit ＞ confọn cofọn, infantem ＞ enfant effant efant, infĕrnum ＞ enfęrn efęrn. Ng ＞ ng: mŏnăchum ✱mon’gu ＞ mongue (manĭcum ＞ margue by dissimilation). Ns, in learned words and new formations (see § 55, N), remained in most dialects, while in others (especially those of the centre) it became ss, then s; consĭlium ＞ consẹlh cossẹlh, in sĭml ＞ ensẹm essẹm, ✱insignāre ＞ ensenhar essenhar, pensāre ＞ pensar pessar, sensus ＞ sens; for final ns, see § 63, (5). Ntc´ ＞ nts ns in pantĭcem ＞ pansa. Nv remained in some dialects, while in others it became vv, then v: convenīre ＞ convenir covenir. Ndc, ndg, n-g, ng´ have been treated under § 73.

(2) Final nd remained as nt in the eastern and central part of the territory, became n in the west and a part of Limousin, and disappeared altogether in a part of Languedoc and Gascony: amando ＞ aman, descĕndit ＞ deissẹn, grandem ＞ grant gran gra, mŭndum ＞ mọnt mọn, vēndit ＞ vẹnt bẹn, profŭndum ＞ preọn, quando ＞ quant quan. Final nt remained in most of the territory, but in a part of Languedoc and Gascony became n or disappeared: fŏntem ＞ font fon fo, mŏntem ＞ mont mon, quantum ＞ quant quan, vĕntum ＞ vent bent be.

For efanh, parenh, monh ＜ mŭndi, etc., see § 51, 1.

77. Of the groups beginning with r (and not ending in l, r, w, or y), the following remained unchanged (except that c, g before a became tš, dž in the north and northeast)—rb, rc, rd, rf, rg, rm, rn, rp, rs, rt, rv: barba ＞ barba, cŏrbum ＞ corp; barca ＞ barca, cĭrcāre ＞ cercar, clĕrĭcum ✱clĕrcum ＞ clęrc, fŭrca ＞ fọrca fọrcha, mercātum ＞ mercat; ardĕntem ＞ arden, ✱perdūtum ＞ perdüt, vĭr(ĭ)dem ＞ vẹrt; ŏrphănum ＞ ǫrfe; ✱carricāre ✱carrigāre ✱cargāre ＞ cargar cariar, largum ＞ larc (-ga -ia), sērĭca ✱sēr’ga ＞ sẹrga; ĕ́rēmum ＞ ęrm, fōrma ＞ fọrma; hibĕrnum ＞ ivęrn, tabĕrna ＞ tavęrna, tornāre ＞ tornar; wërpan ＞ guerpir; arsum ＞ ars, cŭrsum ＞ cọrs (for vĕrsus ＞ vęs, see § 55, R); artem ＞ art, fŏrtem ＞ fǫrt; servīre ＞ servir. For final rn, rs, see § 63, (5); § 65, R. Rc´> rts rs: parcĕre ＞ parcer, parcit ＞ partz, ✱tŏrcĕre ＞ tǫrser. Rdc´ became, in different dialects, rdz (later rz), rts, rdž: quatuŏrdĕcim ✱quattōrdĕcim ＞ quatọrze quatọrtze quatọrge. Rdg before a ＞ rg, rdž: vĭridicantem ✱vĭrdigantem ＞ verguan verian. Rdt ＞ rd: perdĭta ＞ pęrda. Rps ＞ rs: ✱escarpsus (= excerptus) ＞ escars. Rtm ＞ rtm or rm: fŏrti mĕnte ＞ fortmen formen. For rg´ see § 73.

78. Of the groups beginning with s (and not ending in l, r, w, or y), the following usually remained unchanged through the literary period (except that c before a became tš in the north and northeast)—sc, sm (ssm), sn, sp, st: ✱bŭscum (? = bŭxum)? ＞ bọsc, ✱lŭscum ＞ lọsc, pascha ＞ pasca pascha, pĕrsĭca pĕssĭca ✱pĕsca ＞ pęsca, piscātor ＞ pescaire, piscarium ＞ pesquier peschier, þrëscan ✱trescāre ＞ trescar; ex-mĭttĕre ✱esmĭttĕre (§ 55, X) ＞ esmẹtre, pĕssĭmus ＞ pęsmes; eleemŏsy̆na ＞ almǫsna, asĭnum ＞ asne; expōnĕre ✱espōnĕre ＞ espọnre, gaspildjan? ＞ guespilhar; præpŏsĭtum ＞ prebǫst, trīstem ＞ trist. For final scs, sts, see 2 below. Sc´ became, in most of the territory, is; in parts of the north and northeast, s; in the west and the extreme east, i(t)š and (t)š (cf. § 73, Ssy): co(g)nōscĕre ＞ conọisser, crēscĕre ＞ crẹisser, ex-cĕrnĕre ✱escĕrnīre ＞ eissernir, ✱ex-cerebellāre ✱es- ＞ esservelar, fascem ＞ fais, nascĕre ＞ naisser nasser naicher nacher, pĭscem ＞ pẹis pẹich pẹch. Scb became sb in epĭscŏpus ✱ebíscobus ＞ bisbes (also bispes and ebesques). Spm became sm in blasphemāre ＞ blasmar. Spt ＞ st: hŏspĭtem ＞ ǫste (also ǫsde). Stg became sg and sdž in domesticāre ✱-gāre ＞ domesgar domesiar. Stm became sm in asthma ＞ asma. For the later history of the s in all these groups, see § 65, S, 1.

7. Miscellaneous Groups.

79. Of the groups not yet discussed, the most important are ct, gd, gn, ks, which show palatalization. It is now generally assumed that the Celts, who had turned their native ct into χt, pronounced Latin ct in the same way when they learned Latin (Meyer-Lübke, Einf., § 186), and likewise substituted χs for ks (Meyer-Lübke, Gram., I, § 650), and probably χd, χn for gd, gn. The χ was attracted into a palatal spirant by the following dental, and the dental itself was then palatalized. Most philologists explain the development of cl, gl into l´ (cf. § 68) in a similar way. Inasmuch as Indo-European pt had also been changed to χt in Celtic, it is not unlikely that the Celts substituted χt, χs for Latin pt, ps in a few words; the χ replacing p may sometimes have been rounded.

80. The groups will now be discussed in alphabetical order:—

Bc ＞ (✱pc), ptš (before a): ✱reprŏb(ĭ)cat ＞ reprǫpcha.

Brg ＞ rg or urg in fabrĭca ✱fabrĭga ＞ farga faurga. Cf. § 70, Br.

Bs ＞ bs in the learned words absens, absensa.

Bsc ＞ sc: obscūrus ＞ escürs.

Bst ＞ st: sŭbstat ＞ sọsta.

Bt ＞ bt, t: subtīlem ＞ sobtil sotil. See also βt below.

Bts ＞ ts: sŭbtus ＞ sọtz.

βc ＞ uc: ✱avĭca ✱aβca ＞ auca.

βc´ ＞ udz or uts, later uz, us: avicĕllum ✱aβcĕllu ＞ auzęl aucęl. Cf. § 65, C´, 1.

βd ＞ ud, in the west bd: dēbĭtum ✱dēβĭdu ✱deβdu ＞ dẹude, mal’habĭtum ✱malaβĭdu ✱malaβdu ＞ malaude; cīvitātem ✱cīβidāde ✱ciβdad ＞ cibdat. Cf. βt below.

βt ＞ ut, in the west pt: dēbĭtum ✱dēβtu ＞ dẹute dẹpte, dŭbĭto ✱dŭβto ＞ dọute dọpte, mal’habĭtum ✱malaβtu ＞ malaute malapte; cīvitātem ✱cīβtate ＞ ciutat (later cieutat: § 44, 2) ciptat, ✱mŏvĭta ✱mŏβta ＞ mǫuta, ✱remōvĭtum? ＞ remọute (Girart). Depte, malapte are not confined to the west (modern Limousin dete, Dauphiné malate); they come also from Latin dēb’tum, mal’hab’tum: cf. § 47, (3).

Cc´ ＞ its ＞ is; in the west and the extreme east itš or tš: ecc’hīc ＞ eici eissi eichi achi.

Cm ＞ cm, m: ✱Jácomus ＞ Iacmes Iames (also, perhaps borrowed, Iaimes, Iaumes).

C´m ＞ im or sm: dĕcĭmum ＞ dęime dęsme, facĭmu(s) ＞ faim. Cf. § 52, (4).

Ct ＞ tš in most of the territory; but in the north and northeast, and in the southwest, it became, as in French, it: coctāre ＞ cochar coitar, dīctum ＞ dig dit, factum ＞ fag fait, lacte ＞ lag lait, lĕctum ＞ lięg lęit, lūcta ＞ lücha, nŏctem ＞ nuęg nuęit, pactum-a ＞ pacha, pĕctus ＞ pięg pęitz, ŏcto ＞ uęich[78] uęit. The ct of (e-)jectāre ＞ getar does not show popular treatment; the word is similarly irregular in most of the other languages.

C´t seems to give the same results as ct, namely tš and it: dīcĭtis ＞ ditz, ✱explĭcitāre ＞ esplechar espleitar, facĭtis ＞ faitz, placĭtum ＞ plach plait, (hence plaieiamen, plaideiar), ✱vŏcĭtum (= vacuum) ＞ vuęch vǫig[79] vǫh (hence voiar; voidar would appear to presuppose a form ✱vǫit).

DC, dg: see § 73, D-g.

DC´, in the greater part of the territory, became dz, later z; but in Auvergne and some western dialects it became ts, and in parts of the southeast and southwest it gave dž: duŏdĕcim ✱dōdĕcim ＞ dọze dọtze dọge, jūdĭcem ＞ iütge, radicīna ＞ razina, sēdĕcim ＞ sẹze sẹtze sẹtge. Iütge may have been influenced by iütiar.

Dn developed peculiarly in consuetūdĭnem ✱costūmen ＞ costüm, incūdĭnem ✱inclūd-? ＞ enclütge.

Gd ＞ dž and id, corresponding to the tš and it from ct: ✱frĭgdum (= frīgdum) ＞ frẹg frẹit (fem. frẹia frẹida).[80] The irregularity in amy̆gdăla ＞ amandola goes back to Vulgar Latin. Frezir freizir is perhaps from ✱fre(i)zar (cf. Italian frizzare) ＜ ✱frigdiare.

G’d: see Yd.

Gm ＞ m: pigmĕntum ＞ pimen. Fragment is learned. Greek γμ became um: phlĕgma ＞ flęuma, sagma ＞ sauma.

Gn ＞ n´: agnĕllum ＞ anhęl, pŭgnum ＞ pọnh. According to the rhymes, final n´ would seem to have become n in many dialects. Stagnum ＞ estanc, rēgnum ＞ rẹnc (also reing) show an early metathesis. When gnōsco lost its g, cognōsco became ✱conōsco in popular Latin.

Gnd ＞ n´d, later, in different dialects, ind, n´d, nd, ndž: cŏgnĭtum ✱cŏn´ĭdu ＞ ✱cǫnhede ✱cǫnhde, then cǫinde, cuęnde, cǫnge. Cf. Gnt below. See § 47, 1.

Gnt ＞ n´t, later, in different dialects, int, n´t, nt: cŏgnĭtum ＞ ✱cŏn´ĭtu ＞ ✱cǫnhete (the t being due to clerical influence) ＞ cǫinte cǫnte; dĭgnitātem ✱dĭn´tāte ＞ denhtat. Cf. Gnd above.

Ks ＞ is, in most of the territory; in Auvergne and in the extreme east it became itš or tš: ac sīc ＞ aissi, exāmen ＞ eissam eicham echam, exĭlium ＞ eissilh, exīre ＞ eissir eichir ichir, ✱exorbāre ＞ eissorbar, laxat ＞ laissa, uxōrem ＞ oissọr, tŏxĭcum ＞ tuęissec. In essaiar, essemple, essilh, the prefix became es- through the analogy of ex- before consonants: cf. § 55, X.

Ksc ＞ sc; before a, in the north and northeast, stš: ✱laxicāre ＞ laschar, toxicāre ＞ toscar.

Ksm ＞ s´m, later sm: prŏxĭmum ＞ prǫsme pruęsme. For the later history of the s (pruęime), see § 65, S, 1.

Kss ＞ is: ✱exsanguinātum ＞ eissancnat, ✱exsūcāre ＞ eissügar (essugar presupposes a Vulgar Latin es-: see § 55, X).

Pf ＞ f: sapphīrum ＞ safir.

Ppc ＞ (✱pc), ptš (before a): ✱cloppicāre ＞ clopchar.

Ps, in some dialects, remained unaltered; but in most of the territory it changed (through χs: § 79) to is, iš, š, s, and us; iš and š belonging especially to the west, us to the east: capsa ＞ capsa caissa caisha casha, ĭpse ＞ ẹps ẹis, ĭpsa mĕnte ＞ epsament eissamen ichamens, met-ĭpse ＞ medẹis mezẹish medẹs mezẹus, ne-ĭpse ＞ neẹps nẹis nẹus. The ps forms seem to have been crowded out by the others, especially by those with is.

Pt ＞ pt, later t (except in parts of Languedoc and Gascony); in a few words, ut, it: ✱accaptāre (or ✱accapitāre?) ＞ acaptar achatar, aptum ＞ apte, adaptāre ＞ azautar (hence azaut) through ✱aðaχtāre (§ 79), baptizāre ＞ baptegar (g = dž) bateiar, capitāle ＞ captal catal chatal, captīvum ＞ captiu catiu and more commonly caitiu chaitiu (through ✱caχtīβu: § 79), rŭpta ＞ rọta, septimāna ＞ septmana setmana, sĕptem ＞ sęt. Escrich escrit (= scrīptum) are based on dich dit.

Td ＞ t (through V. L. tt): nĭtĭdum ＞ nẹt, pūtĭdum ＞ püt. Cf. § 47, (1).

Tm: marĭtĭma ＞ marẹdma.

Tn: if renha, ‘rein’, is connected with rĕtĭne (see Körting), it must have been influenced by renhar ＜ regnāre.

Ts: et sīc, under the influence of ac sīc, became ✱ec sīc ＞ eissi eichi ichi.

Yd ＞ dž and id: cōgĭto ✱cōyĭdo ＞ cüg cüit, cōgitāre ✱cōyidare ＞ cüiar cüidar, rĭgĭdum ✱rĭyĭdu ＞ rẹide (§ 50, 1). Rede and the feminine reza are peculiar. Cf. § 49, (1).

81. The only single consonants that occur in Latin at the end of a word are b, c, d, l, m, n, r, s, t. The only groups (in words preserved) are ks, nt, st.

Single Final Consonants.

82. D, n, r, t at the end of proclitics (ad, in, per, et) are really medial consonants and must be distinguished from final n, r, t in independent words (nōmen, frater, amat); final d occurs only in proclitics. The consonants will be treated in alphabetical order:—

B appears as b in Iacǫb, p in Iǫp, both learned.

