Adair's History of the American Indians, Samuel Cole Williams (ed.)
Whole book · 11 sections
Transcriber’s Note:
This volume is a reprint of Adair’s original text. The editor
had preserved the page numbers in the form of bracketed numbers.
Those page breaks frequently were interpolated in mid-word. In
this rendering of the text, those page numbers are moved slightly
to allow each word to complete without hyphenation.
The Adair’s fifty-six footnotes, originally employing ‘*’
and ‘†’, have been reindexed sequentially using Roman numerals.
As the editor informs us in his Preface, some of these notes were
extended by him. Adair’s portion is followed by ‘(A)’, for Adair,
and his own extended remarks are followed by ‘(W)’, for ‘Williams.’
The editor’s own footnotes were already numbered sequentially from
the first to the last page, beginning again at ‘1’ after the Introduction.
This approach has been retained.
Adair’s footnotes have been moved to follow the paragraphs in which they
are referenced. The editor’s notes are gathered at the end of the
text, following the Index, and are linked for ease of reference.
Minor errors, attributable to the printer, have been corrected. Please
see the transcriber’s note at the end of this text
for details regarding the handling of any textual issues encountered
during its preparation.
Any corrections are indicated using an underline
highlight. Placing the cursor over the correction will produce the
original text in a small popup.
Any corrections are indicated as hyperlinks, which will navigate the
reader to the corresponding entry in the corrections table in the
note at the end of the text.
Adair’s History of the
American Indians
OTHER WORKS OF THE EDITOR
William Tatham, Wataugan, 1923 (out of print)
History of the Lost State of Franklin, 1924 (out of print)
Memoirs of Lt. Henry Timberlake, ed., 1927
Early Travels in the Tennessee Country, 1928
The Beginnings of West Tennessee, 1929
Adair’s History
of the
American Indians
Edited under the auspices of the
National Society of the Colonial
Dames of America, in Tennessee
BY
SAMUEL COLE WILLIAMS, LL.D.
THE WATAUGA PRESS
JOHNSON CITY, TENNESSEE
1930
Copyright, 1930
By the National Society of Colonial
Dames of America, in Tennessee
Printed in an edition limited to
750 copies from type.
MANUFACTURED COMPLETE BY
KINGSPORT PRESS, Inc.
KINGSPORT, TENNESSEE
United States of America
EDITOR’S PREFACE
v
James Adair’s History of the American Indians, published in
London in 1775, has always been regarded and treated by ethnologists
and historians as reliable authority on the Southern Indians,
as well as on Southern history in a period of no little obscurity.
The book has long been rare, selling in 1930 at one hundred dollars
a copy. Recognizing its value as source material on Southern
history of the colonial period, the National Society of
Colonial Dames of America, in Tennessee, determined to bring
out a reprint, which should be annotated to supplement in some
degree Adair’s own detailed and vivid description of life among
the Indians of the South, east of the Mississippi River; of the
Indian trade and traders, and of intrigues and wars that involved
both the red and the white races, in the years of struggle for the
possession of the Mississippi Valley by the French and English.
The writer was asked to undertake the editorial work. The
task of annotation has proceeded on the basis of a reckoning
that Adair’s book is not true to name—a history of the American
Indians—but of its being an account of the principal tribes of
the Indians of the Southeast and of their countries. His work
is all the more unique and useful in that such is its real scope;
and the editor’s notes, speaking generally, have been brought
within the same limitation. The London edition carried no index—a
lack that impaired its useability. One is supplied in this
reprint.
In the Introduction it is purposed to give as full and accurate
an account of Adair, the man, and of his book, as is feasible.
In order to compass this a fairly wide investigation of archives
was entered upon and a correspondence conducted. To Professor
R. L. Meriwether, of the Department of History of the
University of South Carolina, Emmett Starr, of St. Louis, historian
of the Cherokee Indians, John R. Swanton, of the Bureau
of American Ethnology, Washington, D. C., W. J. Ghent, of the
staff of the Dictionary of American Biography, Judge Samuel
Martin Young, of Dixon Springs, Tennessee, Dr. P. M. Hamer,
of the Department of History of the University of Tennessee, and
viMiss Mary U. Rothrock, librarian of the Lawson McGhee
Library, Knoxville, Tennessee, the editor is under obligations for
aid given in its preparation. An expression of gratitude cannot
be withheld. The editor, also, has had the hearty coöperation
at all times of the officers of the Society which has promoted the
enterprise, not with a view to financial profit, but under patriotic
prompting.
The notes of Adair are indicated by * and other reference
marks; those of the editor by numerals. In cases where the
editor has extended notes of the author the latter’s work is
followed by (A) and the editor’s by (W).
The author’s punctuation, spelling and capitalization have
been followed, but the old form of “s” has been changed to the
modern. For the convenience of students in running references
to pages of the original edition its page-numbers are carried into
the body of the text between brackets.
Samuel Cole Williams.
“Aquone”
Johnson City
Tennessee
INTRODUCTION — James Adair, the Man — The Book
vii
James Adair has been called by various writers an Englishman,
a Scotchman and an Irishman—and with some basis of fact
in each case. He derived from the historic Irish house of Fitzgerald.
Indeed, Fitzgerald was his true name. That family
descends from Walter, son of Other, who at the time of the
Domesday Survey (1086) was castellan of Windsor and tenant-in-chief
of five of the counties of England. His descendants
took active parts in the conquest of Ireland, where one of them
in 1346 came into the Earldom of Kildare. Another line of the
Fitzgeralds was that of the Earls of Desmond, which also descended
from Maurice, the founder of the family in Ireland.
The Desmond branch, under the third earl, who was viceroy of
Ireland in 1367-69, became embroiled in difficulties and suffered
defeat, and was captured by a native king of Thomond.
Robert Fitzgerald, whose patrimonial estate was that of Adare,
inclusive of the manor and abbey of that name, is said to have
been the eldest son of Thomas Fitzgerald, sixth Earl of Desmond.
In a dispute over the succession to the estate of his
grandfather, Robert Fitzgerald killed his kinsman Gerald, the
“White Knight,” a man of great distinction. A powerful combination
being formed against him, he fled (1675) from Ireland
to Galloway in Scotland. There he was hospitably received as
guest at various baronial houses. He decided to change his
name and took that of Robert Adare from his Irish estate in
county Antrim.[1]
“During his visit, Currie, who held the castle of Dunskey,
was declared a rebel, as an incorrigible robber and pirate. A
proclamation was made that whoever should produce Currie, dead
or alive, should be rewarded by his lands. Robert Adare saw an
opening by which to retrieve his fortunes, and watched the
castle of Dunskey by day and night. At length the redoubtable
viiirobber issued one evening from his hold with few attendants,
and was instantly followed by Adare, who, engaging him hand to
hand, got the better of him, drove him slowly backwards and at
last dispatched him outright by a blow from the hilt of his
sword. Possessing himself of the robber’s head, Adare hastened
to court with all convenient speed, and, presenting his trophy
to the king, (as tradition says) on the point of his sword, his
Majesty was pleased to order his enfestmentenfestment in the lands and
castle of the rebel. His family was known as the Adairs of
Portree, and when a castle was built on the spot [in Dumfrieshire]
where Currie was struck down, it was called Kilhilt, from
which the Adairs took designation.”[2]
Alexander Adair of Kilhilt held the barony, so obtained from
Robert I of Scotland, during the reign of James V of Scotland,
and the barony was in the possession of the family in the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries. A Sir Robert Adair was a
member of the public committee of Wigtonshire during the
factious period of 1642 to 1649.[3]
Sir Robert Adair, perhaps son of the above, removed from
Scotland to Ireland before the battle of the Boyne, which was
fought in July, 1690, he having sold his Scottish estate to Lord
Stair. It is inferable that he settled in county Antrim, where
our author James Adair was born, about 1709.
James Adair is silent on the point of his parentage and birth-date;
but it is probable that he was a younger son of this last
mentioned Sir Robert Adair; and that, as has been the case with
so many scions of noble and other houses of Great Britain, facing
the vice-grip of the law primogeniture, he preferred the freedom
and opportunities of distant climes.
Animated by something of the spirit of his distant ancestor,
James Adair migrated and appeared in South Carolina in 1735,
landing at Charles Town, in high probability.[4]
Shortly after his arrival Adair engaged in the Indian trade,
then a business more gainful than was the case in the later years
ixof his career. In 1736 he was a trader to the Cherokees, and
mentions an incident “in Kanootare, the most northern town of
the Cherokee.”[5] This town was probably identical with Connutre
laid down on George Hunter’s Map of 1730, in the upper
part of the territory occupied by the Middle Cherokees in the
southwestern part of North Carolina. It seems probable that
he formed a connection or traded in that section with George
Haig,[6] called by Adair “our worthy and much lamented friend.”[7]
At the Congaree Thomas Brown, also mentioned by Adair
(T.B.), had (1735-1747) a large trading establishment from
which the Cherokees and Catawbas were supplied. Haig was
associated with Brown, and Adair in likelihood had his first
transactions as a trader from that post, visiting both of the
tribes mentioned.
Adair’s book gives evidence of the fact that he was among
the Overhill (or Western) Cherokees in the Tennessee Country,
whose towns were on the Tennessee (now Little Tennessee)
River, and its branches. Our author, however, is tantalizingly
sparing of dates in that regard. He, doubtless, came in contact
with the enthusiast Priber while the latter was among the Overhill
Cherokees engaged in the projection and establishment of
his “red empire,” in the years 1737-1743.
The same thing is true of the Catawbas. He speaks of his
“residence with them,” but his census of them, of the year
1743, is the only indication of the period of his stay.
In 1744 Adair transferred his residence and operations to the
Chickasaw nation in what is now North Mississippi. An eastern
band of that tribe had a considerable village across the Savannah
River from Augusta, Georgia, in South Carolina. It is likely
that Adair conducted a trade with the warriors of that village,
either from the Congaree or Charles Town; and becoming
measurably conversant with the Chickasaw language, sought a
trade among the main branch of the tribe in the West, where
competition was less keen.
It was among his “cheerful brave Chikkasah” that Adair
brought his career as a trader and diplomat to peak. The innate
xindependence and bravery of the Chickasaws appealed to him.
The glorious history they had but recently made in two contests
with the French and their numerous red allies under Bienville
challenged his admiration. The Chickasaws reciprocated. They
and Adair were well met. Theirs was a kinship of spirit. It is
manifest that he, alongside their chiefs, was their leader on
bloody forays against enemy Indians, particularly the Shawnees,
then in the French interest. If that were possible, he
instilled in the Chickasaws a stronger dislike of the French.
That age-old hatred did more and very much more to save the
Mississippi Valley to the English than histories of our country
have so far recorded.
About a year or two after Adair entered upon his life among
the Chickasaws, in the winter of 1745-46, he saw an opportunity
to extend the influence of the Anglo-Americans of Carolina and
win at least a portion of the populous Choctaw nation from the
French at New Orleans. This chance lay in the fact that the
goods supplied the Choctaws by French traders were inferior to
goods of English make; and, usually, they were sold at higher
prices. Added to this were the seeds of a schism among the
Choctaws. The forceful but mercurial chief Red Shoes was
leader of one faction. Adair sough to reach and win him, following
the violation of Red Shoes’ favorite wife by a French
trader from Fort Tombikbe (Tombigbee). Adair, in carrying
out his plan, had the material aid of John Campbell, a Carolina
trader who had been much longer among the Chickasaws and
Choctaws than the prime mover himself. During the summer
of 1746, with the authority and concurrence of Governor James
Glen, of South Carolina, Adair made presents to the already
deeply incensed Red Shoes and to his followers. The two leaders,
white and red, planned a break with the French—called by the
French “the Choctaw rebellion.” Internecine war was now
flagrant among the Choctaws. The faction of Red Shoes attacked
not only the tribesmen who remained true to the old
alliance, but also settlements of the French on the Mississippi
and their commerce on the river. In acknowledgement of his
leadership scalps were brought to Adair.
As successful intriguer Adair naturally expected to be rewarded
by the South Carolina government. He claimed that
Governor Glen had committed himself to see to the grant to
Adair and his friends of a monopoly of the Choctaw trade for
xia term of years.[8] Instead, Glen, it was charged, formed a company—called
by Adair the “Sphynx Company”—composed of
his brother and two others to conduct the trade thus opened up.
The sight of three hundred and sixty horse-loads of goods passing
to the Choctaw Country must have enraged Adair. His bitterness
towards Governor Glen was ever afterwards manifest, often
in biting sarcasm and invective.[9] Adair attributed to this breach
of plighted faith his personal bankruptcy.
Charles McNaire was entrusted by the “Sphynx Company”
with the above cargo of goods, but he proved inadequate to the
task. Glen appealed to Adair to help McNaire out of his difficulties.
This Adair says he did on a renewal of promises of a
reward, which was never forthcoming. The conjuncture of the
death of Red Shoes at the hands of an emissary of the French,
and McNaire’s mismanagement brought the “Sphynx Company”
to disaster, not to say retribution.
“Apparently Glen withdrew his patronage of the Sphynx Company.
Adair seems to charge that he turned now to prevent ‘two
other gentlemen’—presumably Matthew Roche and his partner—getting
recompense for losses in the venture,[10] whereupon a
controversy arose between his Excellency and Matthew Roche,
one of the partners, it seems, in the course of which the latter
printed a pamphlet, ‘A Modest Reply to the Governor’s Answer
to an Affidavit made by McNaire.’” (Meriwether)[11] The
pamphlet incorporated a letter written by Adair on some phase
of the transactions. In umbrage, the Governor asked the Common’s
House of the province to have its committee on Indian
affairs investigate and report on the controversy. This was
done. The report branded Roche’s pamphlet “a false and malicious
paper, throwing unjust and slanderous aspersions on the
governor’s honor and character,” and declared Adair’s letter to
xiibe so contradictory of a previous one he had written as to be
unworthy of credit.
“Adair’s was not the only charge against Glen of his having
investments in the Indian trade and of having his official acts
influenced thereby. The fact of such investments is indicated
by a suit brought by him which involved several dealers in the
Indian trade, by his relations with Cherokee traders, such as
Grant and Elliott, and by his failure to deny charges. The bad
policy of this is, of course, beyond question, but of actual fraud
there is no evidence.” (Meriwether)
Adair was far from being satiated. He was not content to
allow the contest for his deserts to thus end. He now, for the
first time, turned author and wrote his own brochure or book in
vindication. This he announced by way of an advertisement in
the South Carolina Gazette of April 9, 1750:
“Shortly will be published—A Treatise upon the Importance
and Means of Securing—The Choctaw Nation of Indians—in
the British Interest—In which are interpreted many curious
remarks—Concerning the History, Policy and Interest of the
Nation—with—Several incontestable Reasons, and chronological
observations, to prove, that the Year of Our Lord 1738 was
several Years antecedent to the year 1747—To which is added—A
Genuine Account—of the most remarkable Occurences since
that Period of Time—Concluding with—Some Scenes of a Farce,
as the same was some time ago first rehearsed in private, and
afterwards acted publickly; in which are contained some comical
and instructive Dialogues between several modest Pretenders to
the Merit of a certain Revolt, said by them to be lately projected
and effected—The whole supported by Records, Original Letters,
and Living Witnesses.”[12]
This production was announced in title form or display, but is
here given with dashes to indicate the several lines and divisions.
While the name of no author is given, the prospectus is unmistakably
Adair’s—in his style down to the peculiar punctuation,
as well as in its satire. No one else had the knowledge of the
Choctaw intrigue and revolt along with the literary skill requisite.
The reference to “pretenders to the merit of a certain
xiiirevolt” is explained by the fact that four different traders laid
claims to the honor of and reward for the Choctaw defection.
Adair petitioned the legislative body of the province for reimbursement
of expenses in bringing about the revolt; but his
memorial was rejected during Governor Glen’s administration,
May, 1750. “With a flow of contrary passions I took leave of
our gallant Chikkasah friends,” whom he had accompanied down
to Charles Town. Bankrupt in purse and deeply resentful in
feeling, Adair now entered upon the most trying and morally
perilous period of his career in America. He was off to the
Cherokees, and, we may suspect, to strong drink in association
with hardy but inferior men. He seems to have made head-quarters
for a time at the home of James Francis, an Indian
trader of Saluda Town, then to have left for the Overhill towns
with a son-in-law of Francis, Henry Foster. Inquiries from
Glen as to whereabouts and doings followed after him. James
Francis must have pretended ignorance when he wrote (July 24,
1751) to the governor: “I made it my business to be diligent in
my inquiry after him [Adair] but could no ways understand
where he was to be found or I should have gone any distance of
ground to have acquainted him with your Excellency’s pleasure.
She [Mrs. Flood] said that he told her he was directly going
to quit the country and gott a passage from norward to Jamaica.”
Adair says that at this time he was tempted by the French
to enter into their service. His letter to Wm. Pinckney of
Charles Town, commissioner for Indian affairs, sheds light upon
this stage of his career and his distraught mental condition. It
was written as he was near the Overhill towns on May 7, 1751.
It is of value, too, as showing Adair’s raw composition—written
in the saddle, so to speak:
“I last summer wrote to the Honble Council and you, each
a letter, shewing the Force I lay under of going to the French;
the Contents were very large and the why as uncommon, to
which I refer you. Monsieur endeavored to Tempt me with
Thirty two thousand Livers, which not taking they formed Bills
of Capital Crimes against me, and retained me as close Prisoner
for three weeks. In short, for all the consequences of the
Choctaw war. The world thinks it strange that I should be
Punished both by the English and French, for that in effect
that I was some [time] for the one and against the other in time
of a hot war. But so it happens in Iron-age; only that I behaved
xivlike a desperado against their garrison, I should have been
Hang’d & Gibbetted, for they had the plainest proof and clearest
circumstances against me. Besides I need not mention their
policy, envy and Trachery.
“This spring I went to the Cherokees, and saw the most evident
Tokens of war, for Capt. Francis’s son and I were in great
danger of being cut off by a gang of nor’wd Indians down within
Ten Miles of the Nation. The evening before I left the Nation
a gang of the Cherokees returned from the southw’d who killed
some white men in Georgia and were concluding that night to
cut us off. All night we stood on our arms; and John Hatton
(who was born there and a desperate man besides) persuaded us
to break off with him to Carolina, but we deferred it and the
Indians the execution of their designs, yet in the narrow all the
headmen of Keeokee and Istanory came with Three Linguists
and Persuaded me to write to his Excellency a most Cunning
Remonstrance and Pet’n which they dictated; the First Extinuating
their crimes and murdering the white men and the other
requesting some Swivel Guns. Several of the Traders, as they
were unacquainted with Letters, desired me to write to His
Excellency & Council the unhappy & dangerous situation of
affairs in the nation that they might use proper measures against
the then desponding consequences, for they told me the Government
disregarded their Reports; and indeed I have found the
Gov’t very remiss in the like affairs, and being used Ill and my
credit small after having served them in a continued chain of
actions, I thought myself blamable to have writ because every
Faulty character of Indian was rejected, yet to serve the Country
I offered to Captn Francis to prove on oath all that I knew of the
affair. If Carol’a designs [not] to stand on the defensive part
and willing to give me that encouragement which I possibly
might merit as well, in this, I should induce the Chickesaws at
Augusta and many brave woods-men to engage in the Publick
Service, and, if I’m not mistaken in myself, with such Brave
Wanton fellows I should be somewhat remarkable. I thot I was
bound to write so much on sev’l considerations.
xvAdair now passed practically out of public view for several
years. Was he among the Overhill Cherokees, as an irregular,
unlicensed trader; or was he among the eastern band of the
Chickasaws engaged in writing his book?
In 1753, Cornelius Doherty, the old trader, wrote Governor
Glen that “a great many of the Cherokees were gone to Chickasaws
to assist them against the French.” Under Adair’s prompting,
in order to aid his well loved tribe in their dire straits?
On Governor Glen’s visit to Ninety-Six in May, 1756, Adair
saw him and gives details in his book (p. 244). He also met
Governor William Henry Lyttleton at Fort Moore two years
later. Lyttleton seems to have made a favorable impression
upon him—quite in contrast with Glen.
Adair was emboldened by the new Governor’s attitude again
to petition for a reimbursement of losses incident to the Choctaw
affair. In so doing he was not able to refrain from tart language.
This the legislature of the province was glad enough to seize
upon, with result:
“April 28, 1761. A memorial of James Adair was presented
to the House and the same containing improper and indecent
language was Rejected without being read thro’.”
Adair evidently thought that his former service followed by
aid he had given to the province in its war with the Cherokees
just terminated had justly earned for him better treatment. Into
that struggle he had thrown himself whole-heartedly.
Due to unfortunate happenings in the western part of Virginia—the
killing by frontiersmen of above a dozen Cherokee
warriors, including some of prominence, as they were returning
from an expedition in aid of Virginia against the hostile Shawnees,
in 1756—and due, also, to subsequent mismanagement of
affairs in South Carolina, war with the Cherokees was in prospect
towards the middle of the year 1759, and flagrant in the winter
and summer following.[14] In June a force of about eleven hundred
men under Colonel Archibald Montgomery (later Lord
Eglington) started from Charles Town to reduce the Cherokee
towns and relieve the province’s garrison at Fort Loudoun-on-Little
Tennessee, which had been beseiged by the Cherokees,
aided by Creeks.
Adair in his History says that “having been in a singular manner
xvirecommended to his Excellency [Lyttleton], the general, I
was preëngaged for that campaign”—to lead a body of the Eastern
Chickasaws. In the course of preparations Lieutenant-Governor
Bull transmitted to the legislature the offer of Adair
to lead without pay the eastern band of the Chickasaws settled
on the Savannah River; these to act as a scouting party in
advance of the troops. Of this small detachment at Saluda Old
Town we get glimpses. Governor Lyttleton in his march up-country
was “joined by 40 Chickasaws, 27 good gunmen, all
likely young fellows. The Chickasaws were drawn up in line
and received the Governor with rested arms. They were all
dressed and painted in war attire. At night the Cherokees attempted
to send a string of wampum to the Chickasaws.”[15]
“Last night [November 17, 1759] we arrived here in five days
march from the Congaree. We met at this camp twenty-seven
Chickasaws, the only allies we have yet seen; they are sprightly
young fellows and hearty in our cause.”[16]
The Chickasaws would have been valuable as scouts, but for
some reason they were not so used. Montgomery’s campaign
went well in the Lower Cherokee Country, but disaster overtook
it in the Middle towns. The troops “fell into an ambuscade,
by which many were wounded; and tho’ the enemy were everywhere
driven off, yet the number of our wounded increased so
fast that it was thought advisable to return as fast as possible.
In these covers a handful of men may ruin an army.” Fort
Loudoun was left to its sad fate.[17]
South Carolina was in deep humiliation over the retreat of
Montgomery to Fort Prince George. From that place (July 19,
1760) it was reported: “This morning about nine o’clock arrived
here capt. John Brown, with 13 white men dressed and
painted like Indians, and 43 Chickasaws, who came with intent
to join Col. Montgomery, not having heard of his return. The
declaration of capt. John Brown, who, with capt. Adair, heads
the Chickasaws, that are come to join Col. Montgomery, imports
that the day before he left the Breed Camp, the Chickasaws
advised him, if he wanted to save his life to go immediately and
xviileave his effects to their care ... for there was no trusting the
Creeks any longer who had agreed to fall on the English.”[18]
Letters from the expeditionary force, yet preserved in the
archives at Columbia, show that Captain Adair and his party
of Chickasaws were bold and active, doubtless serving as scouts.[19]
In July following, the sum of two hundred pounds, currency,
was included in the appropriation bill as his compensation.
Adair, in 1759, was for attacking and vigorously pressing the
war, but his advice was not attended to. In the meantime aid
had come to the Cherokees from the Creeks under Great Mortar.
Carolina’s prestige was in eclipse, and another campaign was
planned for 1761, led by Colonel James Grant, Virginia troops
advancing, though leisurely,[20] under Colonel Wm. Byrd III, to
assist in the subjugation of the Cherokees in the Overhill towns.
Adair’s History indicates his connection with Grant’s expedition,
but is barren of details and it has proven difficult to trace elsewhere
the part he took.
To the far-away Chickasaws, the trader turned to recoup his
fortunes after the termination of the Cherokee War and his
repulse in the matter of his second memorial. There was real
need for Adair’s services on the part of that gallant people.
The French were attempting to make a breach between them
and the Choctaws. They were “in great want of ammunition”
and goods.[21] Adair chose Mobile as mart for his peltry, after
the surrender of the country by the French under the peace
treaty of 1763.
Existing records testify to the fact that Adair aided the authorities
in efforts to prevent the Chickasaws being debauched by
xviiirum and to hold unprincipled traders in leash. He supported
the commissary of the government of West Florida, in February,
1766, in the arrest and prosecution of John Buckles and Alexander
McIntosh, in a “Memorandum of some Material Heads,”
in which his powers of invective did not fail to outcrop: McIntosh
“debauched the Indians with rum to the uneasiness and
disgust of orderly traders, the loss of their numerous outstanding
debts and every chance of fair trade ... faithful to his black
trust, in his Arabian-like method of plundering the Indians....
He would make a new Hell of this place, and it is hoped that he
may go thru’ Purgatory properly.”[22]
It was during this stay (1761-68) among them that the greater
portion of his History of the American Indians was written.
He left his oft-tried and true friends, the Chickasaws, in the
early part of May, 1768,[23] and went to the North—doubtless to
interview Sir Wm. Johnson for materials with which to enlarge
the scope of his work, his own experience and observations
having been confined to the leading tribes of the South.
Of Adair in London in 1775 we have not a glimpse. Did he
visit Scotland and Ireland among his kinsmen?
His closing years constitute for the researcher the most
baffling period of his career. Dr. James B. Adair in his Adair
History and Genealogy (1924) says that he settled and married
in North Carolina after his return from London in 1775. The
locality and name of the woman he is supposed to have married
are not given. On the other hand, Emmett Starr, the Cherokee
historian and genealogist, states in a letter to the writer that
Adair never married. If an inference may be indulged, it seems
that it was in the western part of North Carolina that he settled—the
region west of the Alleghanies, now known as Lower East
Tennessee, near the Tennessee-Georgia line. There a landing on
Conesauga River bore the name “Adair,” a point of transit of
shipments by way of the Hiwassee after portage from Hildebrand’s
landing on the Hiwassee, in a somewhat later period.
Just across the state line in Georgia is the village of Adair.
Another fact adds weight to the inference: the descendants
of Adair related their nativity to that region. Without doubt
Adair left his blood strain among the Cherokee and Chickasaws.
xixAs those of colonial days would express it, he was too “full-habited”
to have made himself an exception to the custom of
traders resident among the red tribes to form alliance with Indian
maidens, with resultant offspring.
Emmett Starr, in his History of the Cherokee Indians, 403,
gives:
“11———— Adair
12 John Adair m. Jennie Kilgore
22 Edward Adair m. Elizabeth Martin.”
The name of the mother of these two sons of “—— Adair”
is not given. Starr’s genealogical table gives the descendants
down to recent times, among them those of the Mayes family.
The blank in the name of the father may be supplied from a
sketch of Joel Bryan Mayes, a Cherokee chief, and chief justice
of the court of last resort of the Cherokee Nation, in Appleton’s
Encyclopedia of American Biography, IV, 275: Mayes “was
born in the Cherokee reservation in Georgia, October 2, 1833.
His mother was of mixed blood and descended on the paternal
side from James Adair, an Indian agent [trader] under George
III.”[24]
Starr in a letter to the editor says: “John and Edward
Adair, brothers, married Cherokees and have had a numerous
progeny. Their descendants furnished the most brilliant strain
in the old Cherokee Nation, especially when their blood was
blended with the blood of descendants of General Joseph Martin,[25]
of Virginia-Tennessee, whose descendants have always been
numerous in the Nation. Two of these, William Penn Adair
and Lucian Burr Bell were the brainiest men that I ever met.”
Elizabeth Martin, mentioned above, was in girlhood a resident
xxof Lower East Tennessee, at Wachowee on a branch of Hiwassee
River. Her mother, Betty, was the daughter of the great
Nancy Ward, the Beloved Woman of the Overhill Cherokees
and friend of the white race, and her father was General Joseph
Martin, agent of Virginia among the Cherokees.[26]
Miss Skinner in her Pioneers of the Old Southwest, seemingly
fascinated by Adair, gives 15 of 285 pages to him and his book.
She attributes the arrest of Briber to Adair. “As a Briton,
Adair contributed to Priber’s fate.... Since the military had
failed, other means must be employed; the trader provided
them.” This is without justification in fact. She is fairer elsewhere
in her estimate of Adair, whom she called “Tennessee’s
first author”: “His voluminous work discloses a man not only
of wide mental outlook but a practical man with a sense of commercial
values.... The complete explanation of such a man
as Adair we need not expect to find stated anywhere—not even
in and between the lines of his book. The conventionalist would
seek it in moral obliquity; the radical in a temperament that
is irked by the superficialities that comprise so large a part of
conventional standards. The reason for his being what he was
is almost the only thing Adair did not analyze in his book. Perhaps,
to him, it was self-evident.”
That Adair was a man of liberal education, for his period,
seems clear. A self-disclosure is that of his applying himself
to the mastery of the rudiments of the Hebrew language among
the redmen whom he was studying. A curious picture that calls
for an effort at visualization is that of Adair, the forest student,
traversing the toilsome trail to Charles Town with peltry to
trade for books. It is somewhat difficult to see him, again, at
the head of a band of painted warriors faring forth along the
Massac trace through the dense woods of what is now West
Tennessee, or along the early Natchez trail, west of the Tennessee
River and in the same region, bound for the North on a
mission which was, in essence, one for the British Empire and
against that Empire’s antagonist for the Great Valley of the
Mississippi. Yet harder to see in the lover of erudition is the
rollicking Adair, in near-abandon in a period of stress, finding
“brave and cheerful companionship” with an illiterate and
coarse-grained white man, the two riding carelessly along a
xxidangerous path, singing as they went, each braced by “a hearty
draught of punch,” and further companioned by a keg of rum.
Wherever and however seen, his was an unusual figure, riding,
we may be sure, a coveted Chickasaw steed through vast forest
reaches, silhouetted against a background of forest-green.
Whether knight errant or dare-devil, or a commingling of both,
he rode into mundane immortality. He has broken into every
book of comprehensive biography, in whatever language, which
has any sort of pretension of thoroughness.
Adair was a good diplomat in dealing with his inferiors. He
was not diplomatic in his attitude towards those who were
officially his superiors. An acridity of speech, an unsmooth
temper and not a little vanity brought him to breach with such
when he deemed himself mistreated. In an audience with Governor
Glen his own words “seemed to lie pretty sharply upon
him.” Adair was a good hater: of Glen, the French and the
Romanists, in particular. But, as is not unusual in such cases,
he was ardent in his friendships—for the Chickasaws in particular.
As “an English Chickasaw,” he recognized in that tribe
all that was best in the Amerind: love of their land, constancy
in hatred and friendship, sagacity, alertness and consummate
intrepidity.
Adair purposed a publication of his book several years before
the date of its actual London publication in 1775. In the
South Carolina Gazette of September 7, 1769, it was said: “An
account of the origin of the primitive inhabitants and a history
of those numerous warlike tribes of Indians, situated to the
westward of Charles Town are subjects hitherto unattempted
by any pen.... Such an attempt has been made by Mr. James
Adair, a gentleman who has been conversant among the Cherokees,
Chickesaws, Choctaws, etc., for thirty-odd years past; and
who, by the assistance of a liberal education, a long experience
among them and a genius naturally formed for curious enquiries,
has written essays on their origin, language, religion, customary
methods of making war and peace, etc.” It was also announced
that the author was “going over to England soon to prepare for
publication.” The Savannah Georgia Gazette of October 11,
1769, carried a similar item, of date New York, February 27th.
In October both these newspapers published Adair’s prospectus
xxiiof the book, proposed to be sold by subscription. In the
“Proposals” the title was displayed in customary title-form—differing
much in wording from the title page of the 1775 publication:
“Proposals for printing by Subscription: Essays on the
Origin, History, Language, Religion, and religious Rites, Priests
or Magi, Customs, Civil Policy, Methods of declaring and carrying
on War, and of making Peace, Military Laws, Agriculture,
Buildings, Exercise, Sports, Marriage and Funeral Ceremonies,
Habits, Diet, Temper, Manners, etc., of the Indians on the Continent
of North America, particularly of the several Nations or
Tribes of the Catawbas, Cherokees, Creeks, Chickesaws, and
Choctaws, inhabiting the Western Parts of the Colonies of Virginia,
North and South Carolina, and Georgia. Also some Account
of the Countries, Description of Uncommon Animals, etc.,
interspersed with useful Observations relating to the Advantages
arising to Britain from her Trade with those Indians; of the best
Method of managing them, and of conciliating their Affections,
and therefore extending the said Trade. Also several interesting
Anecdotes Collected in a Residence of the great Part of 33 years
among the Indians themselves,
By James Adair.
“Conditions: The Work will be Comprised in two Octavo
Volumes, and be put to press in London, as soon as a sufficient
number of Subscriptions are obtained, and will be printed on a
good Paper, with Letter entirely new.
“The Price to Subscribers will be two Spanish Dollars, one
of which will be paid at the Time of subscribing, and the other
on the Delivery of the Books.
“Subscriptions are taken by the Printer of this Gazette.”
There is no evidence that Adair in pursuance of his purpose
went to London at this time. He did go to New York in 1768
and there in the early part of the following year issued a prospectus,
in like manner. While there he visited Sir William
Johnson at Johnson Hall. This visit, with subsequent incidents,
is shown in a correspondence between Johnson, Gage and Adair
which appears in The Documentary History of New York, IV,
251-252, 259-262. The letters afford side-lights on our author
and his book:
xxiiiJohnson to General Gage:
Johnson hall Decr. 10th 1768
“Dear Sir: This letter is addressed to you at the intreaty of
the Bearer Mr. Adair, who I am informed was for many years
a Trader of first consequence amongst the Cherokees &c. I believe
his present Circumstances are very indifferent but he conceives
he has a prospect of some advantages in view from the
Publication of a manuscript he has wrote on the Manners, Customs
& History of the Southern Indians, tending to prove their
descent from the Hebrews, which performance shews him a man
well acquainted with the Languages, and very Curious in his
Remarks. His design is to go for England and (if he may be
allowed) to take some Chickasaws with him, & as none of that
Nation were ever there he conceives it would be for the public
advantage to Shew them the greatness and power of the English.
“I apprehend that your Patronage in whatever shape you
may please to Countenance his design, is his principal object.
If he is worthy of it in any degree my recommendation is needless—His
appearance may not be much in his favor and his
voluminous Work may rather be deemed Curious than entertaining,
but he is certainly well acquainted with the Southern
Indians, and a man of Learning tho Rusticated by 30 years
residence in a Wild Country—He thinks that I could serve him
by mentioning him to you, and I hope that his importunity in
consequence of that opinion will apologize for the Liberty I
have taken in Giving you this Trouble.”
Adair to Johnson, of March or April, 1769:
“Sire, About a month ago, I did myself ye pleasure of writing
to you, both in complyance to yr kindly request, and my own
ardent inclination. And, now, I re-assume it, returning you
my most hearty thanks, for your civilities and favours of each
kind.
“In a great measure, I ascribe to you, my Maecenas, that
ye Revd. Messrs. Inglis and Ogilvie, ye Professors of ye College,
and a good many of ye Learned, here, including, in a very
particular manner, the good-humourd, the sensible, the gay, ye
witty, & polite, Sir Henry Moore, have taken me into their
patronage; Tho’ I’m sorry to say that Genrl Gage paid so little
regard to yr friendly letter in my behalf, as not to order his
xxivAid de Camp to introduce me when I called to wait on him.
Indeed he subscribed for two Setts of my Indian Essays and
History. And so do several other Gent on account of their
reputed merit; for ye Learned applaud ye performance. In
short, Sir, I look down, with a philosophic eye, on that, or any
such, neglect as a most imaginary trifle. Especially, if what I
said to a curious & inquisitive Son of Caledonia, concerning ye
well-known mismanagement, & ill situation, of our Indian affairs,
westwardly, should have occasioned it; For truth will
prevail, when painted with its genuine honest colours.
“In ye historical part, I shall put myself under yr most
friendly patronage, and yt of Sir Henry Moore, and do myself
ye particular favour of writing to each of you, from ye southward,
before I sett off to England, next summer. As His Excelly
has not only induced ye Honble members of His Majestys Council
to give a sanction to my performance, and engaged to perswade
ye Commons House of Assembly to follow their Copy;
But, likewise to continue to take in subscriptions, till ye Books
are published, and remit me a Bill, on ye agent, at London, as
soon as he has heard, by ye public accounts, of their being in
the Press. I’m hopeful, you’ll be pleased to excuse my freedom
of infolding, in this, a New-York printed Proposal; and that yr
patriotic temper will incite You to shew it to such Lovers of
letters, as frequent your Hall, in order to gain, at least, nominal
subscriptions, and give a sanction to the Treatise in Europe.
Likewise, yt when I do myself ye honour of writing to you,
again, you’ll be so kind as to remit me their names, at London,
according to request.
“I’ve room to be pretty certain, that four of yr learned
friends here; viz, the Revd Doctor Acmody, the Revd Doctor
Cooper, and ye Revd Messrs Inglis and Ogilvie, A.M. will, thro’
a true benevolence of heart, recommend me to the notice of ye
President of ye Society for propogating ye Gospel, in order to
obtain a missionary for our old friendly Chickosahs; and likewise,
their patronage in ye publication of my Indian work.
When you’re writing to my Lord Hillsborough, should yr own
public spirit induce you to recommend me to his patronage it
would prove a great advance towards obtaining satisfaction for
what ye Governmt is indebted me. That, & ye like, I leave yr
own kindness of heart, which always leads and directs you, in
support of a generous cause.
xxv“Please to give my most hearty respects to yr cheerful and
most promising favourite son, Sir John, to ye gay, ye kindly, &
ye witty Coll Johnson, to his discreet and most amiable Lady,
& their pretty little Sheelah Grah, who is ye lovely and lively
picture of them both. To all yours, One by one; To Coll Class &
his Lady; To ye Gent with you, &c; and to accept ye same,
from,
“Great Sir Yr very obliged & most Hble Servt
“James Adair.”
Adair to Johnson, New York, April 30th, 1769:
“Great Sire, Tho’ I’m just on ye point of returning southwardly,
by ye way of Philadelphia; yet my gratitude & intense
affection incite me to send you these lines in return for yr kindness
to me at yr hospitable Hall; And for yr kindly patronage
of my weak & honest productions, on ye Origin of ye Indian
Americans. All ranks of ye learned, here, have subscribed to
their being published in London, a half year, hence. And ye
two volumes, Octavo, wh they consist of, I do myself ye particular
honour, from an innate generous principle, to dedicate
to you & Sir Henry Moore; For tho’ he has not seen ye manuscripts,
yet, on ye strong recommendations of ye Learned, he
has patronised me, both here, and in ye Islands, and every where
else, that his good nature & philosophic temper you’d think of.
My great Hybernian Maecenas, as yo’ve approved of my Indian
performance, from yr own knowledge and accurate observations,
I’m fully perswaded, that, upon my sollicitation, you’ll take some
convenient opportunity to recommend me to ye notice of Lord
Hillsborough, yr friends in Ireland, &c. For, you know, I came
from ye Southward, on purpose to apply to yr friendly mediation,
of which General Gage has taken notice, on the account, as I’m
informed by the Clergy, of certain (supposed) Stuart’s principles.
