CHRISTMASTIDE 1017.
Ten years ago, this very day, God in His mercy delivered us from
the raging Danes at Cliffton, on Tamesis, and now He hath delivered
us again out of the hands of the raging lion, even of Edric
Streorn, and we are all spared to keep our Christmas in peace in
the woods of Aescendune.
It is probably the last I shall keep in this place, for the hall
and priory are fast rising from their ruins, and we shall soon
return to our old home, from which we have been banished ten years
and more. It will be sweet to be there once more, serving the Lord
in peace, with none daring to make us afraid.
Here we are, all of us who are near and dear by the ties of
blood, in this woodland Zoar, which hath indeed been a Zoar in the
late troublous years, utterly untouched, which again we regard as a
proof that Anlaf does not live, for he could have found us out had
his revenge led him to do so when Sweyn was in Mercia. Neither has
he appeared to claim his own estate, which he might easily regain
now a Dane is king.
Alfgar and Ethelgiva are now speedily to be united. Theirs is to
be the first marriage solemnised in the new minster church by my
unworthy hands. To see them now, one would think they had forgotten
all the past peril. The old people do not mean to abandon their
woodland abode; they love it all too well, and call it the Happy
Valley. But they say that a good road, now the times are safer,
shall be made to the old site, where we are again rearing hall and
priory.
There is now quite a colony here, nearly 300 people. The church
is very commodious, and every day, for the whole period of these
late dreadful wars, mass has been said therein for our suffering
brethren "contra Paganos." Thank God that he hath at length heard
our prayers; our late foes are no longer Pagans but Christians, and
are as eager to build up as they were to cast down; in fact,
several of them have offered their zealous aid in the rebuilding of
our priory.
We had such a happy Christmas evening. We sat by the fire, and
Alfgar was made to relate the whole story again of his escape with
Edmund from Carisbrooke, of his imprisonment by Edric in the
Synodune woods, of the attack and defence of Clifton. We had all
heard it before, but still we wanted to hear it again, just to
contrast present peace and joy with the danger and trials of those
days, and to make them sweeter by the contrast. Truly our Christmas
worship had need to be praise and thanksgiving, not only for the
great mystery the church commemorates, but also for present mercies
so freely bestowed upon us all.
Second Sunday after Easter, 1017.--
We have just received intelligence that Canute has been solemnly
crowned at St. Paul's Church, in London, by Archbishop Lyfing. He
called a council of the whole kingdom previously, to which both my
brother and I were summoned, but I cared not to attend. Elfwyn,
however, went, and wanted Alfgar to go, but he begged hard to be
excused, I imagine for two reasons. First of all, he laments Edmund
too deeply to welcome his former enemy as his successor; and
secondly, he does not care to leave Ethelgiva again.
Well, Elfwyn tells us that when all were present--bishops,
ealdormen, thanes, and the noblest of the people--Canute solemnly
proposed that they should accept him as their king, giving them to
understand that, by a tacit understanding with Edmund, it had been
agreed that the kingdom should not be permanently divided, but that
the survivor should inherit and govern the whole realm.
The wise men replied that, since Edmund's children were too
young to govern, they could not desire a better monarch than
Canute; they committed the little ones to his care, and
acknowledged him as king of all England.
And on the morrow Archbishop Lyfing, who had so shortly before
crowned Edmund, placed the emblem of regal dignity on the head of
Canute in St. Paul's Cathedral.
I hear Edric Streorn is confirmed in the earldom of Mercia. I
still fear that man.
Sunday after Ascension, 1017.--
On this happy Sunday it has pleased God to restore us to our
home once more. The priory is rebuilt in more than its former
beauty, and the hall beside it stands conspicuous in its splendour.
They have not changed the appearance much, for it was the especial
wish of every one concerned that it should remind one of old
associations as much as possible.
The good bishop of Dorchester, the abbot of Abingdon, and many
others of my friends amongst the brethren there, the neighbouring
clergy and thanes, all met together to dedicate the new house to
God. High mass was solemnly sung in the minster church, and the
whole building was hallowed with psalm and prayer to God; after
which followed a temperate banquet.
The bishop was very kind and loving, and spoke most
affectionately to our poor people on the subject of their past
trials; especially he commended their new lord, Alfgar, to their
allegiance, saying that in all his deep trials he had shown himself
a most perfect Christian, doing his duty both to God and man.
Monday.--
The abbot and brethren from Abingdon are gone back, and we poor
happy brethren have entered again upon our regular duties. Ah me!
what a gap time has made in our ranks. Of the twenty brethren who
were driven out by the Danes eleven years ago, only twelve yet
live, and eight brethren from Abingdon supply the place of the
others. God be praised that Father Adhelm yet lives! He has been my
right hand in so many perils and trials.