C apparently fell after all vowels in some dialects; in others it fell only after back vowels, and became i after a and front vowels: eccu’hŏc (§ 55, W) ＞ acǫ (§ 43, 2), ecce hŏc ＞ aissǫ çǫ sǫ, hŏc ＞ ǫ meaning ‘it’ (while ǫc, ‘yes’ probably comes from ✱hocque: cf. A. Thomas in Rom., XXXVII, 322); fac ＞ fai, illác (§ 16, 4) ＞ lai la, ecce hac ＞ sai sa; dīc ＞ di, ecce hīc ＞ eici, sīc ＞ si. Düi ＜ dūc may perhaps be explained as due to the analogy of düire and of fai. Cf. § 63, (6).

D in apud fell early: see § 65, P, 2. In the proclitics ad, quĭd, the d disappeared before a consonant, and before a vowel became in most dialects ð ＞ z (cf. § 65, D): a, quẹ; að az, quẹð quẹz.

L fell in in sĭmul ＞ essẹm. It remained in the learned Abęl, tribunal. It is believed by some that sivals, ‘at least’, comes from sī vel.

M fell in Vulgar Latin at the end of a word of more than one syllable (§ 55, M): crēdam crēda ＞ crẹza, dōnum dōnu ＞ dọn, fŏrtem fŏrte ＞ fǫrt; Adam is learned. At the end of an independent monosyllable, it fell in some dialects and in others became n (cf. § 65, N): jam ＞ ia, rĕm ＞ rẹ rẹn (Marcabru uses rẹy for the rhyme), sŭm (verb) ＞ sọ sọn. At the end of proclitics, m was probably kept at first before vowels and labials, while it became n before dentals, ŋ before gutturals, and disappeared before spirants; but the n forms (helped by the analogy of en, non) and those without a final consonant replaced m before vowels and partly before labials, and probably took the place of ŋ before gutturals; we find, then, sometimes m before labials, but either no consonant or n before all other sounds: quĕm ＞ que, sŭm (verb) ＞ sọ sọn, sŭm (= sŭum) ＞ sọ sọn sọm, ✱tŭm (= tŭum) ＞ tọ tọn tọm.

N fell in Vulgar Latin at the end of a word of more than one syllable (§ 55, M): nōmen nōme ＞ nọm. At the end of proclitics we generally find n before a vowel, a form without n before spirants, both forms before other consonants, but often m before a labial: ĭn ＞ en (en amar, en cant), e (e Fransa, e ls), em (em breu); nōn ＞ non (non es, non ges), no (no falh, no tol), nom (nom plagues).

R remained: amātor ＞ amaire, cŏr ＞ cǫr, marmor ＞ marbre (marme shows dissimilation), sŏror ＞ sǫrre (sor through proclitic use). So in proclitics: per ＞ per, sŭper ＞ sọbre.

S remained: amīcus ＞ amics, cŏrpus ＞ cǫrs, facias ＞ fassas, fŏrtes ＞ fǫrtz, ŏpĕras ＞ ǫbras, sŭbtus ＞ sọtz. Between a palatal, or an n that did not fall, and an s, a t developed in some dialects: annos ＞ anz, fīlios ＞ filz; cf. § 63, (1), (8).

T, in independent words, fell very early, except in the preterit of verbs; there it was retained in most dialects in weak preterits of the first and third conjugations, in many dialects in weak preterits of the fourth, but disappeared in strong preterits: amat ＞ ama, cantābat ＞ cantava, dar’ ✱hat ＞ darạ, dōnet ＞ dọn, stat ＞ estạ, partībat ＞ partia, placet ＞ platz, tenēr’ + -ē(b)at ＞ tenria, vĕnit ＞ ven; donāvit ＞ donęt donę, vēndĭdit ✱vendĕ́dit ＞ vendęt vendę, partīvit partīt ＞ partị partịt, placuit ＞ plac, vīdit ＞ vi. In the proclitics et and ✱ot (= aut), the t fell before consonants; before vowels it became d, which, under the influence of ad and quĭd, developed like an original d: et ＞ e, eð ez; ✱ot ＞ o, oð oz; later, e and o came to be used often before vowels also.

Final Groups.

83. Ks remained in Vulgar Latin at the end of monosyllables only (§ 55, X); there it became, in Provençal, is: rēx ＞ rẹis, sĕx ＞ sęis. Grecx, nicx are Latinisms.

Nt was generally reduced to n; but in the extreme north and some parts of the south the t was retained in -ant: amant ＞ aman, habē(b)ant ＞ avian aviant; cantent ＞ canten; vēndunt ＞ vẹndon. In some dialects the n fell after o, u (vẹndo, au); -on and -o were used concurrently by the poets.

St ＞ s in ĕst ＞ ęs. Cf. § 28, 5.

84. For certain consonant changes no laws have been established.[81] Some of them doubtless originate in the language of children, which is governed by principles different from those which regulate the speech of adults. Others are due to vague associations of sound or sense. Borrowed and learned words are especially exposed to such whimsical alteration.

Insertion.

85. The insertion (or addition) of a consonant, in such cases as those mentioned below, is probably always due to some false association or wrong etymology, but the specific cause often cannot be ascertained; the added consonant seems to be generally a liquid or a nasal:—

Metathesis.

86. Metathesis is not very common in Provençal, although a few texts offer many examples; it is apparently restricted to liquids and nasals:—

Dissimilation.

87. Dissimilation, like the other irregular phenomena, affects mainly liquids and nasals, particularly r; it is not, however, entirely confined to these classes. The two nasals, m and n, are similar enough to undergo dissimilation. Some of the cases go back to Vulgar Latin, while others are peculiar to Provençal or to Provençal and French. In the table below, a dash indicates the total disappearance of the consonant in question.

β + β ＞ β + — (v + —): habēbam ＞ ✱aβēa ＞ avia, ✱vivāciārium ＞ viacier, vivācius ＞ viatz. Vianda, whatever its ultimate origin may be, was probably borrowed from French.

kw + kw ＞ k + kw: quīnque ＞ cīnque ＞ cinc.

l + l ＞ r + l, — + l, d + l: calamĕllum ＞ calamęl caramęl, ✱umbilīcŭlum ＞ emborígol, flēbĭlem ＞ flẹble frẹble fẹble, ŭlulāre ＞ ulular udolar. Perhaps püs = plüs ＜ plūs is to be explained by dissimilation, occurring in such phrases as plus larc, plus lonc.

m + m ＞ n + m: memorāre ＞ membrar nembrar (renembransa).

m + n ＞ m + r: ✱comĭnicāre ＞ comenegar comergar, ✱indomĭnicātum ＞ endomeniat endomergat, mancĭpium ＞ mansip massip marsip, manĭcum ＞ margue, mŏnăchum ＞ mongue morgue.

n + m ＞ r + m: anĭma ＞ anma arma, ✱mĭnimāre ＞ mermar.

n + n ＞ n + r, r + n; ? d + n: canŏnĭcum ＞ canónegue canorgue, venēnum ＞ verin; nec ūnum ＞ negün degün? (cf. Andalusian and Asturian dengun, Catalan dingu, apparently from nec ūnum + nĭngŭlum).

r + r ＞ r + —, — + r, l + r: ✱Bernhardum ＞ Bernart Bernat, marmor ＞ marbre marme, prŏprium ＞ prǫpri prǫpi; dīe Mércūrī (influenced by dīe Vénĕris) ＞ dimęrcres dimęcres, grandem rem ＞ granrẹ ganrẹ, pr(eh)ĕndĕre ＞ prenre penre, prĕsby̆ter ＞ pręstre pęstre; arbĭtrium ＞ albire, ✱Arvĕrnium ＞ Alvęrnhe, peregrīnus ＞ pele(g)rīnus ＞ peleris, pŭrpŭra ＞ pọlpra.

s + s ＞ — + s: ✱spasmāre ＞ (espasme) pasmar (cf. French pâmer), perhaps through confusion of the initial es- with the prefix ex-.

t + t? ＞ — + t: statiōnem? ＞ sazọ (cf. French saison, Spanish sazon).

y + y ＞ y + —: ✱disjejūnāre ＞ ✱disjeunāre ＞ ✱disy’nāre ＞ dis´nar disnar.

---

88. The most important morphological developments are common to all, or nearly all, the Romance languages. They may therefore be ascribed, in their early stages, to Vulgar Latin, although direct evidence of their beginnings is scanty.

89. (1) During the late Vulgar Latin and early Romance period neuter nouns gradually became masculine; this change was doubtless due in part to phonetic developments which obliterated distinctive endings: dōnum ＞ dọn, m.; nōmen ＞ nọm, m. Mare, however, became almost always feminine in Gaul: la mar. Some neuter plurals in -a, used mainly in a collective sense, were preserved and eventually became feminine singulars: fŏlium fŏlia ＞ fǫlha, f. sg.; lĭgnum lĭgna ＞ lẹnha, f. sg.; so luǫgua, pọma, prada, beside lǫc, pọm, prat (and, by analogy, grasa, beside gras ＜ gradus); similarly labia ＞ lavias, f. pl.

(2) Masculine and feminine nouns usually kept their original gender. Abstract nouns in -or, however, regularly became feminine in Gaul, other abstract nouns being mostly feminine in Latin: honōrem ＞ onọr, f.; sapōrem ＞ sabọr, f. With the exception of manus, which generally retained its gender, feminine nouns of the second and fourth declensions, unless they passed into the first declension (pĭrus ＞ pẹra), became masculine, to conform to the usual -us type: fraxĭnus ＞ fraisnes, m.; pīnus ＞ pins, m. Attracted by such words as these, arbor became masculine. There were some other less important shifts.

90. Some nouns passed from the fourth to the second declension in the classic Latin period (dŏmus, fīcus); the rest doubtless followed in Vulgar Latin (frūctus,[82] gradus, manus). Fifth declension nouns in -ies went over, for the most part, to the first declension:[83] dīes ＞ dia, facies ＞ fassa, glacies ＞ glassa, rabies ＞ rabia; but we find also di, fatz, glatz (ratge is probably French), following the third declension type. Fifth declension nouns which did not shift to the first came to be declined after the model of the third (fides, res, spes). The five declensions were therefore reduced to three, presumably in Vulgar Latin times. Among these there were some exchanges: polvera, vergena; cf. § 89, (1), (2), 1.

91. The use of cases became more and more restricted in Vulgar Latin, prepositional constructions taking the place of pure case distinction. At the beginning of the Romance period, nouns probably had, in unstudied speech, only two cases in constant use: a nominative and an accusative or accusative-ablative. These two cases were generally retained in Provençal, for the second and third declensions, until the literary period: we may call them nominative and objective.

(1) The locative, which had almost vanished in classic Latin, lingered in Vulgar Latin only in names of places. It has left no sure traces in Provençal.

(2) The vocative, in classic Latin, was like the nominative for most words; in Vulgar Latin it probably disappeared, except in Church phrases, such as mī dŏmĭne. In Provençal we find the nominative regularly used in address (chanzọs, companh, emperaire, ioglars, Papiols), although the objective occasionally occurs in its stead (barọns pl., ioglar malastrüc, trachọr).

(3) The genitive, in the popular language, was little by little replaced by other constructions—commonly by the ablative with de or by the dative; the beginnings of this substitution may be observed as early as Plautus. Among Provençal nouns—aside from such learned forms as ancianọr, christianọr, companhọr, paianọr, parentọr—we find remnants of the genitive only in a few compound words, as diiǫus ＜ dīe Jŏvis, and in the standing phrase ẹs mestięr ＜ est ministĕrii.

(4) The dative, which in most words had the same ending as the ablative, came to be replaced, in the greater part of the Empire, by the accusative with ad; this construction, too, goes back as far as Plautus. Provençal nouns retain no traces of the dative.

(5) The ablative, after the fall of final m (§ 55, M) and the loss of quantitive distinctions in unstressed syllables (§ 21), differed little or not at all from the accusative in the singular of nearly all nouns: causăm causā, dōnŭm dōnō, patrĕm patrĕ, frūctŭm frūctū, dīĕm dīē. Furthermore, some prepositions (especially in) were used both with the accusative and with the ablative. It was inevitable, then, that the two cases should be confounded in the singular, and we have evidence of such confusion as early as the first century of our era; this led gradually to a substitution of the accusative for the ablative in the plural, the accusative plural being somewhat commoner and frequently simpler than the ablative. We may, therefore, take the accusative as the basis of the Provençal objective, remembering, however, that this accusative has been more or less blended with the ablative.

(6) The two-case declension remained theoretically in use in Provençal literature through the 14th century; but in texts later than the 12th, cases are often confused. From the spoken language the declension disappeared, in the west (as in Catalan), before the literary period; in the centre and east, probably in the 12th century; in the north, in the 13th. The case preserved was usually the objective, but sometimes the nominative. Some nouns in -aire -adọr kept both forms, with a differentiation of meaning.

92. In the discussion of declensions some phonetic peculiarities must not be overlooked:—

(1) In the nom. pl. of the 2d declension, a stressed ẹ, followed in the next syllable by final -ị, would regularly give ị (cf. § 27, 1); but the ẹ is preserved by the analogy of the nom. and obj. sg. and the obj. pl.: capĭllī ＞ cabẹl, mĭssī ＞ mẹs, quētī ＞ quẹt, sērī ＞ sẹr. We do, however, find cabil, and (perhaps by analogy) auzil ＜ aucĕllī.

(2) In the nom. pl. of the 2d declension, a c or g before the final -ị would regularly be palatalized (cf. § 55, C, G); but it is preserved from palatalization by the analogy of the other three forms: amīcī ＞ amic, lŏngī ＞ lonc.

(3) For the development of a t between a palatal or an n and a final s, see § 82, S: annos ＞ anz, fīlios ＞ filz.

(4) For the simplification of final scs, sts to cs, ts, see § 78, 2: ✱bŭscus? ＞ bǫcs, trīstes ＞ tritz.

(5) For the history of -arius and -tōrius, see § 23, 1 and § 73, Ry, 1.

93. (1) Nouns whose objective singular ended in s were invariable in the earlier part of the literary period; bracchium ＞ bratz, cŏrpus ＞ cǫrs, imperatrīcem ＞ emperairitz, fascem ＞ fais, latus ＞ latz, lūcem ＞ lütz, mĭssum ＞ mẹs, nasum ＞ nas, ŏpus ＞ ǫps, ŭrsum ＞ ọrs, pĭscem ＞ pẹis, pĕctus ＞ pęitz, prĕtium ＞ prętz, tĕmpus ＞ tems, vĕrsum ＞ vęrs, vīsum ＞ vis, vōcem ＞ vọtz. Later, however, a plural (originally obj. pl.) was made for such words by adding -es, generally at a time when final ts had been reduced to s (§ 64): brasses, cǫrses, mẹsses, pẹisses, vęrses; examples occur as early as the end of the 12th century.

(2) Other invariable nouns are midons, sidons, and often laus and rẹs; the last two sometimes have an objective lau, rẹ. Midons comes from the Church Latin mī dŏmĭne, which was popularized by the substitution of the Provençal don for dŏmĭne and the addition of the nom. -s; the term was transferred from religious to feudal, and thence to amatory use, and came to mean ‘my lady.’ Mi domina was common in Church Latin. Sidons is formed on the model of midons.