Opposition makes honest men, only, the more intent and ther’s
a certain time for every thing. As ye two letters I did myself
ye pleasure to write to you, from ys place, sufficiently indicate,
according to my opinion.
“Please to excuse ys hurry’d-off scroll and to give my sincere
and lasting respects to yr honb extensive family, one by one; and
to accept the same, from
“Great Sire yr obliged, & very devoted Hble Servt
“James Adair.”
xxviJohnson to Adair, May 10, 1769:
“Sir, I have received two of your Letters since your departure,
a third which you speak of, never came to hands, but
from the others I find with pleasure that you have met with the
Countenance & patronage of the Gentlemen you mention & I
sincerely wish they may prove of Service to you, tho’ I am concerned
that you met with any neglect from the quarter you
speak of however I am hopefull that the protection you have
hitherto found will prove a good introduction to your Curious
performance, & that its publication will tend to your reputation
& Interest, to which I shall gladly Contribute as far as in me
Lyes. I am obliged to you for your Intentions respecting the
Dedication, which I should chuse to decline but that I would not
disappoint your good intentions, tho’ I would check the flowings
of a friendly pen which unrestrained might go farther than is
consistent with my inclinations.
“I return you your printed proposals, Subscribed to by myself
& family with Two or Three others, which are as many as
I have hitherto had an opportunity of Laying them before, &
the time you spent in these parts has enabled you I presume
to know enough of its Inhabitants not to be Surprised that a
Work of that Nature shod meet with such Small encouragement.
Sir John, Col. Johnson &c thank you kindly for the
manner in which you have remembered them, heartily wishing
you success, & be assured that I shall be glad to serve you in
your undertaking as well as to hear of your prosperity being Sir,
“Your real Well Wisher & very humble Servt
“Wm. Johnson.”
Was there a publication of his book in Boston in 1770? In
that encyclopedic biographical work in French, Nouvelle Biographie
Générall, I, 214, in an article on Adair, it is said that
he published an interesting work, entitled History of the
American Indians, “Boston, 1770, in—4o; reimprime a Londres
en 1775.” The editor, intrigued by this statement, has made
assiduous search and corresponded widely to secure corroboration
of the statement as to such Boston edition. The particulars as
to the format of the edition, differing materially from that of
the London publication, and Adair’s announced intention
(1769-70) to publish shortly seemed to lend support; but from
every source the reply of leading bibliographers has been: No
xxviisuch edition is known, and, it is believed, there was none. This
statement as to an edition in 1770 and the prospectus of the book
of 1750 have been, to the writer, bibliographical ghosts, gliding in
and out, exciting curiosity, and leading to search and yet further
search—only to end in the bog of thwart. The like uncertainty
attaches to more than one phase of the career of Adair, the man.
It is clear that the manuscript of the book published at
London in 1775 was revised after 1769-70. Events are narrated
in the History which occurred in the period 1770-74.
Elias Boudinot, one time president of the Continental Congress
and author of A Star in the West, in that work states:
“The writer of these sheets has made great use of Mr. Adair’s
history of the Indians, which renders it necessary that something
should be further said of him. Sometime about the year 1774,
or 1775, Mr. Adair came to Elizabeth-Town, where the writer
then lived, with his manuscript, and applied to Mr. [Wm.]
Livingston, afterwards governor of the state of New-Jersey, a
correct scholar, well known for his literary abilities and knowledge
of the belle-lettres, requesting him (Livingston) to correct
his manuscript for him. He brought ample recommendations,
and gave a good account of himself.
“Our political troubles then increasing, Mr. Adair, who was
on his way to Great-Britain, was advised not to risk being detained
from his voyage, till the work could be critically examined,
but to get off as soon as possible. He accordingly took passage
in the first vessel that was bound to England.
“As soon as the war was over, the writer sent to London and
obtained a copy of the work. After reading it with care, he
strictly examined a gentleman, then a member with him in
Congress, of excellent character, who had acted as our Indian
agent to the southward, during the war, (without letting him
know the design) and from him found all the leading facts mentioned
herein, fully confirmed, by his own personal knowledge.”
The book upon its appearance in London in the early part
of 1775 (doubtless after revision there by one competent to the
task) was reviewed quite generally in the leading British
periodicals—favorably in every instance but one. The Scots
Magazine of June, 1775, carried a brief and unflattering review.
The London Magazine of May, 1775, said that the book had
long been needed, and that Adair was well qualified to be the
historian of the American Indians. “His remarks on the different
xxviiisubjects he has discussed are sensible; and we think the
work calculated to convey information, entertainment and solid
instruction to the public in general.” This Magazine had in
previous issues published two long extracts from the book,
doubtless with the consent of the author.
Adair’s work has been cited widely as basic authority by
the best ethnologists and historians of America. A few of very
numerous favorable comments must suffice.
In Winsor’s Narrative and Critical History of America, V,
68: “A work of great value, showing the relations of the English
traders to the Indians, and is of much importance to the
student of Indian customs.”
Field’s Indian Bibliography, 3, gives a fair judgment, which,
too, expresses the near-consensus of those capable of passing
judgment: “Although it cannot be claimed for this author that
he ranks first in priority of time, his name is first on our alphabetical
register of a great number of writers whose imagination
has been struck by the astonishing coincidences of many particulars
of the customs and religious rites of some of the American
Nations with those of the Jews. The relations of an
intelligent observer (as this Indian trader seems to have been),
for so long a period as forty years, of the peculiarities of the
Southern Indians among whom he resided for that period, is
not without great value; although we should have reason to
hold it in still greater esteem had the author cherished no favorite
dogma to establish, or detested any which he wished destroyed.”
McCrady, the South Carolina historian, speaks most favorably
of Adair and his book. The comments of Logan in his
History of Upper South Carolina, as one who lived in the region
where Adair resided for a time, and of which he wrote, are
peculiarly interesting, and of weight in any fair assize of the
book:
“From Adair’s book the world has derived most that is known
of the manners and customs of the Southern Indians.... Its
style is exceedingly figurative and characteristic—partakes much
of the idiom of the Indian dialects to which the author was so
long accustomed; and this imparts to it a quaintness, which
with the novelty of the subject, the remarkable life of the
writer, the cogency of his reasoning, his ingenious philosophy,
earnest truthfulness and stalwart vigor renders it one of the
xxixmost interesting as well as valuable works relating to American
history.”
In behalf of Adair, in his theory of the Jewish origin of
the American aborigines, it should be pointed out that a long
line of writers both before and after him held the same view.
Soon after the discovery of America, the theory was advanced
that the Indians derived from the Lost Tribes of Israel. Garcia,
in his Origen de las Medianos (1607), declared that these tribes
passed Behring Strait and made their way southward, and
claimed to have found many Hebrew terms in the American
languages. Las Casas was of the same opinion, and the first
English writer on the subject, Thomas Thorowgood in his Jews
in America (1650 and 1660) followed Las Casas and the Puritan
Apostle to the Indians, John Eliot in his Conjectures.
Antonio Montesinos (1644) found like evidence in Peru, and
the learned Jew Manasseh ben Israel visited among the Indians
of the New World and reached the same conclusion. Cotton
Mather, Roger Williams and William Penn shared the same
view.
Charles Beatty in his Journal of Two Months Tour (1678)
and S. Seawell (1697) advanced proofs in support of the argument.
A list of those who wrote after Adair’s period in attempts
at corroboration of the theory of such origin would include,
among others: The celebrated Jonathan Edwards; Elias
Boudinot, in A Star of the West (1816) which book has long
extracts from Adair; E. Howitt in his Selection from Letters
(1820); Ethan Smith (1825); Israel Worsley in his View of the
American Indians (1828); Calvin Colton in A Tour of the Lakes
(1838); Josiah Priest, American Antiquities (1834); Mrs.
Simons in The Ten Tribes (1836); Modecai M. Noah in Marryatt’s
Diary in America (1837), and G. Jones in the History of
Ancient America (1843)—not to mention later writers. It will
be noted that Jewish writers and observers are in accord.[27]
“The theory has not entirely disappeared from ethnological
literature.”
Lord Viscount Kingsborough produced by far the most
elaborate argument that the ancients and Indians of America
xxxwere of Jewish origin. He published (London, 1830-48) nine
sumptuous volumes, imperial folio, in which many ancient Spanish,
French and Mexican manuscripts were for the first time
printed. This exhaustive work cost Lord Kingsborough, it is
said, above 32,000 pounds, wrecked his fortune and lost him his
life. He died a prisoner for debt. In this production Kingsborough
reprinted the first part of Adair’s book—the “Arguments.”
Kingsborough bestowed much research and care in the
annotation of these “Arguments,” and the editor of the present
reprint has availed freely of his notes. Kingsborough thus prefaces
his notes: “The following illustrations of Adair’s History
of the American Indians are chiefly extracted from the inedited
works of French and Spanish authors, and afford the most satisfactory
proof of Adair’s veracity in the minutest particular.”
Of the entire History of Adair there has never been a reprint
in English. Kingsborough’s work is beyond the reach of
the average reader or student; it has become excessively rare,
bringing about $500 in the book market.
The book of Adair was translated into German by Schack
Hermann Ewald and published in Germany: Geschichte der
amerikanischen Indianer, besondere dem am Mississippi, am Ostund
Westflorida, Georgien, Sud-und Nord-Karolina undund Virginien
angrenzenden nationen, nebst einem anhange, von James
Adair, Esquire. Aus dem englischen übers. Breslau, J. E. Myers,
1782.
The book of Adair was paid the unwanted compliment of
being plagiarized by Jonathan Carver in his Travels through the
Interior Parts. Carver appropriated portions of the work during
Adair’s lifetime, and an edition of his book was brought out by
Charles Dilly, “in the Poultry,” London, who had printed Adair’s
History.
After the passage of more than a century and a half from
the date of its original publication, the book comes to a sort of
rebirth in this reprint, and in a style, so far as format is concerned,
of which our maker and writer of history would not be
ashamed.
A Map of the American Indian Nations adjoining to the Missisippi, West & East Florida, Georgia, S. & N. Carolina, Virginia, &c.
THE
HISTORY
OF THE
AMERICAN INDIANS,
PARTICULARLY
THOSE NATIONS ADJOINING TO THE MISSISSIPPI, EAST AND WEST FLORIDA,
GEORGIA, SOUTH AND NORTH CAROLINA, AND VIRGINIA.
CONTAINING
AN ACCOUNT OF THEIR ORIGIN, LANGUAGE, MANNERS, RELIGIOUS AND
CIVIL CUSTOMS, LAWS, FORM OF GOVERNMENT, PUNISHMENTS,
CONDUCT IN WAR AND DOMESTIC LIFE, THEIR HABITS,
DIET, AGRICULTURE, MANUFACTURES, DISEASES
AND METHOD OF CURE, AND
OTHER PARTICULARS, SUFFICIENT
TO RENDER IT
A COMPLETE INDIAN SYSTEM,
WITH
OBSERVATIONS ON FORMER HISTORIANS, THE CONDUCT OF OUR COLONY
GOVERNORS, SUPERINTENDENTS, MISSIONARIES, &C.
ALSO
AN APPENDIX
CONTAINING
A DESCRIPTION OF THE FLORIDAS AND THE MISSISSIPPI LANDS, WITH
THEIR PRODUCTIONS; THE BENEFITS OF COLONIZING GEORGIANA
AND CIVILIZING THE INDIANS; AND THE WAY TO MAKE
ALL THE COLONIES MORE VALUABLE TO THE
MOTHER COUNTRY.
WITH A NEW MAP OF THE COUNTRY REFERRED TO IN THE HISTORY.
BY JAMES ADAIR, ESQUIRE.
A TRADER WITH THE INDIANS, AND RESIDENT IN THEIR COUNTRY FOR FORTY YEARS.
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR EDWARD AND CHARLES DILLY, IN THE POULTRY.
MDCCLXXV.
xxxiiiTo
Hon. Colonel George Craghan, George Galphin and Lachlan
McGilwray, Esquires.[I]
Gentlemen,
To you, with the greatest propriety the following sheets are
addressed. Your distinguished abilities—your thorough acquaintance
with the North American Indian languages, rites, and customs—your
long application and services in the dangerous sphere
of an Indian life, and your successful management of the savage
natives, all well known over all the continent of America.
You often complained how the public had been imposed upon
either by fictitious and fabulous, or very superficial and conjectural
accounts of the Indian natives—and as often wished me
to devote my leisure hours to drawing up an Indian system.
You can witness, that what I now send into the world, was composed
more from a regard to your request, than any forward
desire of my own. The prospect of your patronage inspired me
to write, and it is no small pleasure and honor to me, that such
competent judges of the several particulars now presented to
public view, expressed themselves with so much approbation of
the contents.
You well know the uprightness of my intentions as to the
information here given, and that truth hath been my grand
standard. I may have erred in the application of the rites and
ceremonies of the Indians to their origin and descent—and may
have drawn some conclusions exceeding the given evidence—but
candor will excuse the language of integrity: and when the genuine
principles, customs, etc., of the Indians are known, it will be
easier afterwards for persons of solid learning, and free from
secular cares, to trace their origin, clear up the remaining difficulties,
and produce a more perfect history.
I. The late Sir Wm. Johnson, Baronet, was another of the author’s
friends, and stood at the head of the MS Dedication. (A) For sketches
of Galphin and McGilwray, see n. 155 p. 288 post. Galphin’s copy
of Adair’s book with his name and the year “1775” on the fly leaf was
lodged in the Charleston Library. (W)
xxxivShould my performance be in the least degree instrumental to
produce an accurate investigation and knowledge of the American
Indians—their civilization—and the happy settlement of the
fertile lands around them, I shall rejoice; and the public will be
greatly obliged to you, as your request incited to it; and to you
I am also indebted for many interesting particulars, and valuable
observations.
I embrace this opportunity, of paying a public testimony of
my gratitude, for your many favours to me. Permit me also to
celebrate your public spirit—your zealous and faithful service
of your country—your social and domestic virtues, etc., which
have endeared you to your acquaintances, and to all who have
heard your names, and make you more illustrious, than can any
high sounding titles. All who know you, will readily acquit me
of servility and flattery, in this address. Dedications founded
on these motives, are the disgrace of literature, and an insult to
common sense. There are too many instances of this prostitution
in Great Britain for it to be suffered in America. Numbers
of high seated patrons are praised for their divine wisdom and
godlike virtues, and yet the whole empire is discontented, and
America in strong convulsions.
May you long enjoy your usual calm and prosperity! that so
the widow, the fatherless, and the stranger may always joyfully
return (as in past years) from your hospitable houses—while
this Dedication stands as a small proof of that sincere attachment
with which I am,
Gentlemen
Your most obedient,
Humble Servant,
James Adair.
PREFACE
xxxv
The following history, and observations, are the productions
of one who hath been chiefly engaged in an Indian life ever since
the year 1735: and most of the pages were written among our
old friendly Chikkasah, with whom I first traded in the year
1744. The subjects are interesting, as well as amusing; but
never was a literary work begun and carried on with greater disadvantages.
The author was separated by his situation, from
the conversation of the learned, and from any libraries—Frequently
interrupted also by business, and obliged to conceal his
papers, through the natural jealousy of the natives; the traders
letters of correspondence always excited their suspicions, and
often gave offence.—Another difficulty I had to encounter, was
the secrecy and closeness of the Indians as to their own affairs,
and their prying disposition into those of others—so that there
is no possibility of retirement among them.
A view of the disadvantages of my situation, made me reluctant
to comply with the earnest and repeated solicitation of
many worthy friends, to give the public an account of the Indian
nations with whom I had long resided, was so intimately connected,
and of whom scarcely anything had yet been published
but romance and a mass of fiction. My friends at last prevailed,
and on perusing the sheets, they were pleased to approve the
contents, as conveying true information, and general entertainment.
Having no ambition to appear in the world as an author,
and knowing that my history differed essentially from all former
publications of the kind, I first resolved to suppress my name;
but my friends advised me to own the work, and thus it is tendered
to the public in the present form.
The performance, hath doubtless imperfection, humanum est
errate. Some readers may think, there is too much of what relates
to myself, and to the adventures of small parties among the
Indians and traders. But minute circumstances are often of
great consequence, especially in discovering the descent and
genius of a people—describing their manners and customs—and
giving proper information to rulers at a distance. I thought it
xxxvibetter to be esteemed prolix, than to omit any thing that might
be useful on these points. Some repetitions, which occur, were
necessary—The history of the several Indian nations being so
much intermixed with each other, and their customs so nearly
alike.
One great advantage my readers will here have; I sat down to
draw the Indians on the spot—had them many years standing
before me,—and lived with them as a friend and brother. My
intentions were pure when I wrote, truth hath been my standard,
and I have no sinister or mercenary views in publishing. With
inexpressible concern I read the several imperfect and fabulous
accounts of the Indians, already given to the world—Fiction
and conjecture have no place in the following pages. The public
may depend on the fidelity of the author, and that his descriptions
are genuine, though perhaps not so polished and romantic
as other Indian histories and accounts, they may have seen.
My grand objects, were to give the Literati proper and good
materials tracing the origin of the American Indians—and to
incite the higher powers zealously to promote the best interests
of the British colonies, and the mother country. For whose
greatness and happiness, I have the most ardent desire.
The whole work is respectfully submitted to the candor and
judgment of the impartial Public.
CONTENTS — A HISTORY OF THE NORTH-AMERICAN INDIANS, THEIR CUSTOMS, &c.
xxxvii
PAGE
A History of the North Americans, Their Customs, etc. Observations on Their Colour, Shape, Temper and Dress
Their Own Traditions, the Accounts of English Writers, and the Testimony Which the Spanish and Other Authors Have Given, Concerning the Primitive inhabitants of Peru and Mexico
An Account of the Katahba, Cheerake, Muskoghe or Creeks, Choktah, and Chikkasah Nations: with Occasional Remarks on Their Laws, and the Conduct of Our Governors, Superintendents, Missionaries, etc.
General Observations on the North American Indians.
Displaying their Love to their Country—Their Martial Spirit—Their Caution in War—Method of Fighting—Barbarity to their Captives—Instances of their Fortitude and Magnanimity in the View of Death—Their Reward of Public Services—The Manner of Crowning their Warriors After Victory—Their Games—Method of Fishing, and of Building—Their Utensils and Manufactures—Conduct of Domestic Life—Their Laws, Form of Government, etc., etc.
Containing a Description of the Floridas, the Mississippi Lands, with Their Productions—The Benefits of Colonizing Georgiana, and Civilizing the Indians—And the Way to Make All the Colonies More Valuable to the Mother Country
Observations on the colour, shape, temper, and dress of the
Indians of America.
The Indians are of a copper or red-clay colour—and they
delight in every thing, which they imagine may promote and
increase it: accordingly, they paint their faces with vermilion,
as the best and most beautiful ingredient. If we consider the
common laws of nature and providence, we shall not be surprized
at this custom; for every thing loves best its own likeness and
place in the creation, and is disposed to ridicule its opposite.
If a deformed son of burning Africa, was to paint the devil, he
would not do it in black colours, nor delineate him with a shagged
coarse woolly head, nor with thick lips, a short flat nose, or
clumsy feet, like those of a bear: his devil would represent one
of a different nation or people. But was he to draw an agreeable
picture,—according to the African taste, he would daub it all
over with sooty black. All the Indians are so strongly attached
to, and prejudiced in favour of, their own colour, that they think
as meanly of the whites, as we possibly can do of them. The
English traders among them, experience much of it, and are
often very glad to be allowed to pass muster with the Indian
chieftains, as fellow-brethren {1} of the human species. One
instance will sufficiently shew in what flattering glasses they
view themselves.
2Some time past, a large body of the English Indian traders,
on their way to the Choktah country, were escorted by a body
of Creek and Choktah warriors. The Creeks having a particular
friendship for some of the traders, who had treated them pretty
liberally, took this opportunity to chide the Choktahs, before
the traders, in a smart though friendly way, for not allowing to
the English the name of human creatures:—for the general name
they give us in their most favourable war-speeches, resembles
that of a contemptible, heterogeneous animal.
The hotter, or colder the climate is, where the Indians have
long resided, the greater proportion have they either of the red,
or white, colour. I took particular notice of the Shawano
Indians,[1] as they were passing from the northward, within fifty
3miles of the Chikkasah country, to that of the Creeks; and, by
comparing them with the Indians which I accompanied to their
camp, I observed the Shawano to be much fairer than the
Chikkasah[II]; though I am satisfied, their endeavours to cultivate
the copper colour, were alike. Many incidents and observations
lead me to believe, that the Indian colour is not natural; but
that the external difference between them and the whites, proceeds
entirely from their customs and method of living, and not
from any inherent spring of nature; which will entirely overturn
Lord Kames’s whole system of colour, and separate races of men.
II. S is not a note of plurality with the Indians; when I mention therefore
either their national, or proper names, that common error is avoided,
which writers ignorant of their language constantly commit.
That the Indian colour is merely accidental, or artificial,
appears pretty evident. Their own traditions record them to
have come to their present lands by the way of the west, from
a far distant country, and where there was no variegation of
colour in human beings; and they are entirely ignorant which
was the first or primitive colour. Besides, their rites, customs,
&c. as we shall presently see, prove them to be orientalists: and,
as the difference of colour among the human species, is one of the
principal causes of separation, strife, and bloodshed, would it not
greatly reflect on the goodness and justice of the Divine Being,
ignominiously to brand numerous tribes and their posterity, with
a colour odious and hateful in the sight and opinion of those of
a different colour. Some writers have contended, from {2} the
diversity of colour, that America was not peopled from any part
of Asia, or of the old world, but that the natives were a separate
creation. Of this opinion, is Lord Kames, and which he labours
to establish in his late publication, entitled, Sketches of the
History of Man. But his reasoning on this point, for a local
creation, is contrary both to revelation, and facts. His chief
argument, that “there is not a single hair on the body of any
American, nor the least appearance of a beard,” is utterly destitute
of foundation, as can be attested by all who have had any
communication with them—of this more presently.[2]—Moreover,
to form one creation of whites, a second creation for the yellows,
and a third for the blacks, is a weakness, of which infinite wisdom
is incapable. Its operations are plain, easy, constant, and
perfect. The variegation therefore of colours among the human
4race, depends upon a second cause. Lord Kames himself acknowledges,
that “the Spanish inhabitants of Carthagena in
South-America lose their vigour and colour in a few months.”
We are informed by the anatomical observations of our
American physicians, concerning the Indians, that they have discerned
a certain fine cowl, or web, of a red gluey substance, close
under the outer skin, to which it reflects the colour; as the
epidermis, or outer skin, is alike clear in every different creature.
And experience, which is the best medium to discover truth,
gives the true cause why this corpus mucosum, or gluish web, is
red in the Indians, and white in us; the parching winds, and
hot sun-beams, beating upon their naked bodies, in their various
gradations of life, necessarily tarnish their skins with the tawny
red colour. Add to this, their constant anointing themselves
with bear’s oil, or grease, mixt with a certain red root, which,
by a peculiar property, is able alone, in a few years time, to
produce the Indian colour in those who are white born, and who
have even advanced to maturity. These metamorphoses I have
often seen.
At the Shawano main camp[III], I saw a Pensylvanian, a white
man by birth, and in profession a christian, who, by the inclemency
of the sun, {3} and his endeavours of improving the
red colour, was tarnished with as deep an Indian hue, as any of
the camp, though they had been in the woods only the space of
four years.
III. In the year 1747, I headed a company of the cheerful, brave Chikkasah,
with the eagles tails, to the camp of the Shawano Indians, to apprehend
one Peter Shartee, (a Frenchman) who, by his artful paintings, and
the supine conduct of the Pensylvanian government, had decoyed a large
body of the ShawanoShawano from the English, to the French, interest. But
fearing the consequences, he went around an hundred miles, toward the
Cheerake nation, with his family, and the head warriors, and thereby
evaded the danger.
We may easily conclude then, what a fixt change of colour,
such a constant method of life would produce: for the colour
being once thoroughly established, nature would, as it were, forget
herself, not to beget her own likeness.[3] Besides, may we not
suppose, that the imagination can impress the animalculæ, in the
5time of copulation, by its strong subtile power, with at least
such an external similitude, as we speak of?—The sacred oracles,
and christian registers, as well as Indian traditions, support the
sentiment;—the colour of Jacob’s cattle resembled that of the
peeled rods he placed before them, in the time of conception.
We have good authority of a Spanish lady, who conceived, and
was delivered of a negro child, by means of a black picture that
hung on the wall, opposite to the bed where she lay. There is
a record among the Chikkasah Indians, that tells us of a white
child with flaxen hair, born in their country, long before any
white people appeared in that part of the world; which they
ascribed to the immediate power of the Deity impressing her imagination
in a dream. And the Philosophical Transactions
assure us of two white children having been born of black
parents. But waving all other arguments, the different method
of living, connected with the difference of climates, and extraordinary
anointings and paintings, will effect both outward and
inward changes in the human race, all round the globe: or, a
different colour may be conveyed to the fœtus by the parents,
through the channel of the fluids, without the least variation of
the original stamina. For, though the laws of nature cannot be
traced far, where there are various circumstances, and combinations
of things, yet her works are exquisitely constant and
regular, being thereto impelled by unerring divine Wisdom.
As the American Indians are of a reddish or copper colour,—so
in general they are strong, well proportioned in body and
limbs, surprisingly active and nimble, and hardy in their own
way of living.
They are ingenious, witty, cunning, and deceitful; very faithful
indeed to their own tribes, but privately dishonest, and
mischievous to the Europeans and christians. Their being honest
and harmless to each other, may be through fear of resentment
and reprisal—which is unavoidable in case of any injury. {4}
They are very close, and retentive of their secrets; never
forget injuries; revengeful of blood, to a degree of distraction.
They are timorous, and, consequently, cautious; very jealous
of encroachments from their christian neighboursneighbours; and, likewise,
content with freedom, in every turn of fortune. They are possessed
of a strong comprehensive judgment,—can form surprisingly
crafty schemes, and conduct them with equal caution,
silence, and address; they admit none but distinguished warriors,
6and old beloved men, into their councils. They are slow,
but very persevering in their undertakings—commonly temperate
in eating, but excessively immoderate in drinking.—They
often transform themselves by liquor into the likeness of mad
foaming bears. The women, in general, are of a mild, amiable,
soft disposition: exceedingly modest in their behaviour, and very
seldom noisy, either in the single, or married state.
The men are expert in the use of fire-arms,—in shooting the
bow,—and throwing the feathered dart, and tomohawk, into the
flying enemy. They resemble the lynx, with their sharp penetrating
black eyes, and are exceedingly swift of foot; especially
in a long chase: they will stretch away, through the rough
woods, by the bare track, for two or three hundred miles, in
pursuit of a flying enemy, with the continued speed, and eagerness,
of a stanch pack of blood hounds, till they shed blood.[4]
When they have allayed this their burning thirst, they return
home, at their leisure, unless they chance to be pursued, as is
sometimes the case; whence the traders say, “that an Indian is
never in a hurry, but when the devil is at his heels.”
It is remarkable, that there are no deformed Indians—however,
they are generally weaker, and smaller bodied, between the
tropics, than in the higher latitudes; but not in an equal proportion:
for, though the Chikkasah and Choktah countries have not
been long divided from each other, as appears by the similarity
of their language, as well as other things, yet the Chikkasah are
exceedingly taller, and stronger bodied than the latter, though
their country is only two degrees farther north. Such a small
difference of latitude, in so healthy a region, could not make so
wide a difference in the constitution of their bodies. The former
are a comely, pleasant looking people; their faces are tolerably
round, contrary to the visage of the others, which inclines much
to flatness, as is the case of most of the other Indian Americans.
The lips of the Indians, in general, are thin. {5}
Their eyes are small, sharp, and black; and their hair is lank,
7coarse, and darkish.[5] I never saw any with curled hair, but one
in the Choktah country, where was also another with red hair;
probably, they were a mixture of the French and Indians.
Romancing travellers, and their credulous copyists, report them
to be imbarbes, and as persons impuberes, and they appear so
to strangers. But both sexes pluck all the hair off their bodies,
with a kind of tweezers, made formerly of clam-shells, now of
middle-sized wire, in the shape of a gun-worm; which, being
twisted round a small stick, and the ends fastened therein, after
being properly tempered, keeps its form: holding this Indian
razor between their fore-finger and thumb, they deplume themselves,[6]
after the manner of the Jewish novitiate priests, and
proselytes.—As the former could not otherwise be purified for
the function of his sacerdotal office; or the latter, be admitted
to the benefit of religious communion.
Their chief dress is very simple, like that of the patriarchal
age; of choice, many of their old head-men wear a long wide
frock, made of the skins of wild beasts, in honour of that antient
custom: It must be necessity that forces them to the pinching
sandals for their feet. They seem quite easy, and indifferent,
in every various scene of life, as if they were utterly divested of
passions, and the sense of feeling. Martial virtue, and not riches,
is their invariable standard for preferment; for they neither
esteem, nor despise any of their people one jot more or less, on
account of riches or dress. They compare both these, to paint on
a warrior’s face; because it incites others to a spirit of martial
benevolence for their country, and pleases his own fancy, and
the eyes of spectators, for a little time, but is sweated off, while
he is performing his war-dances; or is defaced, by the change of
weather.
They formerly wore shirts, made of drest deer-skins, for their
summer visiting dress: but their winter-hunting clothes were
long and shaggy, made of the skins of panthers, bucks, bears,
beavers, and otters; the fleshy sides outward, sometimes doubled,
8and always softened like velvet-cloth, though they retained their
fur and hair. The needles and thread they used formerly, (and
now at times) were fish-bones, or the horns and bones of deer,
rubbed sharp, and deer’s sinews, and a sort of hemp, that grows
among them spontaneously, in rich open lands. The women’s
dress consists only in a {6} broad softened skin, or several small
skins sewed together, which they wrap and tye round their
waist, reaching a little below their knees: in cold weather, they
wrap themselves in the softened skins of buffalo calves, with
the wintery shagged wool inward, never forgetting to anoint,
and tie up their hair, except in their time of mourning. The
men wear, for ornament, and the conveniencies of hunting, thin
deer-skin boots, well smoked, that reach so high up their thighs,
as with their jackets to secure them from the brambles and
braky thickets. They sew them about five inches from the edges,
which are formed into tossels, to which they fasten fawns
trotters, and small pieces of tinkling metal, or wild turkey-cockspurs.
The beaus used to fasten the like to their war-pipes, with
the addition of a piece of an enemy’s scalp with a tuft of long
hair hanging down from the middle of the stem, each of them
painted red: and they still observe that old custom, only they
choose bell-buttons, to give a greater sound.
The young Indian men and women,[7] through a fondness of
their ancient dress, wrap a piece of cloth round them, that has
a near resemblance to the old Roman toga, or prætexta. ’Tis
about a fathom square, bordered seven or eight quarters deep,
to make a shining cavalier of the beau monde, and to keep out
both the heat and cold. With this frantic apparel, the red
heroes swaddle themselves, when they are waddling, whooping,
and prancing it away, in their sweltery town-houses, or supposed
synhedria, around the reputed holy fire. In a sweating condition,
they will thus incommode themselves, frequently, for a
whole night, on the same principle of pride, that the grave
Spaniard’s winter cloak must sweat him in summer.
They have a great aversion to the wearing of breeches; for
to that custom, they affix the idea of helplessness, and effeminacy.
I know a German of thirty years standing, chiefly among the
Chikkasah Indians, who because he kept up his breeches with a
9narrow piece of cloth that reached across his shoulders, is distinguished
by them, as are all his countrymen, by the despicable
appellative, Kish-Kish Tarākshe, or Tied Arse.—They esteem
the English much more than the Germans, because our limbs,
they say, are less restrained by our apparel from manly exercise,
than theirs. The Indian women also discreetly observe, that,
as all their men sit down to make {7} water, the ugly breeches
would exceedingly incommode them; and that, if they were allowed
to wear breeches, it would portend no good to their
country: however, they add, should they ever be so unlucky, as
to have that pinching custom introduced among them, the English
breeches would best suit their own female posture on that
occasion; but that it would be exceedingly troublesome either
way. The men wear a slip of cloth, about a quarter of an ell
wide, and an ell and an half long, in the lieu of breeches; which
they put between their legs, and tye round their haunches, with
a convenient broad bandage. The women, since the time we
first traded with them, wrap a fathom of the half breadth of
Stroud cloth[8] round their waist, and tie it with a leathern belt,
which is commonly covered with brass runners or buckles: but
this sort of loose petticoat, reaches only to their hams, in order
to shew their exquisitely fine proportioned limbs.
They make their shoes for common use, out of the skins of the
bear and elk, well dressed and smoked, to prevent hardening;
and those for ornament, out of deer-skins, done in the like manner:
but they chiefly go bare-footed, and always bare-headed.
The men fasten several different sorts of beautiful feathers, frequently
in tufts; or the wing of a red bird, or the skin of a
small hawk, to a lock of hair on the crown of their heads. And
every different Indian nation when at war, trim their hair, after
a different manner, through contempt of each other; thus we
can distinguish an enemy in the woods, so far off as we can
see him.
The Indians flatten their heads, in divers forms: but it is
chiefly the crown of the head they depress, in order to beautify
themselves, as their wild fancy terms it; for they call us long
heads, by way of contempt. The Choktah Indians flatten their
10fore-heads, from the top of the head to the eye-brows with a
small bag of sand; which gives them a hideous appearance; as
the forehead naturally shoots upward, according as it is flattened:
thus, the rising of the nose, instead of being equidistant from
the beginning of the chin, to that of the hair, is, by their wild
mechanism, placed a great deal nearer to the one, and farther
from the other.[9] The Indian nations, round South-Carolina, and
all the way to New Mexico, (properly called Mechiko) to effect
this, fix the tender infant on a kind of cradle, where his feet are
tilted, above a foot higher than a horizontal position, {8} —his
head bends back into a hole, made on purpose to receive it,
where he bears the chief part of his weight on the crown of the
head, upon a small bag of sand, without being in the least able
to move himself. The skull resembling a fine cartilaginous substance,
in its infant state, is capable of taking any impression.
By this pressure, and their thus flattening the crown of the head,
they consequently make their heads thick, and their faces broad:
for, when the smooth channel of nature is stopped in one place,
if a destruction of the whole system doth not thereby ensue, it
breaks out in a proportional redundancy, in another. May we
not to this custom, and as a necessary effect of this cause, attribute
their fickle, wild, and cruel tempers? especially, when
we connect therewith, both a false education, and great exercise
to agitate their animal spirits. When the brain, in cooler people,
is disturbed, it neither reasons, nor determines, with proper
judgment? The Indians thus look on every thing around them,
through their own false medium; and vilify our heads, because
they have given a wrong turn to their own. {9}
Observations on the origin and descent of the Indians.
11
The very remote history of all nations, is disfigured with
fable, and gives but little encouragement to distant enquiry, and
laborious researches. Much of the early history and antiquities
of nations is lost, and some people have no records at all, and to
this day are rude and uncivilized. Yet a knowledge of them is
highly interesting, and would afford amusement, and even instruction
in the most polished times, to the most polite. Every
science has certain principles, as its basis, from which it reasons
and concludes. Mathematical theorems, and logical propositions,
give clear demonstrations, and necessary conclusions: and thus
other sciences. But, history, and the origin of tribes and nations,
have hitherto been covered with a great deal of obscurity. Some
antient historians were ignorant; others prejudiced. Some
searchers into antiquities adopted the traditional tales of their
predecessors: and others looking with contempt on the origin
of tribes and societies, altogether exploded them, without investigation.
My design is, to examine, and if possible, ascertain
the genealogy and descent of the Indians, and to omit nothing
that may in the least contribute to furnish the public with a full
Indian System.
In tracing the origin of a people, where there are no records
of any kind, either written, or engraved, who rely solely on oral
tradition for the support of their antient usages, and have lost
great part of them—though the undertaking be difficult, yet
where several particulars, and circumstances, strong and clear,
correspond, they not only make room for conjecture, but cherish
probability, and till better can be offered, must be deemed conclusive.
All the various nations of Indians, seem to be of one descent;
they call a buffalo, in their various dialects, by one and the same
name, “Yanasa.” And there is a strong similarity of religious
rites, and of civil and martial customs, among all the various
American nations of Indians we {10} have any knowledge of,
on the extensive continent; as will soon be shewn.
Their language is copious, and very expressive, for their narrow
12orbit of ideas, and full of rhetorical tropes and figures, like
the orientalists. In early times, when languages were not so
copious, rhetoric was invented to supply that defect: and, what
barrenness then forced them to, custom now continues as an
ornament.
Formerly, at a public meeting of the head-men, and chief
orators, of the Choktah nation, I heard one of their eloquent
speakers[10] deliver a very pathetic, elaborate, allegorical, tragic
oration, in the high praise, and for the great loss, of their great,
judicious war-chieftain, Shu-las-kum-másh-tà-be, our daring,
brave friend, red shoes.[11] The orator compared him to the sun,
that enlightens and enlivens the whole system of created beings:
and having carried the metaphor to a considerable length, he
expatiated on the variety of evils, that necessarily result from
the disappearance and absence of the sun; and, with a great deal
of judgment, and propriety of expression, he concluded his
oration with the same trope, with which he began.
They often change the sense of words into a different signification
from the natural, exactly after the manner also of the
orientalists. Even, their common speech is full of it; like the
prophetic writings, and the book of Job, their orations are concise,
strong, and full of fire; which sufficiently confutes the wild
notion which some have espoused of the North American Indians
being Præ-Adamites, or a separate race of men, created for that
continent. What stronger circumstantial proofs can be expected,
than that they, being disjoined from the rest of the world, time
immemorial, and destitute also of the use of letters, should have,
and still retain the ancient standard of speech, conveyed down
by oral tradition from father to son, to the present generation?
Besides, their persons, customs, &c. are not singular from the rest
of the world; which, probably, they would, were they not descended
from one and the same common head. Their notions of
things are like ours, and their organical structure is the same.
In them, the soul governs the body, according to the common
13laws of God in the creation of Adam. God employed six days,
in creating the heavens, this earth, and the innumerable species {11}
of creatures, wherewith it is so amply furnished. The
works of a being, infinitely perfect, must entirely answer the
design of them: hence there could be no necessity for a second
creation; or God’s creating many pairs of the human race differing
from each other, and fitted for different climates: because,
that implies imperfection, in the grand scheme, or a want of
power, in the execution of it—Had there been a prior, or later
formation of any new class of creatures, they must materially
differ from those of the six days work; for it is inconsistent
with divine wisdom to make a vain, or unnecessary repetition
of the same act. But the American Indians neither vary from
the rest of mankind, in their internal construction, nor external
appearance, except in colour; which, as hath been shewn, is
either entirely accidental, or artificial. As the Mosaic account
declares a completion of the manifestations of God’s infinite wisdom
and power in creation, within that space of time; it follows,
that the Indians have lineally descended from Adam, the first,
and the great parent of all the human species.
Both the Chikkasah and Choktah Indians, call a deceitful person,
Seente, a snake: and they frequently say, they have not
Seente Soolish, the snake’s tongue; the meaning of which, is
very analogous to דפי, a name the Hebrews gave to a deceitful
person; which probably proceeded from a traditional knowledge
of Eve’s being beguiled by the tempter, in that shape; for the
Indians never affix any bad idea to the present reptile fraternity,
except that of poisonous teeth: and they never use any such
metaphor, as that of a snake’s teeth.