It is so delightful to be at home once more. Surely never were
monks happier. My heart swells when each morning we sing the three
last joyful psalms at lauds.
It is settled that Alfgar and Ethelgiva are to be married on the
Monday after the Whitsun octave. O happy pair! O ter felices et
nimium beati! I only hope they will not love earth too
well.
Octave of the Ascension.--
Today we have had a special messenger from Canute, who is in the
neighbourhood, to express his royal intention to grace the
approaching marriage with his presence. It will indeed be an
honour. Ah! but if Edmund could be there.
Whitsunday.--
I hardly know how to express my intense surprise and joy.
Alfgar's father has returned--a Christian.
While all the people were assembling for mass this morning, an
aged man, clad in palmer's weeds, evidently worn by toil and
travel, came from the bridge over the river, which has been
rebuilt, towards the minster church, and entering, knelt down wrapt
in devotion. Many remarked his quaint attire; his face, once stern,
now softened by grace; his hair, once black as the raven's wing,
now white as snow; his dark eyes gleaming beneath thick white
eyebrows. I fear he caused many wandering thoughts, and he would
have caused yet more, could they have known that they beheld the
penitent destroyer of the old hall and priory.
Now I preached, not knowing at the time who was amongst my
hearers, from the words of Isaiah, "For thy waste and desolate
places, and the land of thy destruction, shall even now be too
narrow, by reason of the inhabitants, and they that swallowed thee
up shall be far away. The children which thou shalt have, after
thou hast lost the other, shall say again in thine ears. The place
is too strait for me; give place to me, that I may dwell."
Oh, how touching the words seemed; for our waste and desolate
places are indeed peopled with joy and gladness, and many must have
thought of dear Bertric, our martyr boy, when they heard those
words, "the children which thou shalt have, after thou hast lost
the other." They seemed a divine prophecy of joy and gladness unto
us.
And so I preached after this manner, and as I did so I saw the
stranger was deeply moved, and marvelled who he could be, that he
entered so deeply into so personal a sermon, which treated of a
peculiar joy which a stranger intermeddleth not with.
Now after the mass was ended, we came forth from the church, and
Alfgar, with Ethelgiva, walked down the path to the Lychgate, when
Alfgar's eyes fell upon the stranger, whereupon, to our
astonishment, he started, then stepped forward, fell on his knees,
and cried, with a choked voice, "Father, your blessing!"
At first we thought it was reverence, somewhat exaggerated, to a
pilgrim, but when the aged man cried aloud, "The God of Abraham
bless thee, even thee, O my son!" and the tears streamed down the
furrows of his aged cheeks, we knew it must be something more than
this, and so it proved.
It was none other than Anlaf--Anlaf who had disappeared from
all the knowledge of friend or foe for ten years!
We all received him, especially my brother Elfwyn, with great
joy--for we shared Alfgar's happiness--and we led him into the
house, where we tendered him all the offices of hospitality.
It was by degrees that we learned his story. He was really
converted to Christianity by the example of his son, whose words
produced a far deeper effect upon him than either he or Alfgar
suspected at the time.
And when he saw that son prefer a cruel death to apostasy, his
heart was moved--deeply moved, so that he pondered over all he
had heard from him and from a once loved wife, whose words had
seemed lost, but whose prayers perhaps watered them into growth
after she was dead and gone. So he left the army without telling
any one whither he went, and sought instruction from a
Christian.
And he found a Christian priest hidden in the woods, where he
administered the word and sacraments to a starving few, but
secretly, for fear of the Danes; and from him he learned the truth
and was baptized.
Then, feeling himself unhappy in this distracted land--
separated from the English by blood, from the Danes by religion--
he determined to go on pilgrimage.
Once in the Holy Land, he had to undergo much contumely from the
pagan Saracens, who, to the disgrace of Christendom, defile the
Holy City by their presence, and maltreat the blessed pilgrims; but
he had learned to glory in humiliation. At last he retired to the
woods on the sources of the Jordan, weary of earth, and there he
joined an aged hermit, with whom he lived for two years, and when
the hermit died he took his place, and dwelt as an ascetic,
ministering, however, to the necessities of pilgrims who journeyed
that way to the Holy Land.
From some of these pilgrims he learned, at length, that English
and Danes were united in peace, and a great desire of revisiting
England and searching out his son seized upon him. On the road he
heard that Edmund was dead and Canute reigned alone, and so he came
hither at once, and has arrived, God so willing it, in time to see
his son married to the heiress of Aescendune.