(3) For nouns in tš, see § 63, (1): ✱disdūctum ＞ desdüg, frūctum ＞ früch, gaudium ＞ gaug, nŏctem ＞ nuech. Such words were very often written in the plural with -gz, which was pronounced either ts or tš. The pronunciation ts is attested by such rhymes as malfagz: alumenatz.

94. Infinitives used substantively conformed to the 2d declension type: lauzars lauzar (like fǫcs fǫc), rire-s rire (like fabre-s fabre): see § 96. The same thing is true of masculine post-verbal nouns: (getar) gętz gęt, (guidar) guitz guit, (lansar) lans (invariable).

First Declension.

95. This declension came to include a part of the fifth and also some neuter plurals of the second and third. With the exception of dia (nearly always masculine) and of a few learned words, it contained only feminine nouns. As the nominative, accusative, and ablative singular early became identical, leaving only one form in the singular, the plural forms were reduced to one, the accusative crowding out the nominative; this substitution, which must have been begun before the Provençal period, was doubtless helped by the identity of nominative and accusative plural in feminine nouns of the third declension. Causa will serve as a model:—

causa	＞ causa
causam	＞ causa
causæ ✱causas	＞ causas
causas	＞ causas

Second Declension.

96. This declension came to include the fourth. With the exception of mas, ‘hand’ (generally feminine), it contained only masculine nouns. The different types may be illustrated by fŏcus, dōnum, faber:—

fŏcus	＞ fǫcs	dōnum ✱dōnus	＞ dọns	faber	＞ faure fabre fabres
fŏcum	＞ fǫc	dōnum	＞ dọn	fabrum	＞ fabre
fŏcī	＞ fǫc	dōna ✱dōnī	＞ dọn	fabrī	＞ fabre
fŏcos	＞ fǫcs	dōna ✱dōnos	＞ dọns	fabros	＞ fabres

For the c of fŏcī, see § 92, (2). For ✱dŏnus, etc., see § 89 (1). Nom. fabre is due to the analogy of the other three cases; the s of fabres is borrowed from the prevailing fǫcs type.

Third Declension.

97. This declension absorbed a part of the fifth: cf. § 90.

98. Nouns whose stem was different in the nominative and the accusative singular, reconstructed the nominative to correspond to the accusative, the new form being similar to the original genitive: papĭlio papiliōnem ＞ papiliōnis papiliōnem, pēs pĕdem ＞ pĕdis pĕdem. The change began in the Vulgar Latin period. Exceptions to the rule are names of persons, unless they ended in -ans or -ens: nĕpos nepōtem ＞ nęps nebọt; but amans amantem ＞ ✱amantis amantem ＞ amáns amán.

99. Masculine nouns of the third declension, early in the Provençal period, made their nominative plural conform to the second declension type, thus distinguishing it from the objective plural: pater patrem patres patres ＞ paire paire paire paires (cf. Old French and Italian). Feminines, on the other hand, kept the nominative plural in -s: mater matrem matres matres ＞ maire maire maires maires.

100. A few neuter nouns, becoming masculine in Vulgar Latin, developed distinctively masculine forms in the singular: gĕnus gĕnus ＞ ✱gĕneris ✱gĕnĕrem ＞ genres genre; so fŭlgur (＞ fŭlger) ＞ ✱fŭlgĕrem ＞ fọuzer. Most neuters, however, kept in the singular their original stem: sēmen ＞ sẹm, tĕmpus ＞ tems. But those in -men regularly, and those in -r sometimes, took an -s in the nominative singular: flūmen flūmen ＞ flüms flüm, marmor marmor ＞ marme-s marme; cǫr, in the literary language, usually has no nominative -s. In the plural most neuters brought their forms into harmony with the masculine type, but those in -us kept the -s throughout: (caput >) capus ✱capum capĭta capĭta ＞ caps cap cap caps, cŏr cŏr cŏrda cŏrda ＞ cǫr cǫr cǫr cǫrs, nōmen nōmen nōmĭna nōmĭna ＞ nọms nọm nọm nọms; but cŏrpus cŏrpus cŏrpŏra cŏrpŏra ＞ cǫrs cǫrs cǫrs cǫrs. Mare, becoming feminine, was declined thus: mars mar mars mars.

101. The third declension comprises three principal types: (1) nouns which in Latin had no difference of stem or of accent between the nominative and the accusative singular; (2) those which had a difference of stem but not of accent; (3) those which had a difference of accent.

(1) Nouns with no difference of stem or of accent:—

MASCULINE
canis	＞ cas	pater	＞ paire-s	sōl	＞ sọ-s
canem	＞ ca	patrem	＞ paire	sōlem	＞ sọ
canes	＞ ca	patres	＞ paire	sōles	＞ sọl
canes	＞ cas	patres	＞ paires	sōles	＞ sọls
FEMININE
fīnis[84]	＞ fis	mater	＞ maire	fĭdes	＞ fẹs
fīnem	＞ fi	matrem	＞ maire	fĭdem	＞ fẹ
fīnes	＞ fis	matres	＞ maires	fĭdes	＞ fẹs
fīnes	＞ fis	matres	＞ maires	fĭdes	＞ fẹs

(2) Nouns with a difference of stem but not of accent:—

MASCULINE		FEMININE		NEUTER
pōns ✱pŏntis	＞ ponz	pars ✱partis	＞ partz	lūmen	＞ lüm-s
pŏntem	＞ pon	partem	＞ part	lūmen	＞ lüm
pŏntes	＞ pon	partes	＞ partz	lūmĭna	＞ lüm
pŏntes	＞ ponz	partes	＞ partz	lūmĭna	＞ lüms

NAMES OF PERSONS
cŏmes	＞ coms	hŏmo	＞ om
cŏmĭtem	＞ comte	hŏmĭnem	＞ ome omne[85]
cŏmĭtes	＞ comte	hŏmĭnes	＞ ome omne
cŏmĭtes	＞ comtes	hŏmĭnes	＞ omes omnes

(3) Nouns with a difference of accent:—

MASCULINE		FEMININE
sĕrmo ✱sermōnis	＞ sermọs	ratio ✱ratiōnis	＞ razǫs
sermōnem	＞ sermọ	ratiōnem	＞ razọ
sermōnes	＞ sermọ	ratiōnes	＞ razọs
sermōnes	＞ sermọs	ratiōnes	＞ razọs

NAMES OF PERSONS IN -ANS, -ENS
amans ✱amantis	＞ amáns	parens ✱parĕntis	＞ paréns
amantem	＞ amán	parĕntem	＞ parén
amantes	＞ amán (f. amáns)	parĕntes	＞ parén (f. paréns)
amantes	＞ amáns	parĕntes	＞ paréns

NAMES OF PERSONS NOT IN -ANS, -ENS
amātor	＞ amaire	sĕnior	＞ sęnher	mŭlier	＞ mọler
amatōrem	＞ amadọr	seniōrem	＞ senhọr	muliĕ́rem[86]	＞ molhęr
amatōres	＞ amadọr	seniōres	＞ senhọr	muliĕ́res	＞ molhęrs
amatōres	＞ amadọrs	seniōres	＞ senhọrs	muliĕ́res	＞ molhęrs
servītor	＞ servire	baro	＞ bar	sŏror	＞ sǫrre sǫr[87]
servitōrem	＞ servidọr	barōnem	＞ barọ	sorōrem	＞ sorọr
servitōres	＞ servidọr	barōnes	＞ barọ	sorōres	＞ sorọrs
servitōres	＞ servidọrs	barōnes	＞ barọs	sorōres	＞ sorọrs

102. What has been said concerning the inflection of nouns applies also to adjectives: see §§ 91-101. For pronominal adjectives see §§ 114 ff.

103. We must recognize two classes of adjectives: (1) those which in Latin distinguish the feminine from the masculine; (2) those which do not.

(1) Masculine and feminine different:—

MASCULINE		FEMININE
bĕllus	＞ bęls	bĕlla	＞ bęlla
bĕllum	＞ bęl	bĕllam	＞ bęla
bĕlli	＞ bęl	bĕllæ ✱beĕllas	＞ bęlas
bĕllos	＞ bęls	bĕllas	＞ bęlas
pauper	＞ paubre-s	paupĕra	＞ paubra
paupĕrum	＞ paubre	paupĕram	＞ paubra
paupĕi	＞ paubre	paupĕræas	＞ paubras
paupĕros	＞ paubres	paupĕras	＞ paubras

(2) Masculine and feminine alike:—

MASCULINE		FEMININE
gentīlis	＞ gentils	gentīlis	＞ gentils
gentīlem	＞ gentil	gentīlem	＞ gentil
gentīles	＞ gentil	gentīles	＞ gentils
gentīles	＞ gentils	gentīles	＞ gentils

104. In impersonal constructions we frequently find a nominative singular without -s, which is apparently a survival of the Latin neuter: m’es bel (greu, parven, semblan, etc.) que.… But the form with -s sometimes occurs in the same constructions: m’es greus que.…

105. Most adverbs of manner were formed by adding -men (-ment, -mens, or -menz) to the feminine singular of the adjective: belamen. These adverbs were originally ablative phrases: serēna mĕnte, etc. In Provençal the specific meaning of the -men was forgotten, but the two parts might still be separated by an intervening word: ẹpsa… ment. When two adverbs in -men were used together, the ending was generally affixed to only one, oftener the first. Bona and mala could be used as adverbs without the suffix.

Comparison.

106. Adjectives and adverbs regularly formed their comparative by prefixing plüs to the positive, and their superlative by prefixing the definite article to the comparative: cara, plüs cara, la plüs cara. This method of comparison goes back to Vulgar Latin times.

107. Some adjectives preserved their old comparative in -ior. These comparatives had an inflection similar to that of sęnher: cf. § 101, (3) and § 101, (3), 1.

POSITIVE		COMPARATIVE
altus:	aut	——	aussọr
✱bellātus = bĕllus:	——	bellaire bellázer-s	bellazọr
gĕnĭtus:	gen	génser-s	gensọr
✱grĕvis = gravis:	gręu	gręuger	——
grŏssus:	grǫs	gruęysser	——
laið:	lai	láiger	——
largus:	larc	——	largọr
lĕvis:	lęu	lęuger	——
lŏngus:	lonc	——	lonhọr
(grandis):	(gran)	máier	maiọr
(bŏnus):	(bon)	męlher	melhọr
(paucus):	(pauc)	mẹnre-s	menọr
nūgālis:	——	——	nüalhọr
(malus):	(mal)	pęier	peiọr
(mŭltus):	(mọlt)	——	plüsọr[88]
sŏrdĭdus:	sorde	sordẹier	sordeiọr

108. The following neuter comparatives were used as adverbs: gensẹis gensẹs gensẹtz (＜ génser influenced by longẹis, sordẹis); longẹis longẹitz ＜?✱longĭtius (＜ longĭter + lŏngius); mais ＜ magis; męlhs ＜ mĕlius; mẹns ＜ mĭnus; pęitz ＜ pĕjus; sordẹis ＜ sordĭdius; viatz ＜ vivacius. Mais, męlhs, mẹns, pęitz were used also as neuter pronouns. Viatz lost its comparative sense.

109. A few adjectives, most or all of them learned, preserved the old superlative form with an intensive sense: altisme, carisme, pęsme, prǫsme, santisme.

Numerals.

110. The cardinal numerals are:—

• ün
• dọs
• trẹs
• quatre
• cinc
• sęis
• sęt
• uęg
• nǫu
• dętz
• ọnze
• dọtze
• trẹtze
• quatọrze
• quinze
• sętze, sędze
• dętz e sęt
• dętz e uęg
• dętz e nǫu
• vint, vin
• vint e ün
• vint e dọs
• trẹnta
• quaranta
• cinquanta
• sessanta
• setanta
• quatre vint
• nonanta
• cent, cen
• dozent
• tresent
• quatre cen
• cinc cens (de)
• mil
• dọs milia
• trẹs melia
• quatre mila
• cinc millięrs (de)
• cent miria

111. The first two numbers were inflected as follows:—

ü(n)s üna	düi dọi	dọas dọs
ü(n) üna	dọs (düi)	dọas dọs

Düi dọi are from Vulgar Latin dŭī = dŭo; dọs is from dŭos, dọas from dŭas. Trẹs has a form trẹi (originally nom. m.), patterned after düi, and a form trẹis, which seems to be a cross between trẹs and trẹi. For the dialect forms of ọnze—sętze, see § 76, (1), Ndc´, and § 80, Dc´. Cen, multiplied by another number, took a plural form when used substantively; when used adjectively, it generally did not, but we find dozentas with a feminine noun. Mil had four plurals, milia miria melia mila; millięrs is a noun.

112. The ordinal numerals had separate forms for the two genders; the masculine forms followed the second declension type, the feminine forms, the first declension. After 5th, they were made by adding to the cardinal numeral the originally distributive ending -ēnus -ēna.

• primięr, primięra
• segọn(t), segọnda
• tęrz, tęrza
• quart, quarta
• quint, quinta
• seizẹ(n), seizẹna
• setẹ(n), setẹna
• ochẹ(n), ochẹna
• novẹ(n), novẹna
• dezẹ(n), dezẹna
• onzẹ(n), onzẹna
• dozẹ(n), dozẹna
• vintẹ(n), vintẹna
• centẹ(n), centẹna
• milẹ(n), milẹna

113. Beside primięr we find premięr prümier promięr (§ 44, 1, 3), and also prim and primeiran; for the developments of the ending -ięr, see § 23, 1 and § 73, Ry, 1. Tęrz, tęrza regularly became tęrs, tęrsa (§ 73, Rty). Such forms as secọnda, tęrcia, sęxta, octava, nọna, dęcima are learned.

114. Under this head will be treated not only pronouns and pronominal adjectives, but also articles.

115. In popular Latin the personal, possessive, and demonstrative pronouns and adjectives had two sets of forms, according as they were accented or unaccented (§ 19). Ille, when stressed and used pronominally, became a disjunctive personal pronoun of the third person; when unstressed and used pronominally, it furnished the conjunctive forms of the third person; when unstressed and used adjectively, it developed into a definite article. Ipse had similar uses. These differentiations must have begun in Vulgar Latin times.

116. The declension of ĭlle was considerably altered in Vulgar Latin. The neuter ĭllud disappeared, being replaced by ĭlium. Through the influence of quī cūjus cūī, ✱ĭllī illūjus[89] illūī[89] came to be used beside ĭlle illīus ĭllī. The feminine had, beside illīus ĭllī, a genitive and dative ĭllæ; through the analogy of illūjus illūī, ĭllæ was expanded into illæjus[89] illæi.[89] Illīus then went out of use. In the plural, illōrum (which in some regions, by the analogy of illūjus illūī, had a form ✱illūrum) crowded out illārum; this illōrum came to be used also as a dative.

Ipse and ĭste followed in the main the same course as ĭlle.

Articles.