Some have supposed the Americans to be descended from the
Chinese: but neither their religion, laws, customs, &c., agree in
the least with those of the Chinese: which sufficiently proves,
they are not of that line. Besides, as our best ships now are
almost half a year in sailing to China, or from thence to Europe;
it is very unlikely they should attempt such dangerous discoveries,
in early time, with their (supposed) small vessels,
against rapid currents, and in dark and sickly monsoons,
especially, as it is very probable they were unacquainted with
the use of the load-stone to direct their course. China is above
eight thousand miles distant from the American continent, which
is twice as far as across the Atlantic ocean.—And, we are not
14informed by any antient writer, of their maritime skill, or so
much as any inclination that way, besides {12} small coasting
voyages.—The winds blow likewise, with little variation, from
east to west, within the latitudes of thirty and odd, north and
south, and therefore they could not drive them on the American
coast, it lying directly contrary to such a course.
Neither could persons sail to America, from the north, by the
way of Tartary, or ancient Scythia; that, from its situation,
never was, or can be, a maritime power, and it is utterly impracticable
for any to come to America, by sea, from that quarter.
Besides, the remaining traces of their religious ceremonies,
and civil and martial customs, are quite opposite to the like
vestiges of the old Scythians.
Nor, even in the moderate northern climates, is to be seen the
least vestige of any ancient stately buildings, or of any thick
settlements, as are said to remain in the less healthy regions of
Peru and Mexico. Several of the Indian nations assure us they
crossed the Missisippi, before they made their present northern
settlements; which, connected with the former arguments, will
sufficiently explode that weak opinion, of the American Aborigines
being lineally descended from the Tartars, or ancient
Scythians.
It is a very difficult thing to divest ourselves, not to say, other
persons, of prejudices and favourite opinions; and I expect to
be censured by some, for opposing commonly received sentiments,
or for meddling with a dispute agitated among the learned ever
since the first discovery of America. But, Truth is my object:
and I hope to offer some things, which, if they do not fully solve
the problem, may lead the way, and enable others, possessing
stronger judgment, more learning, and more leisure, to accomplish
it. As I before suggested, where we have not the light
of history, or records, to guide us through the dark maze of
antiquity, we must endeavour to find it out by probable arguments;
and in such subjects of enquiry, where no material objections
can be raised against probability, it is strongly conclusive
of the truth, and nearly gives the thing sought for.
From the most exact observations I could make in the long
time I traded among the Indian Americans, I was forced to believe
them lineally descended from the Israelites, either while
they were a maritime power, {13} or soon after the general captivity;
the latter however is the most probable. This descent,
15I shall endeavour to prove from their religious rites, civil and
martial customs, their marriages, funeral ceremonies, manners,
language, traditions, and a variety of particulars.—Which will
at the same time make the reader thoroughly acquainted with
nations, of which it may be said to this day, very little have
been known. {14}
Observations, and arguments, in proof of the American Indians being descended from the Jews. — Argument I. — Argument II. — Argument III. — Argument IV. — Argument V. — Argument VI. — Argument VII. — Argument VIII. — Argument IX. — Argument X. — Argument XI. — Argument XII. — Argument XIII. — Argument XIV. — Argument XV. — Argument XVI. — Argument XVII. — Argument XVIII. — Argument XIX. — Argument XX. — Argument XXI. — Argument XXII. — Argument XXIII.
16
A number of particulars present themselves in favour of a
Jewish descent. But to form a true judgment, and draw a solid
conclusion, the following arguments must not be partially separated.
Let them be distinctly considered—then unite them together,
and view their force collectively.
As the Israelites were divided into Tribes, and had chiefs
over them, so the Indians divide themselves: each tribe forms
a little community within the nation—And as the nation hath
its particular symbol, so hath each tribe the badge from which
it is denominated. The sachem of each tribe, is a necessary party
in conveyances and treaties, to which he affixes the mark of his
tribe, as a corporation with us doth their public seal[IV].—If we
go from nation to nation among them, we shall not find one, who
doth not lineally distinguish himself by his respective family.
The genealogical names which they assume, are derived, either
from the names of those animals, whereof the cherubim are said
in revelation, to be compounded; or from such creatures as are
most familiar to them. They have the families of the eagle,
panther, tyger, and buffalo; the family of the bear, deer, racoon,
tortoise, snake, fish; and, likewise, of the wind. The last, if not
derived from the appearance of the divine glory, as expressed
by the prophet Ezekiel, may {15} be of Tyrian extraction. We
17are told in the fragment of Sanchoniathon, that the Tyrians
worshipped fire and the ærial wind, as gods; and that Usous, the
son of Hyposouranias, built a sacred pillar to each of them: so
that, if it is not of Israelitish extraction, it may be derived from
the Tyrians their neighbours—as may, likewise, the appellative
name of fish; especially, as the Indians, sometimes, invoke the
eagle, and the fish, when they are curing their sick. The Tyrians
were the people, in early times, who, above all others, enriched
themselves in the natural element of the fish.
IV. Many of the ancient heathens followed the Jewish custom of dividing
themselves into tribes, or families. The city of Athens was divided into
ten parts, or tribes, and which the Greeks called Phule, a tribe. They
named each of the heads that presided over them, Archegos, Archiphulogos,
&c. And writers inform us, that the East-Indian pagans have to this
day tribes, or casts; and that each cast chuses a head to maintain its
privileges, to promote a strict observance of their laws, and to take care
that every thing be managed with proper order. The ancient heathens
mimicked a great deal of the Jewish ceremonial law.
The Indians, however, bear no religious respect to the animals
from which they derive the names of their tribes, but will kill
any of the species, when opportunity serves. The wolf indeed,
several of them do not care to meddle with, believing it unlucky
to kill them; which is the sole reason that few of the Indians
shoot at that creature, through a notion of spoiling their guns.[12]
Considering the proximity of Tyre to Egypt, probably this might
be a custom of Egyptian extraction; though, at the same time,
they are so far from esteeming it a deity, they reckon it the most
abominable quadruped of the whole creation.
There is no tribe, or individual, among them, however, called
by the name opossum[V], which is with the Cheerake stiled seequa;
and with the Chikkasah and Choktah Indians, shookka,
synonymous with that of a hog. This may be more material than
at first appears, as our natural histories tell us, that the opossum
is common in other parts of the world. Several of the old Indians
assure us, they formerly reckoned it as filthy uneatable an
animal, as a hog; although they confess, and we know by long
observation, that, from the time our traders settled among them,
they are every year more corrupt in their morals; not only in
this instance of eating an impure animal, but in many other
religious customs of their forefathers.
V. A creature that hath a head like a hog, and a tail like a rat.
When we consider the various revolutions these unlettered
savages are likely to have undergone, among themselves, through
a long-forgotten measure of time; and that, probably, they have
been above twenty centuries, without the use of letters to convey
18down their traditions, it cannot be reasonably expected they
should still retain the identical names of {16} their primo-genial
tribes. Their main customs corresponding with those of the
Israelites, sufficiently clears the subject. Besides, as hath been
hinted, they call some of their tribes by the names of the cherubimical
figures, that were carried on the four principal standards
of Israel.
I have observed with much inward satisfaction, the community
of goods that prevailed among them, after the patriarchal manner,
and that of the primitive Christians; especially with those
of their own tribe. Though they are become exceedingly corrupt,
in most of their ancient commendable qualities, yet they are so
hospitable, kind-hearted, and free, that they would share with
those of their own tribe, the last part of their provisions even
to a single ear of corn; and to others, if they called when they
were eating; for they have no stated meal-time. An open generous
temper is a standing virtue among them; to be narrow-hearted,
especially to those in want, or to any of their own
family, is accounted a great crime, and to reflect scandal on
the rest of the tribe. Such wretched misers they brand with
bad characters, and wish them the fate of Prometheus, to have
an eagle or vulture fastened to their liver: or of Tantalus, starving
in the midst of plenty, without being able to use it. The
Cheerake Indians have a pointed proverbial expression, to the
same effect—Sinnawah nà wóra; “The great hawk is at home.”[13]
However, it is a very rare thing to find any of them of a narrow
temper: and though they do not keep one promiscuous common
stock, yet it is to the very same effect; for every one has his own
family, or tribe: and, when one of them is speaking, either of
the individuals, or habitations, of any of his tribe, he says, “He
is of my house;” or, “It is my house.” Thus, when King David
prayed that the divine wrath might only fall on his house, he
19might mean the tribe of Judah, as well as his own particular
family, exclusive of the aggregate body of Israel.
When the Indians are travelling in their own country, they enquire
for a house of their own tribe; and if there be any, they go
to it, and are kindly received, though they never saw the persons
before—they eat, drink, and regale themselves, with as much
freedom, as at their own tables; which is the solid ground covered
with a bear-skin. It is their usual custom to carry nothing
along with them in the journies but a looking-glass, and red
paint, hung to their back—their gun and shot pouch—or bow and
quiver {17} full of barbed arrows; and, frequently, both gun
and bow: for as they are generally in a state of war against
each other, they are obliged, as soon as able, to carry those arms
of defence. Every town has a state-house, or synedrion, as the
Jewish sanhedrim, where, almost every night, the head men convene
about public business; or the town’s-people to feast, sing,
dance, and rejoice, in the divine presence, as will fully be described
hereafter. And if a stranger calls there, he is treated
with the greatest civility and hearty kindness—he is sure to
find plenty of their simple home fare, and a large cane-bed
covered with the softened skins of bears, or buffaloes, to sleep
on.[14] But, when his lineage is known to the people, (by a stated
custom, they are slow in greeting one another) his relation, if
he has any there, addresses him in a familiar way, invites him
home, and treats him as his kinsman.
When a warrior dies a natural death, (which seldom happens)
the war-drums, musical instruments, and all other kinds of diversion,
are laid aside for the space of three days and nights. In
this time of mourning for the dead, I have known some of the
frolicksome young sparks to ask the name of the deceased person’s
tribe; and once, being told it was a racoon, (the genealogical
name of the family) one of them scoffingly replied, “then
let us away to another town, and cheer ourselves with those
who have no reason to weep; for why should we make our hearts
weigh heavy for an ugly, dead racoon?”
But notwithstanding they are commonly negligent of any
other tribe but their own, they regard their own particular lineal
descent, in as strict a manner as did the Hebrew nation.
20
By a strict, permanent, divine precept, the Hebrew nation
were ordered to worship at Jerusalem, Jehovah the true and
living God, and who by the Indians is stiled Yohewah; which
the seventy-two interpreters, either from ignorance or superstition,
have translated Adonai; and is the very same as the
Greek Kurios, signifying Sir, Lord, or Master; which is commonly
applied to earthly potentates, without the least signification
of, or relation to, that most great and awful name, which
describes the divine essence, who naturally {18} and necessarily
exists of himself, without beginning or end. The ancient heathens,
it is well known, worshipped a plurality of gods—Gods which
they formed to themselves, according to their own liking, as
various as the countries they inhabited, and as numerous, with
some, as the days of the year. But these Indian Americans pay
their religious devoir to Loak-Ishtōhoollo-Aba, “the great, beneficent,
supreme, holy spirit of fire,” who resides (as they think)
above the clouds, and on earth also with unpolluted people.
He is with them the sole author of warmth, light, and of all
animal and vegetable life. They do not pay the least perceivable
adoration to any images, or to dead persons; neither to
the celestial luminaries, nor evil spirits, nor any created being
whatsoever. They are utter strangers to all the gestures practised
by the pagans in their religious rites. They kiss no idols;[15]21nor, if they were placed out of their reach, would they kiss their
hands, in token of reverence and a willing obedience.
The ceremonies of the Indians in their religious worship, are
more after the Mosaic institution, than of pagan imitation: which
could not be, if the majority of the old natives were of heathenish
descent; for all bigots and enthusiasts will fight to death
for the very shadow of their superstitious worship, when they
have even lost all the substance. There yet remain so many
marks, as to enable us to trace the Hebrew extraction and rites,
through all the various nations of Indians; and we may with
a great deal of probability conclude, that, if any heathens accompanied
them to the American world, or were settled in it
before them, they became proselytes of justice, and their pagan
rites and customs were swallowed up in the Jewish.
To illustrate the general subject, I shall give the Indian opinion
of some of the heathen gods, contrasted with that of the
pagan.
The American Indians do not believe the Sun to be any bigger
than it appears to the naked eye. Conversing with the Chikkàsah
archi-magus, or high-priest, about that luminary, he told
me, “it might possibly be as broad and round as his winter-house;
but he thought it could not well exceed it.” We cannot
be surprised at the stupidity of the Americans in this respect,
when we consider the gross ignorance which now prevails among
the general part of the Jews, not only of the whole system of
nature, but of the essential meaning of their own religious ceremonies,
received from the Divine Majesty. {19} —And also
when we reflect, that the very learned, and most polite of the
ancient Romans, believed (not by any new-invented mythology
of their own) that the sun was drawn round the earth in a
22chariot. Their philosophic system was not very dissimilar to
that of the wild Americans; for Cicero tells us, Epicurus thought
the sun to be less than it appeared to the eye. And Lucretius
says, Tantillus ille sol, “a diminutive thing.” And, if the Israelites
had not at one time thought the sun a portable god, they
would not have thought of a chariot for it. This they derived
from the neighbouring heathen; for we are told, that they had
an house of the sun, where they danced in honour of him, in
circuits, and had consecrated spherical figures; and that they,
likewise, built a temple to it; for “they purified and sanctified
themselves in the gardens, behind the house, or temple of Achad.”
In Isa. xvii. 8, we find they had sun-images, which the Hebrews
called chummanim, made to represent the sun, or for the honour
and worship of it: and the Egyptians met yearly to worship in
the temple of Beth-Shemesh, a house dedicated to the sun.
Most part of the old heathens adored all the celestial orbs, especially
the sun; probably they first imagined its enlivening
rays immediately issued from the holy fire, light, and spirit, who
either resided in, or was the identical sun. That idolatrous
ceremony of the Jews, Josiah utterly abolished about 640 years
before our Christian æra. The sacred text says, “He took away
the horses, which the kings of Judah had given to the sun, and
he burned the chariots of the sun with fire.” At Rhodes, a
neighbouring island to Judæa, they consecrated chariots to the
sun, on account of his glorious splendour and benign qualities.
Macrobius tells us, that the Assyrians worshipped Adad, or
Achad, an idol of the sun; and Strabo acquaints us, the Arabians
paid divine homage to the sun, &c. But the Indian Americans
pay only a civil regard to the sun: and the more intelligent
sort of them believe, that all the luminaries of the heavens are
moved by the strong fixt laws of the great Author of nature.
In 2 Kings xvii. 30, we read that the men of Babylon built
Succoth-Benoth, “tents for young women;” having consecrated
a temple to Venus, they fixed tents round it, where young women
prostituted themselves in honour of the goddess. Herodotus,
and other authors, are also sufficient witnesses on this point.
Now, were the Americans originally heathens, or not of Israel,
when they wandered there from captivity, in quest of {20}
liberty, or on any other accidental account, that vicious precedent
was so well calculated for America, where every place was
a thick arbour, it is very improbable they should have discontinued
23it: But they are the very reverse. To commit such acts
of pollution, while they are performing any of their religious
ceremonies, is deemed so provoking an impiety, as to occasion
even the supposed sinner to be excluded from all religious communion
with the rest of the people. Or even was a man known
to have gone in to his own wife, during the time of their fastings,
purifications, &c. he would also be separated from them. There
is this wide difference between the impure and obscene religious
ceremonies of the ancient heathens, and the yet penal, and strict
purity of the natives of America.
The heathens chose such gods, as were most suitable to their
inclinations, and the situation of their country. The warlike
Greeks and Romans worshipped Mars the god of war; and the
savage and more bloody Scythians deified the Sword. The neighbouring
heathens round Judæa, each built a temple to the supposed
god that presided over their land. Rimmon, was the
Syrian god of pomegranates: and the Philistines, likewise, erected
a temple to Dagon, who had first taught them the use of wheat;
which the Greeks and Romans changed into Ceres, the goddess
of corn, from the Hebrew, Geres, which signifies grain. But the
red Americans firmly believe, that their war-captains, and their
reputed prophets, gain success over their enemies, and bring on
seasonable rains, by the immediate reflection of the divine fire,
co-operating with them.
We are informed by Cicero, that the maritime Sidonians
adored fishes: and by the fragment of Sanchoniathon, that the
Tyrians worshipped the element of fire, and the ærial wind, as
gods:—probably having forgotten that the first and last names
of the three celestial cherubic emblems, only typified the deity.
Ancient history informs us, that Zoroaster, who lived An. M.
3480, made light the emblem of good, and darkness the symbol
of evil—he taught an abhorrence of images, and instructed his
pupils to worship God, under the figurative likeness of fire: but
he asserted two contrary original principles; the one of good,
and the other of evil. He allowed no temples, but enjoined
sacrificing in the open air, and on the top of an hill. The
ancient Persians kept up their reputed holy fire, without suffering
it to be extinguished; which their pretended successors
observe with the {21} strictest devotion, and affirm it has been
burning, without the least intermission, several thousand years.
But the Indian Americans are so far from the idolatry of the
24Sidonians, that they esteem fish only as they are useful to the support
of human life; though one of their tribes is called the
fish:—they are so far from paying any religious worship to the
aerial wind, like the Tyrians, that they often call the bleak northwind,
explicatively, very evil, and accursed; which they probably,
would not say, if they derived the great esteem they now
have for the divine fire, from the aforesaid idolatrous nations:
neither would they wilfully extinguish their old fire, before the
annual sacrifice is offered up, if, like the former heathens, they
paid religious worship to the elementary fire; for no society of
people would kill their own gods, unless the papists, who go
farther, even to eat him. The Indians esteem the old year’s fire,
as a most dangerous pollution, regarding only the supposed holy
fire, which the archi-magus annually renews for the people.
They pay no religious worship to stocks, or stones, after the
manner of the old eastern pagans; neither do they worship any
kind of images whatsoever.[16] And it deserves our notice, in a
very particular manner, to invalidate the idle dreams of the
jesuitical fry of South-America, that none of all the various
nations, from Hudson’s Bay to the Missisippi, has ever been
known, by our trading people, to attempt to make any image of
the great Divine Being, whom they worship. This is consonant
to the Jewish observance of the second commandment, and
directly contrary to the usage of all the ancient heathen world,
who made corporeal representations of their deities—and their
conduct, is a reproach to many reputed Christian temples, which
are littered round with a crowd of ridiculous figures to represent
God, spurious angels, pretended saints, and notable villains.
The sacred penmen, and prophane writers, assure us that the
ancient heathens had lascivious gods, particularly מפלצת,
2 Chron. xv. 16, which was the abominable Priapus. But I never
heard that any of our North-American Indians had images of any
25kind. There is a carved human statue of wood, to which, however,
they pay no religious homage: It belongs to the head war-town
of the upper Muskohge country, and seems to have been
originally designed to perpetuate the memory of some distinguished
hero, who deserved well of his country; for, when their
cusseena, or bitter, black drink[17] is about to {22} be drank in
the synedrion, they frequently, on common occasions, will bring
it there, and honour it with the first conch-shell-full, by the
hand of the chief religious attendant: and then they return it
to its former place. It is observable, that the same beloved
waiter, or holy attendant, and his co-adjutant, equally observe
the same ceremony to every person of reputed merit, in that
quadrangular place. When I pastpast that way, circumstances did
not allow me to view this singular figure; but I am assured
by several of the traders, who have frequently seen it, that the
carving is modest, and very neatly finished, not unworthy of
a modern civilized artist. As no body of people we are acquainted
with, have, in general, so great a share of strong natural
parts as those savages, we may with a great deal of probability
suppose, that their tradition of the second commandment, prevented
them from having one, not to say the same plentiful
variety of images, or idols, as have the popish countries.
Notwithstanding they are all degenerating apace, on account
of their great intercourse with foreigners, and other concurring
causes; I well remember, that, in the year 1746, one of the
upper towns of the aforesaid Muskohge, was so exceedingly exasperated
against some of our Chikkasah traders, for having,
when in their cups, forcibly viewed the nakedness of one of
their women, (who was reputed to be an hermaphrodite) that
they were on the point of putting them to death, according to
one of their old laws against crimes of that kind.—But several
of us, assisted by some of the Koosah town, rescued them from
their just demerit. Connecting together these particulars, we
can scarcely desire a stronger proof, that they have not been
idolaters, since they first came to America; much less, that they
erected, and worshipped any such lascivious and obscene idols,
as the heathens above recited.
The Sidonians and Philistines worshipped Ashtaroth, in the
figure of the celestial luminaries; or, according to others, in the
26form of a sheep: but the Americans pay the former, only, a civil
regard, because of the beneficial influence with which the deity
hath impressed them. And they reckon sheep as despicable and
helpless, and apply the name to persons in that predicament,
although a ram was the animal emblem of power, with the ancient
eastern heathens. The Indians sometimes call a nasty
fellow, Chookphe {23} kussooma, “a stinking sheep,” and “a
goat.” And yet a goat was one of the Egyptian deities; as likewise
were all the creatures that bore wool; on which account,
the sacred writers frequently term idols, “the hairy.” The
despicable idea which the Indians affix to the species, shews
they neither use it as a divine symbol, nor have a desire of being
named Dorcas, which, with the Hebrews, is a proper name, expressive
of a wild she goat. I shall subjoin here, with regard to
Ashtaroth, or Astarte, that though the ancients believed their
deities to be immortal, yet they made to themselves both male
and female gods, and, by that means, Astarte, and others, are
of the fæminine gender. Trismegistus too, and the Platonics,
affirmed there was deus masculo-fæmineus; though different sexes
were needful for the procreation of human beings.
Instead of consulting such as the heathen oracles—or the
Teraphim—the Dii Penates—or Dii Lares, of the ancients, concerning
future contingencies, the Indians only pretend to divine
from their dreams; which may proceed from the tradition they
still retain of the knowledge their ancestors obtained from
heaven, in visions of the night, Job xxxiii. “God speaketh once,
yea twice, yet man perceiveth it not. In a dream, in a vision of
the night, when deep sleep falleth upon men, in slumberings
upon the bed, then he openeth the ears of men, and sealeth their
instruction.” When we consider how well stocked with gods, all
the neighbouring nations of Judæa were; especially the maritime
powers, such as Tyre and Sidon, Carthage and Egypt, which
continually brought home foreign gods, and entered them into
their own Palladia; and that these Americans are utterly ignorant
both of the gods and their worship, it proves, with sufficient
evidence, that the gentlemen, who trace them from either of
those states, only perplex themselves in wild theory, without
entering into the merits of the question.
As the bull was the first terrestrial cherubic emblem, denoting
fire, the ancient Egyptians, in length of time, worshipped Apis,
Serapis, or Osiris, under the form of an ox; but, when he grew
27old, they drowned him, and lamented his death in a mourning
habit; which occasioned a philosopher thus to jest them, Si Dii
sunt, cur plangitis? Si mortui, cur adoratis? “If they be gods,
why do you weep for them? And, if they are dead, why do
you worship them?” A bull, ox, cow, or calf, was the favourite
deity of {24} the ancient idolaters. Even when Yohewah was
conducting Israel in the wilderness, Aaron was forced to allow
them a golden calf, according to the usage of the Egyptians:
and at the defection of the ten tribes, they worshipped before
the emblematical images of two calves, through the policy of
Jeroboam. The Troglodites used to strangle their aged, with a
cow’s tail: and some of the East-Indians are said to fancy they
shall be happy, by holding a cow’s tail in their hand when dying:
others imagine the Ganges to wash away all their crimes and
pollution. The Indian Americans, on the contrary, though they
derive the name of cattle from part of the divine essential name,
(as shall be elsewhere observed) and use the name of a buffalo
as a war appellative, and the name of a tribe; yet their regard
to them, centres only in their usefulness for the support of human
life: and they believe they can perform their religious ablutions
and purifications, in any deep clean water.
The superstitious heathens, whom the Hebrews called, Yedonim,
pretended that the bones of those they worshipped as gods when
alive, revealed both present and future things, that were otherwise
concealed: and the hieroglyphics, the priestly legible images,
which the Egyptians inscribed on the tombs of the deceased,
to praise their living virtue, and incite youth to imitate
them, proved a great means of inducing them in process of time
to worship their dead. But the Americans praise only the virtues
of their dead, as fit copies of imitation for the living. They
firmly believe that the hand of God cuts off the days of their
dead friend, by his pre-determined purpose. They are so far
from deifying fellow-creatures, that they prefer none of their
own people, only according to the general standard of reputed
merit.
The Chinese, likewise, though they call God by the appellative,
Cham Ti, and have their temples of a quadrangular form, yet
they are gross idolaters; like the ancient Egyptians, instead of
offering up religious oblations to the great Creator and Preserver
of the universe, they pay them to the pictures of their
deceased ancestors, and erect temples to them, in solitary places
28without their cities—likewise to the sun, moon, planets, spirits,
and inventors of arts; especially to the great Confucius, notwithstanding
he strictly prohibited the like idolatrous rites.
And the religious modes of the ancient inhabitants {25} of
Niphon, or the Japanese, are nearly the same; which are diametrically
opposite to the religious tenets of the wild Americans.
The diviners among the Philistines pretended to foretel things,
by the flying, chirping, and feeding of wild fowls. The Greeks
and Romans called fowls, Nuncii Deorum. And Calchas is said
to have foretold to Agamemnon, by the number of sparrows
which flew before him, how many years the Trojan war should
last. The Assyrians worshipped pigeons, and bore the figure
of them on their standards, as the sacred oracles shew us, where
the anger of the pigeon, and the sword of the pigeon, points at
the destroying sword of the Assyrians. But, though the American
woods swarm with a surprizing variety of beautiful wild
fowl, yet the natives do not make the least pretension to auguries.
They know it is by a certain gift or instinct, inferior to human
reason, that the birds have a sufficient knowledge of the seasons
of the year. I once indeed observed them to be intimidated at
the voice of a small uncommon bird, when it pitched, and
chirped on a tree over their war camp. But that is the only
trace of such superstition, as I can recollect among them. Instead
of calling birds the messengers of the gods, they call the
great eagle, Ooōle; which seems to be an imitation of Eloha.—This
may be accounted for, from the eagle being one of the
cherubic emblems, denoting the air, or spirit. They esteem
pigeons only as they are salutary food, and they kill the turtledove,
though they apply it as a proper name to their female
children.
The Babylonians were much addicted to auguries: and they
believed them to be unerring oracles, and able to direct them
in doubtful and arduous things, Ezek. xxi. 21. Those auguries
always directed their conduct, in every material thing they undertook;
such as the beginning and carrying on war, going a
journey, marriage, and the like. But, as we shall soon see, the
Americans, when they go to war, prepare and sanctify themselves,
only by fasting and ablutions, that they may not defile
their supposed holy ark, and thereby incur the resentment of
the Deity. And many of them firmly believe, that marriages
are made above. If the Indian Americans were descended from
29any of the states or people above mentioned, they could not
well have forgotten, much less could they have so essentially
departed from their idolatrous worship. It is hence probable,
they came here, {26} soon after the captivity, when the religion
of the Hebrew nation, respecting the worship of Deity, was in
its purity. And if any of the ancient heathens came with them,
they became proselytes of habitation, or justice—hereby, their
heathenish rites and ceremonies were, in process of time, intirely
absorbed in the religious ceremonies of the Jews.
Had the nine tribes and half of Israel which were carried off
by Shalmaneser, King of Assyria, and settled in Media, continued
there long, it is very probable, that by intermarrying
with the natives, and from their natural fickleness and proneness
to idolatry, and the force of example, they would have adopted,
and bowed before the gods of the Medes and the Assyrians, and
carried them along with them. But there is not a trace of this
idolatry among the Indians. The severe afflictions they underwent
in captivity, doubtless humbled their hearts, and reclaimed
them from the service of the calves, and of Baalam, to the true
divine worship—a glimpse of which they still retain. And that the
first settlers came to America before the destruction of the first
temple, may be inferred, as it is certain both from Philo and
Josephus, that the second temple had no cherubim. To reflect
yet greater light on the subject, I shall here add a few observations
on the Indians supposed religious cherubic emblems, the
cherubimical names of their tribes, and from whence they, and
the early heathens, may be supposed to have derived them.
When the goodness of Deity induced him to promise a saviour
to fallen man, in paradise, he stationed flaming cherubim in the
garden. The type I shall leave; but when mankind became
intirely corrupt, God renewed his promise to the Israelites, and
to convey to posterity the true divine worship, ordered them
to fix in the tabernacle, and in Solomon’s temple, cherubim,
over the mercy-seat,—the very curtains which lined the walls,
and the veil of the temple, likewise, were to have those figures.
The cherubim are said to represent the names and offices of
Yehowah Elohim, in redeeming lost mankind. The word כרבים,
is drawn from כ, a note of resemblance, and רב, a great or
mighty one; i. e. the “similitude of the great and mighty One,”
whose emblems were the bull, the lion, the man, and the eagle.
The prophet Ezekiel has given us two draughts of the cherubim
30(certainly not without an instructive design) in his two visions,
described in the first {27} and tenth chapters. In chap. x. ver.
20, he assures us that “he knew they were the cherubim.” They
were uniform, and had those four compounded animal emblems;
“Every one had four faces—פגים,” appearances, habits, or
forms; which passage is illustrated by the similar divine emblems
on the four principal standards of Israel. The standard
of Judah bore the image of a lion; Ephraim’s had the likeness
of a bull; Reuben’s had the figure of a man’s head; and Dan’s
carried the picture of an eagle, with a serpent in his talons[VI]:
Each of the cherubim, according to the prophet, had the head
and face of a man—the likeness of an eagle, about the shoulders,
with expanded wings; their necks, manes, and breasts, resembled
those of a lion; and their feet those of a bull, or calf. “The
sole of their feet was like the sole of a calf’s foot.” One would
conclude, from Ezekiel’s visions, and Psal. xviii. 10.—Ps. xcix. 1.
“He rode upon a cherub, and did fly:”—“The Lord reigneth, let
the people tremble: he sitteth between the cherubim, let the
earth be moved,”—that Elohim chose the cherubic emblems, in
condescension to man, to display his transcendent glorious title
of King of kings. We view him seated in his triumphal chariot,
and as in the midst of a formidable war camp, drawn by those
four creatures, the bull, the lion, the man, and the eagle; strong
and descriptive emblems of the divine essence. What animal is
equal to the bull, or ox, for strength, indefatigable service, and
also for food? In eastern countries, they were always used to
plough, and beat out the grain, besides other services omitted
in modern times; the lion excels every other animal in courage,
force, and prowess: man far surpasses all other creatures, in understanding,
judgment, and wisdom; and there is no bird so
sagacious, or can fly so swift, or soar so high as the eagle, or
that bears so intense a love to its young ones.
VI. The Man, which the lion on the standard of Judah, and the head on
Reuben’s, typified, was, in the fulness of time, united to the divine
essence.
These are the emblems of the terrestrial cherubim: and the
Psalmist calls them Merabha Hashekina, “The chariot of Divine
Majesty:” “God sitteth between, and rideth upon, the cherubim,”
or divine chariot. The celestial cherubim were fire, light, and air,
or spirit, which were typified by the bull, the lion, and the eagle.
31Those divine emblems, in a long revolution of time, {28} induced
the ancients by degrees, to divide them, and make images of the
divine persons, powers, and actions, which they typified, and
to esteem them gods. They consecrated the bull’s head to the
fire, the lion’s to light, and the eagle’s to the air, which they
worshipped as gods. And, in proportion as they lost the knowledge
of the emblems, they multiplied and compounded their
heads with those of different creatures. The Egyptians commonly
put the head of a lion, hawk, or eagle, and sometimes that
of a ram, or bull, to their images; some of which resembled
the human body. Their Apis, or Osiris, gave rise to Aaron’s,
and apostate Israel’s, golden calf: and their sphynx had three
heads. Diana of Ephesus was triformis; Janus of Rome, biformis,
and, sometimes, quadriformis; and Jupiter, Sol, Mercury,
Proserpine, and Cerberus, were triple-headed.
Hesiod tells us, the ancient heathens had no less than thirty
thousand gods. It is well known that the ancient heathens, especially
the Greeks and Romans, abounded with male and female
deities; and commonly in human effigy. As they imagined they
could not safely trust themselves to the care of any one god, they
therefore chose a multiplicity. They multiplied and changed
them from childhood to old age. The Romans proceeded so far,
as to make Cloacina the guardian goddess of each house-of-office.
The heathens in general, appointed one god to preside
over the land, and another over the water; one for the mountains,
and another for the valleys. And they were so diffident
of the power of their gods, that they chose a god, or goddess,
for each part of the body; contrary to the religious system of
their best poets and philosophers, and that of the present savage
Americans: the former affirmed, sapiens dominabitur astris, &c.;
“A wife, good man, will always be ruled by divine reason; and
not pretend to be drawn to this or that, by an over-bearing
power of the stars, or fortune:” and the latter assert, “that temporal
good or evil is the necessary effect of their own conduct;
and that the Deity presides over life and death.”
If this first institution of the cherubic emblems was not religious,
nor derived from the compounded figures of the scripture
cherubim, how is it that so many various nations of antiquity,
and far remote from each other, should have chosen them as
gods, and so exactly alike? Is it not most reasonable to suppose,
that as they lost the meaning of those symbolical figures, and
32{29} their archetypes, fire, light, and air, or spirit, which represented
the attributes, names, and offices of Yohewah Elohim, they
divided them into so many various gods, and paid them divine
worship. Yet, though the Indian Americans have the supposed
cherubimical figures, in their synhedria, and, through a strong
religious principle, dance there, perhaps every winter’s night,
always in a bowing posture, and frequently sing Halelu-Yah Yo
He Wah, I could never perceive, nor be informed, that they substituted
them, or the similitude of any thing whatsoever, as objects
of divine adoration, in the room of the great invisible divine
essence. They use the feathers of the eagle’s tail[18], in certain
friendly and religious dances, but the whole town will contribute,
to the value of 200 deer-skins, for killing a large eagle; (the
bald eagle they do not esteem); and the man also gets an honourable
title for the exploit, as if he had brought in the scalp
of an enemy. Now, if they reckoned the eagle a god, they would
not only refuse personal profits, and honours, to him who killed
it, but assuredly inflict on him the severest punishment, for
committing so atrocious and sacrilegious an act.
I have seen in several of the Indian synhedria, two white
painted eagles carved out of poplar wood, with their wings
stretched out, and raised five feet off the ground, standing at the
corner, close to their red and white imperial seats: and, on
the inner side of each of the deep-notched pieces of wood, where
the eagles stand, the Indians frequently paint, with a chalky
clay, the figure of a man, with buffalo horns—and that of a
panther, with the same colour; from which I conjecture, especially,
connected with their other rites and customs soon to be
mentioned, that the former emblem was designed to describe the
divine attributes, as that bird excels the rest of the feathered
kind, in various superior qualities; and that the latter symbol
is a contraction of the cherubimical figures, the man, the bull,
and the lion. And this opinion is corroborated by an established
custom, both religious and martial, among them, which obliges
them to paint those sacred emblems anew, at the first fruit-offering,
33or the annual expiation of sins. Every one of their
war-leaders must also make three successful wolfish campaigns,
with their reputed holy ark, before he is admitted to wear a pair
of a young buffalo-bull’s horns on his forehead, or to sing
the triumphal war song, and to dance with the same animal’s
tail sticking up behind him, while he sings Yo Yo, &c. {30}
Now we know it was an usual custom with the eastern nations,
to affix horns to their gods. The Sidonian goddess Ashtaroth was
horned: and Herodotus says, the Egyptians painted their Venus,
or Isis, after the same manner: and the Greek Jo, (which probably
was Yo) had horns, in illusion to the bull’s head, the chief
emblem of the celestial cherubic fire, representing Yo (He Wah)
as its name plainly indicates. A horn was, likewise, a Persian
emblem of power[VII].
VII. The metaphorical expressions, and emblematical representations, of
the law and the prophets, are generally suited to the usages of the eastern
countries. And this metaphor, of a horn, is commonly so used, through
all the divine registers, multiplying the number of horns of the object
they are describing, to denote its various, great, and perfect power;
unless where seven is mentioned as a number of perfection, as in St.
John’s figurative, magnificent, and sublime description of Christ.
That the Indians derived those symbolical representations from
the compounded figures of the cherubim, seems yet more clear,
from the present cherubic names of their tribes, and the preeminence
they formerly bore over the rest. At present, indeed,
the most numerous tribe commonly bears the highest command;
yet their old warriors assure us, it was not so even within their
own remembrance. The title of the old beloved men, or archimagi,
is still hereditary in the panther, or tyger family: As
North-America breeds no lions, the panther, or any animal it
contains, is the nearest emblem of it. The Indian name of each
cherub, both terrestrial and celestial, reflects great light on the
present subject; for they call the buffalo (bull) Yanasa; the
panther, or supposed lion, Koè-Ishto, or Koè-O, “the cat of God;”
the man, or human creature, Ya-we; and the eagle, Ooóle; fire is
Loak; the solar light, Ashtahále; and air, Màhàle, in allusion to
מי, water, and אל, the omnipotent; the note of aspiration is
inserted, to give the word a fuller and more vehement sound.
Their eagle and buffalo tribes resemble two other cherubic names
or emblems. They have one they call Spháne, the meaning of
which they have lost; perhaps it might have signified the man.
34Near to the red and white imperial seats, they have the representation
of a full moon, and either a half moon, or a breastplate,
raised five or six feet high at the front of the broad seats,
and painted with chalky clay; sometimes black paintings are
intermixed. But, let it be noticed, that in the {31} time of
their most religious exercises, or their other friendly rejoicings
there, they do not pay the least adoration to any of those expressive
emblems; nor seem to take any notice of them: which
is the very reverse to the usage of all the ancient heathen world.
Hence one would conclude, that they not only brought with
them the letter, but the meaning of those reputed cherubimical
figures, which were designed to represent the inseparable attributes
of Yohewah.
It is universally agreed, by the Christian world, that every
religious observance of the ancient heathens, which the Mosaic
law approved of, was at first derived from divine appointment;
and as we are assured in the first pages of the sacred oracles,
concerning Cain, Gen. iv. 16. “that he went out from the presence
of the Lord,” we learn, that God, in that early state of the
world, chose a place for his more immediate presence,—פגים, his
faces, appearances, or forms residing in, or between, the cherubim.
We may, therefore, reasonably conclude, from the various gods,
and religious worship of the ancient heathens, and from the
remaining divine emblems, and family names of the Indian
Americans, that the former deduced those emblems they deifyed,
from the compounded cherubim in paradise: and that the Indians
derived their cherubic figures, and names of tribes, from the
cherubim that covered the mercy-seat, in the tabernacle, and
in Solomon’s temple, alluded to and delineated in several parts
of the sacred oracles.
Agreeable to the THEOCRACY, or divine government of Israel,
the Indians think the Deity to be the immediate head of their
state.
All the nations of Indians are exceedingly intoxicated with
religious pride, and have an inexpressible contempt of the white
people, unless we except those half-savage Europeans, who are
become their proselytes. Nothings is the most favourable name
they give us, in set speeches: even the Indians who were formerly
35bred in amity with us, and in enmity to the French, used to
call us, in their war orations, hottuk ookproose, “The accursed
people.” But they flatter themselves with the name hottuk
oretoopah, “The beloved people,” because their supposed ancestors,
as they affirm, were under the immediate government of
the Deity, who was present with them, in a {32} very particular
manner, and directed them by prophets; while the rest of the
world were aliens and out-laws to the covenant.