We have provided him lodgings in the priory. The new hall is not
to be dwelt in till the night when the happy pair enter it and make
it their home.
Alfgar's cup of joy is full.
Monday after the Whitsun Octave.--
At last it is over. The weary waiting of ten years is ended.
Alfgar and Ethelgiva are man and wife.
Canute gave away the bride in person. Elfwyn, Hilda, Herstan,
Bertha, and Hermann, with his sisters--indeed all the kindred of
the bride were there. Of the kindred of the bridegroom but one, so
far as we know, is living--his father Anlaf. It has been a
warlike race, and nearly all the members of the family have found a
warrior's grave.
I performed the ceremony, assisted by all the brethren in the
choral portions of the mass and the order of the marriage service.
Ethelgiva was pale and composed although she shed a few natural
tears, but wiped them soon. Alfgar was simple and unaffected, as he
always is. All he does is so naturally done. Like Nathaniel, he is
a man without guile.
The church was crowded. All the retainers and all the neighbours
were present, and when the bride and bridegroom left the sacred
building, they saluted them with cheers which made the welkin
ring.
Then the whole party adjourned to the hall, which was crowded to
the fullest extent. And for the poorer guests, who could not find
admittance, tables were spread in the open air, beneath the shade
of spreading trees, for the day was lovely even for June.
Canute remained throughout the entertainment, and, by his
unaffected condescension and his cheerful sympathy, won the hearts
of all. His general demeanour tends to efface his foreign descent
from the mind. Yet we sighed for Edmund, for which even Canute
would pardon us. He should have presided at the board.
When the night was far advanced the whole party broke up and
retired to rest, after a day calculated to efface the recollection
of many a hardship past.
For my part, when I returned to the priory, I mused for a long
time on the dark paths through which our Lord has conducted us to
this happy day. I thought of the period of Alfgar's conversion and
baptism, of St. Brice's night, for which England has paid so heavy
a penance, now, we trust, happily over. And while I thus thought,
my musings led me to the tomb of Bertric, whose sacred relics, as
those of a martyr, now lie interred beneath our high altar, and I
wondered whether his blessed spirit could sympathise in our earthly
joy. Yes; I doubt it not; and that he witnesses it from above.
Through suffering to joy has been our lot; through suffering to
glory his.
Tuesday.--
The king left this morning. His engagements are too numerous to
permit him to give much space to recreation. Before he left he
summoned Alfgar, Anlaf, and Elfwyn, to a conference in the library
--for they have a library as of old in the hall--and then he
told Alfgar that he had talked with Anlaf who wished to convey the
manorial rights of his former patrimony, and all its revenues, to
his son, and to join our brotherhood, and that he desired him to
witness the deed. Now, all the former charters of Aescendune were
destroyed in the old hall, and the king had caused a new one to be
drawn up, supplying all the defects caused by the loss of the
earlier documents; conferring and securing, by royal charter, all
the lands of Aescendune, and those formerly appertaining to Anlaf,
upon Alfgar, and his successors for ever, not, as he said, as a
deed of gift, but as a charter securing and defining their rights
and liberties, for him and his successors, to all future
generations; and adding all the waste land of the adjacent forest,
formerly holden of the crown, to their domains, with right of all
temporal jurisdiction, and with the title of Earl, which title is
common in the northern and more Danish districts, more so than
ealdorman, which obtains in the south.
"Thus much," said he, "I know my brother Edmund would have done
for you, and in his place it has fallen to my lot.
"Would," he added, "I could be all to you which Edmund would
have been had he lived; that, perhaps, is not possible; but I know,
Alfgar," he added, "how to esteem faithfulness, even when it has
been sometimes exercised at my expense, for one once a rival, now
only thought of as a brother."
Then he turned to Anlaf.
"Old companion in arms," he said, "this makes up for
Carisbrooke; well, Alfgar, hadst thou yielded then, thou hadst not
been here now. Thy father and I owe thee something for the example
thou didst set us."
And then he turned to Elfwyn and wished him joy of his son.
After that he came to the priory and prayed awhile in front of
the altar; his devotions ended, he came to my cell and made me a
startling offer of a bishopric in Denmark, saying he thought there
was much work to be done for God there, and he thought Englishmen
would do it best; and thus, he added, after their Master's example,
return good for evil {xx}.
But an old oak such as I am cannot be uprooted, and perhaps it
is a carnal feeling, but I fear my earthly affections bind me here
while life lasts, so, thanking him warmly for the distinction
implied in the offer, I respectfully but firmly declined it.