117. The indefinite article comes from ūnus, which seems to have been occasionally so used even in classic Latin:—

ü(n)s	üna
ü(n)	üna

118. (1) The definite article comes from unaccented ĭlle, which, being used as a proclitic, regularly lost its first syllable (§ 19). Ille (✱ĭllī), ĭllum, ĭllī, ĭllos, ĭlla, ĭllas became respectively le (li), lo, li or lhi,[90] los, la, las. Le, lo, li, lhi, la frequently elided their vowel before another vowel (l’an, l’arma), becoming l or lh. Furthermore, le, lo, li, lhi, los, in the intertonic position after a vowel (vé lo páire), regularly lost their vowel (vẹl páire)[91]; and, by analogy, la and las were sometimes reduced to l and ls. We have, then, beside the full forms, the proclitics l, lh, and the enclitics l, lh, ls. Inasmuch as l might be vocalized before a dental,[92] the enclitics l and ls sometimes became u and us (a͡u portęr, e͡uz dias antix).

(2) The particles e and que, with the enclitic l, formed combinations ẹl and quẹl. Quẹl, being understood as qu’el, gave rise to a form ẹl.

(3) In the f. nom. sg. there is a form li or lhi, which is hard to explain. The most likely theory is that when the masculine quī took the place of the feminine quæ (see § 133), the masculine ✱ĭllī came to be used beside ĭlla,[93] for the feminine. The Provençal feminine li (lhi) which resulted was strongly supported by the analogy of a feminine possessive mi, beside ma (see § 127).[94]

(4) The regular forms are, therefore, the following:—

		MASCULINE				FEMININE
Sg.	{nom.:	lẹ	li	l	ẹl	la	li	lhi	l	lh
	{obj.:	lọ	l	u	ẹl	la	l
Pl.	{nom.:	li	lhi	l	lh	las
	{obj.:	lọs	ls	us		las	ls

In many texts the objective forms lo, los, ls are used in the nominative.

119. In some southwestern and some southeastern dialects we find forms sọ, sọs, sa, sas, coming from ĭpse.

Personal Pronouns.[95]

120. In Vulgar Latin ĕgo lost its g (§ 55, G). The dative, mĭhi, was preserved only in its contracted form, mī. After the pattern of mī, ✱tī and ✱sī were created for the other persons.

121. Provençal has no nominative forms that are regularly unaccented. In the conjunctive forms of the third person (not reflexive), the direct object is distinguished from the indirect; elsewhere there is no such distinction.

Conjunctive Forms.

122. Latin mē ＞ mẹ, mī ＞ mi, nōs ＞ nọs; tē ＞ tẹ, ✱tī ＞ ti, vōs ＞ vọs; sē ＞ sẹ, ✱sī ＞ si. Me mi, te ti, se si, used as proclitics before a vowel, or as enclitics after a vowel, were reduced to m, t, s: m’ama, t’apela, s’es; o͡m, be͡t, cosi͡s. Nọs and vọs, used as enclitics after a vowel, became respectively ns and us; que͡ns, no͡us; sī vōs ＞ sius, later sieus (§ 32). The forms (all objective) for the first and second persons and for the third person reflexive are, then:—

	FIRST PERSON	SECOND PERSON	THIRD PERSON (REFLEXIVE)
Sg.:	mẹ mi m	tẹ ti t	sẹ si s
Pl.:	nọs ns	vọs us	sẹ si s

123. The conjunctive forms of the third person (not reflexive) come in the main from the proclitic ĭlle: ĭllī, ĭllum, illōrum (✱illūrum), ĭllos, ĭlla, ĭllas became respectively li or lhi, lo, lọr (lür), lọs, la, las. When used proclitically or enclitically, under the conditions described in § 118, (1), li (lhi), lo, los were reduced to l (lh), l, ls; and l was sometimes vocalized. O ＜ hŏc was employed also, meaning ‘it.’ The adverb ĭnde became ẹnt ẹn n (and, through the analogy of me m, te t, se s, also ne), which was often used as a pronoun with the sense ‘of it’, ‘of them’, sometimes ‘of him’, ‘of her’; nọs ẹn ＞ nọn, vọs ẹn ＞ vọn. The adverb hīc became i, meaning ‘here’ or ‘there,’ which served also as a dative pronoun, ‘to it,’ ‘to them’; it was then always an enclitic, forming a diphthong with a preceding vowel; it regularly took the place of li in the constructions lọi = lo li, lai = la li. The forms are:—

MASCULINE

FEMININE

NEUTER

Sg.

{ gen.:

ẹnt

ẹn

n

nẹ

ẹnt

ẹn

n

nẹ

ẹnt

ẹn

n

nẹ

{ dat.:

li

lhi

l

lh

i

li

lhi

l

lh

i

i

{ acc.:

lọ

l

u

la

lọ

l

ǫ

Pl.

{ gen.:

ẹnt

ẹn

n

nẹ

ẹnt

ẹn

n

nẹ

{ dat.:

lọr

lür

lọr

lür

{ acc.:

lọs

ls

las

Disjunctive Forms.

124. Vulgar Latin ✱ĕo or ✱ĕu ＞ ęu ięu (§ 30), which before an enclitic became ę ię (ę͡l, ię͡n). The other forms explain themselves. The nominative tü, from the beginning of the 13th century, was sometimes used for tẹ after prepositions; this use may have been suggested by the existence of lü = ‘him’; § 125, (1). Nọs + ẹn ＞ nọn, vọs + ẹn ＞ vọn.

		FIRST PERSON				SECOND PERSON			THIRD PERSON (REFLEXIVE)
Sg.	{ nom.:	ęu	ięu	ę-	ię-	tü
	{ obj.:	mẹ	mi			tẹ	(ti?)	tü	sẹ	si
Pl.	{ nom.:	nọs				vọs
	{ obj.:	nọs				vọs			sẹ	si

125. The disjunctive pronouns of the third person (not reflexive) come from accented ĭlle, with the exception of ǫ from hŏc. Illūi, illōrum, illæjus, illæi lost their first syllable, perhaps through elision after a vowel; illūjus disappeared. Ille, ✱ĭllī gave ẹl ẹlh, il ilh; ẹl sometimes vocalized its l. Illūī became lüi, in some dialects reduced to lü. Illum became ẹl ẹlh. Illōrum (✱illūrum) gave lọr (lür). Illos became ẹls (often ẹus) ẹlhs. Illa, ĭllam both gave ẹla ẹlha. Illæjus became lęis lięis (in some dialects reduced to lięs).[96] Illæi gave lęi (dialectically lę) lięi. Illas became ẹlas ẹlhas.

(2) In the feminine singular nominative there is, beside ẹla ẹlha, a form ilh il. This is probably to be explained, like the feminine article lhi li, as coming from the masculine nominative ✱ĭllī introduced into the feminine, and supported by the feminine possessive mi: see § 118, (3).

(3) Some dialects preserve the final -i of ẹli (m. pl. nom.) and ilhi ili (f. sg. nom.): see § 51, 1.

(4) Occasionally the conjunctive li (f. sg. obj.) and lo (neuter sg. nom.) were used as disjunctive forms. And sometimes the masculine lüi lü was used for the feminine.

(5) The forms are, therefore, the following:—

		MASCULINE	FEMININE	NEUTER
Sg.	{ nom.:	ẹl ẹu ẹlh il ilh	ẹla ẹlha ilh il ilhi ili	ẹl lọ
	{ obj.:	lüi lü ẹl ẹlh	lęis lięis lięs lęi lięi lę ẹla li lüi lü	ǫ
Pl.	{ nom.:	il ilh ẹl ẹlh ẹli	ẹlas ẹlhas
	{ obj.:	lọr lür ẹls ẹus ẹlhs	lọr lür ẹlas ẹlhas

In many texts the objective forms ẹls ẹlhs, lęis lęi are used in the nominative. We then find occasionally a new objective, ẹlses.

Possessives.

126. Beside mĕus mĕa, tŭus tŭa, sŭas sŭa, there existed in popular Latin the shorter forms ✱mĕs? ✱ma, ✱tŭs ✱ta, sŭs sa. Of the two forms vĕster and vŏster, only the latter was used. To supply the lack of a third person possessive denoting a plural possessor, illōrum came to be employed as a possessive.

Singular Possessive.

127. (1) The primarily atonic possessives come from the shorter Latin forms. The original masculine singular forms of the first person were displaced by mọs mọ, made on the analogy of tọs tọ, sọs sọ, which come regularly from ✱tŭs ✱tŭm, sŭs, sŭm; so in the objective plural we find mọs, corresponding to tọs ＜ ✱tōs, sọs ＜ sōs. Mĕī, tŭī, sŭī gave męi, tọi tüi, sọi süi (§ 34), which, however, were often replaced by the objective forms. ✱Ma ✱mam ✱mas, ✱ta ✱tam ✱tas, sa sam sas became ma mas, ta tas, sa sas; ma, ta, sa often elided their a before a vowel. The formation of midons has been explained in § 91, (2); § 93, (2); § 118, (3): from it came a feminine singular possessive mi, and, by analogy, ti and si.

(2) The forms are:—

FIRST PERSON

SECOND PERSON

THIRD PERSON

Sg.

{ nom.:

mọs

ma

mi

tọs

ta

ti

sọs

sa

si

{ obj.:

mọ

mọn

ma

mi

tọ

tọn

ta

ti

sọ

sọn

sa

si

Pl.

{ nom.:

me̯i

mọs

mas

tọi

tüi

tọs

tas

sọi

süi

sọs

sas

{ obj.:

mọs

mas

tọs

tas

sọs

sas

They are generally used only adjectively, and without the definite article. In some early texts, however, tọs and sọs, preceded by the article, are used substantively.

128. (1) The primarily tonic possessives come from the longer Latin forms. Mĕus mĕum mĕi mĕos ＞ męus męu męi męus, which regularly became mięus etc. (§ 30); an analogical form mięu is found beside mięi. In the feminine of the first person we have, instead of ✱męa, mięua and mia: the first of these two forms is evidently made up from the masculine; the second may be due partly to the analogy of mi, partly to a proclitic use of the word (§ 44, 4).[97] In the second and third persons the masculine forms are mainly, and the feminine forms partially, replaced by analogical formations based on the possessive of the first person; tŭi, sŭi, tŭa, sŭa, however, give regularly tọi tüi, sọi süi, tọa tua, sọa sua (§ 8).

(2) The forms follow, those of the third person (which correspond exactly to those of the second) being omitted:—

		FIRST PERSON		SECOND PERSON
Sg.	{ nom.:	męus mięus	mia mięua	tęus tięus	tọa tua tięua tia
	{ obj.:	męu mięu	mia mięua	tęu tięu	tọa tua tięua tia
Pl.	{ nom.:	męi mięi mięu	mias mięuas	tọi tüi tęi tięi tięu	tọas tuas tięuas tias
	{ obj.:	męus mięus	mias mięuas	tęus tięus	tọas tuas tięuas tias

They may be used adjectively or substantively, with or without the definite article.

Plural Possessor.

129. Nŏster, vŏster developed regularly after the pauper model: § 103, (1). The masculine singular nominative often took an -s: cf. § 96; § 101, (1). Some southeastern dialects preserved the -i of nǫstri: cf. § 51, 1. Beside vǫstra we occasionally meet vǫstri, due to the analogy of feminine mi, ti, si.

		FIRST PERSON		SECOND PERSON		THIRD PERSON
Sg.	{ nom.:	nǫstre-s	nǫstra	vǫstre-s	vǫstra vǫstri	lọr lür	lọr lür
	{ obj.:	nǫstre	nǫstra	vǫstre	vǫstra vǫstri	lọr lür	lọr lür
Pl.	{ nom.:	nǫstre nǫstri	nǫstras	vǫstre	vǫstras	lọr lür	lọr lür
	{ obj.:	nǫstres	nǫstras	vǫstres	vǫstras	lọr lür	lọr lür

These forms are used adjectively or substantively, with or without the definite article.

Demonstratives.

130. Latin īdem went out of use. Latin ĭs was preserved only in the phrase ĭd ĭpsum (ad ĭd ĭpsum ＞ adęs), and in the combination ĕccum, in which it ceased to be recognized, so that ĕccu’ was regarded as a synonym of ĕcce.

131. (1) The demonstrative particles ĕcce and ĕccu’ were often prefixed to pronouns in Vulgar Latin. Being thus proclitically used, they frequently lost their first syllable (§ 19); sometimes, however, under the influence of ac (as in ac sīc ＞ aissi), they preserved it, assuming the vowel of ac: ecce ĭlla ＞ aicẹla, eccu’ ĭsta ＞ aquẹsta; cf. § 43, (2).

(2) The suffix -met was used in Vulgar Latin as an intensive prefix. Its change of place was probably due to such phrases as sēmet ĭpsum, understood as sē metĭpsum. The -t, before a vowel, regularly gives -d- (met-ĭpsum ＞ mẹdes); but we find, besides, -z- (＜ Lat. d), introduced perhaps through the analogy of ĭd in ĭd ĭpsum (✱medĭpsum ＞ mezẹis); and also -t- (＜ Lat. tt), which may be the result of a combination of met- and ĭd- (met-ĭd-ĭpsum ＞ ✱metdĭpsu ＞ metẹis).

132. The pronouns preserved, either in their simple form or combined with a prefix, are the following:—

(1) Of hīc only the neuter, hŏc, was kept Hŏc ＞ ǫ; ecce hŏc ＞ aiçǫ aissǫ, and çǫ so; eccu’ hŏc ＞ aquŏ acŏ. All of these are invariable.

(2) Ipse appears as ẹps ẹpsa, ẹus ẹussa, ẹis ẹissa (with a m. pl. ẹisses and a neuter ẹis); the last forms are the commonest; for the development of the ps, see § 79 and § 80, Ps. Met-ĭpse gives (medips) medẹs, (metẹish) metẹis, and, more commonly, mezẹis (f. mezẹissa, neuter mezẹis); see § 131, (2). ✱Met-ĭpsĭmus becomes medẹsme-s, mesẹsme-s, meẹsme-s (§ 65, D), with feminine forms in -a. Unaccented ĭpsum is probably one source of the neuter sǫ: cf. § 132, (1). For the article (so, sa), see § 119.

(3) Ille, uncombined, developed into an article (§ 118) and a personal pronoun (§§ 123, 125), but went out of use as a demonstrative. Combined with ecce and eccu’ it gave: aicẹl aissẹl, cẹl, sẹl; aquẹl. Echẹl (pronounced ekẹl?) seems to come from eccu’ ĭlle with its original initial vowel preserved. Ipse ĭlle perhaps gave rise also to a sẹl, which ultimately coincided with the form coming from ecce ĭlle. There is a neuter aicelo, perhaps aicẹl + ǫ. Cẹl will illustrate the inflection of all these words; the forms are to be explained like those of the disjunctive personal pronoun (§ 125):—

MASCULINE

FEMININE

Sg.

{nom.:

cẹl

cẹu

cẹlh

cẹls[98]

cellüi

cẹla

celha

cil

cilh

cilha[99]

{obj.:

cẹl

cẹu

cẹlh

cellüi

cẹla

cẹlha

celęi

celęis

celięis

cilh

Pl.