When the archi-magus, or any one of their magi, is persuading
the people, at their religious solemnities to a strict observance
of the old beloved, or divine speech, he always calls them, “The
beloved,” or holy people, agreeable to the Hebrew epithet, Ammi,
during the theocracy of Israel: he urges them, with the greatest
energy of expression he is capable of, a strong voice, and very
expressive gestures, to imitate the noble actions of their great
and virtuous forefathers, which they performed, in a surprizing
manner, by their holy things, and a strict observance of the old,
beloved speech. Then, he flourishes on their beloved land that
flowed with milk and honey, telling them they had good, and the
best things in the greatest plenty: and speaks largely of their
present martial customs, and religious rites, which they derived
from their illustrious predecessors,—strictly charging them not
to deviate, in the least, out of that old, beloved, beaten path, and
they will surely meet with all the success that attended their
beloved forefathers.
I have heard the speaker, on these occasions, after quoting the
war actions of their distinguished chieftains, who fell in battle,
urging them as a copy of imitation to the living—assure the
audience, that such a death, in defence of their beloved land,
and beloved things, was far preferable to some of their living
pictures, that were only spending a dying life, to the shame and
danger of the society, and of all their beloved things, while the
others died by their virtue, and still continue a living copy.
Then, to soften the thoughts of death, he tells them, they who
died in battle are only gone to sleep with their beloved forefathers;
(for they always collect the bones)—and mentions a
common proverb they have, Neetak Intahah, “the days appointed,
or allowed him, were finished.” And this is their firm
belief; for they affirm, that there is a certain fixt time, and place,
when, and where, every one must die, without any possibility
of averting it. They frequently say, “Such a one was weighed
36on the path, and made to be light;” ascribing life and death to
God’s unerring and particular providence; which may be derived
from a religious opinion, and proverb of the Hebrews, that “the
divine care extended itself, from the horns of the unicorn, to
the very feet of the lice.” And the more refined part of the old
heathens believed the like. The ancient Greeks and Romans,
who were great copiers {33} of the rites and customs of the
Jews, believed there were three destinies who presided over
human life, and had each of them their particular office; one
held the distaff of life, while another spun the thread, and
Atropos cut it off: a strong but wild picture of the divine fire,
light, and spirit. When Virgil is praising the extraordinary
virtue of Ripheus, who was killed in defence of his native city,
Troy, he adds, Diis aliter visum est,—submitting to the good and
wise providence of the gods, who thought fit to call him off the
stage. However, he seems to be perplexed on the subject; as
he makes fate sometimes conditional;
———————————————————Similis si cura fuisset,
Nec pater omnipotens Trojam nec fata vetabant
Stare,———————
“If the usual proper care had been taken, neither Jupiter nor
fate would have hindered Troy from standing at this time.”
But, if the time of dying was unalterably fixed, according to
the Indian system, or that of our fatalists, how would its votaries
reconcile the scheme of divine Providence? which must be in
conformity to truth, reason, and goodness,—and how explain the
nature of moral good and evil? On their principle, self-murder
would be a necessary act of a passive being set on work by the
first mover; and his obligations would be proportionable, only
to his powers and faculties; which would excuse the supposed
criminal from any just future punishment for suicide. But religion,
and true reason, deny the premises, and they themselves
will not own the consequence.
It is their opinion of the THEOCRACY, or, that God chose them
out of all the rest of mankind, as his peculiar and beloved people,—which
animates both the white Jew, and the red American, with
that steady hatred against all the world, except themselves, and
renders them hated or despised by all. The obstinacy of the
former, in shutting their eyes against the sacred oracles, which
are very explicit and clear in the original text, and of which
37they were the trustees, incites both our pity and reproof; whereas
the others firm adherence to, and strong retention of, the rites
and customs of their forefathers, only attract our admiration.
The American Indians are so far from being Atheists, as some
godless Europeans have flattered themselves, to excuse their own
infidelity, that they have the great sacred name of God, that
describes his divine essence, and {34} by which he manifested
himself to Moses—and are firmly persuaded they now live under
the immediate government of the Deity. The ascension of the
smoke of their victim, as a sweet savour to Yohewah, (of which
hereafter) is a full proof to the contrary, as also that they worship
God, in a smoke and cloud, believing him to reside above
the clouds, and in the element of the, supposed, holy annual
fire. It is no way material to fix any certain place for the residence
of Him, who is omnipresent, and who sustains every system
of beings. It is not essential to future happiness, whether we
believe his chief place of abode is in cælo tertio, paradiso terrestri,
or elemento igneo. God hath placed conscience in us for a monitor,
witness, and judge.—It is the guilty or innocent mind, that
accuses, or excuses us, to Him. If any farther knowledge was
required, it would be revealed; but St. Paul studiously conceals
the mysteries he saw in the empyreal heavens.
The place of the divine residence is commonly said to be above
the clouds; but that is because of the distance of the place, as
well as our utter ignorance of the nature of Elohim’s existence,
the omnipresent spirit of the universe. Our finite minds cannot
comprehend a being who is infinite. This inscrutable labyrinth
occasioned Simonides, a discreet heathen poet and philosopher, to
request Hiero, King of Sicily, for several days successively, to
grant him a longer time to describe the nature of the Deity;
and, at the end, to confess ingenuously, that the farther he waded
in that deep mystery, the more he sunk out of his depth, and
was less able to define it.
If we trace Indian antiquities ever so far, we shall find that
not one of them ever retained, or imbibed, atheistical principles,
except such whose interest as to futurity it notoriously appeared
to be—whose practices made them tremble whenever they
thought of a just and avenging God: but these rare instances
were so far from infecting the rest, that they were the more
confirmed in the opinion, of not being able either to live or die
38well, without a God. And this all nature proclaims in every part
of the universe.
We have abundant evidence of the Jews believing in the ministration
of angels, during the Old-Testament dispensation; their
frequent appearances, and their services, on earth, are recorded
in the oracles, which the Jews themselves receive as given by
divine inspiration. And St. Paul in his {35} epistle addressed
to the Hebrews, speaks of it as their general opinion, that
“Angels are ministring spirits to the good and righteous on
earth.” And that it was the sentiment of those Jews who embraced
christianity, is evident from Acts xii. where an angel is
said to deliver Peter from his imprisonment, and when the maid
reported that Peter stood at the gate knocking, his friends doubting,
said, “It is his angel.” Women also are ordered to have
their heads covered in religious assemblies, because of the presence
of the angels, and to observe silence, the modest custom of
the eastern countries. The Indian sentiments and traditions are
the same.—They believe the higher regions to be inhabited by
good spirits, whom they call Hottuk Ishtohoollo, and Nana Ishtohoollo,
“holy people,” and “relations to the great, holy One.”
The Hottuk ookproose, or Nana ookproose, “accursed people,” or
“accursed beings,” they say, possess the dark regions of the west;
the former attend, and favour the virtuous; and the latter, in
like manner, accompany and have power over the vicious: on
which account, when any of their relations die, they immediately
fire off several guns, by one, two, and three at a time, for fear
of being plagued with the last troublesome neighbours: all the
adjacent towns also on the occasion, whoop and halloo at night;
for they reckon, this offensive noise sends off the ghosts to their
proper fixed place, till they return at some certain time, to repossess
their beloved tract of land, and enjoy their terrestrial
paradise. As they believe in God, so they firmly believe that
there is a class of higher beings than men, and a future state
and existence.
There are not greater bigots in Europe, nor persons more superstitious,
than the Indians, (especially the women) concerning
the power of witches, wizards, and evil spirits.[19] It is the chief
39subject of their idle winter night’s chat: and both they, and several
of our traders, report very incredible and shocking stories.
They will affirm that they have seen, and distinctly, most surprising
apparitions, and heard horrid shrieking noises. They
pretend, it was impossible for all their senses to be deluded at
the same time; especially at Okmulge,[20] the old waste town,
belonging to the Muskohge, 150 miles S. W. of Augusta in
Georgia, which the South-Carolinians destroyed about the year
1715. They strenuously aver, that when necessity forces them
to encamp there, they always hear, at the dawn of the morning,
the usual noise of Indians singing their joyful religious notes,
and dancing, as if going down to the river to purify themselves,
and then returning to the old town-house: with a great deal more
to the same effect. Whenever I have been {36} there, however,
all hath been silent. Our noisy bacchanalian company might
indeed have drowned the noise with a greater of their own. But
as I have gone the tedious Chikkasah war path[21], through one
continued desart, day and night, much oftener than any of the
rest of the traders, and alone, to the Chikkasah country, so none
of those frightful spirits ever appeared to, nor any tremendous
noise alarmed me. But they say this was “because I am an
obdurate infidel that way.”
The Hebrews seem to have entertained notions pretty much
resembling the Indian opinions on this head, from some passages
in their rabbins, and which they ground even on the scriptures[VIII].
We read Isa. xiii. 21. “But wild beasts of the desart shall lie
there, and their houses shall be full of doleful creatures, and
owls shall dwell there, and satyrs shall dance there[IX].”
VIII. Lev. xix. 31. I Sam. xxviii. 3, &c. Isa. viii. 19.
IX. Bochart supposes that tsiim signify wild cats; and that אחים is not
any particular creature, but the crying or howling of wild beasts. His
opinion is confirmed by many judicious writers.
Several warriors have told me, that their Nana Ishtohoollo,
40“concomitant holy spirits,” or angels, have forewarned them, as
by intuition, of a dangerous ambuscade, which must have been
attended with certain death, when they were alone, and seemingly
out of danger; and by virtue of the impulse, they immediately
darted off, and, with extreme difficulty, escaped the crafty, pursuing
enemy. Similar to this, was the opinion of many of the
Jews, and several of the ancient and refined heathens, and is
the sentiment of moderns, that intimations of this kind, for
man’s preservation and felicity, proceed from God by the instrumentality
of good angels, or superior invisible beings, which
he employs for that purpose—who can so impress the imagination,
and influence the mind, as to follow the suggestions, but
not so as to destroy the liberty of the will.—Thus Homer introduces
Minerva as suggesting what was proper for the persons
she favoured—and other superior beings; but they deliberated
on the counsel, and chose that which appeared to be right.
The Indian language, and dialects, appear to have the very
idiom and genius of the Hebrew. Their words and sentences
are expressive, concise, emphatical, {37} sonorous, and bold—and
often, both in letters and signification, synonymous with the
Hebrew language. It is a common and old remark, that there
is no language, in which some Hebrew words are not to be
found. Probably Hebrew was the first, and only language, till
distance of time and place introduced a change, and then soon
followed a mixture of others. The accidental position of the
characters, might also coincide with some Hebrew words, in
various dialects, without the least intention. As the true pronunciation
of the Hebrew characters, is lost in a considerable
degree, it is too difficult a task, for a skilful Hebraist, to ascertain
a satisfactory identity of language, between the Jews, and
American Aborigines; much more so to an Indian trader, who
professes but a small acquaintance with the Hebrew, and that
acquired by his own application. However, I will endeavour to
make up the deficiency of Hebrew, with a plenty of good solid
Indian roots.
The Indian nouns have neither cases nor declensions. They
are invariably the same, through both numbers, after the Hebrew
manner. In their verbs, they likewise sometimes use the preterperfect,
41instead of the present tense of the indicative mood;
as Blahsas Aiahre, Apeesahre, “Yesterday I went and saw;” and
Eemmako Aiahre, Apeesahre, “Now I go and see.” Like the
Hebrews, they have no comparative, or superlative degree. They
express a preference, by the opposite extremes; as Chekusteene,
“You are virtuous;” Sahakse, “I am vicious.” But it implies
a comparative degree, and signifies, “You are more virtuous than
I am.” By prefixing the adverbs, which express little, and much,
to the former words, it conveys the same meaning; the former
of which is agreeable to the Hebrew idiom. And a double repetition
of the same adjective, makes a superlative, according
to the Hebrew manner; as Lawwa, Lawwa, “most, or very many.”
To add hah to the end of an adjective, unless it is a noun of
multitude like the former, makes it also a superlative; as Hakse
to hah, “They are most, or very wicked.” Hakse signifies vicious,
probably when the vicious part of the Israelites were under the
hand of the corrector, the judge repeated that word: ta, is a note
of plurality, and hah an Hebrew accent of admiration; which
makes it a superlative. To join the name of God, or the leading
vowel of the mysterious, great, divine name, to the end of a
noun, likewise implies a superlative; as Hakse-ishto, or Hakse-o,
“He, or she is very wicked.” The former method of speech exactly
agrees with the Hebrew idiom; as the original text shews,
in innumerable instances. {38}
When the Hebrews compare two things, and would signify a
parity between them, they double the particle of resemblance; “I
am as thou art; and my people as thy people:” And the Indians,
on account of that original defective standard of speech, are
forced to use the like circumlocution; as Che Ahōba sia, “I am
like you;” and Sahottuk Chehottuk tooah, &c. for Hottuk signifies
people, and the S expresses the pronoun my, or mine: and
it likewise changes an active, into a passive verb. Although this
Indian and Hebrew method of speech, is rather tedious and
defective, yet, at the same time, they who attain any tolerable
skill in the dialects of the one, and language of the other, will
discover the sense plain enough, when a comparison is implied.
There is not, perhaps, any one language or speech, except the
Hebrew, and the Indian American, which has not a great many
prepositions. The Indians, like the Hebrews, have none in
separate and express words. They are forced to join certain
characters to words, in order to supply that great defect. The
42Hebrew consonants, called serviles, were tools to supply the place
of the prepositions. The Indians, for want of a sufficient number
of radical words, are forced to apply the same noun and
verb, to signify many things of a various nature. With the
Cheerake, Eeankke, signifies a prisoner, captive, slave, awl, pin,
needle, &c.; which occasions the Indian dialects to be very difficult
to strangers. The Jewish Rabbins tell us, that the Hebrew
language contains only a few more than a thousand primitive
words, of which their whole language is formed. So that the
same word very often denotes various, though not contrary
things. But there is one radical meaning, which will agree to
every sense that word is used in.
By custom, a Hebrew noun frequently supplied the place of
a pronoun; by which means, it caused a tedious, and sometimes
an ambiguous circumlocution. From this original defective
standard of speech, the Indians have forgotten all their pronouns,
except two primitives and two relatives; as, Anòwah, Ego,
and Ishna, Tu: the latter bears a great many significations, both
as singular and plural, viz. Eeàpa and Eeàko; which signify he,
she, this, that, &c.: And they are likewise adverbs of place; as
here, there, &c. הואHewa, signifies he or she; אניAni we; and
אנ, Anowa, he, she, him, her, &c. {39}
The Hebrew language frequently uses hyperboles, or magnifying
numbers, to denote a long space of time: the Indians, accordingly,
apply the words, Neetak akroohah, “all days,” or, in
other words, “for ever,” to a long series of years. With the
Jews, sitting, signified dwelling; and, with the Indians, it is
the very same; for, when they ask a person where he dwells, they
say, Katèmuk Ishbeneele (chuak?), which is literally “where
do you sit?” And when they call us irreligious, they say Nãna
U-bat, “No thing,” or literally, “a relation to nothing;” for
Nãna signifies a relation: and the other is always a negative
adverbial period; which seems also to proceed from a religious
custom of the Hebrews, in giving despicable borrowed names
to idols; as to בעלים, Baalim, “Particles of air,” meaning, nothing.
To which the Psalmist alludes, saying, “I will not take
up their names in my lips.” And St. Paul says, “We know that
an idol is nothing.” This expression the Indians apply, in a
pointed metaphor, to the white people, but never to each other.
Like the Hebrews, they seldom, if ever, double the liquid
consonant R; for they generally seem desirous of shuffling over
43it, at any rate: And they often give it the sound of L; but, if
it precedes a word, where the other consonant soon follows, they
always give it its proper sound, contrary to the usage of the
Chinese: as the name of a stone, they often call, Tahle, instead
of Tahrè; but the Indians say, “Tahre lakkana”lakkana”, literally, “Yellow
stone,” i. e. gold.
The Hebrews subjoined one of their serviles, to words, to express
the pronoun relative, thy or thine: And as that particle
was also a note of resemblance, it shews the great sterility of that
language. As a specimen—They said אביך, (Abiche) “your
father,” and אמך, (Ameche) “Your mother,” &c. Only that the
Hebrew period is initial, in such a case, to the Indian nouns,
they always use the very same method of expression. This I
shall illustrate with two words in the dialects of the Chikkasah
and Cheerake—as Chinge and Chatokta, “your father;” Angge
and Aketohta signifying “my father,” in resemblance of אב,
Abba, of the same import; likewise Chishka and Chacheeah, “your
mother;” for Saske and Akachee signify “my mother,” in imitation
of אשה, Ashe. Also Sas Kish signifies podex meus, Chish
Kish, podex tuus, and Kish Kish, podex illius; which I guess
to be an {40} opprobrious allusion to Kish the father of Saul,
for the son’s assuming the throne at the end of the Jewish
theocracy. In their adjectives and verbs, they use the same
method of speech; as Nahoorèso Chin-Chookoma, “Your
book is good.” The former word is compounded of נא
(Na) now, or the present time, and Hoorèso, delineated, marked,
or painted. Aia signifies to go, and Maia-Cha, “Go along,” or
Maia, the same; for, by prefixing מ to it, it implies a requisite
obedience. In like manner, Apeesah, to see, and Peesàcha, look,
or “see you.” And, when that particle is prefixed to a verb, it
always expresses the accusative case of the same pronoun; as
Chepeesahre, “I saw you,” and Chepeesahras, “I shall see you.”
Each of the Hebrew characters are radicals; although half of
them are serviles, according to that proper term of the scholiasts;
for, when they are prefixed, inserted, or subjoined, either at the
beginning, middle, or end of a radical word, they serve to form
its various augments, inflexions, and derivatives. According to
this difficult standard of speech, the Indian nouns, moods, and
tenses, are variously formed to express different things. As there
is no other known language or dialect, which has the same
tedious, narrow, and difficult principles; must we not consider
44them to be twin-born sisters? The want of proper skill to
observe the original fixed idea of the Indian words, their radical
letters, and the due sounds in each of them, seems to have been
the only reason why the writers on the American Aborigines,
have not exhibited the true and genuine properties of any one
of their dialects; as they are all uniform in principle: so far at
least, as an extensive acquaintance reaches.
The Hebrew nouns are either derived from verbs, or both of
them are one and the same; as ברכה, (Beroche) “Blessing,”
from ברך, (Beroch) “to bless,” and דבר חבר, (Dabar Daber)
“he spoke the speech.” This proper name signifies “loquacious,”
like the Indian Sekàkee, signifying the “grasshopper.” The Indian
method of expression, exactly agrees with that Hebrew mode
of speech; for they say Anumbole Anumbole (kis) “I spake
the speaking;” and Anumbole Enumbole (kis), “he spoke
the speaking, or speech.” And by inserting the name of God
between these two words, their meaning is the very same with
those two first Hebrew words. I shall subjoin another word
of the same sort—Hookseeleta signifies “a shutting instrument;”
and they say Ishtookseelèta, or Hookseelèta, Ish-hookseetas, or
Hookseetà Cha, “You shall, or, shut you the door.” Their period
of the last word, always denotes the second person singular of the
imperative mood; {41} and that of the other preceding it, either
the first or second person singular of the indicative mood; which
is formed so by a fixed rule, on account of the variegating power
of the serviles, by affixing, inserting, or suffixing them, to any
root. According to the usage of the Hebrews, they always place
the accusative case also before the verb; as in the former Indian
words.
With the Hebrews, תפלח signified “a prayer,” or a religious
invocation, derived from פלח, Phelac, “to pray to, or invoke the
Deity.” In a strong resemblance thereof, when the Indians are
performing their sacred dance, with the eagles tails, and with
great earnestness invoking Yo He Wah to bless them with success
and prosperity, Phale signifies, “waving,” or invoking by waving,
Ishphāle, you wave, Phalècha, wave you, Aphalàle, I waved,
Aphalèlas, I will wave, &c. Psalmodists seem to have borrowed
the notes fa, la, from the aforesaid Hebrew words of praying,
singing to, or invoking Elohim. פעל, (Phoole) “to work,” is
evidently drawn from the former Hebrew word, which signifies
to invoke (and probably to wave the feathers of the cherubic
45eagle before) Yo He Wah. The greatest part of the Levitical
method of worshipping, consisted in laborious mechanical exercises,
much after the Indian manner; which the popish priests
copy after, in a great many instances, as pulling off their clothes,
and putting on others; imagining that the Deity is better pleased
with persons who variegate their external appearances, like
Proteus, than with those who worship with a steady, sincere
disposition of mind; besides a prodigious group of other superstitious
ceremonies, which are often shamefully blended with
those of the old pagans.
As the Hebrew word נא, Na, signifies the present time—so
when the Indians desire a person to receive something from them
speedily, they say, Nà (short and gutturally) eescha, “take it,
now.” He replies Unta, or Omeh, which are good-natured affirmatives.
The pronoun relative, “you,” which they term Ishna, is
a compounded Hebrew word, signifying (by application) the
person present, or “you.”
With the Hebrews, הר הר, Hara Hara, signifies, “most, or
very, hot;” the repetition of the word makes it a superlative.
In a strict resemblance of that word, and mode of speech, when
an Indian is baffled by any of their {42} humorous wits, he says,
in a loud jesting manner, Hara Hara, or Hala Hala, according
to their capacity of pronouncing the liquid R: and it signifies,
“you are very hot upon me:” their word, which expresses
“sharp,” conveys the idea of bitter-heartedness with them; and
that of bitterness they apply only to the objects of taste.
With the Cheerake, Chikkasah, and Choktah Indians, Nannè
signifies “a hill:” and Nannéh, with the two last-mentioned
nations, “a fish;” and Unchàba, “a mountain.” But they call an
alligator, or crocodile, Nannéh Chunchāba, literally, “the fish
like a mountain;” which the English language would abbreviate
into the name of a mountain-fish; but, instead of a hyphen, they
use the Hebrew כ, a note of resemblance, which seems to point
at the language from which they derived it. In like manner,
Aà signifies to walk, and Eette, wood; but Eette Chanáa, any
kind of wheel; which is consonant to the aforesaid Hebrew idiom;
with many others of the like nature: but a specimen of this
sort must suffice.
The Hebrew and Indian words, which express delineating,
writing, decyphering, marking, and painting, convey the same
literal meaning in both languages; as Exod. xvii. 14. כתב שפר46(Chethéba Sepháre) “delineate this with delineations;” and,
with the Indians, Hoorèso is, in like manner, the radical name
of books, delineating, &c.; and Ootehna that for numbering, instead
of reading. The nearest approach they can make to it,
is, Anumbōle hoorèso Ishanumbōlas, “You shall speak the speech,
which is delineated.”
They call a razor, Baspoo Shaphe, “A shaving knife:” and
Shaphe always signifies to shave; probably, because when they
first began to shave themselves, they were ridiculed by the
higher, or more religious part of the people, for imitating that
heathenish custom. The Hebrew שפּה (Shaphe) signifying lip,
confession, or worship; which divine writ assures us, the descendants
of Noah changed, when they opposed the divine will
of settling various parts of the earth, and built the great tower
of Babel, as an emblem of greatness, to get them a name[X]. {43}
X. Skin signifies an eye; and Skeeshāpha, one-eyed; as if proceeding
from the divine anger. They often change i into ee.
Loak signifies fire, and Loak Ishtohoollo, “the holy or divine
fire,” or the anger of Ishtohoollo, “the great, holy One;” which
nearly agrees with the Hebrew להט, that which flames, or
scorches with vehement heat. And it is the scripture method of
conveying to us a sensible idea of the divine wrath, according
to the cherubic name אש, which likewise signifies fire. But the
Persians worshipped the burning fire, by the name of Oromazes;
and darkness, or the spirit, by that of Aramanius; quite contrary
to the religious system of the Indian Americans: and the aforesaid
Indian method of expression, seems exactly to coincide with
the Hebrew idiom.
Buk-she-ah-ma is the name of their Indian flap, or broad slip
of cloth with which the men cover their nakedness; but the word
they use to express our sort of breeches, is a compound, Bala-phooka,
derived from the Hebrew באל, which signifies, behind;
and the Indian Naphooka, a coat, any kind of clothes, or covering;
Baloka signifies, behind; silently telling us, they formerly
wore a different sort of breeches to what they use at present.
They likewise say, Neeppe-Phú-ka, “A flesh-covering.”
The father of King Saul was called Kish, “podex;” which
signifies also the rear of an army, or the hindermost person,
according to the Hebrew idiom. Thus the Indians, by Kish,
express the podex of any animal—the hindermost person—the
47gavel-end of an house, and the like. Kish Kish, is with them a
superlative, and, as before hinted, used to convey the contempt
they have for that proper name. May not the contemptible
idea the West-Florida-Missisippi Indians affix to the name of
Kish, be on account of his son’s succession to the throne, at the
end of the theocracy of Israel, and beginning a despotic regal
government?
The Indians, according to the usage of the Hebrews, always
prefix the substantive to the adjective; as Netak Chookòma, “A
good day;” Nakkàne and Eho Chookòma, “A goodly man and
woman.” The former of which is termed, in Hebrew, Yoma
Tobe, signifying, according to our method of salutation, a good-day,
a merry season, a festival day, &c. And the Indian appellatives
are similarly exprest in Hebrew, Behtobe and Ashe-Tobe,
“A good, goodly, discreet, or wise man and woman.” Chookoma,
with the Indians, is the proper name of a comely woman, when
A is prefixed to it; as A-chookòma, “My goodly, or beautiful:”
they use it for a warrior, {44} when it is compounded without
the A; as Chookòma hummáshtàbe, “One who killed a beautiful,
great, red, or war-chieftain;” which is compounded of Chookoma,
comely, Humma, red, אש, Ash, fire, and Abe, a contraction of
אבל, Abele, signifying grief, or sorrow. Hence it appears, that
because the Hebrews affixed a virtuous idea to Tobe, goodly;
the Indians call white by the same name, and make it the constant
emblem of every thing that is good, according to a similar
Hebrew custom. Of this the sacred oracles make frequent
mention.
The Jews called that, which was the most excellent of every
thing, the fat; and the Indians, in like manner, say, Oosto Neehe,
“The fat of the pompion,” Tranche Neehe, “The fat of the corn.”corn.”Neeha is the adjective, signifying fat, from which the word Neeta,
“a bear,” is derived. They apply the word heart, only to animate
beings.
As the Deity is the soul of every system—and as every nation,
from the remotest ages of antiquity, believed that they could
not live well, without some god or other; when, therefore, we
clearly understand the name, or names, by which any society
of people express their notions of a deity, we can with more
precision form ideas of the nature of their religious worship,
and of the object, or objects, of their adoration. I shall therefore
48here give a plain description of the names by which the
Indian Americans speak of God.
Ishtohoollo is an appellative for God. Ishtohoollo points at
the greatness, purity, and goodness, of the Creator in forming
אישאיש and אישא: it is derived from Ishto, GREAT, which was the
usual name of God through all the prophetic writings; likewise,
from the present tense of the infinitive mood of the active verb,
Ahoollo, “I love,” and from the preter tense of the passive verb,
Hoollo, which signifies “sanctifying, sanctified, divine, or holy.”
Women set apart, they term, Hoollo, i. e. sanctifying themselves
to Ishtohoollo: likewise, Netakhoollo signifies “a sanctified, divine,
or holy day;” and, in like manner, Ookka Hoollo, “water
sanctified,” &c. So that, Ishtohoollo, when applied to God, in its
true radical meaning, imports, “The great, beloved, holy Cause;”
which is exceedingly comprehensive, and more expressive of the
true nature of God, than the Hebrew name Adonai, which is applicable
to a human being. Whenever the {45} Indians apply
the epithet, compounded, to any of their own religious men, it
signifies the great, holy, beloved, and sanctified men of the Holy
One.
They make this divine name point yet more strongly to the
supreme author of nature; for, as אב, signifies father; and as
the omnipresent Spirit of the universe, or the holy father of
mankind, is said to dwell above, they therefore call the immense
space of the heavens, Aba, Abáse, and Abatàra: and, to distinguish
the King of kings, by his attributes, from their own
Minggo Ishto, or great chieftains, they frequently name him
Minggo Ishto Aba, &c.; Ishto Aba, &c.; Minggo Aba, &c.; and,
when they are striving to move the passions of the audience,
Ishtohoollo Aba. The Hebrew servants were not allowed to call
their master or mistress אב, Abba, till they were adopted: to
which custom St. Paul alludes, Rom. viii. 15.
They have another appellative, which with them is the mysterious,
essential name of God—the tetragrammaton, or great
four-lettered name—which they never mention in common
speech,—of the time and place, when, and where, they mention
it, they are very particular, and always with a solemn air.
There is a species of tea, that grows spontaneously, and in
great plenty, along the sea-coast of the two Carolinas, Georgia,
49and East and West Florida, which we call Yopon, or Cusseena:[22]
The Indians transplant, and are extremely fond of it; they drink
it on certain stated occasions, and in their most religious solemnities,
with awful invocations: but the women, and children,
and those who have not successfully accompanied their holy ark,
pro Aris et Focis, dare not even enter the sacred square, when
they are on this religious duty; otherwise, they would be dry
scratched with snakes teeth, fixed in the middle of a split reed,
or piece of wood, without the privilege of warm water to supple
the stiffened skin.
When this beloved liquid, or supposed holy drink-offering, is
fully prepared, and fit to be drank, one of their Magi brings
two old consecrated, large conch-shells, out of a place appropriated
for containing the holy things, and delivers them into the
hands of two religious attendants, who, after a wild ceremony,
fill them with the supposed sanctifying, bitter liquid: then they
approach near to the two central red and white seats, (which
the {46} traders call the war, and beloved cabbins) stooping
with their heads and bodies pretty low; advancing a few steps
in this posture, they carry their shells with both hands, at an
instant, to one of the most principal men on those red and white
seats, saying, on a bass key, Y’ah, quite short: then, in like
manner, they retreat backward, facing each other, with their
heads bowing forward, their arms across, rather below their
breast, and their eyes half shut; thus, in a very grave, solemn
manner, they sing on a strong bass key, the awful monosyllable,
O, for the space of a minute: then they strike up majestic He,
on the treble, with a very intent voice, as long as their breath
allows them; and on a bass key, with a bold voice, and short
accent, they at last utter the strong mysterious sound, Wah, and
50thus finish the great song, or most solemn invocation of the
divine essence. The notes together compose their sacred, mysterious
name, Y-O-He-Wah.[23]
That this seems to be the true Hebrew pronunciation of the
divine essential name, יהוה, Jehovah, will appear more obvious
from the sound they seem to have given their characters. The
Greeks, who chiefly copied their alphabet from the Hebrew, had
not jod, but ιοτα, very nearly resembling the sound of our Y.
The ancient Teutonic and Sclavonian dialects, have Yah as an
affirmative, and use the consonant W instead of V. The high
importance of the subject, necessarily would lead these supposed
red Hebrews, when separated from other people in America, to
continue to repeat the favourite name of God, YO He Wah, according
to the ancient pronunciation.
Contrary to the usage of all the ancient heathen world, the
American Indians not only name God by several strong compounded
appellatives, expressive of many of his divine attributes,
but likewise say Yah at the beginning of their religious
dances, with a bowing posture of body; then they sing Yo Yo,
He He, and repeat those sacred notes, on every religious occasion:
the religious attendants calling to Yah to enable them
humbly to supplicate, seems to point to the Hebrew custom of
pronouncing, יה, Yah, which likewise signifies the divine essence.
It is well known what sacred regard the Jews had to the four-lettered
divine name, so as scarcely ever to mention it, but once
a year, when the high-priest went into the holy sanctuary, at
the expiation of sins. Might not the Indians copy from them,
this sacred invocation? Their method of invoking God, in a {47}
solemn hymn, with that reverential deportment, and spending
a full breath on each of the two first syllables of the awful
divine name, hath a surprizing analogy to the Jewish custom,
51and such as no other nation or people, even with the advantage
of written records, have retained.
It may be worthy of notice, that they never prostrate themselves,
nor bow their bodies, to each other, by way of salute, or
homage, though usual with the eastern nations, except when they
are making or renewing peace with strangers, who come in the
name of Yah; then they bow their bodies in that religious
solemnity—but they always bow in their religious dances, because
then they sing what they call divine hymns, chiefly composed
of the great, beloved, divine name, and addressed to Yo He Wah.
The favoured persons, whom the religious attendants are invoking
the divine essence to bless, hold up the shells with both
hands, to their mouths, during the awful sacred invocation, and
retain a mouthful of the drink, to spirt out on the ground, as a
supposed drink-offering to the great self-existent Giver; which
they offer at the end of their draught. If any of the traders,
who at those times are invited to drink with them, were to
neglect this religious observance, they would reckon us as godless
and wild as the wolves of the desart[XI]. After the same
manner, the supposed holy waiters proceed, from the highest to
the lowest, in their synedrion: and, when they have ended that
awful solemnity, they go round the whole square, or quadrangular
place, and collect tobacco from the sanctified sinners, according
to ancient custom; “For they who serve at the altar,
must live by the altar.”
XI. The Mosaic law injoined the offering of libations; as Exod. xxix. and
Numb. xv. And the heathens, especially the ancient Greeks and Romans,
mimicked a great deal of the Mosaic institution. They observed the like
ceremonies in their idolatrous sacrifices. The priests only tasted, and
then spilt some wine, milk, or other liquor, in honour of the Deity, to
whom the sacrifice was offered. Alexander is said to have sacrificed a
bull to Neptune, and to have thrown a golden vessel used for the libation,
into the sea.
The Cheerake method of adjuring a witness to declare the
truth, strongly corroborates the former hints, and will serve as
a key to open the vowels of the great, mysterious, four-lettered
name of God. On small affairs, the judge, who is an elderly
chieftain, asks the witness, Cheeakõhgà (sko?) “Do you lie?”
To which he answers, Ansa Kai-e-koh-gà, “I do not lie.” But {48}
when the judge will search into something of material consequence,
and adjures the witness to speak the naked truth,
52concerning the point in question, he says “O E A (sko?)” “What
you have now said, is it true, by this strong emblem of the
beloved name of the great self-existent God?” To which the
witness replies, O E A, “It is true, by this strong pointing symbol
of YO He Wah.” When the true knowledge of the affair
in dispute, seems to be of very great importance, the judge
swears the witness thus: O E A—Yah (sko?) This most sacred
adjuration imports, “Have you now told me the real truth by
the lively type of the great awful name of God, which describes
his necessary existence, without beginning or end; and by his
self-existent literal name, in which I adjure you.” The witness
answers, O E A—Yah, “I have told you the naked truth, which
I most solemnly swear, by this strong religious picture of the
adorable, great, divine, self-existent name, which we are not to
prophane; and I likewise attest it, by his other beloved, unspeakable,
sacred, essential name.”
When we consider that the period of the adjurations, according
to their idiom, only asks a question; and that the religious
waiters say Yah, with a profound reverence, in a bowing posture
of body, immediately before they invoke YO He Wah,—the one
reflects so much light upon the other, as to convince me, that the
Hebrews, both invoked and pronounced the divine tetragrammaton,
YO He Wah, and adjured their witnesses to give true evidence,
on certain occasions, according to the Indian usage; otherwise,
how could they possibly, in a savage state, have a custom
of so nice and strong-pointing a standard of religious caution?
It seems exactly to coincide with the conduct of the Hebrew
witnesses even now on the like religious occasions—who being
sworn, by the name of the great living God, openly to declare
the naked truth, hold up their right hand, and answer, אמנ אמנAmen Amen, or “very true;” “I am a most faithful witness.”
The Hebrew word signifies faithful, and by being repeated twice,
becomes a superlative, and O E A—Yah is one of the highest
degree.
St. John, in his gospel, according to the Hebrew method of
adjuration, often doubles the Amen. And the same divine
writer, at the beginning of each of his seven epistles, in describing
the glorious and transcendant qualities of Jesus Christ, and
particularly in the epistle to the church of Laodicea, points at
the same custom, “These things saith the Amen, the faithful and
true witness, the beginning of the creation of God.” {49}
53The Cheerake use another expression, which bears a strong
analogy to the former method of adjuration; though it is not so
sacred in their opinion, because of one letter prefixed, and another
subjoined. The judge, in small controversies, asks the witness,
To e u (sko?) To which he answers, To e u, or To e u hah, “It
is very true,” or “a most certain truth.” Such an addition of
any letter, or letters, to the vowels of the supposed divine, four-lettered
name, seems to proceed from a strict religious custom
of proportioning them to the circumstances of persons and things,
lest, otherwise, they should blaspheme, or prophane the emblems
of the great divine name. And the vowel U seems to allude to
אחד, i. e.One—a name of God, figuratively—for, in their dialect,
when it is a period, it makes a superlative, according to
their usage in applying the rest of the divine appellatives, symbols,
or names.
They esteem To e u hah so strong an assent to any thing
spoken, that Cheesto Kaiēhre, “the old rabbet,” (the name of
the interpreter) who formerly accompanied seven of their head
warriors to London,[24] assured me, they held there a very hot
debate, in their subterranean lodgings, in the dead hours of the
night of September the 7th, 1730, whether they should not kill
him, and one of the war-chieftains, because, by his mouth, the
other answered To e u hah to his Majesty’s speech, wherein he
claimed, not only their land, but all the other unconquered countries
of the neighbouring nations, as his right and property.
When they returned home, they were tried again, by the national
sanhedrim, for having betrayed the public faith, and sold their
country, for acknowledged value, by firm compact, as representatives
of their country; they having received a certain
quantity of goods, and a decoying belt of white wampum: but,
upon serious deliberation, they were honourably acquitted, because
it was judged, the interpreter was bound, by the like oath,
to explain their speeches; and that surprise, inadvertence, self-love,
and the unusual glittering show of the courtiers, extorted
the sacred assent, To e u hah, out of the other’s mouth, which
spoiled the force of it; being much afraid, lest they should say
something amiss, on account of the different idiom of the English,
54and Indian American dialects[XII]. As there is no alternative
between a falsehood, and a lie, they {50} usually tell any person,
in plain language, “You lie,” as a friendly negative to his
reputed untruth. The cheerful, inoffensive old rabbet told me,
he had urged to them, with a great deal of earnestness, that it
was certain death by our laws, to give his Majesty the lie to his
face; and cautioned them to guard their mouths very strongly
from uttering such dangerous language: otherwise, their hearts
would become very heavy, and even sorrowful to death; as he
would be bound as firmly by our holy books, to relate the bare
naked truth, as they were by repeating To e u ah, or even O-E-A—Yah.
XII. The strong sentiments, natural wit, and intense love of liberty, which
the Indians shew themselves possessed of, in a high degree, should direct
our colonists to pursue a different method of contracting Indian covenants
than they have commonly used. First, let them consider the
general good of the community, who chose them for that end; and then
make a plain agreement with the Indians, adapted to their fixed notion
of liberty, and the good of their country, without any deluding sophisms.
If they do not keep these essential points of amity in view, we shall
fare again, as hath Georgia; for, by a childish treaty with the Muskohge
Indians, when defeated An. 1715, its most northern boundaries are confined
to the head of the ebbing and flowing of Savannah river. We are
said to have flourished off very commodious Indian treaties in the council-books,
with the Muskohge, which the community know nothing of, except
a few plain common particulars, as they some years since declared.
The Chikkasah and Choktah method of adjuring a witness to
give true evidence, is something similar to the former attestation,
by To e u hah: when they ask them, whether they do not lie,
they adjure them thus, Chiklooska ke-e-u Chua? The termination
implies a question of the second person, singular number,
and the whole oath signifies literally, “Do not you lie? Do you
not, of a certain truth?” To which he answers by two strong
negative asseverations, Aklooska Ke-e-u-que-Ho, “I do not lie;
I do not, of a certain truth.” When the Choktah are averring
any thing asked of them, they assert it, by saying Yah. This
shews their ignorance of the vowels of the supposed divine four-lettered
name, in comparison of the Cheerake; and that they are
become less religious, by prophaning the divine name, Yah;
which confirms me in the opinion, that the Cheerake Indians
were a more civilized people than any of the other neighbouring
Indians.