And so the king and his retinue left Aescendune. Elfwyn and
Hilda return in a few days to their happy valley; men have been at
work for weeks making a good road there from the hall, and the
journey will only occupy two or three hours to a good walker.
Herstan and his family leave for their home on the Thames (which
has been rebuilt, together with the little church of St. Michael)
tomorrow. Anlaf takes his vows as a novice next Sunday, his
novitiate will be as short as the rules of our order allow; we
shall all then welcome him as a brother.
Soon our days will flow tranquilly on. May God mercifully
continue peace in our days.
"Stablish the thing, O God, that thou hast wrought in us."
Christmas, 1017.--
Strange news greet our festival. Edric Streorn has gone
suddenly, unhouselled, unanointed, unabsolved, to his great
account. Hermann, who is now an officer in the royal hus-carles,
has arrived from court, and from him we have learnt all
particulars.
Edric was alone with the king in a chamber overlooking the
Thames. Hermann was on duty without, with some of the guard, when
he heard voices within in hot contention.
"You will grant me no favour, not even the life of this traitor,
who, I tell you, is conspiring against you, and desires to place
Edwy, the Etheling, Edmund's brother, on the throne in your
place."
"Your proof lies, I suppose, in the hatred you have always borne
him," was the king's reply.
Hermann could not help hearing, they spoke so loudly, but the
next words enchained his attention.
"I tell thee the name 'Alfgar' is first and foremost amongst the
signatures of the men who have conspired to cast thee from the
throne."
"Then I conclude you placed it there; tush, man, I know thee of
old!"
"Why should you suspect this? was not he Edmund's faithful
friend, worshipping him as a god, and would he not do all he could
for his brother?"
"I thought you held him guilty of Edmund's murder."
"That was only because I wished to remove two enemies from your
path instead of one you will not remove one from mine; lo! I
forsook Edmund my king for thy sake, and for thy sake I slew him,
and thus thou rewardest me."
Then Canute waxed furious, and he shouted, "Guard! guard!"
Hermann rushed in; and amongst others Eric, the Earl of
Northumbria.
"What, wretch! murderer! apostate blasphemer of the saints!
didst thou murder Edmund, my brother Edmund, who was dear to me as
Jonathan to David, seeing we were bound to each other by an oath!
Thou didst stretch thy hand against the Lord's anointed, and thou
shalt die the death.
"Cut him down! cut him down, Eric! cut him down, Hermann."
Eric stepped forward in an instant, and with his huge battle-axe
cleft the unhappy traitor, who had fallen to his knees to obtain
mercy, from the head to the shoulders.
"Throw the carcase out of window," cried the furious king; "let
the fishes have the carrion. Never shall he find a grave, the vile
regicide; and that he should think I would reward his guilt! Nay, I
have served him as David did the Amalekite."
Eric and Hermann, between them, raised the corpse, and flung it,
all bleeding and disfigured, into the Thames, the tide just running
out beneath the walls.
I ought to write, "So let all thine enemies perish, O Lord!" But
the awful doom of his unrepentant soul saddens me, much as he has
hated me and mine.
Lent, 1018.--
A strange discovery has been made which interests us all
greatly. At the time of Alfgar's trial at Oxford, Herstan fancied
there must be a secret staircase communicating with Edmund's room,
but sought it in vain. Now that Edric has avowed the deed, Hermann
has obtained the king's permission to make a thorough search all
through the house, and in the thickness of the huge stone chimney a
secret staircase has been found, with a door opening through the
thickness of the wall and panelling into the room in which Edmund
slept, as well as another door opening into the banqueting hall,
where Sigeferth and Morcar were murdered. It is all clear as day
now. Edric must have entered the royal chamber from the banqueting
hall in the dead of the night, and thus, when no human eye beheld,
have accomplished his evil deed. Ah, well! he could not escape the
eye of Him who has said "Vengeance is mine, I will repay."
Eastertide, 1018--
A son is born to Alfgar and Ethelgiva; and today, Low Sunday,
they presented their babe to Him who said, "Suffer little children
to come unto me." They have named him Edmund. The grandparents,
both well and happy, were present; and the proud and happy father's
eyes sparkled with joy over his little Edmund, glistening from the
baptismal font. It fell to my happy lot thus to enrol the dear
child amongst the lambs of Christ's fold. God grant him length of
days here, and endless length of days beyond the skies when time
shall be no more!
. . . . . .
Here we close our extracts from Father Cuthbert's Diary; but;
before taking leave of him, we are sure our readers would like to
hear a few more words about his future fortunes, and those of the
house of Aescendune.