{nom.:

cil

cilh

cẹlh

cẹls[100]

cẹlas

cẹlhas

{obj.:

cẹls

cẹlhs[101]

cẹlas

cẹlhas

(4) Iste gave ẹst, ẹstz, ẹsta, ẹstas. Ecce ĭste became aicẹst (not common) and cẹst sẹst; eccu’ ĭste became aquẹst echẹst, and chẹst. Aquẹst will illustrate the inflection; the forms are to be explained like those of cẹl:—

		MASCULINE		FEMININE
Sg.	{nom.:	aquẹst		aquẹsta	aquist	aquisti
	{obj.:	aquẹst		aquẹsta
Pl.	{nom.:	aquist	aquisti	aquẹstas
	{obj.:	aquẹstz	aquẹtz	aquẹstas

Interrogatives and Relatives.

133. The interrogative and relative pronouns were confused and combined in Vulgar Latin, quī taking the place of quĭs, and quĭd gradually encroaching on quŏd. Furthermore, the masculine forms were used instead of the feminine, which disappeared. We have in Provençal no evidence of the survival of any other cases than the nominative, dative, and accusative singular and the nominative plural:—

		MASCULINE AND FEMININE		NEUTER
Sg.	{nom.:	quī	＞ qui	quĭd	＞ que, (before vowel) quez
	{dat.:	cūī	＞ cüi	cūī	＞ cüi
	{acc.:	quĕm	＞ que	quĭd	＞ que, (before vowel) quez
Pl.	nom.:	quī	＞ qui	quæ	＞ que

The distinction between que ＜ quĕm, que quez ＜ quĭd, and que ＜ quæ could not be maintained; we have, then, simply three forms: a nom. sg. or pl. qui, a nom.-acc. sg. or pl. quẹ (quẹz), a dat. sg. or pl. cüi (sometimes written qui).

134. We have also qualis, which came to be inflected like fezẹls: see § 103, (2); the feminine singular, however, often dropped its -s, and sometimes took the ending -a (cal, cala). Quīnam apparently became quina, which, understood as a feminine form, developed a masculine, quin. There seems to have been also a ✱quīniam (cf. quŏniam?), which gave quinh, quinha. Cf. D. Behrens in the Zeitschrift für französische Sprache, XVII, ii, 67-8, footnote. The phrase de ŭnde became dọnt, dọn, which was often used with the meaning ‘of which’, ‘of whom’.

135. (1) In Provençal the interrogative pronouns are: qui, ‘who’ or ‘whom’; que quez, ‘what’; cüi, ‘to whom’ or ‘whom’, ‘to what’ or ‘what’ (obj.); cals (either alone or preceded by the definite article, inflected as in § 134), ‘which’; quin quinh, quina quinha, ‘which’. Cals is used also as an adjective.

(2) The relative pronouns are: qui, ‘one who’, indefinite (used also, in early texts and in southwestern Languedoc, as the regular relative pronoun for persons); que quez, ‘who’ or ‘whom’, ‘which’; cüi, ‘whom’, ‘which’ (generally used as indirect object of a verb, or after a preposition); lo cals (inflected as in § 134), ‘who’ (‘whom’), ‘which’; don dont, ‘of which’, ‘of whom’.

Indefinite Pronouns and Adjectives.

136. The following words call for special mention:—

(1) Alcüs ＜ ✱alĭqu’ ūnus = alĭquī ūnus, ‘someone’. Inflection: alcüs, alcü(n); alcüna.

(2) Alquant ＜ aliquantum, aliquanti, ‘somewhat’, ‘some’; diminutive, alquantet.

(3) Alques alque ＜ alĭquĭd, used as an invariable neuter pronoun or adverb, ‘something’, ‘somewhat’. The -s form, which originally developed before a vowel, was preferred because of the analogy of other neuter pronouns and adverbs. The preservation of the e is due to association with quez que. Alque was sometimes used as an adjective.

(4) Als al au, used as an invariable neuter pronoun, ‘something else’. Al (au) may have been detached from alques, understood as al ques. Meyer-Lübke, however, takes it, as well as Old French el, from ✱alum = aliud: Gram., II, p. 649. Als owes its -s to the analogy of other neuter pronouns, such as alques, ẹis, mais, męlhs, mẹns, pęis, etc.

(5) Altre autre ＜ alter, ‘other’, pronoun and adjective. A dative ✱altrūī, following illūī, goes back to Vulgar Latin. The Provençal forms autrüs, autrü show the influence of alcüs and negüs; autri belongs to the southeastern dialects (cf. aquẹli, ẹli, nǫstri, tüti, etc.). Inflection:—

		MASCULINE			FEMININE
Sg.	{nom.:	autre	autres	autrüs	autra
	{obj.:	autre	autrüi	autrü	autra
Pl.	{nom.:	autre	autri		autras
	{obj.:	autres			autras

(6) Altretals autretals ＜ alter talis; by dissimilation, atretals: by substitution of ai- (first syllable of aissi ＜ ac sīc) for atre-, aitals; by fusion of aitals and atretals, aitretals; through analogy of atressi, atrestals. Cf. § 74, 2. Inflection like that of cals (§ 134).

(7) Altretan atretan aitan atrestan etc. ＜ alter + tantum: see altretals.

(8) Cada un ＜ κατά + ūnum,‘every one’. The Greek preposition κατά was introduced into the Latin territory, probably by Greek merchants, in stating prices: καθ᾽ἕνα = cata ūnum, κατά τρεῐς = cata trēs; hence cada ün, cada trẹi. Inflection: cada üs, cada ü(n); cada üna.

(9) Calacom qualacom qualaquom, ‘something’, ‘a little’, seems to be a Provençal compound of cal and acǫ (§ 132), the last syllable of which was perhaps understood as cọm cọ ＜ quōmŏ(do). Cf. quezacom below. There is a diminutive calacomet, which helped to maintain the m of calacom.

(10) Cals que quals que, cal que qual que, ‘whoever’, is a Provençal compound.

(11) Cant quant can quan ＜ quantum quanti, ‘how much’, ‘how many’. Cant, inflected like bęl (§ 103), is used also as an adjective and as a masculine and feminine pronoun.

(12) Cascüs chascüs, ‘everyone’, ‘every’, appears to be a fusion of cada üs and ✱cescüs ＜ ✱cisqu’ ūnus = quĭsque ūnus = ūnus quĭsque. Inflection: cascüs, cascü(n); cascüna.

(13) Ent en n ne ＜ ĭnde,‘some’: cf. § 123.

(14) Maint mant man manh ＜ Celtic ✱mantî, ‘many’, ‘many a’, ‘many a one’. Obj. pl. in -s, f. sg. in -a, f. pl. in -as.

(15) Molt mout mot mul mon ＜ mŭltum, ‘much’. For mọt, mul, mọn, see § 74, (2) and § 74, 1. Mọlt, inflected like bęl (§ 103), is used also as an adjective and as a masculine and feminine pronoun.

(16) Negüs ＜ nĕc ūnus, ‘no one’. Inflection: negüs, negü(n); negüna. Beside negün we find degün, apparently through dissimilation.

(17) Nüls ＜ nūllus, ‘no’, ‘none’. Inflection: nüls, nül, nül, nülh, nüls; nüla, nülas. From nülh ＜ nūllī comes a set of forms with lh: see § 67, (2). Hence, by metathesis suggested by the analogy of negün, lhün. A fusion of nülh and lhün results in lünh, whence a set of forms with nh.

(18) Om ＜ hŏmo, ‘one’.

(19) Pauc ＜ paucum, pauci, ‘little’, ‘few’. There is also a regular adjective, paucs, ‘small’.

(20) Que que, ‘whatever’, is a Provençal compound.

(21) Quecs ＜ quĭsquis (§ 78, 2), ‘everyone’. From quẹcs were formed an objective quẹc and a feminine quẹga (cf. amics amic amiga).

(22) Quesacom (diminutive quesacomet), ‘something’, ‘a little’, is formed like calacọm above, the first element in this case being either quẹs ＜ quĭd or quẹ s = quẹ es.

(23) Qui que, ‘whoever’, is a Provençal compound.

(24) Res re, ‘anything’, ‘something’.

(25) Tals ＜ talis, ‘such’, inflected like cals (§ 134).

(26) Tamanh ＜ tam magnum, ‘so great’; f. tamanha.

(27) Tant tan ta ＜ tantum, tanti, ‘so much’, ‘so many’. Tant, inflected like bęl (§ 103), is used also as an adjective and as a masculine and feminine pronoun.

(28) Totz ＜ tōttus = tōtus (Gram., I, § 547), ‘all’, had a regular inflection: tọtz, tọt, tọt, tọtz; tọta, tọtas. In the masculine nominative plural, however, we find oftener the forms tüch tüich tüit tüt tüti, which point to a Latin ✱tūctī (cf. Italian tutti); for this no satisfactory explanation has been discovered (see Nigra, Rom., XXXI, 525). Hence we occasionally have in the singular tütz, tüt, and in the objective plural tügz tütz; the last form occurs also as a nominative plural. Tọt is frequently used as a neuter pronoun and as an adverb.

(29) Üs, ‘some’; from ūnus, used as an indefinite adjective or pronoun, we have the plural forms; ü(n), ü(n)s; ünas.

137. (1) In Vulgar Latin there were some shifts, the verbs of the second and third conjugations being particularly unstable: cadĕre, capĕre, sapĕre, for instance, often passed into the second, while mŏvēre, rīdēre frequently followed the third, and mŏri, sĕqui usually went into the fourth. Pŏsse, vĕlle, with the new infinitives ✱potēre, ✱volēre, were made to conform with more or less regularity to the second conjugation type. Beside do, dant, sto, stant, there came into use the forms ✱dao, ✱daunt, ✱stao, ✱staunt. Beside facĕre there doubtless existed a verb ✱fare,[102] strongly influenced by dare and stare; the first suggestion of shortening probably came from the monosyllabic imperative singular fac (or fa[103]), which must have led to a plural ✱fate beside facĭte. Habēre and vadĕre[103] also came under the influence of dare and stare; the former adopted, beside habeo, habes, habet, habent, the forms ✱ho, ✱has, ✱hat, ✱hant or ✱haunt. Vadĕre generally lost its past tenses, which were replaced by īre and, in southern Gaul, by annare.[104]

(2) In Provençal the first conjugation was well preserved, and the fourth lost but little. The second and the third lost many verbs (especially learned words) to the fourth: delir, emplir, envazir, espandir, fugir, iauzir, merir, regir, relinquir, reluzir, vertir;[105] cọzer cozir ＜ consuĕre,[106] devire devezir ＜ divīdĕre, dire dir ＜ dīcĕre, lęire legir (also lire lir) ＜ lĕgĕre, quęrre querir ＜ quærĕre, sęgre seguir ＜ sĕqui, tenẹr tenir[107] ＜ tenēre. Moreover, the second and third conjugations, which in Provençal differed practically only in the infinitive, were much confused: cabẹr, cazẹr, mǫrdre, rire, sabẹr; cọrre accorrẹr, mentavẹr mentaure ＜ mente habēre, movẹr mǫure, quęrre querẹr, redẹbre rezemẹr ＜ redĭmĕre. Uc Faidit, a 13th century grammarian, enumerates about 500 verbs in -ar, about 100 in -er and -re, and a little over 100 in -ir.

138. The inchoative ending -scĕre lost its original sense. The -īsc- type, for verbs of the fourth conjugation, was very widely extended, the -isc- becoming a part of the regular present stem of the fourth conjugation, and disappearing from the infinitive: finīre, ✱finīsco ＞ finir, finisc. An obscure substitute for the Latin -ēsc- type produced an ending -eissir -ezir -zir (dis-pigrēscĕre = despereissir, evanēscĕre = envanezir[108]), which was used in forming some new verbs: enfolezir[109] ＜ fǫl, envelhezir ＜ vęlh, envelzir ＜ vil, esclarzir ＜ clar, escürzir ＜ escür oscür, espaorzir ＜ paọr.[110] The -āsc- and -ōsc- types appear in old verbs: irāscĕre ＞ iráisser, co(g)nōscĕre ＞ conọisser.[111]

139. New verbs were formed, in late Vulgar Latin and in Provençal, only in the first and fourth conjugations. The commonest suffixes were -āre, -iāre, -icāre, -idiāre (＜ -ίζειν: § 57, Z), -īre: ✱oblītāre ＞ oblidar, ✱altiāre ＞ aussar, ✱carricāre ＞ cargar, ✱werridiāre ＞ guerreiar, ✱abbellīre ＞ abelir. Germanic verbs generally went into the first conjugation, except those in -jan, most of which entered the fourth: roubôn ＞ raubar (also raubir), wîtan ＞ guidar; furbjan ＞ forbir.

140. The Latin perfect passive took the sense of a present; amātus est, for instance, under the influence of such phrases as carus est, came to mean ‘he is loved’. This led to the establishment of an entire passive inflection made up of the perfect participle and the parts of the verb ĕsse; and the old passive forms were gradually abandoned, leaving no trace (save the perfect participle and possibly the gerundive) in the Romance languages. So the passive is constructed in Provençal as in French: ẹs amatz, ęra amatz, fọ amatz, será amatz, etc.; the participle regularly agrees with the subject in gender and number. Latin deponent verbs became active: mŏri ＞ morir, sĕqui ＞ seguir.

141. (1) Such phrases as ĭd habeo factum shifted their meaning from ‘I have it done’, etc., to ‘I have done it’, etc. The Latin perfect came to be restricted to its aorist sense, and the perfect was expressed by compounds of habēre with the perfect participle. In the Romance languages all compound tenses were eventually formed in this way: ai cantat, avia cantat, aurai cantat, etc. In Provençal the auxiliary is sometimes ęsser, instead of avẹr, if the main verb is reflexive, passive, or neuter; ęsser is particularly common with neuter verbs of motion: sọi vengütz.[112] A participle used with avẹr may agree in gender and number with the direct object, if there is one: ai cantat or cantada la cansọ.

(2) The Latin perfect indicative continued to be used as an aorist, and is the source of the preterit in Provençal, as in the other Romance languages: vīdī ＞ vi, ‘I saw’. The pluperfect indicative survived in some regions; in Provençal it is used with the sense of a conditional: fŭĕrat ＞ fọra,‘he would be’. The future perfect indicative and the perfect subjunctive did not remain in Provençal: amavĕro = aurai amat, amavĕrim = aia amat. The pluperfect subjunctive assumed the functions of the imperfect, which disappeared from nearly every part of the Romance territory: audīssem (for audīrem) ＞ auzis. The perfect infinitive left no trace: audīsse = avẹr auzit.