55We are told that the northern Indians, in the time of their
rejoicings, repeat YO Ha Han; which, if true, evinces that their
corruption advances, in proportion as they are distant from
South-America, and wanted a {51} friendly intercourse with
those who had an open communication with those southern
regions[XIII]. Living in moderate high latitudes, would naturally
prevent them from sinking into effeminacy, and inspire them
with martial tempers, (as we are told of the Chili Indians) without
being originally a bloodier people than any of the southern
nations. However, we should be sparing of credit to what unskilful
writers have carefully copied from each other, and transmitted
to the learned world.
XIII. They who have a desire to see the genuine oratory of the Indians,
may find it partly exhibited to the public, by the laborious Mr. Colden,
mostly in the manner, as I am told, he found it in the council-books. As
that gentleman is an utter stranger to the language and customs of the
Indians, it was out of his power to do justice to the original. Their
speech, in general, abounds with bolder tropes and figures than illiterate
interpreters can well comprehend, or explain. In the most essential part
of his copied work, he committed a very material blunder, by writing in
the first edition, the Indian solemn invocation, YO Ha Han. I was well
assured by the intelligent Sir William Johnson, and the skilful, benevolent,
pious, and reverend Mr. John Ogilvie, that the northern Indians always
pronounce it YO He A `Ah; and so it is inserted in the second edition.
In justice to this valuable luminary of the church, and the worthy laity
of the city of New-York, I must observe, that, while the rest of his
sacerdotal brethren were much blamed for neglecting their office of teaching,
and instead thereof, were militating for an episcopate, that gentleman
was universally beloved by all ranks of people. He spent his time,
like a true servant of God, in performing the various duties of his sacred
office; and had the utmost pleasure in healing breaches, both in public
society, and in private families. Great numbers of the poor negroe
slaves, were instructed by him in the principles of Christianity, while the
other clergymen were earnestly employed in disturbing the quiet of the
public, for the sake of their favourite Peter’s pence.
I shall hereafter, under another argument, shew, that the
Indians variously transpose, shorten, and lengthen, each syllable
of the great divine name, YO He Wah, in a very extraordinary
manner, when they are singing and dancing to, and before, the
divine essence: and that they commonly derive such words as
convey a virtuous idea, from, or compound them with that divine,
essential name.
56I shall now shew a farther parity, between the Hebrew language,
and the Aboriginal American dialects.
Pushkoosh signifies an infant, Neetta a bear, Nassooba a wolf,
&c.——By joining the word Ooshe, to the end of the names of
animals, it makes a {52} distinction; as Nassoob-ooshe, a wolf-cub,
Neett’-ooshe a bear-cub: but though the word Oophe signifies
a dog, as an exception to their general method of speech, they
call a puppy Ooph-ishik, because he is so domestic, or sociable,
as ישק, to kiss, or fondle. In like manner, Pishi signifies milk;
and Pishik a woman’s breast, or the udder of any animal; as the
young ones, by kissing, or sucking, shade the breast, פי, with
their mouth, and thereby receive their nourishment. With the
Hebrews,עפך (Oophecha) signifies active, or restless: which,
according to the Indian idiom, expresses the quality of a dog;
Oophe is therefore the name of this animal, and their period
denotes a similarity, according to the usage of the Hebrews.
Shale and Shatèra, signify to carry, Shapore, a load. The
former word consists of Sheth and Ale. Illeh imports dead, and
Kaneha lost. They say Shat Kaneha, to carry a thing quite
away, or to Canaan.—Likewise, Illeht Kaneha, literally, dead,
and lost, or probably, gone to Canaan. Several old Indian
American towns are called Kanāai; and it hath been a prevailing
notion with many Jews, that when any of their people died in a
strange land, they passed through the caverns of the earth, till
they arrived at Canaan, their attractive centre. And the word
Oobèa, likewise imports dead, or cut off by O E A, or Yohewah;
for they firmly believe, as before hinted, they cannot outlive the
time the Deity has prescribed them. They likewise say, Hasse
Ookklīlle Cheele, “the sun is, or has been, caused to die in the
water,” i. e. sun-set. When they would say, “Do not obscure,
or darken me,” they cry Ish-ookkīlle Chīnna, verbatim, “Do not
occasion Ish, me, to become like the sun, dead in the water.”
They call the new moon, Hasse Awáhta, “the moon is called
upon to appear by Yohewah:” which plainly shews, that they
believe the periodical revolutions of the moon to be caused, and
the sun every day to die, or be extinguished in the ocean, by
the constant laws of God. When we ask them, if to-day’s sun
is drowned in the western ocean, how another can rise out of
the eastern ocean to-morrow? they only reply, Pilla Yammi, or
Yammi mung; or such is the way of God with his people. It
seems to be a plain contraction of יה and אממיAmmi; which
57was the name of Israel during the theocracy. Besides, Aeemmi
signifies, “I believe;” as the peculiar people believed in Yohewah.
And it likewise imports, “I am the owner of, &c.”——according to
the Hebrew idiom, the words and meaning nearly agree. {53}
Ette signifies wood; and they term any kind of chest, box, or
trunk, Eette Oobe; and frequently, Oobe; which seems to point
to the “ark of the purifier,” that was so fatal to the laity even
to touch; a strong emanation of the holy fire, light, and spirit,
residing in it, as well as in that which the priests carried to war,
against the devoted enemy.
The Chikkasah settled a town, in the upper, or most western
part of the Muskohge country, about 300 miles eastward of their
own nation, and called it Ooe-ása;[25] which is derived from
O E A, and Asa, “there,” or “here, is;” i. e. “YO He Wah presides
in this place.” And, when a person is removing from his
former dwelling, they ask him, Ish-ooè-à (tūm?) “are you removing
hence, in the name, or under the patronage, of YO He
Wah?” And it both signifies to ascend, and remove to another
place. As, O E A, Aba, the omnipresent father of mankind, is
said to dwell above, so the Indian hopes to remove there from
hence, by the bounty of Ishtohoollo, the great holy One: according
to their fixed standard of speech, had they made any nearer
approach to O E A, the strong religious emblem of the beloved
four-lettered name, it would have been reckoned a prophanation.
Phutchik signifies a star, and Oonna “he is arrived:” but
Phutchik Oonnache, “the morning-star;” because he is the forerunner
of light, and resembles the sun that reflects it. And
Oonna-hah signifies to-morrow, or it is day. The termination
denotes their gladness, that the divine light had visited them
again: and, when they are asking if it is day, they say Onna He
(tak?). The last monosyllable only asks a question; and the
fæminine gender treble note is the mid syllable of the great divine
name—which may reflect some light upon the former observations.
Although the Hebrews had a proper name for the human soul,
calling it נפש; yet in Prov. xx. 27, it is called נר יהוה, “The
candle, or lamp of God;” and figuratively applied, it conveys a
strong idea of the human soul: Thus the Indians term it, Nāna
Ishtohoollo, “something of, or a relation to, the great holy One;”
58very analogous to the former method of expressing the rational
Fire, as they believe the Deity resides in the new year’s, supposed
principle, in allusion to the celestial cherubic name אש, Ashe,
holy fire. Because Ish, Man, received his breath from the divine
inspiration of the beneficent creator Yah, they term the human {54}
species, in their strong-pointing language, Yāhwè; which,
though different from the divine, essential, four-lettered name,
in sound has יה, Yah, for its radix. But, because the monkey
mimics Yahweh, or the rational creation, more than any other
brute, in features, shape, gesture, and actions; in proportion to
the similitude, they give him a similar name, Shaw-we. This
indeed makes a near approach to Ish and Yah, and to Yahwe;
but it wants the radix of both, and consequently bears no signification
of relation to either. While they urge, that the regularity
of the actions of the brute creatures around them, expresses a
nice understanding or instinct; they deny their being endued
with any portion of the reasoning, and living principle, but bear
only a faint allusion to Nana Ishtohoollo, the rational soul. The
most intelligent among them, say the human soul was not made
of clay, like the brute creation, whose soul is only a corporeal
substance, attenuated by heat, and thus rendered invisible.
Through a seeming war-contempt of each other, they all use
a favourite termination to their adjectives, (very rarely to their
substantives) and sometimes to their verbs; especially when
they are flourishing away, in their rapid war-speeches, which on
such occasions they always repeat with great vehemence. I
shall give a specimen of two words, in the dialects of our southern
Indians. RI is the favourite period of the Katāhba Indians;
as Mare-ŕi, or Wahre-ŕi, “Good,” and Maretawah-ŕi, or Wah-rètawàh-ŕi,
“best,” or very good; Wah, the last syllable of the
great divine name, is evidently the radix, and magnifies the
virtuous idea to a superlative. In like manner, Shegàre-Wahŕi,
“not bad,” but Sheekàre-ŕi, signifies “bad.” With these Indians,
Sheeke is the name of a buzzard, which they reckon to be a
most impure fowl, as it lives on putrid carcasses; upon which
account, they choose that word to convey a vicious idea.
Quo is the sounding termination of the Cheerake; as Seohsta-quo,
“good,”—and O-se-u, “best,” or very good. Here they seem
to have studiously chosen the vowels:—As the following words
will illustrate, Tonnàte-ū, “very honest,” or virtuous, and Y-O-U,
“Evil,” or very bad. To corroborate the hints I gave, concerning
59the Indian names of monkey, and the human species, let it be
observed, that though their words convey a virtuous or vicious
idea, in proportion as they are constituted out of {55} any of
their three divine names, Yohewah, Yah, and Ishtohoollo; or
contain the vowels of the great sacred name, yet the aforesaid
word Y-O-U, is so far from being a deviation from that general
custom, it is an emphatical, and emblematical term to express
evil, by the negative of good; for, as it is the only substantive
or adjective of that word, it is a strong expressive symbol of the
nature, and physical cause of moral evil, by separating YO, the
first syllable of the divine four-lettered name into two syllables;
and adding U, as a superlative period, to make it malum malorum.
Shèh is the sounding criterion of the Muskohge, or Creek Indians,—a
kind of cant jargon, for example; Heettla-sheh, signifies
“good,” and Heettla-wah-E-sheh, “very good;” according to their
universal standard of speech, it becomes a superlative, by subjoining
that part of the divine name to it. With the Chikkasah
and Choktah, Heettla signifies dancing; probably because that
religious exercise was good and highly pleasing to them, when,
according to ancient custom, they danced in their symbolical
circles, to, and before, YO He Wah. With the former, Apullowhage
sheh, expresses “bad,” or evil, thereby inverting the divine
letters.
Skeh is the favourite termination of the Chikkasah and Choktah—as
Chookòma-skeh, “good,” Chookòmasto-skeh (alluding to
Ishto) “very good;” and Ookproo-skeh, “bad.” Likewise,
Ookproosto, “worst,” or very bad; for, by annexing the contracted
initial part of the divine name, Ishtohoollo, to the end
of it, it is a superlative. These remarks may be of service to
the inhabitants of our valuable and extensive barriers, in order
to discover the national name of those savages, who now and
then cut them off.
Ookproo-see, with those Indians, signifies “accursed;” the two
last letters make only a samech, which implies a neuter passive:
and, as Ookproo is the only substantive or adjective they use to
express “evil,” by doubling the leading vowel of the four-lettered
divine name, both at the beginning and end of the word; may we
not conjecture at its origin, as glancing at the introduction of
sin or evil by man’s overacting, or innovating, through a too
curious knowledge, or choice? “Ye shall be as gods,” and, in
60order to gain the resemblance, they ate what was forbidden. {56}
The greater number of their compounded words, (and, I believe,
every one of them) which convey a virtuous or pure idea,
either have some syllables of the three divine names, or visibly
glance at them; or have one or two vowels of the sacred name,
Yo He Wah, and generally begin with one of them; which I
shall exemplify, with a few Chikkasah and Cheerake words.
Isse-Ahowwè, “Deer;” Yanàsa, Buffalo, which as it begins with
the divine name, Yah, contains no more of their beloved vowels:
in like manner, Wahka, “cattle;” Ishke-Oochēa, “a mother.”
This last seems to be drawn from Isha, the mother of all mankind.
Ehó and Enekia signify “a woman.” The latter is derived
from the active verb, Akekiuhah, signifying “to love ardently,”
or like a woman; Nakkàne Askai, “a man.” From this
word, the Chikkasah derive Nakke, the name of an arrow or
bullet: and with the Cheerake Askai signifies “to fear;” as all
the American brute animals were afraid of man, &c.
Words, which imply either a vicious or impure idea, generally
begin with a consonant, and double those favourite vowels,
either at the beginning and end, or in the middle, of such words;
as Nassooba Woheea, “a wolf.” With the Chikkasah, Eassooba
signifies “bewildered;” Patche, “a pigeon,” and Patche Eassooba,
“a turtle-dove.” Soore and Sheeke are the Chikkasah and
Cheerake names of a “Turkey-buzzard;” Choola and Choochòla,
“a fox;” Shookqua and Seequa, an “opossum,” or hog; Ookoonne,
“a polecat;” Ookoonna, “a badger;” Chookphe and Cheesto, “a
rabbet.” The last word is derived from the defective verb
Chesti, “forbear,” or do not meddle with; and rabbets were prohibited
to the Israelites. In like manner, Ooppa and Ookookoo,
“a night-owl;” Oophe and Keera, “a dog;” Nahoolla and
U-nēhka, “white people,” or “impure animals.” The Chikkasah
both corrupt and transpose the last part of the divine name,
Ishtohoollo; and the Cheerake invert their magnifying termination
U, to convey an impure idea. And through the like faint
allusion to this divine name, Hoollo signifies “idols, pictures, or
images;” a sharp-pointed sarcasm! for the word, Hoollo, signifies
also “menstruous women,” who were for the time an equal
abomination to the Israelites, and with whom they were to
have no communion. These two words seem to bear the same
analogy to each other, as אל, Al, a name of God, and אלה, Aleh,
signifying the covenant of the holy One to redeem man, and
61אלוה, Aloah, execrated, or accursed of God, as idols were. {57}
With the Cheerake, Awwa, or Amma, signifies “water,” and
Ammoi, “a river;” not much unlike the Hebrew. They likewise
term salt, Hawa; and both the conjunction copulative, and “to
marry,” is Tawa. The name of a wife is Awah; which written
in Hebrew, makes הוה, Eve, or Eweh, the name of our general
mother. So that the Indian name of a wife, is literally and emphatically,
his And, “One absolutely needful for the well-being
of Ish, or man;” Ishtawa (tim?) signifies “have you married?”
We gain additional light from the strong significant appellative,
Ish-ke, “a mother;” which is an evident contraction of Isha, the
mother of Yawe, or mankind, with their favourite termination,
ske, subjoined; the word becomes thus smoother than to pronounce
it at its full length, Isha-ske. If we consider that the
Hebrews pronounced ו, Vau, when a consonant, as W, here is a
very strong, expressive gradation, through those various words,
up to the divine, necessary, And, who formed and connected
every system of beings; or to the Hebrew divine original YO He
Wah: at the same time, we gain a probable reason why so many
proper names of old Indian places, in South-Carolina, and elsewhere,
along the great continent, begin with our Anglo-Saxon
borrowed character, W; as Wampee, Watboo, Wappoo, Wadmolā,
Wassamèsāh, &c. Chance is fluctuating, and can never
act uniformly.
To elucidate the aforesaid remarks, it may not be amiss to
observe, that, according to the Israelitish custom both of mourning,
and employing mourners for their dead, and calling weeping,
the lifting up of their voices to God, the Choktah literally observe
the same custom; and both they and the Chikkasah term
a person, who through a pretended religious principle bewails
the dead, Yah-ah, “Ah God!” and one, who weeps on other
occasions, Yāhma, “pouring out salt tears to, or before God;”
which is similar to יהמי. When a person weeps very bitterly,
they say, Yahmishto, which is a compounded word, derived from
יה, and ומי, with the initial part of the divine name, Ishtohoollo,
subjoined, to magnify the idea, according to the usage of the
Hebrews. When the divine penman is describing the creation,
and the strong purifying wind, which swept along the surface
of the waters, he calls it, “the air, or spirit;” and, more significantly,
“the wind of God,” or a very great wind: and, in other
parts of the divine oracles, great hail, a {58} great lion, and the
62like, are by the same figure, called the hail of God. They also
apply the former words, Yah-ah, Yah-ma, and the like, to express
the very same ideas through all the moods and tenses as
Cheyaàras, “I shall weep for you;” Sawa Cheyaàra Awa, “Wife,
I will not weep for you.” And when the violence of their grief
for the deceased, is much abated, the women frequently, in their
plaintive notes, repeat Yo Hé (tà) Wāh, Yo Hé (tà) Weh, Yò
Hé ta Há, Yo Hê tà Héh; with a reference probably to the
Hebrew custom of immoderately weeping and wailing for their
dead, and invoking the name of God on such doleful occasions;
and which may have induced these supposed red Hebrews to
believe the like conduct, a very essential part of religious duty.
Neetak Yah-ah signifies “a fast day,” because they were then
humbly to say Ah, and afflict their souls before Yah. In like
manner, Yah Abe signifies “one who weeps for having killed, or
murdered another.” Its roots are יה, Yah, their continual war-period,
and, אבל, Abele, signifying “sorrow or mourning;” for,
as killing, or murdering, is an hostile act, it cannot be drawn
from אבה, which signifies brotherly love, or tender affection.
Nana-Yah-Abe describes a person weeping, while another is killing
him. Now, as Nana is “a relation,” Yah “God,” and Abe as
above, the true meaning seems to be, “One, like bleeding Abele,
weeping to God.” Likewise their name for salt, Hawa, may
inform us, that though at present they use no salt in their religious
offerings, they forbore it, by reason of their distant
situation from the sea-shore, as well as by the danger of blood
attending the bringing it through an enemy’s country; for, according
to the idiom of their language, if they had not thought
salt an essential part of the law of sacrificature, they most probably,
would not have derived it from the two last syllables of
the great divine name; whereas they double the consonant, when
they express water, without drawing it from the clear fountain
of living waters, YO He Wah.
With the Hebrews, as before observed[XIV], טפל, Tephale, signifies
“shaking or pulling of the hand, cohesion, conjunction, or
entering into society;” and “praying, or invoking.” In conformity
to that original standard, when the Indians would express
a strong, lasting friendship, they have no {59} other way, than
63by saying, Aharattlè-la pheena chemanumbóle, “I shall firmly
shake hands with your discourse, or speech.”
When two nations of Indians are making, or renewing peace
with each other, the ceremonies and solemnities they use, carry
the face of great antiquity, and are very striking to a curious
spectator, which I shall here relate, so far as it suits the present
subject. When strangers of note arrive near the place, where
they design to contract new friendship, or confirm their old
amity, they send a messenger a-head, to inform the people of
their amicable intention. He carries a swan’s wing in his hand,
painted all over with streaks of white clay, as an expressive
emblem of their embassy. The next day, when they have made
their friendly parade, with firing off their guns and whooping,
and have entered the beloved square, their chieftain, who is
a-head of the rest, is met by one of the old beloved men, or
magi, of the place. He and the visitant approach one another,
in a bowing posture. The former says, Yò, Ish la chu Anggòna?
“Are you come a friend in the name of God?” Or, “Is God with
you, friend?” for, Yo is a religious contraction of Yohewah,—Ish
“the man,” La a note of joy, Chu a query, and Anggona “a
friend.” The other replies, Yah—Arahre-O, Anggona, “God is
with me, I am come, a friend, in God’s name.” The reply confirms
the meaning of the questionary salute, in the manner
before explained. The magus then grasps the stranger with both
his hands, around the wrist of his right hand, which holds some
green branches—again, about the elbow—then around the arm,
close to his shoulder, as a near approach to the heart. Then his
immediately waving the eagles tails over the head of the
stranger, is the strongest pledge of good faith. Similar to the
Hebrew word, Phále with the Indians, signifies “to wave,” and
likewise to shake; for they say, Skooba—Phále, “shaking one’s
head.” How far the Indian oath, or manner of covenanting,
agrees with that of the Hebrews, on the like solemn occasion,
I refer to the intelligent reader. Their method of embracing
each other, seems to resemble also that custom of the Hebrews,
when a stranger became surety for another, by giving him his
wrist; to which Solomon alludes, “If thou hast stricken hand
with the stranger, &c.”—Their common method of greeting each
other, is analogous with the above; the host only says, Ish-la
Chu? and the guest replies, Arahre-O, “I am come in the name
of O E A,” or Yo He Wah. {60}
64When O is joined to the end of words, it always denotes a
superlative, according to their universal figurative abbreviations
of the great beloved name; thus with the Chikkasah, Isse,
“deer,” and Isse-O, “very great deer;” Yanása, “a buffalo,”
Yanas-O, “a very extraordinary great buffalo;” which is, at least,
as strong a superlative, as אל ביח אל, signifying “the house of
the Omnipotent,” or “the temple.”
With the Cheerake Indians, A (wàh tà) howwe signifies “a
great deer-killer:” it is compounded of Ahowwe, “a deer,” Wah—the
period of the divine name, and Ta, a note of plurality.
The title, “the deer-killer of God for the people,” was, since my
time, very honourable among them, as its radical meaning likewise
imports. Every town had one solemnly appointed; him,
whom they saw the Deity had at sundry times blessed with
better success than the rest of his brethren, in supplying them
with an holy banquet, that they might eat, and rejoice, before
the divine essence. But now it seems, by reason of their great
intercourse with foreigners, they have left off that old social,
religious custom; and even their former noted hospitality. I
will also observe, that though necessity obliged them to apply
the bear’s-grease, or oil, to religious uses, they have no such
phrase as (Wah ta) eeōna; not accounting the bear so clean an
animal as the deer, to be offered, and eaten in their religious
friendly feasts; where they solemnly invoked, ate, drank, sung,
and danced in a circular form, to, and before, YO He Wah.
The Indian dialects, like the Hebrew language, have a nervous
and emphatical manner of expression.—The Indians do not personify
inanimate objects, as did the oriental heathens, but their
style is adorned with images, comparisons, and strong metaphors
like the Hebrews; and equal in allegories to any of the eastern
nations. According to the ages of antiquity, their war-speeches,
and public orations, always assume a poetical turn, not unlike
the sound of the measures of the celebrated Anacreon and
Pindar. Their poetry is seldom exact in numbers, rhymes, or
measure: it may be compared to prose in music, or a tunable
way of speaking. The period is always accompanied with a
sounding vehemence, to inforce their musical speech: and the
music is apparently designed to please the ear, and affect the
passions. {61}
After what hath been said of their language, it may be proper
here to shew how they accent the consonants: I shall range
65them in the order of our alphabet, except those they pronounce
after our manner. When CH begins a word, or is prefixed to a
vowel, it conveys a soft sound, as Cháa, “high;” but otherwise
it is guttural: as is D, which is expressed by fixing the tip of the
tongue between the teeth, as Dawi, for David. G is always
guttural, as we accent Go. They cannot pronounce Gn; and they
have not the Hh, neither can it be expressed in their dialects,
as their leading vowels bear the force of guttural consonants.
They have not the Jod, as I can any way recollect, or get information
of; nor can they repeat it, any nearer than Chot.
They pronounce K, as in Ko; L and N, as D—S, by fixing the
tongue to the lower teeth; T like D, as in the old Hibernian, or
Celtic affirmative, Ta. They cannot pronounce V, or X; they
call the governor of Moveel, (Mobille) Goweno-Moweeleh: and
they have not a word which begins or ends with X. KS are
always divided into two syllables; as Hak-se, “mad,” &c. They
have not the letter Z; much less any such harsh sound as Tz,
although they have Tl. As they use the Hebrew consonants Y
and W, in their most solemn invocation YO He Wah, instead of
the present Hebrew Jod and Vau; so they seem to exclude them
intirely out of their various dialects: the pronunciation therefore
of the Hebrew characters, which are supposed to convey the other
sounds, they are unacquainted with; and those which seem to
be transposed, may be clearly ascertained by persons of proper
capacity and leisure, by comparing a sufficient number of Hebrew
and Indian words together. The Indian accents, Oo, and
O, Qu, and Tl, may, prove a pretty good key to speculative
enquirers.
Tl often occur in their words; as Tlumba, “to bleed with a
lancet, to bore, scoop, or make any thing hollow;” and Heettla,
“to dance.” And the South-Americans, we are told, had likewise
the same sound, as in that national name, Tlaskala: it
seems to have been universal over the extensive continent. And,
from a similarity of the Hebrew manners, religious rites, civil
and martial customs, we have a strong presumptive proof, that
they used the aforesaid double vowels, and likewise a single
vowel, as a termination, to give their words a soft accent: and
it is plain to me, that the Hebrew language did not sound so
harsh, as it is now commonly expressed, but like the American
dialects it was interspersed with vowels, {62} and a vowel was
66commonly subjoined to each word, for the sake of a soft cadence;
as Abele, and Ale, instead of אבל, Abel, and אל, Al &c.
The English characters cannot be brought any nearer to the
true pronunciation of the Indian words, than as above set down:
so that former writers have notoriously strayed, by writing conjecturally,
or taking things on the wing of fame. What Indian
words we had, being exceedingly mangled, either by the fault
of the press, or of torturing pens, heretofore induced skilful
persons to conjecture them to be hieroglyphical characters, in
imitation of the ancient Egyptian manner of writing their
chronicles.
The Indians express themselves with a great deal of vehemence,
and with short pauses, in all their set speeches; but, in
common discourse, they express themselves according to our
usual method of speech, only when they scold each other: which
I never observed, unless they were intoxicated with spiritous
liquors, or casually overheard a husband when sober in his own
family. They always act the part of a stoic philosopher in outward
appearance, and never speak above their natural key.
And in their philosophic way of reasoning, their language is the
more sharp and biting, like keen irony and satyr, that kills
whom it praises. They know, that thus they correct and subdue
the first boilings of anger; which, if unchecked, proves one of
the most dangerous passions to which human nature is subject.
So that remote savages, who have heard only the jarring screeches
of night-owls, and the roaring voices of ravenous beasts of prey,
in this respect give lessons, and set a worthy example to our
most civilized nations.
I have heard several eloquent Indian leaders, just as they were
ready to set off for war, to use as bold metaphors and allegories
in their speeches—and images almost as full and animating, as
the eloquent penman of the old divine book of Job, even where
he is painting, with his strong colours, the gladness and contempt
of the beautiful war-horse, at the near approach of the
enemy. I heard one of their captains, at the end of his oration
for war, tell the warriors that stood outermost, he feelingly knew
their guns were burning in their hands; their tomohawks thirsty
to drink the blood of their enemy; and their trusty {63} arrows
impatient to be on the wing; and, lest delay should burn their
hearts any longer, he gave them the cool refreshing word, “Join
the holy ark, and away to cut off the devoted enemy.” They
67immediately sounded the shrill whoo-whoop, and struck up the
solemn, awful song, Yo, &c.
In Virginia, resides the remnant of an Indian tribe, who call
themselves Sepóne;[26] which word, with the Egyptians, signifies
the time of putting their wine into vessels; derived, according to
mythologists, from Saphan, “to inclose or conceal.” From thence
they formed the fictitious Tisiphone, the punisher of sins, animated
with hatred; and also the rest of their pretended furies,
from the like circumstances of the year. Our early American
writers have bestowed on these Indians an emperor, according
to the Spanish copy, calling him Pawhatan—contrary to the
Indian method of ending their proper names with a vowel; and
have pictured them as a separate body of fierce idolatrous
canibals. We however find them in the present day, of the same
temper and religious tenets, as the rest of the Indian Americans,
in proportion to their situation in life. Considering the nearness
of Egypt to Judea, they might have derived that appellative
from the Egyptians,—especially, as here, and in several of our
American colonies, (particularly on the north side of Susquehāna
river, in Pensylvania) are old towns, called Kanāa. There was
about thirty years ago, a remnant of a nation, or subdivided
tribe of Indians, called Kanāai; which resembles the Hebrew
proper name, כנענ, (Canaan, or Chanoona). Their proper
names always end with a vowel: and they seldom use a consonant
at the end of any word[XV]. I cannot recollect {64} any exceptions
68but the following, which are sonorous, and seem to be of an
ancient date; Ookkàh, “a swan;” Ilpàtak, “a wing;” Kooshàk,
“reeds;” Sheenuk, “sand;” Shūtik, “the skies;” Phutchik, “a
star;” Soonak, “a kettle;” Skin, “the eye;” Ai-eep, “a pond;”
and from which they derive the word Ai-ee-pe, “to bathe,” which
alludes to the eastern method of purifying themselves. Ilbàk
signifies “a hand;” and there are a few words that end with sh;
as Soolish, “a tongue,” &c.
XV. If we consider the proximity of those Indians to a thick-settled
colony, in which there are many gentlemen of eminent learning, it will
appear not a little surprizing that the name Canaanites, in the original
language, according to the Indian method of expressing it, as above, did
not excite the attention of the curious, and prompt them to some enquiry
into the language, rites, and customs, of those Aborigines: which had
they effected, would have justly procured them those eulogia from the
learned world, which their society profusely bestowed on the artful, improved
strokes of a former prime magistrate of South-Carolina, whose
conduct in Indian affairs, was so exceedingly singular, if not sordid and
faulty, (as I publicly proved when he presided there) that another year’s
such management would have caused the Cheerake to remove to the
French barrier, or to have invited the French to settle a garrison, where
the late unfortunate Fort-Loudon stood. But a true British administration
succeeding, in the very critical time, it destroyed their immature,
but most dangerous threatening scheme. This note I insert here, though
rather out of place, to shew, that the northern gentlemen have not made
all those observations and enquiries, with regard to the Indians, which
might have been reasonably expected, from so numerous and learned
a body.
The Indians call the lightning and thunder, Eloha, and its
rumbling noise, Rowah, which may not improperly be deduced
from the Hebrew. To enlighten the Hebrew nation, and impress
them with a reverential awe of divine majesty, God spoke to
them at Sinai, and other times during the theocracy, with an
awful or thundering voice. The greater part of the Hebrews
seem to have been formerly as ignorant of philosophy, as are the
savage Americans now. They did not know that thunder proceeded
from any natural cause, but from the immediate voice of
Elohim, above the clouds: and the Indians believe, according to
this Hebrew system of philosophy, that Minggo Ishto Eloha
Alkaiasto, “the great chieftain of the thunder, is very cross, or
angry when it thunders:” and I have heard them say, when it
rained, thundered, and blew sharp, for a considerable time, that
the beloved, or holy people, were at war above the clouds. And
they believe that the war at such times, is moderate, or hot, in
proportion to the noise and violence of the storm.
I have seen them in these storms, fire off their guns, pointed
toward the sky; some in contempt of heaven, and others through
religion—the former, to shew that they were warriors, and not
afraid to die in any shape; much less afraid of that threatening
troublesome noise: and the latter, because their hearts directed
them to assist Ishtohoollo Eloha[XVI]. May not this {65} proceed
69from an oral tradition of the war which the rebellious angels
waged against the great Creator; and which the ancient heathens
called the war of the giants? Nothing sounds bolder, or is more
expressive, than the Cheerake name of thunder, Eentaquàróske.
It points at the effects and report of the battles, which they
imagine the holy people are fighting above. The small-pox, a
foreign disease, no way connatural to their healthy climate, they
call Oonatàquára, imagining it to proceed from the invisible
darts of angry fate, pointed against them, for their young people’s
vicious conduct. When they say, “I shall shoot,” their term
is, Ake-rooka. The radix of this word is in the two last syllables;
the two first are expressive only of the first person singular; as
Akeeohoosa, “I am dead, or lost;” and Akeeohooséra, “I have
lost.” Rooka seems to have a reference to the Hebrew name for
the holy Spirit.
XVI. The first lunar eclipse I saw, after I lived with the Indians, was
among the Cheerake, An. 1736: and during the continuance of it, their
conduct appeared very surprizing to one who had not seen the like
before; they all ran wild, this way and that way, like lunatics, firing
their guns, whooping and hallooing, beating of kettles, ringing horse-bells,
and making the most horrid noises that human beings possibly could.
This was the effect of their natural philosophy, and done to assist the
suffering moon. And it is an opinion of some of the East-Indians, that
eclipses are occasioned by a great monster resembling a bull-frog, which
now and then gnaws one edge of the sun and moon, and would totally
destroy them, only that they frighten it away, and by that means preserve
them and their light. (A). Mooney says that the belief that the
eclipse monster can be so frightened away was universal among primitives.
(W)
The most southern old town, which the Chikkasah first settled,
after the Chokchoomah,[27], Choktah, and they, separated on our
side of the Missisippi, into three different tribes, they called
Yanèka, thereby inverting Yahkàne, the name of the earth; as
their former brotherhood was then turned into enmity[XVII]. The
70bold Creeks on the opposite, or north side of them, they named
Yahnàbe, “killing to God,” or devoting to death; for the mid
consonant expresses the present time. And their proper names
of persons, and places, are always expressive of certain circumstances,
or things, drawn from roots, that convey a fixed determinate
meaning.
XVII. They call the earth Yahkàne, because Yah formed it, as his footstool,
by the power of his word. In allusion also hereto, Nakkàne signifies a
man, because of the mother-earth; and Nakke a bullet, or arrow. When
the Cheerake ask a person, Is it not so? they say, Wahkane? The divine
essential name, and Kane, are evidently the roots of these words.
With the Muskohge, Algeh signifies “a language,” or speech:
and, because several of the Germans among them, frequently say
Yah-yah, as an affirmative, they call them Yah-yah Algeh,
“Those of the blasphemous speech;” which strongly hints to us,
that they still retain a glimpse of the third moral command delivered
at Sinai, “Thou shalt not take the name of the Lord thy
God in vain,” or apply the name of Yohewah, thy Elohim, to
vain, or created things. {66}
These Indians, to inculcate on their young people, that YO
He Wah is the Author of vegetation, call the growth of vegetables,
Wahráah, “moved by Yohewah;” for Aàh signifies to
walk, or move; and the consonant is an expletive of distinction.
In like manner, Wah-àh signifies, that “the fruits are ripe,” or
moved to their joy, by Yohewah. They likewise call the flying
of birds, Wahkáàh; as Yohewah gave them that swift motion.
And, when young pigeons are well feathered, they say, Patche
hishshè oolphotàháh—Patchè signifies “a pidgeon,” Hishshè,
“leaves, hair, or feathers,” oolpha, or oolpho, “a bud,” ta, a note
of plurality, and háh of admiration, to make it a plural superlative.
But, when the pigeons, in winter, fly to a moderate climate
in great clouds, they use the word, Wah-àh, which in every
other application describes vegetation, and say, Patche Wah-àh,
“the pigeons are moved to them by Yohewah;” which seems to
allude to the quails in the wilderness, that were miraculously
sent to feed the Israelites.
Clay basons they call Ai-am-bo, and their old round earthen
forts, Aiambo Cháah, this last word signifying “high,” or tall:
but a stockade, or wooden fort, they term, Hoorèta, and to inswamp,
Book-Hoore, from Bookse, “a swamp,” and Hoorèta, “a
fort, or place of difficult access.” High waters, conveys to them,
an idea only of deepness; as Ookka phobe, “deep waters.” And
they say, Ookka chookòma intáa, “The water glides, or moves
71along pleasantly, or goodly.” That the word Intâa, has Ya-ah
for its radix, is apparent from their name for a rapid current,
Yahnāle, “it runs with a very extraordinary force;” the mid
consonant is placed there, to give the word a suitable vehemence
of expression—and the word is compounded of יה, Yah, and אל,
Ale, two names of God. In like mannermanner, Yahnhà signifies “a
pleurisy,” fever, and the like; because they reckon, when Yah
says ha in anger, to any of their vicious people, he immediately
fires the blood, and makes it run violently through all the veins
of the body. Ashtahále signifies the reflection of the celestial
luminaries, which is composed of two of the divine names; as
אש, Ash, the celestial, cherubimical name of God, signifying
fire, ta, a contraction of the conjunction copulative, and אל,
Ale, the strong, or omnipotent. They say a river, or warm
victuals, is A-shu-pa; that is, the former is become fordable, and
the latter eatable. They here divide Ash into two syllables; and
the termination alludes to the word, Apà, which signifies eating. {67}
Páàh signifies to raise the voice, Vocifero—for פי, Phi, signifies
“the mouth,” and Aàh, “to move.” Opáe is the name of a war-leader,
because he is to move his mouth to O E A, or invoke
YO He Wah, while he carries the beloved ark to war, and is
sanctifying himself and his party, that they may obtain success
against the enemy. But Pae-Minggo signifies a far-off, or distant
chieftain. Pa yak Matàháh, is the high name of a war-leader,
derived from Páah, to raise the voice to Yah, and Tahàh, “finished,”
meaning his war-gradation: the M prefixed to it, makes
it a substantive, according to the usage of the Hebrews. Any
thing liquid they term Ookche, from Ookka and che: and
Ookchaah signifies “alive.” It is drawn from Ookka, “water,”
Ch, a note of resemblance, and Aàh, “moving;” i. e. a living
creature resembles moving water. In like manner, Ookchà
signifies to awake out of sleep; and also to plant any vegetable
substance, alluding to their three different states—they first were
enabled to move about—then rest, or sleep is necessary, and also
being planted in the earth—but they hope that in due time, they
shall be moved upward, after they have slept a while in the earth,
by the omnipotent power of Yah. They have an idea of a resurrection
of the dead body, according to the general belief of the
Jews, and in conformity to St. Paul’s philosophical axiom, that
corruption precedes generation, and a resurrection.
72Keenta signifies “a beaver,” Ookka “water,” and Heenna “a
path;” but, for a smooth cadence, they contract them into one
word, Keentookheenna; which very expressively signifies “a
beaver-dam.”
The Indian compounded words, are generally pretty long; but
those that are radical, or simple, are mostly short: very few, if
any of them, exceed three or four syllables. And, as their dialects
are guttural, every word contains some consonants; and
these are the essential characteristics of language. Where they
deviate from this rule, it is by religious emblems; which
obviously proceeds from the great regard they paid to the names
of the Deity; especially, to the four-lettered, divine, essential
name, by using the letters it contains, and the vowels it was
originally pronounced with, to convey a virtuous idea; or, by
doubling, or transposing them, to signify the contrary. In this
they all agree. And, as this general custom must proceed from
one primary cause, it seems to assure us, they were not in a {68}
savage state, when they first separated, and variegated their dialects,
with so much religious care, and exact art. Blind chance
could not direct so great a number of remote and warring savage
nations to fix on, and unite in so nice a religious standard of
speech. Vowels are inexpressive of things, they only typify them;
as Oo-E-A, “to ascend, or remove:”—O E A, a most sacred
affirmation of the truth. Similar to these are many words, containing
only one consonant: as To-e-u, “it is very true;” O-se-u,
“very good;” Y-O-U, “evil, or very bad;” Y-â-a, “he moves by
the divine bounty;” Nan-ne Y-a, “the divine hill, or the mount
of God,” &c. If language was not originally a divine gift, which
some of our very curious modern philosophers deny, and have
taken great pains to set aside; yet human beings are possessed of
the faculties of thinking and speaking, and, in proportion to their
ideas, they easily invented, and learned words mixed with consonants
and vowels, to express them. Natural laws are common
and general. The situation of the Indian Americans, has probably
been the means of sinking them into that state of barbarism
we now behold—Yet, though in great measure they may have
lost their primitive language, not one of them expresses himself
by the natural cries of brute-animals, any farther than to describe
some of the animals by the cries they make; which we ourselves
sometimes imitate, as Choo-qua-lê-qua-lôô, the name they give
that merry night-singing bird, which we call “Whip her will my
73poor wife,” (much like our cuckoo) so termed from its musical
monotony. No language is exempt from the like simple copyings.