Better king than Canute, saving only the great Alfred, and
perhaps Edgar, had never sat on the English throne. Under his
auspices a change became visible throughout the whole country:
villages again gladdened the blackened wastes; minsters and
churches were rebuilt, whose broad, square Saxon towers yet hand
down the memory of our ancestors. Agriculture revived; golden corn
covered the bloodstained scenes of warfare; men lived once more in
peace under the shadow of their homes, none daring to make them
afraid. Peace, with its hallowed associations, gladdened England
for fifty long years {xxi}.
Anlaf was the first of the group we have introduced to our
readers to leave this transitory world for a better one. He died a
few years after the accession of Canute. Father Cuthbert survived
him many years, and died honoured and lamented in the last year of
the great king.
His brother Elfwyn, and the lady Hilda, full of years, having
outlived the natural span of man's appointed years, followed him
shortly--not till they had seen their grandchildren, a numerous
and hopeful progeny, grow up around them, and so perpetuate their
race upon earth.
And for Alfgar and Ethelgiva, they lived to see a their
children's children, and peace upon Israel, surviving until the
close of the reign of Edward the Confessor, the son of Ethelred and
Emma. Their days were days of peace, in strange contrast to their
youthful years.
"Peace! and no more from out her brazen portals
The blast of war's great organ shakes the skies;
But, beautiful as songs of the immortals,
The holy harmonies of peace arise."
--Longfellow.
THE END.
i Genealogy of
Aescendune.
The reader may be glad to have the genealogy of the family in
whom it has been the author's aim to interest him placed clearly
before him. The following genealogical table, including the
principal names in "The First Chronicle of Aescendune," as well as
those in the present book, may suffice, the date of decease being
given in each case.
Offa, 940
-
Oswald, 937.
-
Redwald, 959.
-
Ella, 959, m. Edith.
ii Curse of
Dunstan.
"In the year of our Lord's incarnation 979, Ethelred, son of
Edgar and Elfrida, obtaining the kingdom, occupied, rather than
governed it, for thirty-seven years. The career of his life is said
to have been cruel in the beginning, wretched in the middle, and
disgraceful in the end. Thus, in the murder to which he gave his
concurrence he was cruel, base in his flight and effeminacy,
miserable in his death.
"The nobility being assembled by the contrivance of his mother,
and the day being appointed for Dunstan, in right of his see, to
crown him, he, though he might be ill-affected to them, forebore to
resist, being a prelate of mature age well versed in secular
matters. But, when placing the crown on his head, he could not
refrain from giving vent, with a loud voice, to that prophetic
spirit which he so deeply imbibed. 'Since,' said he, 'thou hast
aspired to the kingdom by the death of thy brother, hear the word
of God. Thus saith the Lord God: The sin of thy abandoned mother,
and of the accomplices of her base design, shall not be washed out
but by much blood of the wretched inhabitants; and such evils shall
come upon the English nation as they have never suffered from the
time they came to England until then.' Nor was it long after, that
is in his third year, that seven piratical vessels came to
Southampton, a port near Winchester, and having ravaged the coast
fled back to the sea. This I think right to mention, because many
reports are circulated among the English concerning these
vessels."--William of Malmesbury, English Chronicle, Bohn's
Edition, pp.
165-166.
iii See "First
Chronicle of Aescendune."
iv Chronology of
Father Cuthbert.
The Christian era did not come in use until about the year 532,
when it was first introduced in the code of canon law compiled by
Dionysius Exiguus, and, even then, the year of the world was still
frequently used, as in some cases in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.
When at length the Christian computation became universal, some
began the year with the Incarnation (Christmas), others with the
Annunciation; a custom not wholly abolished in England till 1752,
when the "New Style," or Gregorian Calendar, was introduced.
But in the latter part of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, and the
portion upon which our tale is based, the year invariably opens
with the Nativity--hence this reckoning has been used in the
text, and the Christmas day in chapter 3 begins a new year.
v Now Banbury.
vi Death of St.
Edmund.
There are two stories (or more) concerning the Danish invasion
in which the saintly Edmund met his death; the first, alluded to in
the song of the Etheling (chapter 11), tells how Ragnar Lodbrog, a
great sea king, invaded England, but his fleet being shattered by a
storm, fell into the hands of Ella, King of Northumbria, who threw
him into a pit full of toads and serpents, where he perished,
singing his death song to the last, and calling upon his sons to
avenge his fate. Those sons were Hinguar and Hubba. They invaded
East Anglia after they had avenged their father upon Ella, and King
Edmund fought against them, but was taken prisoner. They offered
him his life and throne if he would forsake Christianity, and reign
under them. But he steadfastly refused, whereupon they put him to
death after the manner described in the tale in the case of
Bertric, while he called steadfastly upon Christ until his latest
breath.