142. The Latin future, which was not uniform in the four conjugations, and, in the third and fourth, was liable to confusion with the present subjunctive, was gradually replaced by various periphrastic constructions: instead of faciam people said factūrus sum, dēbeo facĕre, vŏlo facĕre, habeo (ad) facĕre, etc. The construction that prevailed in the greater part of the Empire was facĕre habeo, a combination of the infinitive with the present indicative of habēre. The verb ĕsse was the only one that ultimately retained the old future beside the new: Pr. ęr, ęrs, ęr, beside serái serás será; in the plural, only serẹm, serẹtz, serán. The new composite future was occasionally used by Tertullian, St. Jerome, and St. Augustine, and became common in Italy by the 6th century.[113]

(2) As an imperfect of the future, there was evolved a combination of the infinitive and the imperfect or perfect indicative. To correspond to dīcit quod venīre habet, was constructed dīxit quŏd venīre habēbat (or habuit); to match sī pŏssum, venīre habeo, was made sī potuĭssem, venīre habēbam (or habuī). In Gaul, as in most of the Empire, only the imperfect of habēre was used for this purpose. Traces of such a construction are found as early as the 3d century. This form is generally called the conditional, and it existed in Provençal side by side with the conditional described in § 141, (2): sería, serías, sería, etc., beside fọra, fọras, fọra, etc. The Romance languages developed also a perfect conditional: auría agüt = ‘I should have had’.

143. (1) The present participle remained in use as an adjective: fīlias placentes ＞ filhas plazẹns; cf. § 101, (3). In its verbal function it was replaced by the ablative of the gerund: vĕnit accŭrrens ＞ vĕnit accŭrrendo ＞ ven acorrẹn. In most Provençal dialects, however, the present participle and the gerund coincided in form (amantem and amando both ＞ amán), the gerund being distinguished from the participle only by its lack of inflection: see § 76, (2).

(2) The gerund retained only the ablative case, the use of which was considerably extended: see above. In its other cases it was replaced by the infinitive: artem dīcendī ＞ artem dīcĕre ＞ art de dire. The supine, too, was replaced by the infinitive: vīsum vĕnit nōs ＞ vĕnit nōs vĭdēre ＞ ven nọs (a) vezẹr.

144. The infinitive endings -āre, -ēre, -īre regularly became -ar, -ẹr, -ir; -ĕre became -re or -er: see § 48, (1) and § 52, (1). Ex.: amāre ＞ amár, vĭdēre ＞ vezẹr, audīre ＞ auzir; tŏllĕre ＞ tǫlre, nascĕre ＞ náisser, dīcere ＞ dire dízer. For shifts of conjugation, see § 137.

145. The endings -antem -ando, -ĕntem -ĕndo regularly became -an or -ant, -en or -ent: § 76, (2). See § 143, (1). The endings -iĕntem -iĕndo lost their i in Vulgar Latin (§ 40, 1), and were thus reduced to -entem -endo. Ex.: amantem amando ＞ amán (or amánt), vidĕntem vidĕndo ＞ vezén (or vezént), credĕntem credĕndo ＞ crezén (or crezént); sapiĕntem sapiĕndo ＞ ✱sapĕntem ✱sapĕndo ＞ sabén (or sabént), partiĕntem partiĕndo ＞ ✱partentem ✱partendo ＞ partén (or partént). Fourth conjugation verbs which adopted the inchoative -sc- (§ 138), generally introduced it into the present participle and the gerund: florir, florissẹn. Cf. § 155. For the declension of the present participle, see § 101, (3).

146. The Provençal past participle comes from the Latin perfect participle. It is to be noted that verbs which originally had no perfect participle were obliged to create one in order to form their compound tenses: see § 141, (1). Past participles in Provençal, when inflected, were declined like bęl: §§ 102; 102, 1; 103, (1). See § 141, (1).

147. In the first and fourth conjugations the endings were -ātum and -ītum, which regularly became -at and -it: cantātum ＞ cantát, finītum ＞ fenít. The first conjugation verbs which had a form in -ĭtum discarded it for -ātum: crepāre crĕpĭtum = crebár crebát. On the other hand, aperīre and operīre preserved their participle in -ĕrtum: cubrir (＜ cooperīre), cubęrt (also cubrít); ubrír (＜ aperīre + cooperīre), ubęrt. By the analogy of these, sufrir (＜ suffĕrre) and ufrir (＜ offĕrre) have sufęrt (also sufrít), ufęrt. Tenẹr tenir keeps its Provençal second conjugation ending, tengüt (see § 148); and venir, following the analogy of tenir, has vengüt.

148. (1) Most Latin verbs of the second and third conjugations had no accented ending, but a few had an ending -ūtum, which corresponded very well to the -ātum and -ītum of the first and fourth: arguĕre, argūtum; consuĕre, consūtum; sĕqui, secūtum; solvĕre, solūtum; volvĕre, volūtum. This ending was considerably extended in Vulgar Latin, especially to verbs having a perfect in -ŭī: habēre, habŭī, habĭtum ✱habūtum. In Provençal it spread still further: cazẹr, cazęc, cazegüt. Inasmuch as it was closely associated with the perfect, it came to be attached, more and more frequently, to the stem of that tense.

(2) Of the Provençal verbs of the second and third conjugations, about half adopted the ending -üt. In some the -üt is added to the stem of the infinitive: crezüt, defendüt, escondüt, molüt, perdüt, resemüt, respondüt, rompüt, vendüt, vezüt veüt. Most of the verbs, however, attach the -üt to the stem of the preterit: nasc, nascüt; pasc, pascüt; tems, temsüt; tesc, tescüt, venc, vencüt (from vẹnser); visc, viscüt. A few have both forms: agüt avüt; cazegüt cazüt; vengüt venüt. It is to be noted, in the case of verbs that add -üt to the preterit, that if the third person singular of the preterit ends in a voiceless consonant preceded by a vowel or l or n, that consonant is voiced in the participle: ac, agüt; bẹc, begüt; cazęc, cazegüt; conọc, conogüt; crẹc, cregüt; dẹc, degüt; elęc, elegüt; mǫc, mogüt; nǫc, nogüt; plac, plagüt, plǫc, plogüt; pǫc, pogüt; remas, remazüt; saup, saubüt; sęc, següt; tẹnc, tengüt; tǫlc, tolgüt; valc, valgüt; vẹnc, vengüt (from venir); vǫlc, volgüt. Exceptions are ceupüt, saupüt (beside saubüt), and vencüt (from vẹnser): for ceupüt, saupüt, cf. § 65, P, 3; in vencüt the c was perhaps kept to distinguish the word from vengüt (venir).

(3) The other half of the second and third conjugation verbs generally preserved the old participle with no accented ending: ars, cẹing, claus, dich, düit, estrẹit, fach, iọinch, mẹs, ọnh, pǫst, prẹs, trach, etc. Some of these have also forms in -üt: defẹs defendüt, elig eslęit elegüt, escọs escondüt, mǫut molüt, nat nascüt, remas remazüt, rọt rompüt, vis vezüt. A few verbs made up new forms without a stressed ending: conquęrre, conquẹs conquis; redemer rezemer, redems (rezemüt); sọrger, sọrs; tǫlre, tǫlt tǫut; vezẹr, vist (vis vezüt veüt); vǫlvre, vǫut. Mĭttĕre probably had beside mĭssum a form ✱mīsum (cf. mīsī); hence mẹtre, mẹs mis. By the analogy of this, prendre has beside prẹs a form pris. ęstre borrowed estát from estar ＜ stare. Escriut, from escriure, is probably influenced by the infinitive; escrich follows dich. So, probably, does elig = eslęit, from elegir eslire eslir.

149. For the formation of these parts, see § 142, (1), (2). Ex.: amarái, creisserái, florirái. Verbs of the second conjugation regularly, and verbs of the fourth very often, syncopate the e or i of the infinitive: remanrái, volrás; partrái, venría. Third conjugation infinitives with final e drop this e before the ending; those in -er keep the e: vẹndre, vendrái; náisser, naisserái. First conjugation infinitives regularly keep the a (§ 45), but in a few texts (especially the Girart and the Rasos de trobar) the a is changed to e: cantarái, sonaría, trobarẹm; blasmerán, comterá.

150. For the phonetic changes exemplified in auría, deurái, mourá; plairía; cairá, veirái; valdrái; remandrém, tendría; poiría, see § 70, βr, C´r, Dr, Lr, Nr, Tr. Anar (＜ annāre) has beside anarái a form irái from ir (＜ īre). ęsser drops its first syllable (serái), perhaps through elision (tu ’sserás, etc.), perhaps in accordance with the general principle stated in § 19. Faire far always makes its future and conditional from the latter form (farái). Sabẹr has beside sabrái a form saubrái, due no doubt to the combined influence of aurái and the preterit saup ＜ sapuit. Vezẹr, following the analogy of beurái, deurái, viurái, has veurái beside the regular veirái.

151. The composite nature of the future and conditional was still sufficiently felt, in the literary period, to admit of the separation of the component parts: amar vos ái, dar n’ẹtz, donar lo t’ái, tornar nos ẹm, tornar s’en ía.

Future Endings.

152. For the 1st pers. sg., the Provençal verb used the form ✱ayo ＞ ai (§ 73, βy); for the 2d and 3d pers. sg. and the 3d pers. pl., the forms ✱has ＞ as, ✱hat ＞ a (§ 82, T), ✱hant ✱haunt ＞ an aun (§ 83, Nt): see § 137, (1). In the 1st and 2d pers. pl., habēmu’(§ 82, S, 2), habētis naturally gave avẹm, avẹtz (§ 64); but inasmuch as the other four terminations were monosyllabic, the av- was dropped when avẹm, avẹtz came to be understood merely as future endings. The future is, therefore, inflected as follows:—

cantar-ái	cantar-ẹm
cantar-ás	cantar-ẹtz, -ẹs, -ẹt
cantar-á	cantar-án, -ánt, -áun, -áu

Conditional Endings.

153. Habēbam ＞ aβẹβa ＞ (probably through dissimilation: § 87, β) aβẹa ＞ avía (§ 26); so avías, avía, aviám, aviátz, avían. But inasmuch as the conditional was formed in imitation of the future, and none of the future forms retained the av-, the conditional endings were reduced to -ía, -ías, -ía, -iám, -iátz, -ían. Some dialects, which substituted -on for -an, introduced -íon into the conditional: § 169. The conditional is, therefore, inflected as follows:—

cantar-ía	cantar-iám
cantar-ías	cantar-iátz, -iás, -iát
cantar-ía	cantar-ían, -íon, -ío

154. The personal endings will be discussed separately in §§ 164-169.

155. The Provençal present indicative and subjunctive come, in the main, directly from the corresponding parts of the Latin verb:—

amo	＞ am	amāmu’	＞ amám	faciam	＞ fassa	faciāmu’	＞ fassám
amas	＞ amas	amaātis	＞ amátz	facias	＞ fassas	faciātis	＞ fassátz
amat	＞ ama	amant	＞ áman	faciat	＞ fassa	faciant	＞ fássan

In the 4th conjugation, however, most verbs have adopted the originally inchoative -sc- (§ 138) and incorporated it into the inflection of the present, except in the 1st and 2d pers. pl. of the indicative:—

florīsco	＞ florísc	florēmu’	＞ florẹm[114]
florīscis	＞ florís florísses	florētis	＞ florętz[114]
florīscit	＞ florís	florīscunt	＞ floríscon
florīscam	＞ florísca	floriscāmu’	＞ floriscám
florīscas	＞ floríscas	floriscātis	＞ floriscátz
florīscat	＞ florísca	florīscant	＞ floríscan

We occasionally find such forms as florissẹm, florissętz, and florám, florátz.

156. Of the Latin imperative forms, only the present active, 2d pers. sg. and pl., remained in use. The Provençal verb kept the sg., but substituted for the pl. the 2d pers. pl. of the present indicative:—

ama	＞ ama	tĕne	＞ ten	crēde	＞ crẹ
amāte amātis	＞ amátz	tenēte tenētis	＞ tenętz	crēdĭte ✱crēdĭ́tis[115]	＞ crezętz

partī	＞ part	fīnīsce	＞ finís
partīte partītis	＞ partętz[115]	finīte finītis	＞ finętz[115]

In negative commands the present subjunctive is generally used instead of the plural imperative, and sometimes the infinitive is employed instead of sg. or pl. The verbs auzir, avẹr, dire, ęsser, sabẹr, vezẹr, volẹr regularly took their imperative forms from the present subjunctive: áuias, digátz, veiátz, etc.

Double Stems.

157. Differences in accentuation and in the environment of vowels or consonants regularly developed different stems in different parts of some verbs. For instance, ádjūtā́re ＞ aidar (§ 45), while adjū́tat ＞ aiüda.

158. Sometimes, as above, an intertonic vowel disappeared: mándūcā́re ＞ maniar, mandūco ＞ ✱mandüc manüc; ✱parabolāre ✱páraulā́re ＞ parlar, ✱parabŏlat ✱paraulat ＞ paraula. In such cases the shortened stem usually prevailed: mania, parla. But in adjutare the longer one was preferred: aiüdar.

159. (1) A vowel which breaks in one part of a verb may be unstressed, and therefore remain unbroken, in another part: probāre ＞ proar, prŏbat ＞ prueva,[116] ✱sequīre ＞ sęguir, ✱sĕquit ＞ sięc.[117] In such cases the phonetic development is generally undisturbed.

(2) A vowel which breaks in one part of a verb may, with different environment, remain unbroken even in another part in which it is stressed: ✱volēre ＞ volẹr, ✱vŏleo ＞ vuelh, ✱vŏlet ＞ vǫl. If the breaking occurs in the 1st pers. sg., the phonetic development is regularly undisturbed; if it occurs in the 2d and 3d pers. sg., it is generally carried into the other forms in which the vowel is stressed: cŏllĭgit ＞ cuęlh, hence cuęlh = collĭgo; ĕxit ＞ ięis, hence ięsc, ięscon, ięsca.

160. A consonant may be followed by e̯ or i̯, and so palatalized, in one part of the verb, and not in another: ✱cadeo ＞ chai, ✱cadēmu’ ＞ chazẹm; dēbeo ＞ dẹch dẹi (§ 73, βy), dēbet ＞ dẹu; faciat ＞ fassa, facĕre ＞ faire; fŭgio ＞ füi, fugĕre ＞ fugir; jaceam ＞ iassa, jacēre ＞ iazẹr[118]; placeāmu’ ＞ plassám, placēmu’ ＞ plazẹm; sapiam ＞ sapcha, sapit ＞ sap; tĕneo ＞ tenh, tĕnet ＞ ten; valeo ＞ valh, vales ＞ vals; vĕniat ＞ venha, venīre ＞ venir; vĭdeam ＞ vẹia, vidētis ＞ vezẹtz; ✱vŏleo ＞ vuęlh, ✱vŏlet ＞ vǫl. Verbs in -eo generally keep this distinction; but we find mǫva, somóna, tẹma = mŏveam, submŏneam, tĭmeam. Most verbs in -io, on the other hand, dropped the i̯ in Vulgar Latin: partio ✱parto ＞ part, partiunt ✱partunt ＞ parton, partiam ✱partam ＞ parta; sen, senton, senta; sięrf, sięrvon, sięrva; etc. A few verbs show forms both with and without the e̯ or i̯: audio ＞ auch (audiam ＞ auia), ✱audo ＞ au; crēdo ＞ crẹ, ✱crēdeo ＞ crẹi[119]; vĭdeo ＞ vẹi[119], ✱vĭdo ＞ vẹ.