The nervous, polite, and copious Greek tongue had the
loud-sounding Böô Böao, which the Romans imitated, by their
bellowing Boves Böum; and the Indians say Pa-a, signifying the
loud noise of every kind of animals, and their own loud-sounding
war Whoô Whoóp. Where they do not use divine emblems, their
words have much articulation of consonants. Their radicals
have not the inseparable property of three consonants, though
frequently they have; and their words are not so long, as strangers
conjecturally draw them out. Instead of a simple word, we too
often insert the wild picture of a double, or triple-compounded
one; and the conjugation of their verbs, utterly deceives us. A
specimen of this, will shew it with sufficient clearness, and may
exhibit some useful hints to the curious searchers of antiquity.
A-nô-wa signifies “a rambler, renegadoe, or a person of no
settled place of abode.” A-nó-wah, the first person, and Ish-na,
the second person {69} singular, but they have not a particular
pronoun for the third; they distinguish it by custom. Si-a, or
Sy-ah, is “I am;” Chee-a, or Chy-ah, “you are;” and Too-wah,
“he is.” Ay-ah signifies “to go;” Ay-a-sa, “I remain;” Ish-i-a-sa,
“you remain;” A-sa, “he remains.” A-OO-E-A is a strong religious
emblem, signifying “I climb, ascend, or remove to another
place of residence.” It points to A-nó-wah, the first person
singular, and O-E-A, or YO He Wah; and implies, putting themselves
under his divine patronage. The beginning of that most
sacred symbol, is, by studious skill, and a thorough knowledge
of the power of letters, placed twice, to prevent them from applying
the sacred name to vain purposes, or created things. In like
manner they say, Nas-sap-pe-O Ish-OO-E-A, “You are climbing
a very great acorn-tree,” meaning an oak; for Nas-se is the name
of an acorn; and the mid part of that triple compounded word,
is derived from Ap-pê-la, “to help;” Che-ap-pê-la A-wa, “I do
not help you.” The termination, according to their mixed idiom,
magnifies it to a superlative. Quoo-ran-hê-qua, a noted old
camping place, fourteen miles above the settlement of Ninety-six,
and eighty-two below the Cheerake, signifies, in their dialect,
“the large white oaks.” Oos-sak is the name of a “hickory-nut,”
and Oos-sak Ap-pe-O as above. Oot-te signifies “a chestnut;”
Noot-te, “a tooth;” Soot-te, “a pot;” and Oo-te, “to make a
74fire,” which may be called an Indian type for eating boiled
chestnuts.
When they say, “He is removing his camp,” they express it
in a most religious manner, Al-bé-na-OO-E-A. Al-be-nâs-le signifies
“I camped;” Al-be-nâs-le-chû, “I shall, or will, camp:” but,
according to their religious mode of speaking, Al-bé-na A-OO-E-A-re,
expresses the former, and Al-bé-na A-OO-E-A-ri-chû, the
latter phrase; likewise, Al-bé-na OO-E-As signifies Castra Moveto,
imperatively. It is worthy of notice, that as they have no pronoun
relative to express the third person singular, they have recourse
to the first syllable of the essential word, Toowah, “He
is.” In allusion to that word, they term the conjunction copulative,
Ta-wah, and Tee-U-Wah, “resting.” So mixed a train
of nice and exact religious terms, could not be invented by people,
as illiterate and savage as the Indians now are, any more
than happen by accident.
Though they have lost the true meaning of their religious
emblems, except what a very few of us occasionally revive in the
retentive memories of their old inquisitive magi; yet tradition
directs them to apply them properly.{70} They use many
plain religious emblems of the divine names, Yohewah, Yah,
and Ale,—and these are the roots of a prodigious number of
words, through their various dialects. It is surprising they were
unnoticed, and that no use was made of them, by the early
voluminous Spanish writers, or by our own, for the information
of the learned world, notwithstanding the bright lights they had
to direct them in that æra, when the decorations of their holy
temples and priests, their religious ceremonies, and sacred hymns
of praise to the Deity, of which hereafter, so nearly corresponded
with the Israelitish, and might have been readily discovered
by any who eyed them with attention. In our time, by
reason of their long intercourse with foreigners, we have necessarily
but a few dark traces to guide our inquiries, in the investigation
of what must have been formerly, shining truths.
I must beg to be indulged with a few more remarks on their
verbs.[28]—If we prefix As to A-a, “to move,” it becomes A-sâ-a,
“to offend.” The monosyllables Ish and Che, variously denote
75the second person singular; but when the former is by custom
prefixed to a verb, the latter then expresses either the accusative
or ablative case singular of the pronoun relative; as Ish-a-sâ-ah,
“you are offended, or moved to say Ah;” Ish-a-sâ-a-re, “you
were displeased;” but Che-a-sâ-ah signifies “I am displeased
with you;” and Che-a-sâ-a-re “I was offended by you;” Che-a-sâ-a-chee-le
is “I occasion, or have occasioned you to be displeased,”
literally, “I produce, or have produced offence to you;” and Che-a-sâ-a-cheê-le
Awa, “I shall not cause you to be displeased.” In
like manner, they say A-ân-ha, which signifies “I despise,” or
literally, “I move ha;” for the mid letter is inserted for distinction-sake,
according to their idiom. So A-chîn-ha-chu, “I shall
contemn you;” A-chîn-ha-cheê-la A-wa, “I shall not cause you
to become despicable.” Chee-le signifies literally, “to bring forth
young.” So that the former method of expression is very significant,
and yet it shews a sterility of language, as that single word
is applicable to every species of female animals, fowls not excepted:
Thus, Phoo-she Chee-le, “the birds lay.” Oe-she signifies
“a young animal,” of any kind—and likewise an egg. When mentioned
alone, by way of excellence, it is the common name of an
infant; but when the name of the species of animals is prefixed to
it, it describes the young creature. An-push-koosh oo-she, is what
the tender mother says to her well-pleased infant. The two words
import the same thing. The former resembles the Hebrew, and
the latter is likewise a substantive; they {71} say Chool-loo-she
Teeth-lâ-a-ta-hâh, “the fox-cubs are run off;”—Choo-la being
the name of a fox. Phut-choos-oo-she Wah kâ-as, “let the young
duck fly away;” and Phoo-soo-she Hish-she Ool-pha-quî-sa, “the
young wild bird’s hairs, or feathers, are not sprung, or budded.”
Pa-se signifies the hair of a man’s head, or the mane of animals.
Sha-le signifies pregnant, literally, “to carry a burthen;” as Oo-she
shâ-le, “she bears, or carries, an infant;” but, when it is
born, Shoo-le is the name for carrying it in their arms. This
bears off from the divine radix, with great propriety of language.
Im prefixed to a verb, denotes the masculine and feminine pronouns,
illum and illam. As this is their fixed method of speech,
the reader will easily understand the true idiom of their language.
Sal-le signifies “I am dead,” Chil-le, you, &c. Il-leh, he, &c.
76And this is likewise a substantive, as Il-let Min-te, “death is
approaching,” or coming: Min-té-cha signifies “come you;” and
A-min-té-la A-wa, or Ac-min-tá-qua-chu, “I will not come.”
The former word, Shâ-le, “to carry a burthen,” or, she is pregnant,
seems to be derived from ש and אל and, as A-shâ-le,
Ish-shâ-le, and E-shâ-le, are the first, second, and third persons
singular of the present tense, the latter may allude to her conception
by the power of the Deity: and it also points to שול,
Sha-wô-le, or Saul, “the grave, or sepulchre,” out of which the
dead shall come forth to a new world of light. In like manner
Chee-le “to bring forth,” or A-chee-lá-le, “I brought forth,” appears
to be derived from כ, a note of resemblance, and אל,
A-le, the fruitful Omnipotent. All the American nations, like
the Jews, entertain a contemptible opinion of their females that
are barren—sterility they consider as proceeding from the divine
anger, on account of their conjugal infidelity.
To enable grammarians to form a clear idea of the Indian
method of variegating their verbs, and of the true meaning they
convey, we must again recur to the former essential word, or
rather divine emblem, A-ah, “he moves.” They say A-as, “let
him move,” and Ee-má-ko, or Blâ-sas A-â-á-re, “I now move,”
or “yesterday I moved;” for, like the Hebrews, they sometimes
use the preterperfect, instead of the present tense. A-â-a-ra-chu
is the first person singular of the future tense, in the indicative
mood. A-â-ta-hah expresses the third person plural of the present
tense, and same mood. A-â-ta-hâh-ta-kô-a signifies, by query,
“have ye, or will ye move?” It is their method of conjugating
their verbs, that occasions any of their {72} radical or derivative
verbs to exceed three or four syllables; as we see by this, which,
though composed only of two vowels, or short syllables, is yet so
greatly deflected. With them two negatives make an affirmative,
as Ak-hish-ko-quá, “I shall not drink;” add the strong negative
termination A-wa, it is, “I will certainly drink.” An affirmative
question frequently implies a strong negative; as Ai-a-râ-ta-kô-a,
literally, “will, or should, I go?” that is, “I really will not, or
should not go:” and on the contrary, a negative query imports
an affirmative assertion; as A-kai-u-quâ-ta-kô-a, “should not I
go?” or, “I surely should go.” Ee-á ko A-pâ-ret Sa-kâi-a-qua-ta
kô-a, is literally, “if I ate, should not I be satisfied?” which
implies, “If I ate, I should be fully satisfied.”satisfied.” To drinking, they
apply a word that signifies content; and indeed, they are most
77eager to drink any sort of spiritous liquors, when their bellies
are quite full. When they are tired with drinking, if we say to
any of them, Un-ta Ang-go-na Che-ma-hîsh-kó-la Chû, “Well, my
friend, I will drink with you;” Che-a-yôok-pa-chêe-re Too-gat,
“for, indeed, I rejoice in your company;” he replies, Hai-a, Ook-ka
Hoo-me Hish-ko Sa-nook-tá-ra; which is, “No; for I am content
with drinking bitter waters.” They constantly prefix the
substantive before the adjective, and place the accusative case
before the verb. If we translate the following words, Ook-ka
Pangge Hum-ma Law-wa A-hish-kó-le Bla-sas, they literally
signify, “yesterday I drank a great deal of red-grape water,”
meaning claret. Thus they say, Tik-ké-ba, Ing-glee-she Fren-she
Ee-lap A-bing-ga E-tee-be, “formerly, when the English and
French fought against each other;” Fren-she Ing-glee-she A-be-tâ-le,
“the French were killed by the English.”
The verbs are seldom defective, or imperfect: though they may
seem to be so to persons who do not understand the idiom of
their language, they are not; they only appear as such by the
near resemblance of words, which convey a different meaning—as
A-kai-a, “I go,” Sa-kai-a, “I am satisfied with eating,” and
Sal-kai-a, “I am angry, cross, vexed, or disturbed in mind;”
Shee-a, Che-kai-a, and Chil-kai-a, in the second person; Ai-a,
E-kai-a, and Al-kai-a, in the third person singular. A-pee-sa
signifies “to see,” and Al-pêê-sa, “strait, even, or right;”right;”Al-poo-ê-ak,
the general name of mercantile goods, I subjoin, as such
a word is uncommon with them; they seldom use so harsh a
termination. I shall here close this argument, and hope {73}
enough hath been said to give a clear idea of the principles of
the Indian language and dialects, its genius and idiom, and strong
similarity to, and near coincidence with the Hebrew—which will
be not easily accounted for, but by considering the American
Indians as descended from the Jews.
They count Time after the manner of the Hebrews.
They divide the year into spring—summer—autumn, or the
fall of the leaf—and winter: which the Cheerake Indians call
Kogeh, Akooèa, Oolekóhstè, Kòra; and the Chikkasah and Choktah
nation, Otoolpha, Tóme palle, Ashtòra-móona, Ashtòra.
Kógeh is drawn from Anantòge, the general appellation for the
78sun and moon; because, when the sun returns from the southern
hemisphere, he covers the vegetable world with a green livery.
Akooèa alludes strongly to the essential divine name, as we have
seen in the former argument. With regard to Oolekohste, “the
fall of the leaf,” as they call a buzzard, Soore, or Soole; and as
Soolekohste signifies troublesome, offensive, disagreeable, the
word signifies, that “the fall of the year is as disagreeable a
sight, as that of a buzzard.” Kora, as with the Hebrews, signifies
the winter; and is likewise the name of a bone: and by
joining Hah, an Hebrew note of admiration, to the end of it, as
Kora-Hah, it becomes the proper name of a man, signifying, “all
bones,” or very bony. Otool-phà, “the spring season,” is derived
from Oolpha, the name of a bud, or to shoot out; because
then the solar heat causes vegetables to bud and spring. Tomeh
signifies “the solar light,” and Palle, “warm or hot;” Ashtora,
“winter,” and Moona, “presently,” &c.
They number their years by any of those four periods, for
they have no name for a year; and they subdivide these, and
count the year by lunar months, like the Israelites, who counted
by moons, as their name sufficiently testifies; for they called
them ירחים, the plural of ירח, the moon.
The Indians have no distinct proper name for the sun and
moon; one word, with a note of distinction, expresses both—for
example; the Cheerake {74} call the sun Eus-se A-nan-tó-ge,
“the day-moon, or sun;” and the latter, Neus-se A-nan-tó-ge, or
“the night-sun, or moon.” In like manner, the Chikkasah and
Choktah term the one, Neetak-Hasséh, and the other, Neennak-Hasséh;
for Neetak signifies “a day,” and Neennak, “a night.”
Here I cannotcannot forbear remarking, that the Indians call the penis
of any animal, by the very same name, Hasse; with this difference
only, that the termination is in this instance pronounced
short, whereas the other is long, on purpose to distinguish the
words. This bears a strong analogy to what the rabbins tell us
of the purity of the Hebrew language, that “it is so chaste a
tongue, as to have no proper names for the parts of generation.”
The Cheerake can boast of the same decency of style, for they
call a corn-house, Watóhre and the penis of any creature, by the
very same name; intimating, that as the sun and moon influence
and ripen the fruits that are stored in it, so by the help of Ceres
and Bacchus, Venus lies warm, whereas on the contrary, sine
Cerere & Bacchus, friget Venus.
79They count certain very remarkable things, by knots of various
colours and make, after the manner of the South-American
Aborigines; or by notched square sticks, which are likewise distributed
among the head warriors, and other chieftains of different
towns, in order to number the winters, &c.—the moons
also—their sleeps—and the days when they travel; and especially
certain secret intended acts of hostility. Under such a circumstance,
if one day elapses, each of them loosens a knot, or cuts
off a notch, or else makes one, according to previous agreement;
which those who are in the trading way among them, call broken
days. Thus they proceed day by day, till the whole time is expired,
which was marked out, or agreed upon; and they know
with certainty, the exact time of any of the aforesaid periods,
when they are to execute their secret purposes, be they ever so
various. The authors of the romantic Spanish histories of Peru
and Mexico, have wonderfully stretched on these knotted, or
marked strings, and notched square sticks, to shew their own
fruitful inventions, and draw the attention and surprise of the
learned world to their magnified bundle of trifles.
The method of counting time by weeks, or sevenths, was a
very ancient custom, practised by the Syrians, Egyptians, and
most of the oriental nations; {75} and it evidently is a remain
of the tradition of the creation. The Creator, indeed, renewed
to the Hebrews the old precept of sanctifying the seventh day,
on a particular occasion. And Christianity promoted that religious
observance in the western world, in remembrance of the
work of redemption. The Greeks counted time by decads, or
tens; and the Romans by nones, or ninths. The number, and
regular periods of the Indians public religious feasts, of which
presently, is a good historical proof, that they counted time by,
and observed a weekly sabbath, long after their arrival on the
American continent.
They count the day also by the three sensible differences of
the sun, like the Hebrews—sun-rise, they term, Hassé kootcha
meente, “the sun’s coming out;”—noon, or mid-day, Tabookòre;—and
sun-set, Hassé Oobèa, literally, “the sun is dead;” likewise,
Hasse Ookka’tòra, that is, “the sun is fallen into the
water;” the last word is compounded of Ookka, water, and
Etòra, to fall: it signifies also “to swim,” as instinct would direct
those to do, who fell into the water. And they call dark, Ookklille—derived
from Ookka, water, and Illeh, dead; which shews
80their opinion of the sun’s disappearance, according to the
ancients, who said the sun slept every night in the western
ocean. They subdivide the day, by any of the aforesaid three
standards—as half way between the sun’s coming out of the
water; and in like manner, by midnight, or cock-crowing, &c.
They begin the year,[29] at the first appearance of the first new
moon of the vernal æquinox, according to the ecclesiastical year
of Moses: and those synodical months, each consist of twenty-nine
days, twelve hours, and forty odd minutes; which make
the moons, alternately, to consist of twenty-nine and of thirty
days. They pay a great regard to the first appearance of every
new moon, and, on the occasion, always repeat some joyful
sounds, and stretch out their hands towards her—but at such
times they offer no public sacrifice.
Till the 70 years captivity commenced, (according to Dr.
Prideaux, 606 years before the Christian æra) the Israelites
had only numeral names for the solar and lunar months, except
אביב and האתנים; the former signifies a green ear of corn;
and the latter, robust, or valiant. And by the first {76} name,
the Indians, as an explicative, term their passover, which the
trading people call the green-corn dance. As the Israelites were
a sensual people, and generally understood nothing but the
shadow, or literal part of the law; so the Indians closely imitate
them, minding only that traditional part, which promised them
a delicious land, flowing with milk and honey. The two Jewish
months just mentioned, were æquinoctial. Abib, or their present
Nisan, was the seventh of the civil, and the first of the ecclesiastical
year, answering to our March and April: and Ethanim,
which began the civil year, was the seventh of that of the
ecclesiastical, the same as our September and October. And the
Indians name the various seasons of the year, from the planting,
or ripening of the fruits. The green-eared moon is the most
beloved, or sacred,—when the first fruits become sanctified, by
being annually offered up. And from this period they count
their beloved, or holy things.
When they lack a full moon, or when they travel, they count
81by sleeps; which is a very ancient custom—probably, from the
Mosaic method of counting time, “that the evening and
the morning were the first day.” Quantity they count by tens, the
number of their fingers; which is a natural method to all people.
In the mercantile way, they mark on the ground their numbers,
by units; or by X for ten; which, I presume they learned from
the white people, who traded with them. They readily add together
their tens, and find out the number sought. They call it
Yakâ-ne Tlápha, or “scoring on the ground.” But old time they
can no way trace, only by remarkable circumstances, and æras.
As they trade with each other, only by the hand, they have no
proper name for a pound weight.
The Cheerake count as high as an hundred,[30] by various numeral
names; whereas the other nations of East and West-Florida,
rise no higher than the decimal number, adding units
after it, by a conjunction copulative; which intimates, that
nation was either more mixed, or more skilful, than the rest: the
latter seems most probable. They call a thousand, Skoeh Chooke
Kaiére, “the old,” or “the old one’s hundred:” and so do the
rest, in their various dialects, by interpretation; which argues
their former skill in numbers. {77}
I shall here give a specimen of the Hebrew method of counting,
and that of the Cheerake, Chikkasah, and Muskohge or
Creeks, by which some farther analogy will appear between the
savage Indians, and their supposed Israelitish brethren. The
Hebrew characters were numeral figures: they counted by them STOPP
alphabetically, א (1), ב (2), and so on to the letter י, the tenth
letter of the alphabet, and which stands for ten; then, by prefixing
י to those letters, they proceeded with their rising numbers,
as יא (11), יב (12), יג (13), יד (14), &c. They had words
also of a numeral power, as אח͏ד (1), שני (2), שלשי (3), אדבע (4),
&c. We shall now see how the Indian method of numbering
agrees with this old standard, as well as with the idiom of the
Hebrew language in similar cases.
The Cheerake number thus: Soquo 1, Tahre 2, Choeh 3,
Nankke 4, Ishke 5, Sootáre 6, Karekóge 7, Suhnâyra 8, Sohnáyra
9, Skoeh 10, Soàtoo 11, Taràtoo 12, &c. And here we may see a
parity of words between two of the Indian nations; for the
Muskohge term a stone, Tahre; which glances at the Hebrew,
82as they not only built with such material, but used it as a word
of number, expressive of two. In like manner, Ishke “five,”
signifies a mother, which seems to shew that their numeral words
were formerly significant; and that they are one stock of people.
The Chikkasah and Choktah count in this manner—Chephpha
1, Toogàlo 2, Tootchēna 3, Oosta 4, Tathlābe 5, Hannāhle 6,
Untoogàlo 7, Untootchēna 8, Chakkále 9, Pokoole 10, Pokoole
Aawa Chephpha, “ten and one,” and so on. The Cheerake have
an old waste town, on the Georgia south-west branch of Savannah
river, called Toogàlo; which word may come under the former
observation, upon the numerical word two: and they call a pompion,
Oosto, which resembles Oosta, four.
The Cheerake call twenty, Tahre Skoeh, “two tens;” and the
Chikkasah term it, Pokoole Toogalo, “ten twos:” as if the former
had learned to number from the left hand to the right, according
to the Syriac custom; and the latter, from the right to the left
hand, after the Hebrew manner. The former call an hundred,
Skoeh Chooke; and, as before observed, a thousand, Skoeh
Chooke Kaiére, or “the old one’s hundred;” for with them,
Kaiére signifies “ancient,” or aged; whereas Eti, or Eti-u, expresses
former old time. {78} May not this have some explanation,
by the “Ancient of days,” as expressed by the prophet Daniel—magnifying
the number, by joining one of the names of God to
it—according to a frequent custom of the Hebrews? This seems
to be illustrated with sufficient clearness, by the numerical
method of the Chikkasah—for they call an hundred, Pokoole
Tathleepa; and a thousand, Pokoole Tathleepa Tathleepa Ishto;
the last of which is a strong double superlative, according to the
usage of the Hebrews, by a repetition of the principal word; or
by affixing the name of God to the end of it, to heighten the number.
Ishto is one of their names of God, expressive of majesty,
or greatness; and Soottathleepa[XVIII], the name of a drum, derived
from Sootte, an earthen pot, and Tathleepa, perhaps the name or
number of some of their ancient legions.
XVIII. The double vowels, oo and ee, are always to be joined in one syllable,
and pronounced long.
The Muskohge method of counting is, Hommai 1, Hokkóle 2,
Tootchēna 3, Ohsta 4, Chakàpe 5, Eepáhge 6, Hoolopháge 7,
Cheenèpa 8, Ohstàpe 9, Pokóle 10, &c. I am sorry that I have
not sufficient skill in the Muskohge dialect, to make any useful
83observations on this head; however, the reader can easily discern
the parity of language, between their numerical words, and those
of the Chikkasah and Choktah nations; and may from thence
conclude, that they were formerly one nation and people.
I have seen their symbols, or signatures, in a heraldry way,
to count or distinguish their tribes, done with what may be called
wild exactness. The Choktah use the like in the dormitories of
their dead; which seems to argue, that the ancienter and thicker-settled
countries of Peru and Mexico had formerly, at least, the
use of hieroglyphic characters; and that they painted the real,
or figurative images of things, to convey their ideas. The present
American Aborigines seem to be as skilful Pantomimi, as ever
were those of ancient Greece or Rome, or the modern Turkish
mutes, who describe the meanest things spoken, by gesture, action,
and the passions of the face. Two far-distant Indian nations,
who understand not a word of each other’s language, will intelligibly
converse together, and contract engagements, without any
interpreter, in such a surprizing manner, as is scarcely credible.
As their dialects are guttural, the indications they use, with the
hand or {79} fingers, in common discourse, to accompany their
speech, is the reason that strangers imagine they make only a
gaggling noise, like what we are told of the Hottentots, without
any articulate sound; whereas it is an ancient custom of the
eastern countries, which probably the first emigrants brought
with them to America, and still retain over the far-extended
continent[XIX].
XIX. The first numbering was by their fingers; to which custom Solomon
alludes, Prov. iii. 16. “length of days is in her right hand.” The Greeks
called this, Αποπεμπομαζειv, because they numbered on their five fingers:
and Ovid says, Seu, quia tot digitis, per quos numeráre solemus; likewise
Juvenal, Sua dextrâ computat annos. Others numbered on their ten
fingers, as we may see in Bede de ratione temporum. And the ancients
not only counted, but are said to speak with their fingers, Prov. vi. 13,
“The wicked man he teacheth with his fingers.” And Nævius, in Tarentilla,
says, dat digito literas. (A). Lord Kingsborough says the statement
in the text is confirmed by Francisco Vazquez de Coronado. (W).
In conformity to, or after the manner of the Jews, the Indian
Americans have their Prophets, High-Priests,[31] and others of a
84religious order. As the Jews had a sanctum sanctorum, or most
holy place, so have all the Indian nations; particularly, the Muskohge.
It is partitioned off by a mud-wall about breast-high,
behind the white seat, which always stands to the left hand of
the red-painted war-seat; there they deposit their consecrated
vessels, and supposed holy utensils, none of the laity daring to
approach that sacred place, for fear of particular damage to themselves,
and general hurt to the people, from the supposed divinity
of the place.
With the Muskohge, Hitch Lalàge signifies “cunning men,” or
persons prescient of futurity, much the same as the Hebrew seers.
Cheeràtahége is the name of the pretended prophets, with the
Cheerake, and nearly approaches to the meaning of נביא, Nebia,
the Hebrew name of a prophet. Cheera is their word for “fire,”
and the termination points out men possest of, or endued with it.
The word seems to allude to the celestial cherubim, fire, light,
and spirit, which centered in O E A, or Yohewah. These Indians
call their pretended prophets also Loá-che, “Men resembling the
holy fire,” or as Elohim; for the termination expresses a comparison,
and Loa, is a contraction of Loak, drawn from אלה,
Elóah, the singular number of אלהים, Elohim, the name of the
holy ones. And, as the Muskohge {80} call the noise of thunder,
Erowah, so the Cheerake by inverting it, Worah, “He is;”
thereby alluding to the divine essence: and, as those term the
lightning Elóa, and believe it immediately to proceed from the
voice of Ishtohollo Elóa Aba, it shews the analogy to the Hebrews,
and their sentiments to be different from all the early
heathen world.
The Indian tradition says, that their forefathers were possessed
of an extraordinary divine spirit, by which they foretold things
future, and controuled the common course of nature: and this
they transmitted to their offspring, provided they obeyed the
sacred laws annexed to it. They believe, that by the communication
of the same divine fire working on their Loáche, they can
now effect the like. They say it is out of the reach of Nana
Ookproo, either to comprehend, or perform such things, because
85the beloved fire, or the holy spirit of fire, will not co-operate
with, or actuate Hottuk Ookproose, “the accursed people.”
Ishtohoollo is the name of all their priestly order, and their
pontifical office descends by inheritance to the eldest: those
friend-towns, which are firmly confederated in their exercises
and plays, never have more than one Archi-magus at a time.
But lameness, contrary to the Mosaic law, it must be confessed,
does not now exclude him from officiating in his religious function;
though it is not to be doubted, as they are naturally a
modest people, and highly ridicule those who are incapable of
procreating their species, that formerly they excluded the lame
and impotent. They, who have the least knowledge in Indian
affairs, know, that the martial virtue of the savages, obtains them
titles of distinction; but yet their old men, who could scarcely
correct their transgressing wives, much less go to war, and perform
those difficult exercises, that are essentially needful in an
active warrior, are often promoted to the pontifical dignity, and
have great power over the people, by the pretended sanctity of
the office. Notwithstanding the Cheerake are now a nest of
apostate hornets, pay little respect to grey hairs, and have been
degenerating fast from their primitive religious principles, for
above thirty years past—yet, before the last war, Old Hop,[32]
who was helpless and lame, presided over the whole nation, as
Archi-magus, and lived in Choàte, their only town of refuge. It
was entirely owing to the wisdom of those who then presided in
86South-Carolina, that his dangerous pontifical, and regal-like
power, was impaired, by their setting up Atta Kulla Kulla,[33] and
supporting him so well, as to prevent the then easy transition
of an Indian {81} high-priesthood into a French American
bloody chair, with a bunch of red and black beads; where the
devil and they could as easily have instructed them in the infernal
French catechism, as they did the Canada Indians: as—Who
killed Christ? Answer, The bloody English; &c.[XX]
XX. A wrong belief has a most powerful efficacy in depraving men’s
morals, and a right one has a great power to reform them. The bloody
Romish bulls, that France sent over to their Indian converts, clearly
prove the former; and our peaceable conduct, as plainly shewed the
latter, till Britannia sent out her lions to retaliate.
To discover clearly the origin of the Indian religious system,
I must occasionally quote as much from the Mosaic institution,
87as the savages seem to copy after, or imitate, in their ceremonies;
and only the faint image of the Hebrew can now be expected to
be discerned, as in an old, imperfect glass. The priesthood originally
centered with the first male born of every family: with the
ancient heathens, the royalty was annexed to it, in a direct line;
and it descended in that manner, as low as the Spartans and
Romans. But, to secure Israel from falling into heathenish
customs and worship; God in the time of Moses, set apart the
Levites for religious services in the room of the first-born; and
one high-priest, was elected from the family of Aaron, and
anointed with oil, who presided over the rest. This holy office
descended by right of inheritance. However, they were to be
free of bodily defects, and were by degrees initiated to their holy
office, before they were allowed to serve in it. They were consecrated,
by having the water of purifying sprinkled upon them,
washing all their body, and their clothes clean, anointing them
with oil, and offering a sacrifice.
It is not surprizing that the dress of the old savage Archi-magus,
and that of the Levitical high-priest, is somewhat different.
It may well be supposed, they wandered from captivity to
this far-distant wilderness, in a distrest condition, where they
could scarcely cover themselves from the inclemency of heat and
cold. Besides, if they had always been possessed of the greatest
affluence, the long want of written records would sufficiently
excuse the difference; because oral traditions are liable to variation.
However, there are some traces of agreement in their
pontifical dress. Before the Indian Archi-magus officiates in making
the supposed holy fire, for the yearly atonement {82} of sin,
the Sagan clothes him with a white ephod, which is a waistcoat
without sleeves. When he enters on that solemn duty, a beloved
attendant spreads a white-drest buck-skin on the white seat,
which stands close to the supposed holiest, and then puts some
white beads on it, that are given him by the people. Then the
Archi-magus wraps around his shoulders a consecrated skin of the
same sort, which reaching across under his arms, he ties behind
his back, with two knots on the legs, in the form of a figure of
eight. Another custom he observes on this solemn occasion, is,
instead of going barefoot, he wears a new pair of buck-skin white
maccasenes made by himself, and stitched with the sinews of the
88same animal[XXI]. The upper leather across the toes, he paints, for
the space of three inches, with a few streaks of red—not with
vermilion, for that is their continual war-emblem, but with a
certain red root, its leaves and stalk resembling the ipecacuanha,
which is their fixed red symbol of holy things. These shoes he
never wears, but in the time of the supposed passover; for at the
end of it, they are laid up in the beloved place, or holiest, where
much of the like sort, quietly accompanies an heap of old, broken
earthen ware, conch-shells, and other consecrated things.
When the high-priest entered into the holiest, on the day of expiation,
he clothed himself in white; and, when he finished that day’s service, he
laid aside those clothes and left them in the tabernacle. Lev. xvi. 23.
When the Egyptian priests went to worship in their temples, they wore
shoes of white parchment. Herodotus, Lib. ii. Cap. v.
The Mosaic ceremonial institutions, are acknowledged by our
best writers, to represent the Messiah, under various types and
shadows; in like manner, the religious customs of the American
Indians, seem to typify the same; according to the early divine
promise, that the seed of the woman should bruise the head of
the serpent; and that it should bruise his heel.—The Levitical
high-priest wore a breast-plate, which they called Hosechim, and
on it the Urim and Thummim, signifying lights and perfections;
for they are the plurals of אור, Awóra, (which inverted makes
Erowa) and תורה, Thòràh, {83} the law, as it directed them under
dark shadows, to Messiah, the lamp of light and perfection. In
resemblance of this sacred pectoral, or breast-plate, the American
Archi-magus wears a breast-plate, made of a white conch-shell,[34]
with two holes bored in the middle of it, through which he puts
the ends of an otter-skin strap, and fastens a buck-horn
white button to the outside of each, as if in imitation of the
precious stones of Urim, which miraculously blazoned from the
high-priest’s breast, the unerring words of the divine oracle.
Instead of the plate of gold, which the Levite wore on his forehead,
89bearing these words,קדש לי יהוהKadesh li Yohewah,
“holy, or separate to God,” the Indian wears around his temples,
either a wreath of swan-feathers, or a long piece of swan-skin
doubled, so as only the fine snowy feathers appear on each side.
And, in likeness to the Tiara of the former, the latter wears on the
crown of his head, a tuft of white feathers, which they call Yatèra.
He likewise fastens a tuft of blunted wild Turkey cock-spurs,
toward the toes of the upper part of his maccasenes, as if in
resemblance to the seventy-two bells, which the Levitical high-priest
wore on his coat of blue. Those are as strong religious
pontifical emblems, as any old Hebrews could have well chosen,
or retained under the like circumstances of time and place. Thus
appears the Indian Archimagus—not as Merubha Begadim, “the
man with many clothes,” as they called the high-priest of the
second temple, but with clothes proper to himself, when he is to
officiate in his pontifical function, at the annual expiation of
sins[XXII]. As religion is the touchstone of every nation of people,
and as these Indians cannot be supposed to have been deluded
out of theirs, separated from the rest of the world, for many
long-forgotten ages—the traces which may be discerned among
them, will help to corroborate the other arguments concerning
their origin.
XXII. The only ornaments that distinguished the high-priest from the rest,
were a coat with seventy-two bells, an ephod, or jacket without sleeves,
a breast-plate set with twelve stones, a linen mitre, and a plate of gold
upon his forehead.
These religious, beloved men are also supposed to be in great
favour with the Deity, and able to procure rain when they please.
In this respect also, we shall observe a great conformity to the
practice of the Jews. The Hebrew records inform us, that in the
moon Abib, or Nisan, they prayed for {84} the spring, or latter
rain, to be so seasonable and sufficient as to give them a good
harvest. And the Indian Americans have a tradition, that their
forefathers sought for and obtained such seasonable rains, as
gave them plentiful crops; and they now seek them in a manner
agreeable to the shadow of this tradition.
When the ground is parched, their rain-makers, (as they are
commonly termed) are to mediate for the beloved red people,
with the bountiful holy Spirit of fire. But their old cunning
prophets are not fond of entering on this religious duty, and
90avoid it as long as they possibly can, till the murmurs of the
people force them to the sacred attempt, for the security of their
own lives. If he fails,[35] the prophet is shot dead, because they
are so credulous of his divine power conveyed by the holy Spirit
of fire, that they reckon him an enemy to the state, by averting
the general good, and bringing desolating famine upon the beloved
people. But in general, he is so discerning in the stated
laws of nature, and skilful in priestcraft, that he always seeks
for rain, either at the full, or change of the moon; unless the
birds, either by instinct, or the temperature of their bodies,
should direct him otherwise. However, if in a dry season, the
clouds, by the veering of the winds, pass wide of their fields—while
they are inveighing bitterly against him, some in speech,
and others in their hearts, he soon changes their well-known
notes—he assumes a displeased countenance and carriage, and
attacks them with bitter reproaches, for their vicious conduct in
the marriage-state, and for their notorious pollutions, by going
to the women in their religious retirements, and for multifarious
crimes that never could enter into his head to suspect them of
perpetrating, but that the divinity his holy things were endued
with, had now suffered a great decay, although he had fasted,
purified himself, and on every other account, had lived an innocent
life, according to the old beloved speech: adding, “Loak
Ishtohoollo will never be kind to bad people.” He concludes
with a religious caution to the penitent, advising them to mend
their manners, and the times will mend with them: Then they
depart with sorrow and shame. The old women, as they go along,
will exclaim loudly against the young people, and protest they
will watch their manners very narrowly for the time to come, as
they are sure of their own steady virtue. {85}
If a two-year drought happens, the synhedrim, at the earnest
solicitation of the mortified sinners, convene in a body, and make
proper enquiry into the true cause of their calamities; because
(say they) it is better to spoil a few roguish people, than a few
roguish people should spoil Hottuk Oretoopah: The lot soon
falls upon Jonas, and he is immediately swallowed up. Too
much rain is equally dangerous to those red prophets.—I was
91lately told by a gentleman of distinguished character, that a
famous rain-maker of the Muskohge was shot dead, because the
river over-flowed their fields to a great height, in the middle of
August, and destroyed their weighty harvest. They ascribed
the mischief to his ill-will; as the Deity, they say, doth not
injure the virtuous, and designed him only to do good to the
beloved people.
In the year 1747, a Nàchee warrior told me, that while one
of their prophets was using his divine invocations for rain,
according to the faint image of their ancient tradition, he was
killed with thunder on the spot; upon which account, the spirit
of prophecy ever after subsided among them, and he became the
last of their reputed prophets. They believed the holy Spirit of
fire had killed him with some of his angry darting fire, for wilful
impurity; and by his threatening voice, forbad them to renew the
like attempt—and justly concluded, that if they all lived well,
they should fare well, and have proper seasons. This opinion
coincides with that of the Israelites, in taking fire for the material
emblem of Yohewah; by reckoning thunder the voice of the
Almighty above, according to the scriptural language; by esteeming
thunder-struck individuals under the displeasure of heaven—and
by observing and enforcing such rules of purity, as none of
the old pagan nations observed, nor any, except the Hebrews.
As the prophets of the Hebrews had oracular answers, so the
Indian magi, who are to invoke YO He Wah, and mediate with
the supreme holy fire, that he may give seasonable rains, have a
transparent stone, of supposed great power in assisting to bring
down the rain, when it is put in a bason of water; by a reputed
divine virtue, impressed on one of the like sort, in time of old,
which communicates it circularly. This stone would suffer a
great decay, they assert, were it even seen by their own laity;
but if by foreigners, it would be utterly despoiled of its divine {86}
communicative power. Doth not this allude to the precious
blazoning stones of Urim and Thummim?
In Tymáhse, a lower Cheerake town, lived one of their reputed
great divine men, who never informed the people of his seeking
for rain, but at the change, or full of the moon, unless there was
some promising sign of the change of the weather, either in the
upper regions, or from the feathered kalender; such as the quacking
of ducks, the croaking of ravens, and from the moistness of
the air felt in their quills; consequently, he seldom failed of
92success, which highly increased his name, and profits; for even
when it rained at other times, they ascribed it to the intercession
of their great beloved man. Rain-making, in the Cheerake
mountains, is not so dangerous an office, as in the rich level lands
of the Chikkasah country, near the Missisippi. The above
Cheerake prophet had a carbuncle, near as big as an egg, which
they said he found where a great rattlesnake lay dead,[36] and that
it sparkled with such surprizing lustre, as to illuminate his dark
winter-house, like strong flashes of continued lightning, to the
great terror of the weak, who durst not upon any account, approach
the dreadful fire-darting place, for fear of sudden death.