The other tale, given at length by Roger Wendover, tells that
Ragnar Lodbrog, with only his hawk in his hand, was driven by a
storm to the coast of East Anglia, that King Edmund made him his
huntsman, but the former huntsman, Beorn, slew him through
jealousy; that King Edmund put Beorn bound in the boat which had
brought Lodbrog over, and sent him adrift to perish at sea. But the
storm in turn blew him to Denmark, where he told the sons of the
man he had slain that Edmund had murdered their father. Hence they
came to avenge him. The remainder of the tale agrees with the
former narrative, and is the only portion which certainly possesses
historical truth.
St. Edmund has been much venerated in the eastern counties, and
his shrine at Edmundsbury was greatly reverenced. The tale of the
death of Sweyn, given in chapter 18, is a proof of this feeling, in
which perhaps the legend partly originated.
vii The Rista
Oern.
This punishment was usual among the Northmen, and was called "at
rista oern," from the supposed resemblance of the victim to the
figure of an eagle. The operation was generally performed by the
chief himself. It is thus described by Snorre:
"Ad speciem aquilae dorsum ita ei laniabat, ut adacto ad spinam
gladio, costisque omnibus ad lumbos usque a tergo divisis, pulmones
extraheret."--Snorre, p. 108.
viii First
appearance of Edmund.
The first mention of Edmund in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle as the
commander of the English forces is A.D. 1015, where he was joined
with Edric in the command, as related in the text, chapter 18. The
date of his birth is uncertain, but the comparison of authorities
appeared to the author to justify the ascription of the character
and actions, with which he is credited in the tale, to the English
hero who first taught his generation to assert their equality with
the fierce Danish invaders.
ix The
appellations Wiltshire and Berkshire are of course of later
date.
x The early name
of Abingdon.
Johnson, the compiler of the famous collection of English
canons, is of opinion that Cloveshoo, where the famous provincial
council was held A.D. 803, is identical with Abingdon, and that the
town lost its ancient name simply owing to the growing notoriety of
the famous abbey; for "no one," says he, "can doubt that the name
Abingdon was taken from the abbey." The first memorial, he adds, in
which he finds the name Abingdon, is in the Chronicle wherein the
burial of Bishop Sidesman, A.D. 977, in St. Mary's Minster, "which
is at Abingdon," is mentioned, who was honourably buried on the
north side of that fane in St. Paul's Chapel.
On the other hand, some learned antiquarians have maintained the
opposite opinion, that the name Abingdon existed even prior to the
foundation of the monastery; thus the Rev. Joseph Stevenson, in his
edition of the "Chronicle of the Abbey of Abingdon," says--
"Abingdon derives its name, not, as might at first sight be
supposed, from the abbey there founded--Abbey dune or Abbots
dune: philology forbids it. The place was so called from Abba, one
of the early colonists of Berkshire."
xi Bishops of
Dorchester.
There appears to have been much uncertainty concerning the
succession of the bishops of this important see, owing, perhaps, to
the confusion caused by its having been the seat of two totally
distinct jurisdictions--the one over Wessex, the other over great
part of Mercia.
The names of the bishops in the narrative are taken from a list
kindly furnished by the Rev. W. Macfarlane, the present vicar of
the Abbey Church, whose indefatigable efforts have restored to the
ancient fane much of the glory of its ancient days.
According to this list, Ednoth was bishop from 1006 to 1016,
when he was slain by the Danes as recorded in the text; and Ethelm
succeeding, ruled the see till A.D. 1034, through the comparatively
happy days of Canute.
xii End of the
Campaign of 1006.
The following extract from the "Anglo-Saxon Chronicle" gives the
further history of the campaign very concisely:
"Then went the Danes to Wallingford, and that all burned, and
were then one day in Cholsey: and they went then along Ashdown to
Cuckamsley hill, and there abode, as a daring boast; for it had
been often said, if they should reach Cuckamsley hill, that they
would never again get to the sea: then they went homewards another
way. Then were forces assembled at Kennet, and they there joined
battle: and they soon put that band to flight, and afterwards
brought their booty to the sea. But there might the Winchester men
see an army daring and fearless, as they went by their gates
towards the sea, and fetched themselves food and treasures over
fifty miles from thence. Then had the king gone over Thames into
Shropshire, and there took up his abode during the midwinter's
tide. Then became the dread of the army so great, that no man could
think or discover how they could be driven out of the land, or this
land maintained against them; for they had every shire in Wessex
sadly marked by burning and by plundering. Then the king began
earnestly with the witan to consider what might seem most advisable
to them all, so that this land might be saved, before it was
utterly destroyed. Then the king and his witan decreed, for the
behoof of the whole nation, though it was hateful to them all, that
they needs must pay tribute to the Danish army. Then the king sent
to the army, and directed it to be made known to them that he would
that there should be a truce between them, and that tribute should
be paid, and food given them. And then all that they accepted, and
then were they victualled from throughout the English nation."--
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, Bohn's Edition.