161. Verbs in -ng- naturally developed a palatal consonant before e or i (§ 73, Ng´), but not before other vowels: cĭngĕre ＞ cẹnher, cĭngo ＞ cẹnc, cĭngit ＞ cẹnh, cĭngam ＞ cẹnga; so fẹnher, ọnher, plánher, pọnher, etc. The palatal was carried by analogy into the parts that were originally without it: hence the double forms cẹnc cẹnh, cẹngon cẹnhon, cẹnga cẹnha, etc. These double forms led tenẹr, venir to adopt tenc, venc, tenga, venga, beside the regular tenh, venh, tenha, venha. Such forms as these, supported by dẹrc ＜ de-ērĭgo, dic ＜ dīco, pręc ＜ prĕco, sęc ＜ ✱sequo, trac ＜ ✱trago, etc., afforded a starting-point for an ending -c, adopted by some other verbs in the 1st pers. sg. of the present indicative: pĕrdo ＞ pęrt pęrc, pr(eh)ĕndo ＞ pren prenc, remaneo ＞ remanh remanc, etc.

Peculiar Forms.

162. The following verbs have individual peculiarities that call for special mention:—

163. In verse the present subjunctive ending -ia sometimes counts as one syllable: si͡atz. Cf. § 153, 1.

Personal Endings[122].

164. (1) In the first person singular final -o and -em regularly disappeared: amo ＞ am, amem ＞ am. When, however, the -o or -em was preceded by a consonant group requiring a supporting vowel (§ 52), the ending was regularly retained as -e: dŭbĭto ＞ dọpte, sŭffĕro ＞ suffre, trĕmŭlem ＞ tremble.

Through the analogy of ai, crẹi, dẹi, sọi, vẹi, and the 1st pers. sg. of the preterit, this -e was in the indicative generally changed at an early date to -i: ✱cŏpĕro ＞ cǫbre cǫbri, ✱opĕro ＞ ǫbre ǫbri; so ĭmpleo ✱ĭmplo ＞ ompli. This -i (occasionally -e) was then taken as a distinctive ending of the 1st pers. sg., and was added to many verbs that needed no supporting vowel: auzir, au auze; azorar, azọr azọri; cantar, can canti; cọrre, cọr cọrri; mẹtre, mẹt mẹti; prezar, prętz pręzi; remirar, remir remire remiri; respondre, respon respondi; sentir, sen senti; vẹndre, vẹn vẹndi.

In the subjunctive, when a final vowel was required, -e was usually kept; it was also extended to some verbs that did not need it: acabe, dọne, mire, plọre. Very rarely an unnecessary -i was added instead of -e: laissar, lais laissi.

(2) The ending -am regularly gave -a: audiam ＞ auia.

165. In the second person singular final -as regularly remained, and -ēs and -ī̆s became -s (or, when a supporting vowel was required, -es): amas ＞ amas; valēs ＞ vals, sapĭs ＞ saps, partīs ＞ partz; dŭbĭtēs ＞ dọptes. Cf. § 82, S. Sometimes, especially in late texts, -s is expanded into -es: canz cantes, partz partes, saps sabes, vals vales; so floris florisses, etc.

Final -a remained, and -ē̆ and -ī fell: ama ＞ ama, tĕne ＞ ten, crēde ＞ crẹ, partī ＞ part.

166. In the third person singular final -at became -a, -ĕt and -ĭt fell (but remained as -e when a supporting vowel was needed): amat ＞ ama, amet ＞ am, tĕnet ＞ ten te, vĕnit ＞ ven ve; trĕmŭlet ＞ tremble. Cf. § 82, T.

167. In the first person plural the final -s disappeared early, s being perhaps regarded as a distinctively second person ending[123]. The rare form ęsmes = sŭmus is the only one that retains the s: cf. § 162, (15).

Then -āmu’, -ēmu’ gave regularly -am, -ẹm: cantāmus ＞ cantám, habēmus ＞ avẹm. Likewise -ĭmu’, through the analogy of -āmu’, -ēmu’, came to take the accent on its penult, and then regularly developed into -ẹm: crēdĭmus ✱credĭ́mu’ ＞ crezẹm. This -ẹm of the second and third conjugations passed into the fourth, and entirely displaced the -im that would have been the regular representative of -īmu’: partīmus ＞ ✱partím partẹm.

168. In the second person plural -ātis regularly gave -atz: amātis ＞ amatz, audiātis ＞ auiatz. The regular form from -ētis is -ẹtz, which we find kept in the future (veirẹtz) and in the present subjunctive (cantẹtz); in the present indicative it was replaced by -ętz, probably through the analogy of ętz ＜ ĕstis: habētis ＞ avẹtz avętz, ✱potētis ＞ podẹtz podętz, so sezętz, valętz, etc.; the rare avẹtz and podẹtz are the only forms that preserve ẹ. The ending -ĭtis, taking the accent on its penult (cf. § 167), became ✱-ẹtz, then -ętz: crēdĭtis ＞ crezętz. This -ętz also displaced the -itz that would have been regular in the fourth conjugation: partītis ＞ partętz.

The final -tz was reduced, in some of the principal dialects, to -s (§ 64): cantás, sezęs, partęs. In other dialects it was replaced very early by -t (§ 64): auiát, avęt, passát, podęt; so partirẹt, etc.

169. In the third person plural -ant, -ent, -unt gave respectively -an -ant, -en, -on -o (§ 83, Nt): amant ＞ áman ámant, audiant ＞ áuian áuiant; valent ＞ válen, ament ＞ ámen; vēndunt ＞ vẹndon vẹndo. In Languedoc -an was replaced by -on or -o in the 13th century; in other regions, later: ámon, chanto ls, coménso l. The Boeci has -en for -an: amen, monten. In Gascony and some of the Limousin territory -en partially displaced -on (floríssen, párten, vẹnden), elsewhere -on or -o displaced -en (válon).

170. In the first conjugation -abam regularly gave -ava. In the second, through the analogy of aβéa ＜ habēbam (§ 153), -ēbam came to be replaced, in southern Gaul, by -éa, which regularly changed to -ía (§ 26). In the third, -iēbam regularly became -ēbam (§ 40, 1); and this and original -ēbam were replaced by the -éa ＞ -ía of the second conjugation. In the fourth, -ībam, which had in the accented syllable the characteristic vowel of the conjugation, crowded out -iēbam; -ībam then lost its β through the analogy of the second and third conjugations. We have, then, in Provençal, only two sets of endings: -áva, etc., in the first conjugation; -ía, etc., in the second, third, and fourth.

amáva	vezía	fazía	partía
amávas	vezías	fazías	partías
amáva	vezía	fazía	partía
amavám	veziám	faziám	partiám
amavátz	veziátz	faziátz	partiátz
amávan	vezían	fazían	partían

171. These parts are all formed from the same stem, that of the Latin perfect: cf. § 141, (2). Ex.: cantęi, cantęra, cantęs; vendęi, vendęra, vendęs; partí, partíra, partís; vi, vira, vis; dẹc, dẹgra, deguẹs.

Preterit.

172. Preterits which stress the ending throughout are called weak; those which do not stress the ending throughout are called strong: partí, partíst, partí, partím, partítz, partíron is weak; saup, saubíst, saup, saubém, saubétz, sáubron is strong. Verbs of the first and fourth conjugations regularly have weak preterits (amęi, finí). Verbs of the second and third, with very few exceptions, originally had strong preterits (placuī ＞ plac, fēcī ＞ fis): many of them, however, developed weak preterits either in Vulgar Latin or in Provençal (irasquęi, nasquęi, tessęi tesquęi, visquęi); some assumed a weak form in -í in the 1st pers. sg. (dis dissí, pris prenguí, remas remanguí, trais traguí: cf. §§ 173, 177); quęrre, on the other hand, substituted a strong preterit (quis, etc.) for a weak one.

173. (1) Final -ī, in the first pers. sg., doubtless remained through the earlier stages of Provençal (habuī ＞ águi, dīxī ＞ díssi): cf. § 51, (2). Before it fell, it changed an accented ẹ in the preceding syllable to i (vēnī ✱vēnuī ＞ ✱vẹngui vinc): cf. § 27; occasionally, however, the ẹ was kept, through the analogy of the other persons (pris prẹs). Sometimes, instead of falling, the -i took the accent (following the analogy of the fourth conjugation) and remained: águi ＞ ac or aguí, díssi ＞ dis or dissí (cf. § 177).

When the -i was immediately preceded by an accented vowel, it regularly formed a diphthong with that vowel, and did not fall (fuī ＞ füi): cf. § 51, (3); but -íi was simplified to -i (partīvī partīī ＞ partí).

Before enclitic l, -ei -iei were often reduced to -e -ie: cantiel.

(2) In the 2d pers. sg., -stī became -st, a preceding ẹ being changed to i (§ 27): partīstī ＞ partíst, debuĭstī ＞ deguíst; sometimes, through the analogy of the 2d pers. pl., ẹ remains (venguẹst: cf. § 27, 2). Occasionally the final -t disappears: anięst anięs, fezíst fezís.

(3) The -t of the 3d pers. sg. was lost in strong preterits: placuit ＞ plac, vīdit ＞ vi. In weak preterits, it was retained by most dialects after é, and by many after í: donęt donę, vendęt vendę; partí partít. Cf. § 82, T.

(4) In the 1st pers. pl., -mus -mu’ (see § 167) was reduced to -m: vīdĭmu’ ＞ vim.

(5) The -stis of the 2d pers. pl. regularly became -tz (§ 78, 2), later in many dialects -s (§ 64): debuĭstis ＞ deguẹtz deguẹs.

(6) The -runt of the 3d pers. pl. regularly gave -ron or -ro (§ 83, Nt): partīrunt ＞ partíron partíro, vīdĕrunt ＞ viron viro. In some dialects -en is substituted for -on: fŭĕrunt ＞ fọron fọren (cf. § 169).

The e before -runt, which in classic Latin was usually long, was always short in Vulgar Latin when it was preserved at all: amavĕrunt ＞ amārunt, fēcĕrunt.

Weak Preterits.

174. (1) In the first and fourth conjugations we find in Latin the following endings:—

-āvī -āī	-āvĭmus	-īvī -īī	-īvĭmus
-āvĭstī -āstī	-āvĭstis -āstis	-īvĭstī -īstī	-īvĭstis -īstis
-āvit -aut	-āvēre -āvē̆runt -ārunt	-īvit -īit -īt	-īvēre -īvē̆runt -īrunt

The popular speech preferred in every case the shortened form, and generally reduced -āvĭmus, -īvĭmus to -āmus, -īmus (in southern Gaul -āmu’, -īmu’: § 167), on the analogy of the 2d pers. sg. and pl.

(2) In the second conjugation a few verbs (delēre, flēre, nēre, -olēre, -plēre, viēre) had similar endings (delēvī, etc.), which were doubtless contracted in like fashion in so far as these words were in common use. Most verbs of this conjugation, however, had strong preterits (tacēre, tacuī; vidēre, vīdī; etc.).

(3) The third conjugation had in classic Latin no weak endings corresponding to those of the first, second, and fourth; but the vulgar speech developed a set in the following manner. Compounds of dare formed their perfect in -dĭdī (perdĭdī); this -dĭdī, in accordance with the principle set forth in § 16, 3, came to be pronounced -dę́dị (condédi); and -dędị, probably through dissimilation[124], was shortened to -dęi (✱credéi). With this form as a starting-point, a weak preterit was created on the analogy of those of the other conjugations, the endings being something like -ęi, -ęstị, -ęt, -ęmus -ęmu’, -ęstis, -ęrunt. This inflection was probably extended to some verbs outside the -dĕre class (✱battéi, etc.?).

175. (1) In Provençal the weak inflection disappeared from the second conjugation, delēre and -plēre passing into the fourth, and the other weak verbs going out of use.

(2) Verbs of the fourth conjugation (except venir) all took the weak endings -í, -íst, -í, -ím, -ítz, -íron: partí, partíst, partí, partím, partítz, partíron. Irregular verbs either disappeared or became regular (sensī = sentí), with the exception of venīre ＞ venir (vinc).[125]

(3) The new weak endings of the third conjugation developed into -ęi, -ęst, -ęt, -ém, -ętz, -ęron: vendęi, vendęst, vendęt, vendém, vendętz, vendęron. In the 1st pers. sg. the ę often broke (vendięi), and the diphthong was sometimes carried into the 2d pers. sg. (vendięst). These endings were considerably extended in Provençal (cazęt, etc.), and were occasionally attached to a strong preterit stem (nasquęt, tesquęt, venquęt, visquęt). Most verbs, however, kept their strong preterit (mis, conọc). The -īvī perfect disappeared from the third conjugation: quæsīvit ＞ ✱quæsit ＞ quẹs.

(4) The first conjugation discarded its own weak endings, and substituted those of the third: cantęi cantięi, cantęst cantięst, cantęt, cantém, cantętz, cantęron. This strange phenomenon seems to have originated as follows: dare, dĕdī ＞ dar, dęi; from dar the ending -ęi was readily extended to estar (estęi); and from these two very common verbs it spread to the whole first conjugation.

Irregular verbs (except dare, stare) either disappeared or became regular.

176. A final -c, which developed in the strong -ui preterits (§ 184), often became attached to the 3d pers. sg. of weak preterits of the fourth conjugation: floríc, fugíc, iauzíc, partíc.[126] It was sometimes extended to other weak preterits: chantęc, entendęc, nasquęc,[127] paręc.[128] We find also a 3d pers. pl. cazęgron, etc., and even a 1st pers. sg. ameguí, etc. In some western dialects the final -c was adopted by the whole first conjugation: donęc, portęc, etc.

177. Some strong preterits occasionally assumed weak endings:—

(1) In the 1st pers. sg. several verbs in -s sometimes either added an -í or shifted the stress to an originally unaccented final -i (cf. §§ 172, 173): dis dissí, pris presí, quis quesí, respos respozí. A few verbs in -c did the same: aic aiguí, bẹc beguí, conọc conoguí, saup saubí, vinc venguí, vǫlc volguí. An ending -guí being thus established, this syllable was sometimes added to preterits not of the -c class: costrenguí, destrenguí, prenguí, remanguí, restrenguí, traguí.

(2) In the 3d pers. sg. weak endings are rare: ac aguęt, vẹnc venguęt.

(3) In the 3d pers. pl. the weak ending is not uncommon in -s preterits: diron dissęron, düistrent düissęron, mẹsdren mezęron, prẹson presęron, remastrent remazęron, traissęron. We probably have to deal here, as in (1), with a shift of accent—dīxĕrunt ＞ ✱dísseron ＞ dissęron, etc.: see § 49, (2). The same thing may be true of such a form as aguęron, beside ágron, from ✱áβwerunt = habuĕrunt; such a form as visquęron, on the other hand, is doubtless imitative.

Strong Preterits.