When he died, it was buried along with him according to custom,
in the town-house of Tymáhse, under the great beloved cabbin,
which stood in the westernmost part of that old fabric, where
they who will run the risk of searching, may luckily find it; but,
if any of that family detected them in disturbing the bones of
their deceased relation, they would resent it as the basest act of
hostility. The inhuman conduct of the avaricious Spaniards
toward the dead Peruvians and Mexicans, irritated the natives,
to the highest pitch of distraction, against those ravaging enemies
of humanity. The intense love the Indians bear to their dead,
is the reason that so few have fallen into the hands of our physicians
to dissect, or anatomise. We will hope also, that from a
principle of humanity, our ague-charmers, and water-casters, who
like birds of night keep where the Indians frequently haunt,
would not cut up their fellow-creatures, as was done by the
Spanish butchers in Peru and Mexico.
Not long ago, at a friendly feast, or feast of love, in West-Florida,
during the time of a long-continued drought, I earnestly
importuned the old rain-maker, for a sight of the pretended divine
stone, which he had assured me he was possessed of; but he
would by no means gratify my request. He {87} told me, as I
was an infidel, literally, “one who shakes hands with the accursed
speech,” and did not believe its being endued with a divine
power, the sight of it could no ways benefit me; and that, as their
old unerring tradition assured them, it would suffer very great
damage in case of compliance, he hoped I would kindly acquiesce;
93especially, as he imagined, I believed every nation of people had
certain beloved things, that might be easily spoiled by being
polluted. I told him I was fully satisfied with the friendly excuse
he made to my inconsiderate request; but that I could
scarcely imagine there were any such beloved men, and beloved
things, in so extremely fertile, but now sun-burnt soil. Their
crops had failed the year before, by reason of several concurring
causes: and, for the most part of the summer season, he had kept
his bed through fear of incurring the punishment of a false
prophet; which, joined with the religious regimen, and abstemious
way of living he was obliged strictly to pursue, it sweated
him so severely, as to reduce him to a skeleton. I jested him in a
friendly way, saying, I imagined, the supreme holy fire would
have proved more kind to his honest devotees, than to sicken
him so severely, especially at that critical season, when the
people’s food, and his own, entirely depended on his health; that,
though our beloved men never undertook to bring down seasonable
rains, yet we very seldom failed of good crops, and always
paid them the tenth basket-full of our yearly produce; because,
they persuaded our young people, by the force of their honest
example, and kind-hearted enchanting language, to shun the
crooked ways of Hottuk Kallákse, “the mad light people,” and
honestly to shake hands with the old beloved speech—that the
great, supreme, fatherly Chieftain, had told his Loáche to teach
us how to obtain peace and plenty, and every other good thing
while we live here, and when we die, not only to shun the accursed
dark place, where the sun is every day drowned, but likewise to
live again for ever, very happily in the favourite country.
He replied, that my speech consisted of a mixture of good and
ill; the beginning of it was crooked, and the conclusion straight.
He said, I had wrongfully blamed him, for the effect of the disorderly
conduct of the red people and himself, as it was well
known he fasted at different times for several days together; at
other times ate green tobacco-leaves; and some days drank only
a warm decoction of the button snake-root, without allowing {88}
any one, except his religious attendant, to come near him;
and, in every other respect, had honestly observed the austere
rules of his religious place, according to the beloved speech that
Ishtohoollo Elóa Aba gave to the Loáche of their forefathers:
but Loak Ishtohoollo was sorely vexed with most of their young
people for violating the chastity of their neighbours wives, and
94even among the thriving green corn and pease, as their beds here
and there clearly proved; thus, they spoiled the power of his
holy things, and tempted Minggo Ishto Elóa, “the great chieftain
of the thunder,” to bind up the clouds, and withold the rain.
Besides, that the old women were less honest in paying their
rain-makers, than the English women behaved to their beloved
men, unless I had spoken too well of them. The wives of this
and the other person, he said, had cheated him, in not paying
him any portion of the last year’s bad crop, which their own
bad lives greatly contributed to, as that penurious crime of
cheating him of his dues, sufficiently testified; not to mention
a late custom, they had contracted since the general peace, of
planting a great many fields of beans and pease, in distant places,
after the summer-crops were over, on the like dishonest principle;
likewise in affirming, that when the first harvest was over, it
rained for nothing; by that means they had blackened the old
beloved speech, that Ishtohoollo Eloa of old spoke to his Loáche,
and conveyed down to him, only that they might paint their own
bad actions white. He concluded, by saying, that all the chieftains,
and others present, as well as myself, knew now very well,
from his honest speech, the true cause of the earth’s having been
so strangely burnt till lately; and that he was afraid, if the
hearts of those light and mad people he complained of, did not
speedily grow honest, the dreadful day would soon come, in
which Lóak Ishtohoollo would send Phutchik Keeraah Ishtò,
“the great blazing star,” Yahkàne eeklénna, Loak loáchàché,
“to burn up half of the earth with fire,” Pherimmi Aiúbe, “from
the north to the south,” Hassé oobèa perà, “toward the setting
of the sun,” where they should in time arrive at the dreadful
place of darkness, be confined there hungry, and otherwise sorely
distrest among hissing snakes and many other frightful creatures,
according to the ancient true speech that Ishtohoollo Aba
spoke to his beloved Loáche.
Under this argument, I will also mention another striking
resemblance to the Jews, as to their TITHES—As the sacerdotal
office was fixed in the tribe {89} of Levi, they had forty-eight
cities allotted them from the other tribes. And Moses assures
us, in Deut. xiv. 28, 29, that those tribes paid them also once
in three years, the tithe, or tenth of all they possessed, which is
supposed to be about the thirtieth part of their annual possessions;
by which means they were reasonably maintained, as
95spiritual pastors, and enabled to fulfil the extensive and charitable
application of their dues, as enjoined.
It hath been already hinted, that the Indian prophets undertake
by the emanation of the divine spirit of fire, co-operating
with them, to bring down proper rains for crops, on the penalty
of loosing their own lives; as the Indians reckon that a regular
virtuous life will sufficiently enable their great beloved men to
bring blessings of plenty to the beloved people; and if they
neglect it, they are dangerous enemies, and a great curse to the
community. They imagine his prophetic power is also restrictive
as to winter-rains, they doing more hurt than good; for they
justly observe, that their ground seldom suffers by the want of
winter-rains. Their sentiments on this head, are very strong;
they say, Ishtohoollo Aba allows the winter-rain to fall unsought,
but that he commanded their forefathers to seek for the
summer-rain, according to the old law, otherwise he would not
give it to them. If the seasons have been answerable, when the
ripened harvest is gathered in, the old women pay their reputed
prophet with religious good-will, a certain proportional quantity
of each kind of the new fruits, measured in the same large
portable back-baskets, wherein they carried home the ripened
fruits. This stated method they yearly observe; which is as consonant
to the Levitical institution, as can be reasonably expected,
especially, as their traditions have been time out of mind preserved
only by oral echo.
Modern writers inform us, that the Persees pay a tithe of their
revenues to the chief Destour, or Archimagus of a city or province,
who decides cases of conscience, and points of law, according
to the institution of Zoroaster—a mixture of Judaism and
paganism. Their annual religious offering to the Archimagi, is a
misapplication of the Levitical law concerning tithes, contrary
to the usage of the American Aborigines, which it may be supposed
they immediately derived from the Hebrews; for, as the
twelfth tribe was devoted to the divine service, they were by
divine appointment, maintained at the public expense. However,
when we consider that their government was {90} of a
mixed kind—first a theocracy—then by nobles, and by kings—and
at other times by their high-priest, it seems to appear pretty
plain, that the Deity raised, preserved, and governed those people,
to oppose idolatry, and continue, till the fulness of time came,
the true divine worship on earth, under ceremonial dark shadows,
96without exhibiting their government in the least, as a plan of
future imitation. Besides, as Messiah is come, according to the
predictions of the divine oracles, which represented him under
various strong types and shadows, surely christians ought to
follow the copy of their humble Master and his holy disciples,
and leave the fleecing of the flock to the avaricious Jews, whose
religious tenets, and rapacious principles, support them in taking
annual tithes from each other; who affect to believe that all the
Mosaic law is perpetually binding, and that the predicted Shilo,
who is to be their purifier, king, prophet, and high-priest, is not
yet come. The law of tithing, was calculated only for the religious
œconomy of the Hebrew nation; for as the merciful
Deity, who was the immediate head of that state, had appropriated
the Levites to his service, and prohibited them purchasing
land, lest they should be seduced from their religious duties, by
worldly cares, He, by a most bountiful law, ordered the state to
give them the tithe, and other offerings, for the support of themselves
and their numerous families, and also of the widow, the
fatherless, and the stranger.
I shall insert a dialogue, that formerly passed between the
Chikkasah Loáche and me, which will illustrate both this, and
other particulars of the general subject; and also shew the religious
advantages and arguments, by which the French used to
undermine us with the Indians.
We had been speaking of trade, which is the usual topic of
discourse with those craftsmen. I asked him how he could reasonably
blame the English traders for cheating Tekapê húmmah,
“the red folks,” even allowing his accusations to be just; as he,
their divine man, had cheated them out of a great part of their
crops, and had the assurance to claim it as his religious due, when
at the same time, if he had shaked hands with the straight old
beloved speech, or strictly observed the ancient divine law, his
feeling heart would not have allowed him to have done such
black and crooked things, especially to the helpless, the poor,
and the aged; {91} it rather would have strongly moved him
to stretch out to them a kind and helping hand, according to the
old beloved speech of Ishtohoollo Aba to his Hottuk Ishtohoollo,
who were sufficiently supported at the public expence, and
strictly ordered to supply with the greatest tenderness, the wants
of others.
He smartly retorted my objections, telling me, that the white
97people’s excuses for their own wrong conduct, were as false and
weak as my complaints were against him. The red people, he
said, saw very clearly through such thin black paint; though, his
sacred employment was equally hid from them and me; by which
means, neither of us could reasonably pretend to be proper judges
of his virtuous conduct, nor blame him for the necessary effect
of our own crimes; or urge it as a plea for cheating him out of
his yearly dues, contrary to the old divine speech, for the crops
became light by their own vicious conduct, which spoiled the
power of his holy things. So that it was visible, both the red
and white people were commonly too partial to themselves; and
that by the bounty of the supreme fatherly Chieftain, it was as
much out of his power, as distant from his kindly heart, either
to wrong the beloved red people, or the white nothings; and
that it became none, except mad light people, to follow the
crooked steps of Hottuk Ookproose, the accursed people.
As there was no interruption to our winter-night’s chat, I asked
him in a friendly manner, whether he was not afraid, thus boldly
to snatch at the divine power of distributing rain at his pleasure,
as it belonged only to the great beloved thundering Chieftain,
who dwells far above the clouds, in the new year’s unpolluted
holy fire, and who gives it in common to all nations of people
alike, and even to every living creature over the face of the whole
earth, because he made them—and his merciful goodness always
prompts him to supply the wants of all his creatures. He told
me, that by an ancient tradition, their Loáche were possessed of
an extraordinary divine power, by which they foretold hidden
things, and by the beloved speech brought down showers of
plenty to the beloved people; that he very well knew, the giver
of virtue to nature resided on earth in the unpolluted holy fire,
and likewise above the clouds and the sun, in the shape of a fine
fiery substance, attended by a great many beloved people; and
that he continually weighs us, and measures out good or bad {92}
things to us, according to our actions. He added, that though
the former beloved speech had a long time subsided, it was very
reasonable they should still continue this their old beloved custom;
especially as it was both profitable in supporting many of
their helpless old beloved men, and very productive of virtue,
by awing their young people from violating the ancient laws.
This shewed him to be cunning in priestcraft, if not possessed of
a tradition from the Hebrew records, that their prophets by the
98divine power, had, on material occasions, acted beyond the stated
laws of nature, and wrought miracles.
My old prophetic friend told me, with a good deal of surprize,
that though the beloved red people had by some means or other,
lost the old beloved speech; yet Frenshe Lakkàne ookproo, “the
ugly yellow French,” (as they term the Missisippians) had by
some wonderful method obtained it; for his own people, he
assured me, had seen them at New Orleans to bring down rain
in a very dry season, when they were giving out several bloody
speeches to their head warriors against the English Chikkasah
traders. On a mischievous politic invitation of the French,
several of the Chikkasah had then paid them a visit, in the time
of an alarming drought and a general fast, when they were praying
for seasonable rains at mass. When they came, the interpreter
was ordered to tell them, that the French had holy places
and holy things, after the manner of the red people—that if their
young people proved honest, they could bring down rain whenever
they stood in need of it—and that this was one of the chief
reasons which induced all the various nations of the beloved red
people to bear them so intense a love; and, on the contrary, so
violent and inexpressible an hatred even to the very name of the
English, because every one of them was marked with Anumbole
Ookkproo, “the curse of God.”
The method the Chikkasah prophet used in relating the affair,
has some humour in it—for their ignorance of the christian religion,
and institutions, perplexes them when they are on the
subject; on which account I shall literally transcribe it.
He told me, that the Chikkasah warriors during three successive
days, accompanied the French Loáche and Ishtohoollo to
the great beloved house, where a large bell hung a-top, which
strange sight exceedingly surprized {93} them; for, instead of
being fit for a horse, it would require a great many ten horses to
carry it. Around the inside of the beloved house, there was a
multitude of he and she beloved people, or male and female saints
or angels, whose living originals, they affirmed dwelt above the
clouds, and helped them to get every good thing from Ishtohoollo
Aba, when they earnestly crave their help. The French beloved
men spoke a great deal with much warmth; the rest were likewise
busily employed in imitation of their Ishtohoollo and
Loáche. At one time they spoke high, at another low. One
chose this, and another chose that song. Here the men kneeled
99before the images of their she-beloved people; there the women
did the like before their favourite and beloved he-pictures,
entreating them for some particular favour which they stood in
need of. Some of them, he said, made very wild motions over
their heads and breasts; and others struck their stomachs with
a vehemence like their warriors, when they drink much Ookka
Homma, “bitter waters,” or spirituous liquor; while every one
of them had a bunch of mixed beads, to which they frequently
spoke, as well as counted over; that they loved these beads, for
our people strictly observed, they did not give them to their
Loáche and Ishtohoollo, as the red people would have done to
those of their own country, though it was very plain they deserved
them, for beating themselves so much for the young
people’s roguish actions; and likewise for labouring so strongly
in pulling off their clothes, and putting them on again, to make
the beloved physic work, which they took in small pieces, to
help to bring on the rain. On the third day (added he) they
brought it down in great plenty, which was certainly a very
difficult performance; and as surprizing too, that they who are
always, when opportunity answers, persuading the red people
to take up the bloody hatchet against their old steady friends,
should still have the beloved speech, which Ishtohoollo Aba
Eloa formerly spoke to his beloved Loáche.——Thus ended our
friendly discourse.
Their Festivals, Fasts, and Religious Rites, have also a
great resemblance to those of the Hebrews. It will be necessary
here to take a short view of the principal Jewish feasts, &c. They
kept every year, a sacred feast called the Passover, in memory
of their deliverance from Egyptian {94} bondage. Seven days
were appointed, Lev. xxiii.—To these they added an eighth,
through a religious principle, as preparatory, to clear their houses
of all leaven, and to fix their minds before they entered on that
religious duty. The name of this festival is derived from a word
which signifies to “pass over;” because, when the destroying
angel flew through the Egyptian houses, and killed their first-born,
he passed over those of the Israelites, the tops of whose
doors were stained with the blood of the lamb, which they were
ordered to kill. This solemnity was instituted with the strongest
100injunctions, to let their children know the cause of that observance,
and to mark that night through all their generations.
Three days before this sacred festival, they chose a lamb,
without spot or blemish, and killed it on the evening of the fourteenth
day of Abib, which was the first moon of the ecclesiastical,
and the seventh of the civil year; and they ate it with bitter
herbs, without breaking any of the bones of it, thus prefiguring
the death of Messiah. This was the reason that this was the chief
of the days of unleavened bread, and they were strictly forbidden
all manner of work on that day; besides, no uncircumcised, or
unclean persons ate of the paschal lamb. Those of the people,
whom diseases or long journies prevented from observing the
passover on that day, were obliged to keep it in the next moon.
On the fifteenth day, which was the second of the passover,
they offered up to God a sheaf of the new barley-harvest, because
it was the earliest grain. The priest carried it into the temple,
and having cleaned and parched it, he grinded or pounded it
into flower, dipt it in oil, and then waved it before the Lord,
throwing some into the fire. The Jews were forbidden to eat
any of their new harvest, till they had offered up a sheaf, the
grain of which filled an omer, a small measure of about five pints.
All was impure and unholy till this oblation was made, but afterwards
it became hallowed, and every one was at liberty to reap
and get in his harvest.
On the tenth day of the moon Ethanim, the first day of the
civil year, they celebrated the great fast, or feast of expiation,
afflicted their souls, and ate nothing the whole day. The high-priest
offered several sacrifices, and having carried the blood of
the victims into the temple, he sprinkled it upon the altar of
incense, and the veil that was before the holiest; and went {95}
into that most sacred place, where the divine Shekinah resided,
carrying a censer smoking in his hand with incense, which hindered
him from having a clear sight of the ark. But he was not
allowed to enter that holy place, only once a year, on this great
day of expiation, to offer the general sacrifice both for the sins
of the people and of himself. Nor did he ever mention the
divine four-lettered name, YO He WaH, except on this great day,
when he blessed the people.
Because the Israelites lived in tabernacles, or booths, while
they were in the wilderness; as a memorial therefore of the divine
bounty to them, they were commanded to keep the feast of
101tabernacles, on the fifteenth day of the month Tisri, which they
called Rosh Hosanah, or Hoshianah, it lasted eight days; during
which time, they lived in arbours, (covered with green boughs of
trees) unless when they went to worship at the temple, or sung
Hoshaniyo around the altar. When they were on this religious
duty, they were obliged each to carry in their hands a bundle of
the branches of willows, palm-trees, myrtles, and others of different
sorts, laden with fruit, and tied together with ribbons; and
thus rejoice together with the appointed singers, and vocal and
instrumental music, in the divine presence before the altar. On
the eighth day of the feast, one of the priests brought some water
in a golden vessel, from the pool of Siloam, mixed it with wine,
and poured it on the morning-sacrifice, and the first fruits of
their latter crops which were then presented, as an emblem of the
divine graces that should flow to them, when Shilo came, who
was to be their anointed king, prophet, and high-priest—The
people in the mean time singing out of Isaiah “with joy shall ye
draw water out of the wells of salvation.”
Let us now turn to the copper colour American Hebrews.—While
their sanctified new fruits are dressing, a religious attendant
is ordered to call six of their old beloved women to come to
the temple, and dance the beloved dance with joyful hearts,
according to the old beloved speech. They cheerfully obey, and
enter the supposed holy ground in solemn procession, each carrying
in her hand a bundle of small branches of various green trees;
and they join the same number of old magi, or priests, who
carry a cane in one hand adorned with white feathers, having
likewise green boughs in their other hand, which they pulled from
their holy arbour, and carefully place there, encircling it with
several rounds. Those beloved men have their heads {96}
dressed with white plumes; but the women are decked in their
finest, and anointed with bear’s-grease, having small tortoise-shells,
and white pebbles, fastened to a piece of white-drest deer-skin,
which is tied to each of their legs.
The eldest of the priests leads the sacred dance, a-head of the
innermost row, which of course is next to the holy fire.[37] He
102begins the dance round the supposed holy fire, by invoking Yah,
after their usual manner, on a bass key, and with a short accent;
then he sings YO YO, which is repeated by the rest of the religious
procession; and he continues his sacred invocations and
praises, repeating the divine word, or notes, till they return to
the same point of the circular course, where they began: then
He He in like manner, and Wah Wah. While dancing they
never fail to repeat those notes; and frequently the holy train
strike up Halelu, Halelu; then Haleluiah, Halelu-Yah, and
Aleluiah and Alelu-Yah, “Irradiation to the divine essence,”
with great earnestness and fervor, till they encircle the altar,
while each strikes the ground with right and left feet alternately,
very quick, but well-timed. Then the awful drums join the
sacred choir, which incite the old female singers to chant forth
their pious notes, and grateful praises before the divine essence,
and to redouble their former quick joyful steps, in imitation of
the leader of the sacred dance, and the religious men a-head of
them. What with the manly strong notes of the one, and the
shrill voices of the other, in concert with the bead-shells, and
the two sounding, drum-like earthen vessels, with the voices of the
musicians who beat them, the reputed holy ground echoes with
the praises of YO He Wah. Their singing and dancing in three
circles around their sacred fire, appears to have a reference to a
like religious custom of the Hebrews. And may we not reasonably
suppose, that they formerly understood the psalms, or
103divine hymns? at least those that begin with Halelu-Yah; otherwise,
how came all the inhabitants of the extensive regions of
North and South-America, to have, and retain those very expressive
Hebrew words? or how repeat them so distinctly, and apply
them after the manner of the Hebrews, in their religious acclamations?
The like cannot be found in any other countries.
In like manner, they sing on other religious occasions, and at
their feasts of love, Ale-Yo Ale-Yo; which is אל, the divine name,
by his attribute of omnipotence; and י, alluding to יהוה. They
sing likewise Hewah Hewah, which is הוה “the immortal soul;”
drawn from the divine essential name, {97} as deriving its
rational faculties from Yohewah. Those words that they sing
in their religious dances, they never repeat at any other time;
which seems to have greatly occasioned the loss of the meaning
of their divine hymns; for I believe they are now so corrupt, as
not to understand either the spiritual or literal meaning of what
they sing, any further than by allusion.
In their circuiting dances, they frequently sing on a bass key,
Alué Alué, Aluhé, Aluhé, and Aluwàh Aluwàh, which is the Hebrew
אלוה. They likewise sing Shilù-Yó, Shilù-Yó, Shilù-Hé
Shilù-Hé, Shilù-Wàh, Shilù-Wàh, and Shilù-Hàh Shilù-Hàh.
They transpose them also several ways, but with the very same
notes. The three terminations make up in their order the four-lettered
divine name. Hah is a note of gladness—the word preceding
it, Shilù, seems to express the predicted human and divine
שילוה, Shiloh, who was to be the purifier, and peace-maker.
They continue their grateful divine hymns for the space of
fifteen minutes, when the dance breaks up. As they degenerate,
they lengthen their dances, and shorten the time of their fasts
and purifications; insomuch, that they have so exceedingly corrupted
their primitive rites and customs, within the space of
the last thirty years, that, at the same rate of declension, there
will not be long a possibility of tracing their origin, but by their
dialects, and war-customs.
At the end of this notable religious dance, the old beloved, or
holy women[38] return home to hasten the feast of the new sanctified
fruits. In the mean while, every one at the temple drinks
very plentifully of the Cusseena and other bitter liquids, to
104cleanse their sinful bodies; after which, they go to some convenient
deep water, and there, according to the ceremonial law
of the Hebrews, they wash away their sins with water. Thus
sanctified, they return with joyful hearts in solemn procession,
singing their notes of praise, till they enter into the holy ground
to eat of the new delicious fruits of wild Canaan[XXIII]. The women
now with the utmost cheerfulness, bring to {98} the outside of
the sacred square, a plentiful variety of all those good things,
with which the divine fire has blessed them in the new year; and
the religious attendants lay it before them, according to their
stated order and reputed merit. Every seat is served in a gradual
succession, from the white and red imperial long broad seats,
and the whole square is soon covered: frequently they have a
change of courses of fifty or sixty different sorts, and thus they
continue to regale themselves, till the end of the festival; for
they reckon they are now to feast themselves with joy and gladness,
as the divine fire is appeased for past crimes, and has
propitiously sanctified their weighty harvest. They all behave
so modestly, and are possessed of such an extraordinary constancy
and equanimity, in the pursuit of their religious mysteries,
that they do not shew the least outward emotion of pleasure, at
the first sight of the sanctified new fruits; nor the least uneasiness
to be tasting those tempting delicious fat things of
Canaan. If one of them acted in a contrary manner, they would
say to him, Che-Hakset Kaneha, “You resemble such as were
beat in Canaan.” This unconcern, doubtless proceeded originally
from a virtuous principle; but now, it may be the mere effect
of habit: for, jealousy and revenge excepted, they seem to be
divested of every mental passion, and entirely incapable of any
lasting affection.
XXIII. They are so strictly prohibited from eating salt, or flesh-meat, till
the fourth day, that during the interval, the very touch of either is
accounted a great pollution: after that period, they are deemed lawful
to be eaten. All the hunters, and able-bodied men, kill and barbecue wild
game in the woods, at least ten days before this great festival, and religiously
keep it for that sacred use.
I shall give an instance of this.—If the husband has been a
year absent on a visit to another nation, and should by chance
overtake his wife near home, with one of his children skipping
along side of her; instead of those sudden and strong emotions
of joy that naturally arise in two generous breasts at such an
105unexpected meeting, the self-interested pair go along as utter
strangers, without seeming to take the least notice of one another,
till a considerable time after they get home.
The Indians formerly observed the grand festival[39] of the
annual expiation of sin, at the beginning of the first new moon,
in which their corn became full-eared; but for many years past
they are regulated by the season of their harvest. And on that
head, they shew more religious patience than the Hebrews formerly
did; who, instead of waiting till their grain was ripe, forced
their barley, which ripened before any other sort they planted.
And they are perhaps as skilful in observing the revolutions of
the moon, as ever the Israelites were, at least till the end of the
first temple; for during that period, instead of measuring time
by astronomical calculations, they {99} knew it only by the
phases of the moon. In like manner, the supposed red Hebrews
of the American desarts, annually observed their festivals, and
Neetak Yáh-àh, “days of afflicting themselves before the Deity,”
at a prefixed time of a certain moon. To this day, a war-leader,
who, by the number of his martial exploits is entitled to a drum,
106always sanctifies himself, and his out-standing company, at the
end of the old moon, so as to go off at the appearance of the
new one by day-light; whereas, he who has not sufficiently distinguished
himself, must set out in the night.
As the first of the Neetak Hoollo, precedes a long strict fast
of two nights and a day, they gormandize such a prodigious
quantity of strong food, as to enable them to keep inviolate the
succeeding fast, the sabbath of sabbaths, the Neetak Yah-ah:
the feast lasts only from morning till sun-set. Being great lovers
of the ripened fruits, and only tantalized as yet, with a near view
of them; and having lived at this season, but meanly on the wild
products of nature—such a fast as this may be truly said to
afflict their souls, and to prove a sufficient trial of their religious
principles. During the festival, some of their people are closely
employed in putting their temple in proper order for the annual
expiation; and others are painting the white cabbin, and the
supposed holiest, with white clay; for it is a sacred, peaceable
place, and white is its emblem. Some, at the same time are likewise
painting the war-cabbin with red clay, or their emblematical
red root, as occasion requires; while others of an inferior order,
are covering all the seats of the beloved square with new mattresses,
made out of the fine splinters of long canes, tied together
with flags. In the mean time, several of them are busy in
sweeping the temple, clearing it of every supposed polluting
thing, and carrying out the ashes from the hearth which perhaps
had not been cleaned six times since the last year’s general
offering. Several towns join together to make the annual sacrifice;
and, if the whole nation lies in a narrow compass, they
make but one annual offering: by which means, either through
a sensual or religious principle, they strike off the work with
joyful hearts. Every thing being thus prepared, the Archi-magus
orders some of his religious attendants to dig up the old hearth,
or altar, and to sweep out the remains that by chance might
either be left, or drop down. Then he puts a few roots of the
button-snake-root, with some green leaves of an uncommon small
sort of tobacco, and a little of the new fruits, at the bottom of
the fire-place, which he {100} orders to be covered up with white
marley clay, and wetted over with clean water[XXIV].
XXIV. Under the palladium of Troy, were placed things of the like nature,
as a preservative from evil; but the above practice seems to be pretty
much tempered with the Mosaic institution; for God commanded them
to make an altar of earth, to sacrifice thereon. Exod. xx. 24.
107Immediately, the magi order them to make a thick arbour
over the altar, with green branches of the various young trees,
which the warriors had designedly chosen, and laid down on the
outside of the supposed holy ground: the women, in the interim
are busy at home in cleaning out their houses, renewing the old
hearths, and cleansing all their culinary vessels, that they may
be fit to receive the pretended holy fire, and the sanctified new
fruits, according to the purity of the law; lest by a contrary
conduct, they should incur damage in life, health, future crops,
&c. It is fresh in the memory of the old traders, that formerly
none of these numerous nations of Indians would eat, or even
handle any part of the new harvest, till some of it had been
offered up at the yearly festival by the Archi-magus, or those of
his appointment, at their plantations, though the light harvest
of the past year had forced them to give their women and
children of the ripening fruits, to sustain life. Notwithstanding
they are visibly degenerating, both in this, and every other religious
observance, except what concerns war; yet their magi
and old warriors live contentedly on such harsh food as nature
affords them in the woods, rather than transgress that divine
precept given to their forefathers.
Having every thing in order for the sacred solemnity, the religious
waiters carry off the remains of the feast, and lay them
on the outside of the square; others of an inferior order carefully
sweep out the smallest crumbs, for fear of polluting the
first-fruit offering; and before sun-set, the temple must be
cleared, even of every kind of vessel or utensil, that had contained,
or been used about any food in that expiring year. The
women carry all off, but none of that sex, except half a dozen
of old beloved women, are allowed in that interval to tread on
the holy ground, till the fourth day. Now, one of the waiters
proclaims with a loud voice, for all the warriors and beloved
men, whom the purity of the law admits, to come and enter the
beloved square, and observe the fast; he likewise exhorts all {101}
the women and children, and those who have not initiated
themselves in war, to keep apart from them, according to law.
Should any of them prove disobedient, the young ones would be
dry-scratched, and the others stript of every thing they had on
108them. They observe the same strict law of purity, in their
method of sanctifying themselves for war, in order to obtain the
divine protection, assistance, and success. But a few weeks
since, when a large company of these warlike savages were on
the point of setting off to commence war against the Muskohge,
some of the wags decoyed a heedless trader into their holy
ground, and they stript him, so as to oblige him to redeem his
clothes with vermilion. And, on account of the like trespass,
they detained two Indian children two nights and a day, till
their obstinate parents paid the like ransom.
Their great beloved man, or Archi-magus, now places four centinels,
one at each corner of the holy square, to keep out every
living creature as impure, except the religious order, and the
warriors who are not known to have violated the law of the
first-fruit-offering, and that of marriage, since the last year’s
expiation. Those centinels are regularly relieved, and firm to
their sacred trust; if they discerned a dog or cat on the out-limits
of the holy square, before the first-fruit-offering was made,
they would kill it with their arrows on the spot.
They observe the fast till the rising of the second sun; and
be they ever so hungry in that sacred interval, the healthy warriors
deem the duty so awful, and the violation so inexpressibly
vicious, that no temptation would induce them to violate it;
for, like the Hebrews, they fancy temporal evils are the necessary
effect of their immoral conduct, and they would for ever
ridicule and reproach the criminal for every bad occurrence that
befel him in the new year, as the sinful author of his evils; and
would sooner shoot themselves, than suffer such long-continued
sharp disgrace. The religious attendants boil a sufficient quantity
of button-snake-root, highly imbittered, and give it round
pretty warm, in order to vomit and purge their sinful bodies.
Thus they continue to mortify and purify themselves, till the
end of the fast. When we consider their earnest invocations of
the divine essence, in this solemnity—their great knowledge of
specific virtues in simples—that they never apply the aforesaid
root, only on religious occasions—that they frequently drink it
to such excess as to impair their health, {102} and sometimes
so as to poison themselves by its acrid quality—and take into
the account, its well-known medicinal property of curing the bite
of the most dangerous sort of the serpentine generation; must
not one think, that the Aboriginal Americans chose it, as a
109strong emblem of the certain cure of the bite of the old serpent
in Eden.
That the women and children, and those worthless fellows who
have not hazarded their lives in defence of their holy places and
holy things, and for the beloved people, may not be entirely godless,
one of the old beloved men lays down a large quantity of
the small-leafed green tobacco, on the outside of a corner of the
sacred square; and an old beloved woman, carries it off, and
distributes it to the sinners without, in large pieces, which they
chew heartily, and swallow, in order to afflict their souls. She commends
those who perform the duty with cheerfulness, and chides
those who seem to do it unwillingly, by their wry faces on account
of the bitterness of the supposed sanctifying herb. She
distributes it in such quantities, as she thinks are equal to their
capacity of sinning, giving to the reputed, worthless old He-hen-pickers,
the proportion only of a child, because she thinks
such spiritless pictures of men cannot sin with married women;
as all the females love only the virtuous manly warrior, who has
often successfully accompanied the beloved ark.
In the time of this general fast, the women, children, and men
of weak constitutions, are allowed to eat, as soon as they are
certain the sun has begun to decline from his meridian altitude;
but not before that period. Their indulgence to the sick and
weak, seems to be derived from divine precept, which forbad
the offering of sacrifice at the cost of mercy; and the snake-root
joined with their sanctifying bitter green tobacco, seem to
be as strong expressive emblems as they could have possibly
chosen, according to their situation in life, to represent the sacred
institution of eating the paschal lamb, with bitter herbs; and to
shew, that though the old serpent bit us in Eden, yet there is a
branch from the root of Jesse, to be hoped for by those who deny
themselves their present sweet taste, which will be a sufficient
purifier, and effect the cure.
The whole time of this fast may with truth be called a fast,
and to the Archi-magus, to all the magi, and pretended prophets,
in particular; for, by {103} ancient custom, the former is obliged
to eat of the sanctifying small-leafed tobacco, and drink the
snake-root, in a separate hut for the space of three days and
nights without any other subsistence, before the solemnity begins;
besides his full portion along with the rest of the religious
order, and the old war-chieftains, till the end of the general
110fast, which he pretends to observe with the strictest religion.
After the first-fruits are sanctified, he lives most abstemiously
till the end of the annual expiation, only sucking water-melons
now and then to quench thirst, and support life, spitting out
the more substantial part.
By the Levitical law, the priests were obliged to observe a
stricter sanctity of life than the laity; all the time they were performing
the sacerdotal offices, both women and wine were strictly
forbidden to them. Thus the Indian religious are retentive of
their sacred mysteries to death, and the Archi-magus is visibly
thin and meagre at the end of the solemnity. That rigid self-denial,
seems to have been designed to initiate the Levite, and
give the rest an example of leading an innocent simple life, that
thereby they might be able to subdue their unruly passions; and
that by mortifying and purifying himself so excessively, the
sacrifice by passing through his pure hands, may be accepted, and
the holy Spirit of fire atoned, according to the divine law. The
superannuated religious are also emulous in the highest degree,
of excelling one another in their long fasting; for they firmly believe,
that such an annual self-denying method is so highly
virtuous, when joined to an obedience of the rest of their laws,
as to be the infallible means of averting evil, and producing
good things, through the new year. They declare that a steady
virtue, through the divine co-operating favour, will infallibly
insure them a lasting round of happiness.
At the end of this solemn fast, the women by the voice of a
crier, bring to the outside of the holy square, a plentiful variety
of the old year’s food newly drest, which they lay down, and
immediately return home; for every one of them know their
several duties, with regard both to time and place. The centinels
report the affair, and soon afterward the waiters by order go,
and reaching their hands over the holy ground, they bring in
the provisions, and set them down before the famished multitude.
Though most of the people may have seen them, they reckon
it vicious and mean to shew a gladness for the end of their
religious duties; and shameful {104} to hasten the holy attendants,
as they are all capable of their sacred offices. They
are as strict observers of all their set forms, as the Israelites
were of those they had from divine appointment.
Before noon, the temple is so cleared of every thing the women
brought to the square, that the festival after that period, resembles
111a magical entertainment that had no reality in it, consisting
only in a delusion of the senses. The women then carry
the vessels from the temple to the water, and wash them clean
for fear of pollution. As soon as the sun is visibly declining
from his meridian, this third day of the fast, the Archi-magus
orders a religious attendant to cry aloud to the crowded town,
that the holy fire is to be brought out for the sacred altar—commanding
every one of them to stay within their own houses, as
becomes the beloved people, without doing the least bad thing—and
to be sure to extinguish, and throw away every spark of
the old fire; otherwise, the divine fire will bite them severely
with bad diseases, sickness, and a great many other evils, which
he sententiously enumerates, and finishes his monitory caution,
by laying life and death before them.
Now every thing is hushed.—Nothing but silence all around:
the Archi-magus, and his beloved waiter, rising up with a reverend
carriage, steady countenance, and composed behaviour, go
into the beloved place, or holiest, to bring them out the beloved
fire. The former takes a piece of dry poplar, willow, or white
oak, and having cut a hole, so as not to reach through it, he
then sharpens another piece, and placing that with the hole between
his knees, he drills it briskly for several minutes, till it
begins to smoke—or, by rubbing two pieces together, for about
a quarter of an hour, by friction he collects the hidden fire;
which all of them reckon to immediately issue from the holy
Spirit of fire. The Muskohge call the fire their grandfather—and
the supreme Father of mankind, Esakàta-Emishe, “the breath
master,” as it is commonly explained. When the fire appears,
the beloved waiter cherishes it with fine chips, or shaved splinters
of pitch-pine, which had been deposited in the holiest; then
he takes the unsullied wing of a swan, fans it gently, and
cherishes it to a flame. On this, the Archi-magus brings it out
in an old earthen vessel, whereon he had placed it, and lays it
on the sacred altar, which is under an arbour, thick-weaved
a-top with green boughs. It is observable, that when the Levites
laid wood on the sacred fire, it was unlawful {105} for them
either to blow it with bellows, or their breath. The Magians,
or followers of Zoroaster, poured oil on their supposed holy fire,
and left it to the open air to kindle it into flame. Is not this
religious ceremony of these desolate Indians a strong imitation,
or near resemblance of the Jewish customs?
112Their hearts are enlivened with joy at the appearance of the
reputed holy fire, as the divine fire is supposed to atone for all
their past crimes, except murder: and the beloved waiter shews
his pleasure, by his cheerful industry in feeding it with dry fresh
wood; for they put no rotten wood on it, any more than the
Levites would on their sacred altars. Although the people without,
may well know what is transacting within, yet, by order, a
crier informs them of the good tidings, and orders an old beloved
woman to pull a basket-full of the new-ripened fruits, and
bring them to the beloved square. As she before had been appointed,
and religiously prepared for that solemn occasion, she
readily obeys, and soon lays it down with a cheerful heart, at
the out-corner of the beloved square. By ancient custom, she
may either return home, or stand there, till the expiation of sin
hath been made, which is thus performed—The Archi-magus, or
fire-maker, rises from his white seat and walks northward three
times round the holy fire, with a slow pace, and in a very sedate
and grave manner, stopping now and then, and speaking certain
old ceremonial words with a low voice and a rapidity of expression,
which none understand but a few of the old beloved
men, who equally secrete their religious mysteries, that they
may not be prophaned. He then takes a little of each sort of
the new harvest, which the old woman had brought to the extremity
of the supposed holy ground, rubs some bear’s oil over
it, and offers it up together with some flesh, to the bountiful holy
Spirit of fire, as a first-fruit offering, and an annual oblation for
sin. He likewise consecrates the button-snake-root, and the
cusseena, by pouring a little of those two strong decoctions into
the pretended holy fire. He then purifies the red and white seats
with those bitter liquids, and sits down. Now, every one of
the outlaws who had been catched a tripping, may safely creep
out of their lurking holes, anoint themselves, and dress in their
finest, to pay their grateful thanks at an awful distance, to the
forgiving divine fire. A religious waiter is soon ordered to call
to the women around, to come for the sacred fire: they gladly
obey.—When they come to the outside of the quadrangular holy
ground, the Archi-magus addresses the warriors, and gives {106}
them all the particular positive injunctions, and negative precepts
they yet retain of the ancient law, relating to their own
manly station. Then he changes his note, and uses a much
sharper language to the women, as suspecting their former virtue.