xiii This is
copied almost verbatim from the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.
xiv The account
is taken almost verbatim from Florence of Worcester.
xv Children of
Ethelred.
By his two wives--(1) Aelfleda--(2) Emma, Ethelred had
fourteen children, of whom only four or five have been mentioned in
this narrative, or are of importance to the student--Edmund
Ironside and his brother Edwy (chapter 25), by Aelfleda, and Alfred
and Edward by Emma--the last well known in history as Edward the
Confessor, and introduced in Chapter XIX. of this tale. The
following genealogical table from Edgar to the children of Edmund
may be of use. It will be remembered that the lineage of the
present royal house passes through the last-named son of Edmund
Ironside to Egbert:
Edgar
-
Edward the Martyr, d. 979.
-
Ethelred the Unready, d. 1016.
xvi
Sceorstan.
Antiquarians differ much about the site of this famous battle.
Sharp thinks it was near Chipping Norton in Oxfordshire, and
Thorpe, in his notes to "Florence of Worcester," says--"May not
Chimney be the spot, a hamlet in Oxfordshire, in the parish of
Bampton-in-the-Bush, near the edge of Gloucestershire, the name of
Chimney being merely a translation, introduced after the Norman
Conquest, of Sceorstan, which may probably have owed its origin to
a Saxon house or hall, conspicuous for having a chimney when that
luxury was of rare occurrence?" Others say that Sceorstan was not
in Anglo-Saxon "a chimney," but "a graven stone," and make the site
that of a boundary stone, still separating the four counties of
Oxford, Gloucester, Worcester, and Warwick, near Chipping Norton.
Bosworth says it is Sherston in Wilts.
xvii Single
Combat between Edmund and Canute.
The following account is from Roger of Wendover:
"A few days after this lamentable battle (Assingdun), in which
so many nobles fell, King Edmund pursued Canute, who was now
committing ravages in Gloucestershire. The said kings therefore
came together to fight at a place called Deerhurst, Edmund with his
men being on the west side of the river Severn, and Canute with his
men on the east, both preparing themselves manfully for battle.
When both armies were now on the point of engaging, the wicked Earl
Edric called together the chiefs and addressed them as follows:
'Nobles and warriors, why do we foolishly so often hazard our lives
in battle for our kings, when not even our deaths secure to them
the kingdom, or put an end to their covetousness? My counsel then
is, that they alone should fight who alone are contending for the
kingdom; for what must be the lust of dominion, when England, which
formerly sufficed for eight kings, is not now enough for two? Let
them, therefore, either come to terms, or fight alone for the
kingdom.' This speech pleased them all; and the determination of
the chiefs being communicated to the kings, received their
approbation. There is a small island called Olney, in the mouth of
that river. Thither the kings, clad in splendid armour, crossed
over, and commenced a single combat in the presence of the people.
Parrying the thrust of the spear as well by their own skill as by
the interposition of their strong shields, they fought long and
fiercely hand to hand, his valour protecting Edmund, and his good
fortune Canute. The swords rung on their helmets, and sparks of
fire flew from their collision. The stout heart of Edmund was
kindled by the act of fighting, and as his blood grew warm his
strength augmented; he raised his right hand, brandished his sword,
and redoubled his blows on the head of his antagonist with such
vehemence, that he seemed rather to fulminate than to strike.
Feeling his strength failing him, and unable long to endure such an
onset, Canute meditated peace; but as he was crafty, and afraid
lest if the youth perceived his weakness he would not listen to his
words of peace, drawing in all his breath he rushed on Edmund with
wonderful valour, and immediately drawing back a little, he asked
him to pause awhile and give him audience. The latter was of a
courteous soul, and, resting his shield on the ground, he listened
to the words of Canute, who thus proceeded: 'Hitherto I have
coveted thy kingdom, bravest of men; but now I prefer thyself not
only to the kingdom of England, but to all the world. Denmark
serves me, Norway yields me subjection, the King of Sweden has
shaken hands with me; so that, although Fortune promises me victory
everywhere, yet thy wonderful manliness hath so won my favour, that
I long beyond measure to have thee as friend and partner of my
kingdom. I would that thou in like manner wert desirous of me; that
I might reign with thee in England, and thou walk me in Denmark.'