178. (1) The reduplicative perfects were discarded in Vulgar Latin, with the exception of dĕdi (and its compounds) and stĕti, whose reduplicative character was no longer apparent. Cecĭdī became ✱cadui or ✱cadéi; the rest either disappeared or passed into the -sī class: cucŭrrī ＞ ✱cŭrsī, momŏrdī ＞ ✱mŏrsī, pepĕndī ＞ ✱pē(n)sī, pupŭgī ＞ ✱punxī, tetĕndī ＞ ✱tē(n)sī, tetĕgī ＞ ✱taxī ✱tanxī.

(2) The -i perfects were greatly reduced in number in Vulgar Latin. Some disappeared (ēgī), some became weak (fūgī ＞ ✱fugīī ＞ fügí); others passed into the -sī or the -uī class: prehĕndī ＞ ✱prē(n)sī ＞ pris; bĭbit ＞ ✱bĭbuit ＞ bẹc, vēnit ＞ ✱vēnuit ＞ vẹnc. In Provençal only three -ī verbs remained: fēcī ＞ fis, fuī ＞ füi, vīdī ＞ vi.

(3) Of the -sī class (including -ssī and -xī) over twenty verbs were preserved in Vulgar Latin (dīxī, excŭssī, mīsī, traxī, etc.), and about the same number passed into this class from others (absco(n)sī, ✱fraxī ✱sŭrsī, etc.): cf. (1) and (2) above. In Provençal nearly half the verbs of the second and third conjugations have -sī preterits: rema(n)sī ＞ remas, ✱respō(n)sī ＞ respọs[129].

(4) The -uī class held its own very well in Vulgar Latin (placuī, etc.) and received some additions (natus sum ＞ ✱nacuī, sustŭlī ＞ ✱tŏluī, vēnī ＞ ✱vēnuī, vīcī ＞ ✱vĭncuī, vīxī ＞ ✱vīscuī, etc.)[130]. To this class belonged, in Vulgar Latin (and, according to Meyer-Lübke[131], in classic Latin also), all perfects in -vī, this ending being pronounced -wŭī, later -wwị or -βwị: cognōvī ＞ ✱conōvuī ＞ conọc, crēvit ＞ ✱crēvuit ＞ crẹc, mōvī ＞ ✱mŏvuī ＞ mǫc. Cf. § 148. In Provençal not far from half the verbs of the second and third conjugations have -uī preterits. For a combination of a -c ＜ -uī stem with a weak ending, see § 175, (3). For the extension of -c ＜ -uī to other conjugations, see § 176.

179. In the 1st pers. pl. the accent was shifted to the ending, to make this form correspond to the 2d pers. sg. and pl.: fēcĭmus ＞ ✱fēcĭ́mu’ ＞ fezẹm (cf. fecĭstī ＞ fezist, fecĭstis ＞ fezẹtz), ✱prē(n)sĭmus ＞ ✱presĭ́mu’ ＞ prezẹm, debŭĭmus ＞ deβwĭ́mu’ ＞ deguẹm. Exceptions are fŭĭmus ＞ fọm, vīdĭmus ＞ vim; in these verbs the 2d pers. forms also are monosyllabic (füst, fọtz; vist, vitz).

180. We find in some verbs an irregular 3d pers. pl. without -r-, made by adding -on or -en to the 3d pers. sg., the final consonant of which is voiced in all verbs in which it is voiced in the other persons of the plural: (aucire) aucis, aucíson; (plánher) plais, pláisson; (prenre) prẹs, prẹson; (remanre) remas, remáson; (venir) vẹnc, vẹnguen; (volẹr) vǫlc, vǫlgon.

181. (1) Through the change of -e- to -i- by the influence of a final -ī, as described in § 173, (1), a distinction was established between the first and the third person singular of some preterits: crēvī ＞ cric, crēvit ＞ crẹc; fēcī ＞ fis, fēcit ＞ fẹs; ✱prē(n)sī ＞ pris, ✱prē(n)sit ＞ prẹs; tĕnuī ✱tēnuī[132] ＞ tinc, tĕnuit ✱tēnuit ＞ tẹnc; vēnī ✱vēnuī[132] ＞ vinc, vēnit ✱vēnuit ＞ vẹnc. Mẹtre, also, has mis, mẹs, which may come from ✱mĭssī ✱mĭssit (cf. mĭssum) = mīsī, mīsit; or perhaps mis comes from mīsī and mẹs is analogical. Through the analogy of such forms, quęrre has quis, quẹs. In the preterit of podẹr, both pŏtuī and pŏtuit would regularly have given pǫc puǫc puęc (§ 37), but pǫc was kept for the 3d person, and puǫc puęc was used for the 1st. The preterit of volẹr differentiates the two persons similarly—vuęlc, vǫlc; here the diphthong (perhaps under the influence of puęc) is borrowed from the present, where we have ✱vŏleo ＞ vuęlh, ✱vŏlet ＞ vǫl (§ 37). Avẹr, likewise, borrows a distinction from the present: aic, ac reproduce the vowels of ai, a; aic + aguí ＞ aiguí.

(2) For -í as a characteristic of the first person, see § 177, (1).

(3) For -c as a distinctive mark of the third person, see § 176.

182. The three -ī perfects developed in Provençal as follows:—

(1) Facĕre ＞ faire (✱fare ＞ far) has:

fēcī	＞fis, fezí	fēĭmus ✱fēcĭ́mu’	＞fezẹm
fēcĭ́stī	＞fezíst fezís	fēcĭstis	＞fezẹtz fezẹs
fēcit	＞fẹtz fẹs	fēcĕrunt	＞fẹiron fẹiro

(2) Esse (＞ ✱ĕssĕre ＞ ęsser ęstre) had originally a long u in the perfect. In literary Latin the u was shortened, but the popular speech seems to have kept ū beside ŭ. The Provençal 1st and 2d pers. sg. apparently come from fūī, ✱fūstī = fuĭstī (although Pr. füi might be taken from fŭī), while the other forms presuppose ŭ:

fūī	＞füi	fŭĭmus ✱fŭmu’	＞fọm
fūĭstī ✱fūstī	＞füst füs	fŭĭstis ✱fŭstis	＞fọtz fọs
fŭit ✱fŭt	＞fọ, fọn, fọnc	fŭĕrunt ✱fŭrunt	＞fọron fọro, fọren

(3) Vidēre ＞ vezẹr has:

vīdī	＞✱viði ✱við vi, vic	vīdĭmus ✱vīdĭmu’	＞✱viðmu ✱viim vim
vīdĭstī	＞vist vis	vīdĭstis	＞vitz vis
vīdit	＞✱við vi, vit, vic	vīdĕrunt	＞✱viðrun viron viro

183. In the -sī perfect the 3d pers. pl. presented difficulties. If the -e- of the penult fell, an s or z and an r were brought together. Most dialects apparently preserved the -e-, and shifted the accent to it (aucizęron, condüissęron, dissęron, prezęron, remazęron, traissęron), or else borrowed outright the weak ending (respondęron): cf. § 49, (2), and § 177, (3). Dialects which lost the -e- too early to follow this method, generally suppressed the sibilant (aucíron, diron, mẹron from mẹtre, remáron), or omitted the -r- and formed the 3d pers. pl. directly from the 3d pers. sg. (aucízon, pláisson, prẹzon, remázon: § 180), or else imitated a preterit of another class (mairon from manẹr, prẹiron from prenre, doubtless patterned after fẹiron ＜ fēcĕrunt); some borderland dialects kept the sibilant and the r, and developed a dental between them (düystrent ＜ dūxĕrunt, mẹsdren ＜ mīsĕrunt + ✱mĭssĕrunt: § 70, Sr, Zr).

As examples of the -sī perfect we may take the preterit of dire ＜ dīcĕre and penre prenre ＜ pr(eh)ĕndĕre:—

(1)

dīxī	＞dis, dissí	dīxĭmus ✱dīxĭ́mu’	＞dissẹm
dīxĭstī	＞dissíst	dīxĭstis	＞dissẹtz dissẹs
dīxit	＞dis	dīxĕrunt	＞dissęron, diron diro

(2)

✱prē(n)sī	＞pris, prẹs, presí	✱prē(n)sĭmus ✱prēsĭ́mu’	＞presẹm
✱prē(n)sĭstī	＞presíst	✱prē(n)sĭstis	＞presẹtz presẹs
✱prē(n)sit	＞prẹs	✱prē(n)sĕrunt	＞presęron, prẹson, prẹiron

(3) Escriure ＜ scrībĕre has, beside escris ＜ scrīpsī, a preterit escrius (cf. p. p. escriut escrit escrich), in which the u is probably due to the influence of the infinitive.

(4) For dissí, presí, quesí, respozí, see § 177, (1). For pris prẹs, etc., see § 173, (1).

184. In the -uī perfect the development depends somewhat upon the consonant preceding the u. The treatment of the various cons. + w groups, which was discussed in § 72, may be illustrated by habuit ＞ ac[133], crēvit ✱crēvuit ＞ crẹc[134]; nŏcuit ＞ nǫc[135]; sēdit ✱sĕduit ＞ sęc, pŏtuit ＞ pǫc; valuit ＞ valc[136], tĕnuit ✱tēnuit ＞ tẹnc[137], mĕruit ＞ męrc; sapuit ＞ saup[138]: the noteworthy features are the change of u to -c (through w, gw, g), the absorption of the preceding consonant unless it be a liquid, a nasal, or a p, the preservation of the liquid or nasal, and the metathesis of the p.

Avẹr ＜ habēre, podẹr ＜ ✱pŏtēre pŏsse, volẹr ＜ ✱vŏlēre vĕlle, sabẹr ＜ ✱sapēre sapĕre will serve as examples (for the accentuation of the 3d pers. pl., see § 16, 2):—

(1)

habuī	＞ac, aguí, aic, aiguí	habuĭmus ✱aβwĭ́mu’	＞aguẹm
habuĭstī	＞aguíst	habuĭstis	＞aguẹtz aguẹs
habuit	＞ac	habuĕrunt	＞ágron ágro, aguęron

(2)

pŏtuī	＞pǫc puǫc puęc	potuĭmus ✱potwĭ́mu’	＞poguẹm
potuĭstī	＞poguíst	potuĭstis	＞poguẹtz poguẹs
pŏtuit	＞pǫc, pǫt	potuĕrunt	＞pǫgron pǫgro

(3)

vŏluī	＞vǫlc, vuęlc, volguí	voluĭmus ✱volwĭ́mu’	＞volguẹm
voluĭstī	＞volguíst	voluĭstis	＞volguẹtz volguẹs
vŏluit	＞vǫlc	voluĕrunt	＞vǫlgron vǫlgro

(4)

sapuī	＞saup, saubí	sapuĭmus ✱sapwĭ́mu’	＞saubẹm
sapuĭstī	＞saubíst	sapuĭstis	＞saubẹtz saubẹs
sapuit	＞saup	sapuĕrunt	＞sáubron sáubro, sáupron

Old Conditional.

185. The old conditional came from the Latin pluperfect indicative, which had been supplanted in its pluperfect sense by a compound form, and was gradually restricted in its use to the functions of a preterit, a perfect conditional, and a simple conditional: see § 141, (2). In Provençal it had only the conditional meaning; and as the new conditional rendered it superfluous, it fell into disuse (with the exception of ágra and fọra) in the 13th and 14th centuries: see § 142, (2).

186. In the fourth conjugation the old conditional comes from the contracted form of the pluperfect (audīram ＜ audīvĕram). Weak verbs of the third conjugation constructed a similar form (✱vendęram). First conjugation verbs started with the contracted pluperfect (amāram ＜ amāvĕram), but in Provençal substituted ę for á, as in the preterit: § 175, (4). The Provençal types of the old conditional of weak verbs are, therefore, represented by: amęra, vendęra, auzíra. The inflection is as follows:—

amęra	amerám
amęras	amerátz
amęra	amęran
auzíra	auzirám
auzíras	auzirátz
auzíra	auzíran

187. Strong verbs of the -ī and the -uī classes regularly took their old conditional directly from the Latin pluperfect: fēcĕram ＞ fẹira, fŭĕram ＞ fọra, vīdĕram ＞ vira; habŭĕram ✱áβwĕram (§ 16, 2) ＞ ágra, pŏtŭĕram ＞ pǫgra, vŏlŭĕram ＞ vǫlgra, sapŭĕram ＞ sáubra sáupra (§ 65, P, 3). Of course the Latin pluperfect, and therefore the Provençal conditional, followed the shift of the perfect if it changed from one class to another: vēnī ＞ ✱vēnuī, hence ✱vēnŭĕram ＞ vẹngra. The inflection is as follows:—

fọra	forám	ágra	agrám
fọras	forátz forás	ágras	agrátz agrás
fọra	fọran	ágra	ágran

188. Strong verbs of the -sī class regularly form their old conditional on the same plan as the 3d pers. pl. of the preterit (§ 183): (dīxĕram) díra, cf. díron; (✱prēsĕram) prẹira, cf. prẹiron; (arsĕram) arsęra, cf. arsęron.

189. It will be noted that in all verbs, weak and strong, the old conditional may be constructed from the 3d pers. pl. of the preterit by changing -on to -a.

Imperfect Subjunctive.

190. The Provençal imperfect subjunctive came from the Latin pluperfect subjunctive, which in Vulgar Latin assumed the functions of the imperfect and generally displaced it, its own place having been taken by a compound form: see § 141, (2).

191. For weak verbs the basis was the contracted form of the first and fourth conjugations (amāssem ＜ amāvĭssem, audīssem ＜ audīvĭssem); weak verbs of third conjugation had a similar analogical form (✱vēndęssem). First conjugation verbs substituted ę for á, as in the perfect and the old conditional: § 175, (4); § 186. The Provençal types are: amęs, vendęs, auzís. The inflection is:

amęs	amessẹm	auzís	auzissẹm
amęsses	amessẹtz -ẹs	auzísses	auzissẹtz -ẹs
amęs	amęssen -on -o	auzís	auzíssen -on -o

192. Strong verbs regularly made their imperfect directly from the Vulgar Latin form of the pluperfect: fecĭssem ＞ fezẹs, fŭĭssem ✱fŭssem ＞ fọs, vidĭssem ＞ vezẹs, venĭssem ✱venuĭssem ＞ venguẹs; dixĭssem ＞ dissẹs, ✱pre(n)sĭssem ＞ prezẹs; habuĭssem ＞ aguẹs, potuĭssem ＞ poguẹs, voluĭssem ＞ volguẹs, sapuĭssem ＞ saubẹs saupẹs (§ 65, P, 3). The inflection is:—

fọs	fossẹm	aguẹs	aguessẹm, acsẹm
fọsses	fossẹtz -ẹs	aguẹsses	aguessẹtz -ẹs, acsẹtz -ẹs
fọs	fọssen -on -o	aguẹs	aguẹssen -on -o

193. Some dialects have an ending -a, -as, -a, -ám, -átz, an, borrowed from the present subjunctive and the old conditional, but added to the stem of the imperfect subjunctive: chantęssa, vendęssa, floríssa; fọssa.

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