Why should I add more? King Edmund most graciously assented and
yielded to his words, though he could not be forced by arms. The
kingdom was therefore, by Edmund's direction, divided between the
two, the crown of the whole kingdom reverting to King Edmund. The
whole of England, therefore, to the south of the river Thames, was
ceded to him, with Essex and East Anglia, and the city of London,
the capital of the kingdom, Canute retaining the northern parts of
the kingdom. Laying aside, therefore, their splendid armour, the
kings embraced each other amidst the rejoicings of both the armies.
They then exchanged their garments and arms in token of peace, and
Edmund became Canute, and Canute Edmund."--Roger of Wendover,
Bohn's Edition.
xviii The Death
of Edmund.
This lamentable occurrence is involved in much mystery. Edric
Streorn was generally credited with the deed, although some
writers, e.g. William of Malmesbury, think he used the aid of
attendants on the king, whom he bribed. The Chronicle is silent as
to details. Henry of Huntingdon ascribes the deed to a son of
Edric. Roger of Wendover agrees with him, adding the facts that the
place was Oxford, and the time St. Andrew's night, as in the text.
Amidst these conflicting statements fiction perhaps most
legitimately takes its place.
xix The
Ordeal.
This ancient custom was observed by Simplicius, Bishop of Autun,
so early as the fourth century, and was very generally in use
during the period of our tale. Although never formally recognised
by the Church of Rome, and forbidden by many edicts on the
Continent, it was administered in England under the direction of
the clergy, and its details prescribed by the canons during a
period extending from the laws of Alfred to the directions given in
the ecclesiastical laws of Edward the Confessor, the year before
the Norman Conquest, A.D. 1065. The first prohibition of its use in
England is in the third year of Henry the Third.
There were three principal modes of its administration. In the
first, the ordeal by water, the accused had to take a heavy piece
of iron from a boiling cauldron placed in the church--in the
second, to carry a bar of heated iron nine feet. The hand or arm
was bound in linen, the bandage sealed by the priest, and on the
third day the limb was uncovered. If the burn or scald had healed
the prisoner was pronounced innocent, otherwise he had to suffer
the punishment due to his offence.
The details given in the text are chiefly taken from the Canons
of Athelstane; but the mode of purgation therein described is
similar to that by which it is said Queen Emma repelled an
accusation made by Robert, Bishop of London, in the year 1046. This
mode of administration was perhaps more frequently used when a
prompt appeal was needed to the judgment of God, or in the case of
persons of rank, were they ever, as was seldom the case, compelled
to appeal to its decision.
xx It was a
subject of complaint against Canute in Denmark that he gave away
most of the bishoprics to Englishmen.
xxi Character of
Canute.
The great change in Canute's character after his accession to
the throne has been noticed by all writers. Each year he seemed to
grow in self-command and in the practice of virtue, while all men
were edified by his strict attention to his religions duties. Later
in life he made a pilgrimage to Rome, and a letter written thence
gives a good idea of his general affection for his people. It is
addressed to the archbishops and bishops and great men, and to all
the English people, and is written in the familiar style a father
might use to his children, especially telling them all he had seen
at Rome, and about the way in which he spent Easter with Pope John
and the Emperor, whom he persuaded to abolish certain dues exacted
from English pilgrims. In the last portion of the letter he tells
them how he has made up his mind to amend his life in every way,
and to atone for all the wrongs committed in the violence of youth.
He forbids any person to use violence or to make the royal needs an
excuse for wrongdoing, saying, "I have no need of money gathered by
unrighteousness." He concludes by saying that he is sure they will
all be glad to hear how he has fared, and that they know he has not
spared himself any trouble, and never will, to do all that lies in
his power for the good of his people.
There is something in the whole tone of the letter which warms
one's heart towards the writer, and one cannot help contrasting the
reigns of the two conquerors, Canute and William: the first,
beginning with violence and bloodshed, grew daily in justice,
mercy, and the love of God, and so passed lamented to his grave;
the latter, promising at first to govern justly, grew worse and
worse in oppressive cruelty and all sorts of wrongdoing, until the
sad and hopeless death scene in the abbey of St. Gervase. But the
delineation of the latter period must be reserved, all being well,
for the "Third Chronicle of Aescendune."