113He first tells them very earnestly, that if there are any of them
who have not extinguished the old evil fire, or have contracted
any impurity, they must forthwith depart, lest the divine fire
should spoil both them and the people; he charges them to be
sure not to give the children a bad example of eating any unsanctified,
or impure food, otherwise they will get full of worms,
and be devoured by famine and diseases, and bring many other
dangerous evils both upon themselves, and all the beloved, or
holy people. This seems to allude to the theocratic government
of the Jews, when such daring criminals were afflicted with immediate
and visible divine punishment.
In his female lecture, he is sharp and prolix: he urges them
with much earnestness to an honest observance of the marriage-law,
which may be readily excused, on account of the prevalent
passion of self-interest. Our own Christian orators do not exert
themselves with half the eloquence or eagerness, as when that is
at stake which they most value. And the old wary savage has
sense enough to know, that the Indian female virtue is very
brittle, not being guarded so much by inward principle, as the
fear of shame, and of incurring severe punishment; but if every
bush of every thicket was an hundred-eyed Argos, it would not
be a sufficient guard over a wanton heart. So that it is natural
they should speak much on this part of the subject, as they think
they have much at stake. After that, he addresses himself to
the whole body of the people, and tells them, in rapid bold
language, with great energy, and expressive gestures of body, to
look at the holy fire, which again has introduced all those shameful
adulterous criminals into social privileges; he bids them not
to be guilty of the like for time to come, but be sure to remember
well, and strongly shake hands with the old beloved straight
speech, otherwise the divine fire, which sees, hears, and knows
them, will spoil them exceedingly, if at any time they relapse,
and commit that detestable crime. Then he numerates all the
supposed lesser crimes, and moves the audience by the great
motives of the hope of temporal good, and the fear of temporal
evil, assuring them, that upon their careful observance of the
ancient law, the holy fire will enable their prophets, the rain-makers,
to procure them plentiful harvests, and give their war-leaders
victory over their enemies—and by the {107} communicative
power of their holy things, health and prosperity are
certain: but on failure, they are to expect a great many extraordinary
114calamities, such as hunger, uncommon diseases, a
subjection to witchcraft, and captivity and death by the hands
of the hateful enemy in the woods, where the wild fowls will
eat their flesh, and beasts of prey destroy the remaining bones,
so as they will not be gathered to their forefathers—because their
ark abroad, and beloved things at home, would lose their virtual
power of averting evil. He concludes, by advising them to a
strict observance of their old rites and customs, and then every
thing shall go well with them. He soon orders some of the religious
attendants to take a sufficient quantity of the supposed
holy fire, and lay it down on the outside of the holy ground, for
all the houses of the various associated towns, which sometimes
lie several miles apart. The women, hating sharp and grave
lessons, speedily take it up, gladly carry it home, and lay it down
on their unpolluted hearths, with the prospect of future joy and
peace.
While the women are running about, and getting ready to
dress the sanctified new-fruits on the sacred fire, the Archi-magus
sends a religious attendant to pull some cusseena, or yopon, belonging
to the temple; and having parched it brown on the altar,
he boils it with clear running water in a large earthen pot, about
half full; it has such a strong body, as to froth above the top by
pouring it up and down with their consecrated vessels, which are
kept only for that use: of this they drink now and then, till the
end of the festival, and on every other religious occasion from
year to year. Some of the old beloved men, through a religious
emulation in sanctifying themselves, often drink this, and other
bitter decoctionsdecoctions, to such excess, as to purge themselves very
severely—when they drink it, they always invoke YO He Wah.
If any of the warriors are confined at home by sickness, or
wounds, and are either deemed incapable or unfit to come to the
annual expiation, they are allowed one of the old consecrated
conch-shells-full of their sanctifying bitter cusseena, by their
magi. The traders hear them often dispute for it, as their
proper due, by ancient custom: and they often repeat their old
religious ceremonies to one another, especially that part which
they imagine most affects their present welfare; the aged are
sent to instruct the young ones in these particulars. The above
allowance, seems to be derived from the divine precept of
mercy, in allowing a second passover {108} in favour of those
who could not go, or were not admitted to the first; and the
115latter custom, to be in obedience to the divine law, which their
supposed progenitors were to write on the posts of the doors, to
wear as frontlets before their eyes, and teach to their children.
Though the Indians do not use salt in their first-fruit-oblation
till the fourth day; it is not to be doubted but they formerly
did. They reckon they cannot observe the annual expiation of
sins, without bear’s oil, both to mix with that yearly offering, and
to eat with the new sanctified fruits; and some years they have
a great deal of trouble in killing a sufficient quantity of bears
for the use of this religious solemnity, and their other sacred
rites for the approaching year; for at such seasons they are hard
to be found, and quite lean. The traders commonly supply themselves
with plenty of this oil from winter to winter; but the
Indians are so prepossessed with a notion of the white people
being all impure and accursed, that they deem their oil as polluting
on those sacred occasions, as Josephus tells us the Jews
reckoned that of the Greeks. An Indian warrior will not light
his pipe at a white man’s fire if he suspects any unsanctified
food has been dressed at it in the new year. And in the time of
the new-ripened fruits, their religious men carry a flint, punk,
and steel, when they visit us, for fear of polluting themselves by
lighting their pipes at our supposed Loak ookproose, “accursed
fire,” and spoiling the power of their holy things. The polluted
would, if known, be infallibly anathamatized, and expelled from
the temple, with the women, who are suspected of gratifying
their vicious taste. During the eight days festival, they are forbidden
even to touch the skin of a female child: if they are detected,
either in cohabiting with, or laying their hand on any of
their own wives, in that sacred interval, they are stripped naked,
and the offender is universally deemed so atrocious a criminal,
that he lives afterwards a miserable life. Some have shot themselves
dead, rather than stand the shame, and the long year’s
continual reproaches cast upon them, for every mischance that
befalls any of their people, or the ensuing harvest,—a necessary
effect of the divine anger, they say, for such a crying sin of
pollution. An instance of this kind I heard happened some
years ago in Talàse, a town of the Muskohge, seven miles above
the Alebáma garrison.
When we consider how sparingly they eat in their usual way
of living, it is surprising to see what a vast quantity of food they
consume {109} on their festival days. It would equally surprize
116a stranger to see how exceedingly they vary their dishes, their
dainties consisting only of dried flesh, fish, oil, corn, beans, pease,
pompions, and wild fruit. During this rejoicing time, the warriors
are drest in their wild martial array, with their heads covered
with white down: they carry feathers of the same colour, either
in their hands, or fastened to white scraped canes, as emblems
of purity, and scepters of power, while they are dancing in three
circles, and singing their religious praises around the sacred
arbour, in which stands the holy fire. Their music consists of
two clay-pot drums covered on the top with thin wet deer-skins,
drawn very tight, on which each of the noisy musicians beats
with a stick, accompanying the noise with their voices; at the
same time, the dancers prance it away, with wild and quick
sliding steps, and variegated postures of body, to keep time with
the drums, and the rattling calabashes shaked by some of their
religious heroes, each of them singing their old religious songs,
and striking notes in tympano et choro. Such is the graceful
dancing, as well as the vocal and instrumental music of the red
Hebrews on religious and martial occasions, which they must
have derived from early antiquity. Toward the conclusion of
the great festival, they paint and dress themselves anew, and
give themselves the most terrible appearance they possibly can.
They take up their war-instruments, and fight a mock-battle in
a very exact manner: after which, the women are called to join
in a grand dance, and if they disobey the invitation they are
fined. But as they are extremely fond of such religious exercise,
and deem it productive of temporal good, all soon appear in
their finest apparel, as before suggested, decorated with silver
ear-bobs, or pendants to their ears, several rounds of white beads
about their necks, rings upon their fingers, large wire or broad
plates of silver on their wrists, their heads shining with oil, and
torrepine-shells containing pebbles, fastened to deer-skins, tied
to the outside of their legs. Thus adorned, they join the men in
three circles, and dance a considerable while around the sacred
fire, and then they separate.
At the conclusion of this long and solemn festival, the Archi-magus
orders one of the religious men to proclaim to all the people,
that their sacred annual solemnity is now ended, and every
kind of evil averted from the beloved people, according to the
old straight beloved speech; they must therefore paint themselves,
and come along with him according to ancient {110}
117custom. As they know the stated time, the joyful sound presently
reaches their longing ears: immediately they fly about to
grapple up a kind of chalky clay, to paint themselves white. By
their religious emulation, they soon appear covered with that
emblem of purity, and join at the outside of the holy ground,
with all who had sanctified themselves within it, who are likewise
painted, some with streaks, and others all over, as white
as the clay can make them: recusants would undergo a heavy
penalty. They go along in a very orderly solemn procession, to
purify themselves in running water. The Archi-magus heads the
holy train—his waiter next—the beloved men according to their
seniority—and the warriors by their reputed merit. The women
follow them in the same orderly manner, with all the children
that can walk, behind them, ranged commonly according to their
height; the very little ones they carry in their arms. Those, who
are known to have eaten of the unsanctified fruits, bring up the
rear. In this manner the procession moves along, singing Aleluiah
to YO He Wah, &c. till they get to the water, which is
generally contiguous, when the Archi-magus jumps into it, and
all the holy train follow him, in the same order they observed
from the temple. Having purified themselves, or washed away
their sins, they come out with joyful hearts, believing themselves
out of the reach of temporal evil, for their past vicious conduct:
and they return in the same religious cheerful manner, into the
middle of the holy ground, where having made a few circles,
singing and dancing around the altar, they thus finish their annual
great festival, and depart in joy and peace.
Ancient writers inform us, that while the Scythians or Tartars
were heathens, their priests in the time of their sacrifices, took
some blood, and mixing it with milk, horse-dung, and earth, got
on a tree, and having exhorted the people, they sprinkled them
with it, in order to purify them, and defend them from every
kind of evil: the heathens also excluded some from religious
communion. The Egyptians excommunicated those who ate of
animals that bore wool, or cut the throat of a goat[XXV]. And in
ancient times, they, and the Phœnicians, Greeks, &c. adored the
serpent, and expelled those who killed it. The East-Indians likewise,
118drive those from the {111} supposed benefit of their altars,
who eat of a cow, and drink wine, or that eat with foreigners,
or an inferior cast. Though the heathen world offered sacrifice,
had ablutions, and several other sorts of purifications, and frequently
by fire; yet at the best, their religious observances
differed widely from the divine institutions; whereas the American
Aborigines observe strict purity, in the most essential parts
of the divine law. The former concealed their various worship
from the light of the sun; some seeking thick groves, others
descending into the deep valleys, others crawling to get into
caverns, and under their favourite rocks. But we find the latter,
in their state-houses and temples, following the Jerusalem copy
in a surprizing manner. Those of them who yet retain a supposed
most holy place, contrary to the usage of the old heathen
world, have it standing at the west end of the holy quadrangular
ground: and they always appoint those of the meanest rank, to
sit on the seats of the eastern square, so that their backs are
to the east, and faces to the west[XXVI]. The red square looks north;
and the second men’s cabbin, as the traders term the other square,
of course looks south, which is a strong imitation of Solomon’s
temple, that was modelled according to the divine plan of the
Israelitish camp in the wilderness. We find them also sanctifying
themselves, according to the emblematical laws of purity,
offering their annual sacrifice in the centre of their quadrangular
temples, under the meridian light of the sun. Their magi are
devoted to, and bear the name of the great holy One; their supposed
prophets likewise that of the divine fire; and each of them
119bear the emblems of purity and holiness—while in their religious
duties, they sing Aleluiah, YO He Wah, &c. both day and
night. Thus different are the various gods, {112} temples,
prophets, and priests of all the idolatrous nations of antiquity,
from the savage Americans; which shews with convincing clearness,
especially by recollecting the former arguments, that the
American Aborigines were never idolaters, nor violated the second
commandment in worshipping the incomprehensible, omnipresent,
divine essence, after the manner described by the popish
historians of Peru and Mexico; but that the greatest part of
their civil and religious system, is a strong old picture of the
Israelitish, much less defaced than might be reasonably expected
from the circumstances of time and place.
XXVI. The Hebrews had two presidents in the great synhedrion. The first
was called Nashe Yo, “a prince of God.” They elected him on account
of his wisdom: The second was called Rosh Ha-Yoshibbah, “the father
of the assembly:” he was chief in the great council. And Ab beth din,
or “the father of the consistory,” sat at his right hand, as the chief of the
seventy-two, of which the great synhedrion consisted, the rest sitting
according to their merit, in a gradual declension from the prince, to the
end of the semicircle. The like order is observed by the Indians,—and
Jer. ii. 27, God commanded the Israelites, that they should not turn
their backs to him, but their faces toward the propitiatory, when they
worshipped him. I remember, in Koosah, the uppermost western town
of the Muskohge, which was a place of refuge, their supposed holiest
consisted of a neat house, in the centre of the western square, and the
door of it was in the south gable-end close to the white cabbin, each on
a direct line, north and south.
Every spring season, one town or more of the Missisippi
Floridians,[40] keep a great solemn feast of love, to renew their old
friendship. They call this annual feast, Hottuk Aimpa, Heettla,
Tanáa, “the people eat, dance, and walk as twined together”—The
short name of their yearly feast of love, is Hottuk Impanáa,
“eating by a strong religious, or social principle;” Impanáa
signifies several threads or strands twisted, or warped together.
Hissoobistarákshe, and Yelphòha Panáa, is “a twisted horse-rope,”
and “warped garter[XXVII].” This is also contrary to the usage
of the old heathen world, whose festivals were in honour to their
chief idols, and very often accompanied with detestable lewdness
and debauchery.
XXVII. The name of a horse-rope is derived from Tarákshe “to tie,” and
Hissooba “an elk, or horse that carries a burthen;” which suggests that
they formerly saw elks carry burthens, though perhaps not in the northern
provinces.
They assemble three nights previous to their annual feast of
love; on the fourth night they eat together. During the intermediate
space, the young men and women dance in circles from
the evening till morning. The men masque their faces with
large pieces of gourds of different shapes and hieroglyphic paintings.
Some of them fix a pair of young buffalo horns to their
head; others the tail, behind. When the dance and their time is
expired, the men turn out a hunting, and bring in a sufficient
quantity of venison, for the feast of renewing their love, and
confirming their friendship with each other. The women dress
120it, and bring the best they have along with it; which a few
springs past, was only a variety of Esau’s small red acorn pottage,
as their crops had failed. When they have eaten together,
they fix in the ground a large pole with a bush tied at the top,
over which {113} they throw a ball. Till the corn is in, they
meet there almost every day, and play for venison and cakes,
the men against the women; which the old people say they have
observed for time out of mind.
Before I conclude this argument, I must here observe, that
when the Indians meet at night to gladden and unite their hearts
before Yohewah, they sing Yohèwà-shoo Yohèwà-shoo, Yohewàhshee
Yohewàhshee, and Yohewàhshai Yohewàhshai, with much
energy. The first word is nearly in Hebrew characters, יהושע,
the name of Joshua, or saviour, Numb. xiii. 8. That ע is properly
expressed by our double vowel oo, let it be observed, that
as בעל is “a ruler,” or “commanding”—so the Indians say Boole
Hakse “strike a person, that is criminal.” In like manner
they sing Meshi Yo, Meshi Yo, Meshi He, Meshi He, Meshi Wah
Meshi Wah; likewise, Meshi Hah Yo, &c.; and Meshi Wàh Háh
Meshi Wàh Hé, transposing and accenting each syllable differently,
so as to make them appear different words. But they
commonly make those words end with one syllable of the divine
name, Yo He Wah. If we connect this with the former part of
the subject, and consider they are commonly anointed all over,
in the time of their religious songs and circuiting dances, the
words seem to glance at the Hebrew original, and perhaps they
are sometimes synonymous; for ומו signifies oil; the person
anointed משח, Messiah, and he who anointed משיחו, which with
the Indians is Meshiháh Yo.
That these red savages formerly understood the radical meaning,
and emblematical design, of the important words they use
in their religious dances and sacred hymns, is pretty obvious,
if we consider the reverence they pay to the mysterious divine
name YO He Wah, in pausing during a long breath on each of
the two first syllables; their defining good by joining Wah to the
end of a word, which otherwise expresses moral evil, as before
noticed; and again by making the same word a negative of good,
by separating the first syllable of that divine name into two
syllables, and adding U as a superlative termination, Y-O-U: all
their sacred songs seem likewise to illustrate it very clearly;
Halelu-Yah, Shilu Wah, Meshi Wah, Meshiha Yo, &c. The words
121which they repeat in their divine hymns, while dancing in three
circles around their supposed holy fire, are deemed so sacred,
that they have not been known ever to mention them at any
other time: and as they are a most erect {114} people, their bowing
posture during the time of those religious acclamations and
invocations, helps to confirm their Hebrew origin.
The Hebrews offered DAILY SACRIFICE, which the prophet
Daniel calls Tamid, “the daily.” It was an offering of a lamb
every morning and evening, at the charges of the common treasury
of the temple, and except the skin and intrails, it was burnt
to ashes—upon which account they called it, Oolah Kalile, to
ascend and consume. The Indians have a similar religious
service. The Indian women always throw a small piece of the
fattest of the meat into the fire when they are eating, and frequently
before they begin to eat. Sometimes they view it with
a pleasing attention, and pretend to draw omens from it. They
firmly believe such a method to be a great means of producing
temporal good things, and of averting those that are evil: and
they are so far from making this fat-offering through pride or
hypocrisy, that they perform it when they think they are not
seen by those of contrary principles, who might ridicule them
without teaching them better.
Instead of blaming their religious conduct, as some have done,
I advised them to persist in their religious duty to Ishtohoollo
Aba, because he never failed to be kind to those who firmly
shaked hands with the old beloved speech, particularly the moral
precepts, and after they died, he would bring them to their beloved
land; and took occasion to shew them the innumerable
advantages their reputed forefathers were blest with, while they
obeyed the divine law.
The white people, (I had almost said christians) who have
become Indian proselytes of justice, by living according to the
Indian religious system, assure us, that the Indian men observe
the daily sacrifice both at home, and in the woods, with new-killed
venison; but that otherwise they decline it. The difficulty
of getting salt for religious uses from the sea-shore, and likewise
its irritating quality when eaten by those who have green wounds,
might in time occasion them to discontinue that part of the
122sacrifice. {115} They make salt for domestic use, out of a
saltish kind of grass, which grows on rocks, by burning it to
ashes, making strong lye of it, and boiling it in earthen pots to
a proper consistence. They do not offer any fruits of the field,
except at the first-fruit-offering: so that their neglect of sacrifice,
at certain times, seems not to be the effect of an ignorant
or vicious, but of their intelligent and virtuous disposition, and
to be a strong circumstantial evidence of their Israelitish extraction.
Though they believe the upper heavens to be inhabited by
Ishtohoollo Aba, and a great multitude of inferior good spirits;
yet they are firmly persuaded that the divine omnipresent Spirit
of fire and light resides on earth, in their annual sacred fire while
it is unpolluted; and that he kindly accepts their lawful offerings,
if their own conduct is agreeable to the old divine law,
which was delivered to their forefathers. The former notion of
the Deity, is agreeable to those natural images, with which the
divine penmen, through all the prophetic writings, have drawn
Yohewah Elohim. When God was pleased with Aaron’s priesthood
and offerings, the holy fire descended and consumed the
burnt-offering on the altar, &c.
By the divine records of the Hebrews, this was the emblematical
token of the divine presence; and the smoke of the
victim ascending toward heaven, is represented as a sweet savour
to God. The people who have lived so long apart from the
rest of mankind, are not to be wondered at, if they have forgotten
the end and meaning of the sacrifice; and are rather to
be pitied for seeming to believe, like the ignorant part of the
Israelites, that the virtue is either in the form of offering the
sacrifice, or in the divinity they imagine to reside on earth in
the sacred annual fire; likewise, for seeming to have forgotten
that the virtue was in the thing typified.
In the year 1748, when I was at the Koosàh on my way to
the Chikkasah country, I had a conversation on this subject, with
several of the more intelligent of the Muskohge traders. One
of them told me, that just before, while he and several others
were drinking spirituous liquors with the Indians, one of the
warriors having drank to excess, reeled into the fire, and burned
himself very much. He roared, foamed, and spoke the worst
things against God, that their language could express. He upbraided
him with {116} ingratitude, for having treated him so
123barbarously in return for his religious offerings, affirming he had
always sacrificed to him the first young buck he killed in the
new year; as in a constant manner he offered him when at home,
some of the fattest of the meat, even when he was at short allowance,
on purpose that he might shine upon him as a kind
God.—And he added, “now you have proved as an evil spirit, by
biting me so severely who was your constant devotee, and are a
kind God to those accursed nothings, who are laughing at you
as a rogue, and at me as a fool, I assure you, I shall renounce
you from this time forward, and instead of making you look
merry with fat meat, you shall appear sad with water, for spoiling
the old beloved speech. I am a beloved warrior, and consequently
I scorn to lie; you shall therefore immediately fly up
above the clouds, for I shall piss upon you.” From that time,
his brethen said, God forsook that terrestrial residence, and the
warrior became godless. This information exactly agrees with
many such instances of Indian impiety, that happened within
my own observation—and shews the bad consequences of that
evil habit of using spirituous liquors intemperately, which they
have been taught by the Europeans.
The Indians have among them the resemblance of the Jewish
Sin-Offering, and Trespass-Offering, for they commonly pull
their new-killed venison (before they dress it) several times
through the smoke and flame of the fire, both by the way of a
sacrifice, and to consume the blood, life, or animal spirits of the
beast, which with them would be a most horrid abomination to
eat.[41] And they sacrifice in the woods, the milt, or a large fat
piece of the first buck they kill, both in their summer and
winter hunt; and frequently the whole carcass. This they offer
up, either as a thanksgiving for the recovery of health, and for
124their former success in hunting; or that the divine care and
goodness may be still continued to them.
When the Hebrews doubted whether they had sinned against
any of the divine precepts, they were obliged by the law to bring
to the priest a ram of their flock, to be sacrificed, which they
called Ascham. When the priest offered this, the person was
forgiven. Their sacrifices and offerings were called Shilomim, as
they typified Shilo-Berith, “the purifying root,” who was to
procure them peace, rest, and plenty. The Indian imitates the
Israelite {117} in his religious offerings, according to the circumstances
of things; the Hebrew laid his hands on the head of the
clean and tame victim, to load it with his sins, when it was to
be killed. The Indian religiously chuses that animal which in
America comes nearest to the divine law of sacrifice, according
to what God has enabled him; he shoots down a buck, and
sacrifices either the whole carcass, or some choice part of it,
upon a fire of green wood to burn away, and ascend to Yohewah.
Then he purifies himself in water, and believes himself secure
from temporal evils. Formerly, every hunter observed the very
same religious œconomy; but now it is practiced only by those
who are the most retentive of their old religious mysteries.
The Muskohge Indians sacrifice a piece of every deer they
kill at their hunting camps, or near home; if the latter, they dip
their middle finger in the broth, and sprinkle it over the domestic
tombs of their dead, to keep them out of the power of evil
spirits, according to their mythology; which seems to proceed
from a traditional knowledge, though corruption of the Hebrew
law of sprinkling and of blood.
The Indians observe another religious custom of the Hebrews,
in making a Peace-Offering, or sacrifice of gratitude, if the
Deity in the supposed holy ark is propitious to their campaign
against the enemy, and brings them all safe home. If they have
lost any in war, they always decline it, because they imagine
by some neglect of duty, they are impure: then they only mourn
their vicious conduct which defiled the ark, and thereby occasioned
the loss. Like the Israelites, they believe their sins are
the true cause of all their evils, and that the divinity in their
ark, will always bless the more religious party with the best
success. This is their invariable sentiment, and is the sole reason
of their mortifying themselves in so severe a manner while they
are out at war, living very scantily, even in a buffalo-range,
125under a strict rule, lest by luxury their hearts should grow evil,
and give them occasion to mourn.
The common sort of Indians, in these corrupt times, only
sacrifice a small piece of unsalted fat meat, when they are rejoicing
in the divine presence, singing Yo Yo, &c. for their success
and safety: but, according to the religious custom of the Hebrews,
who offered sacrifices of thanksgiving {118} for every
notable favour that Elohim had conferred either on individuals,
or the body,—both the war-leader and his religious assistant go
into the woods as soon as they are purified, and there sacrifice
the first deer they kill; yet, as hath been observed, they always
celebrate the annual expiation of sins in their religious temples.
The red Hebrews imagine their temples to have such a typical
holiness, more than any other place, that if they offered up the
annual sacrifice elsewhere, it would not atone for the people,
but rather bring down the anger of Ishtohoollo Aba, and utterly
spoil the power of their holy places and holy things. They who
sacrifice in the woods, do it only on the particular occasions
now mentioned; unless incited by a dream, which they esteem
a monitory lesson of the Deity, according to a similar opinion
of the Hebrews. To conclude this argument, it is well known,
that the heathens offered the most abominable and impure sacrifices
to a multiplicity of idol gods; some on favourite high
places, others in thick groves, yea, offerings of their own children
were made! and they likewise prostituted their young women in
honour of their deities. The former is so atrocious in the eyes
of the American Hebrews, that they reckon there needs no human
law to prevent so unnatural a crime; the vilest reptiles being
endued with an intense love to their young ones: and as to the
latter, if even a great war-leader is known to cohabit with his
own wife, while sanctifying himself according to their mode on
any religious occasion, he is deemed unclean for the space of
three days and nights; or should he during the annual atonement
of sins, it is deemed so dangerous a pollution, as to demand
a strict exclusion from the rest of the sanctified head-men and
warriors, till the general atonement has been made at the temple,
to appease the offended Deity: besides, as a shameful badge of
his impiety, his clothes are stripped off. Thus different are the
various modes and subjects of the heathenish worship and offerings,
from those of the savage Americans. The surprizing purity
the latter still observe in their religious ceremonies, under the
126circumstances of time and place, points strongly at their origin. {119}
The Hebrews had various Ablutions and Anointings, according
to the Mosaic ritual—and all the Indian nations constantly
observe similar customs from religious motives. Their frequent
bathing, or dipping themselves and their children in rivers, even
in the severest weather, seems to be as truly Jewish, as the other
rites and ceremonies which have been mentioned. Frequent
washing of the body was highly necessary to the health of the
Hebrews in their warm climate, and populous state—but it is
useless in this point of view to the red Americans, as their
towns are widely distant from each other, thin peopled, and
situated in cold regions. However, they practise it as a religious
duty, unless in very hot weather, which they find by experience
to be prejudicial to their health, when they observe the law of
mercy, rather than that of sacrifice. In the coldest weather, and
when the ground is covered with snow, against their bodily ease
and pleasure, men and children turn out of their warm houses
or stoves, reeking with sweat, singing their usual sacred notes,
Yo Yo, &c. at the dawn of day, adoring YO He Wah, at the
gladsome sight of the morn; and thus they skip along, echoing
praises, till they get to the river, when they instantaneously
plunge into it.[42] If the water is frozen, they break the ice with
a religious impatience: After bathing, they return home, rejoicing
as they run for having so well performed their religious duty,
and thus purged away the impurities of the preceding day by
ablution. The neglect of this hath been deemed so heinous a
crime, that they have raked the legs and arms of the delinquent
with snake’s teeth, not allowing warm water to relax the stiffened
skin. This is called dry-scratching;[43] for their method of
bleeding consists in scratching the legs and arms with goir-fish
teeth, when the skin has been first well loosened by warm water.
The criminals, through a false imitation of true martial virtue,
scorn to move themselves in the least out of their erect posture,
127be the pain ever so intolerable; if they did, they would be
laughed at, even by their own relations—first, for being vicious;
and next, for being timorous. This will help to lessen our
surprize at the uncommon patience and constancy with which
they are endued, beyond the rest of mankind, in suffering long-continued
torture; especially as it is one {120} of the first, and
strongest impressions they take; and they have constant lessons
and examples of fortitude, exhibited before their eyes.
The Hebrews had convenient separate places for their women
to bathe in, and purify themselves as occasion required: and at
the temple (and the synagogues, after the captivity) they worshipped
apart from the men, lest they should attract one another’s
attention from the divine worship: and it was customary
for the women to go veiled, for fear of being seen, when they
walked the streets. No doubt but jealousy had as great a share
in introducing this custom as modesty, especially while poligamy
was suffered in the rich. But the scantiness of the Jewish
American’s circumstances, has obliged them to purify themselves
in the open rivers, where modesty forbad them to expose their
women; who by this means, are now less religious than the men
in that duty, for they only purify themselves as their discretion
directs them. In imitation of the Hebrew women being kept
apart from the men at their worship, the Indians intirely exclude
their females from their temples by ancient custom, except six
old beloved women, who are admitted to sing, dance, and rejoice,
in the time of their annual expiation of sins, and then retire. In
their town-houses also they separate them from the warriors,
placing them on the ground at each side of the entrance of the
door within, as if they were only casual spectators.
It may be objected, that the ancient Egyptians, Greeks, and
Romans worshipped their Gods, at the dawn of day: and the
Persian Magi, with all the other worshippers of fire, paid their
religious devoirs to the rising sun, but, as the Indians are plainly
not idolaters, or poly-theists; as they sing to, and invoke Yah,
and YO He Wah, the divine essence, as they run along at the
dawn of day to purify themselves by ablution; it seems sufficiently
clear, they are not descended from either of the last
mentioned states, but that their origin is from the Israelites.
This law of purity, bathing in water, was essential to the Jews—and
the Indians to this day would exclude the men from religious
communion who neglected to observe it.
128f
It was customary with the Jews also after bathing to anoint
themselves with oil. All the orientalists had a kind of sacred
respect to Oil; particularly the Jews. With them, the same
word which signified “noon-day” or splendor, צהר, denoted also
“lucid oil.”—And the olive-tree is derived {121} from the verb,
to shine—Because, the fruit thereof tended to give their faces
a favourite glistering colour. ’Tis well known that oil was
applied by the Jews to the most sacred, as well as common uses.
Their kings, prophets and priests, at their inauguration and
consecration were anointed with oil—and the promised Saviour
was himself described, by the epithet “anointed,” and is said
Psal. xlv. 7. to be “anointed with the oil of gladness above his
fellows.” We shall on this point, discover no small resemblance
and conformity in the American Indians.
The Indian priests and prophets are initiated by unction. The
Chikkasah some time ago set apart some of their old men of
the religious order. They first obliged them to sweat themselves
for the space of three days and nights, in a small green hut,
made on purpose, at a considerable distance from any dwelling;
through a scrupulous fear of contracting pollution by contact,
or from the effluvia of polluted people—and a strong desire of
secreting their religious mysteries. During that interval, they
were allowed to eat nothing but green tobacco, nor to drink
any thing except warm water, highly imbittered with the button-snake-root,
to cleanse their bodies, and prepare them to serve in
their holy, or beloved office, before the divine essence, whom
during this preparation they constantly invoke by his essential
name, as before described. After which, their priestly garments
and ornaments, mentioned under a former argument, page 84,
are put on, and, then bear’s oil is poured upon their head.—If
they could procure olive, or palm oil, instead of bear’s oil, doubtless
they would prefer and use it in their sacred ceremonies;
especially, as they are often destitute of their favourite bear’s
oil for domestic uses.
The Jewish women were so exceedingly addicted to anoint
their faces and bodies, that they often preferred oil to the necessaries
of life; the widow who addressed herself to Elisha, though
she was in the most pinching straits, and wanted every thing
else, yet had a pot of oil to anoint herself. This custom of
anointing became universal, among the eastern nations. They
were not satisfied with perfuming themselves with sweet oils
129and fine essences; but anointed birds—as in the ninth ode of
Anacreon;
Tot unde nunc odores?
Huc advolans per auras,
Spirasque, depulisque; {122}
The poet introduces two doves conversing together; one of
which carried a letter to Bathyllus, the anointed beau; and the
other wishes her much joy, for her perfumed wings that diffused
such an agreeable smell around. And the same poet orders the
painter to draw this Samian beau, with his hair wet with essence,
to give him a fine appearance. Nitidas comas ejus facilto.
Ode 29. Virgil describes Turnus, just after the same manner,
Vibratos calido ferro, myrrhaque madentes.
Æneid, 1. 12.
Homer tells us, that Telemachus and Philistratus anointed
their whole bodies with essences, after they had visited the palace
of Menelaus, and before they sat down at table. Odyss. 1. 4.
The Jews reckoned it a singular piece of disrespect to their
guest, if they offered him no oil. When any of them paid a
friendly visit, they had essences presented to anoint their heads;
to which custom of civility the Saviour alludes in his reproof
of the parsimonious Pharisee, at whose house he dined. Luke
vii. 46.
All the Indian Americans, especially the female sex, reckon
their bear’s oil or grease,[44] very valuable, and use it after the
same manner as the Asiatics did their fine essences and sweet
perfumes; the young warriors and women are uneasy, unless
their hair is always shining with it; which is probably the reason
that none of their heads are bald. But enough is said on this
head, to shew that they seem to have derived this custom from
the east.
The Indians have customs consonant to the Mosaic Laws of
Uncleanness. They oblige their women in their lunar retreats,[45]130to build small huts, at as considerable a distance from their
dwelling-houses, as they imagine may be out of the enemies
reach; where, during the space of that period, they are obliged
to stay at the risque of their lives. Should they be known to
violate that ancient law, they must answer for every misfortune
that befalls {123} any of the people, as a certain effect of the
divine fire; though the lurking enemy sometimes kills them in
their religious retirement. Notwithstanding they reckon it conveys
a most horrid and dangerous pollution to those who touch,
or go near them, or walk any where within the circle of their
retreats; and are in fear of thereby spoiling the supposed purity
and power of their holy ark, which they always carry to war;
yet the enemy believe they can so cleanse themselves with the
consecrated herbs, roots, &c. which the chieftain carries in the
beloved war-ark, as to secure them in this point from bodily
danger, because it was done against their enemies.
The non-observance of this separation, a breach of the marriage-law,
and murder, they esteem the most capital crimes. When
the time of the women’s separation is ended, they always purify
themselves in deep running water, return home, dress, and anoint
themselves. They ascribe these monthly periods, to the female
structure, not to the anger of Ishtohoollo Aba.
Correspondent to the Mosaic law of women’s purification after
travel,[46] the Indian women absent themselves from their husbands
and all public company, for a considerable time.—The
Muskōhge women are separate for three moons, exclusive of that
moon in which they are delivered. By the Jewish law, women
after a male-birth were forbidden to enter the temple; and even,
the very touch of sacred things, forty days.—And after a female,
the time of separation was doubled.
Should any of the Indian women violate this law of purity,
they would be censured, and suffer for any sudden sickness, or
death that might happen among the people, as the necessary
effect of the divine anger for their polluting sin, contrary to
131their old traditional law of female purity. Like the greater part
of the Israelites, it is the fear of temporal evils, and the prospect
of temporal good, that makes them so tenacious and observant
of their laws. At the stated period, the Indian women’s impurity
is finished by ablution, and they are again admitted to
social and holy privileges.
By the Levitical law, the people who had running issues, or
sores, were deemed unclean, and strictly ordered apart from the
rest, for fear of polluting them; for every thing they touched
became unclean. The Indians, in as strict a manner, observe
the very same law; they follow the ancient {124} Israelitish
copy so close, as to build a small hut at a considerable distance
from the houses of the village, for every one of their warriors
wounded in war, and confine them there, (as the Jewish lepers
formerly were, without the walls of the city) for the space of
four moons, including that moon in which they were wounded,
as in the case of their women after travel: and they keep them
strictly separate, lest the impurity of the one should prevent
the cure of the other. The reputed prophet, or divine physician,
daily pays them a due attendance, always invoking YO He Wah
to bless the means they apply on the sad occasion; which is
chiefly mountain allum, and medicinal herbs, always injoyning
a very abstemious life, prohibiting them women and salt in particular,
during the time of the cure, or sanctifying the reputed
sinners. Like the Israelites, they firmly believe that safety, or
wounds, &c. immediately proceed from the pleased, or angry
deity, for their virtuous, or vicious conduct, in observing, or
violating the divine law.
In this long space of purification, each patient is allowed only
a superannuated woman to attend him, who is past the temptations
of sinning with men, lest the introduction of a young one
should either seduce him to folly; or she having committed it
with others—or by not observing her appointed time of living
apart from the rest, might thereby defile the place, and totally
prevent the cure. But what is yet more surprising in their
physical, or rather theological regimen, is, that the physician is
so religiously cautious of not admitting polluted persons to visit
any of his patients, lest the defilement should retard the cure,
or spoil the warriors, that before he introduces any man, even
any of their priests, who are married according to the law, he
obliges him to assert either by a double affirmative, or by two
132negatives, that he has not known even his own wife, in the space
of the last natural day. This law of purity was peculiar to the
Hebrews, to deem those unclean who cohabited with their wives,
till they purified themselves in clean water. Now as the heathen
world observed no such law, it seems that the primitive Americans
derived this religious custom also from divine precept; and
that these ceremonial rites were originally copied from the
Mosaic institution.
The Israelites became unclean only by touching their dead,
for the space of seven days; and the high-priest was prohibited
to come near the dead. ’Tis much the same with the Indians to
this day. To prevent pollution, when the sick person is past hope
of recovery, they {125} dig a grave, prepare the tomb, anoint his
hair, and paint his face; and when his breath ceases, they hasten
the remaining funeral preparations, and soon bury the corpse.[47]
One of a different family will never, or very rarely pollute himself
for a stranger; though when living, he would cheerfully
hazard his life for his safety: the relations, who become unclean
by performing the funeral duties, must live apart from the clean
for several days, and be cleansed by some of their religious order,
who chiefly apply the button-snake-root for their purification,
as formerly described: then they purify themselves by ablution.
After three days, the funeral assistants may convene at the town-house,
and follow their usual diversions. But the relations live
recluse a long time, mourning the dead.[XXVIII][48]
XXVIII. One of the Cheeràke traders, who now resides in the Choktah country,
assures me, that a little before the commencement of the late war with
the Cheerake, when the Buck, a native of Nuquose-town, died, none of
the warriors would help to bury him, because of the dangerous pollution,
they imagined they should necessarily contract from such a white corpse;
as he was begotten by a white man and a half-breed Cheerake woman—and
as the women are only allowed to mourn for the death of a warrior,
they could not assist in this friendly duty. By much solicitation, the
gentleman (my author) obtained the help of an old friendly half-bred-warrior.
They interred the corpse; but the savage became unclean, and
was separate from every kind of communion with the rest, for the space
of three days.
133The Cheerake, notwithstanding they have corrupted most of
their primitive customs, observe this law of purity in so strict
a manner, as not to touch the corpse of their nearest relation
though in the woods. The fear of pollution (not the want of
natural affection, as the unskilful observe) keeps them also from
burying their dead, in our reputed unsanctified ground, if any
die as they are going to Charles-town, and returning home; because
they are distant from their own holy places and holy
things, where only they could perform the religious obsequies
of their dead, and purify themselves according to law. An incident
of this kind happened several years since, a little below
Ninety-six, as well as at the Conggarees, in South-Carolina:—at
the former place, the corpse by our humanity was interred; but
at the latter, even the twin-born brother of an Indian christian
lady well known by the name of the Dark-lanthorn, left her dead
and unburied.
The conversion of this rara avis was in the following extraordinary
manner.—There was a gentleman who married her according
to the manner of the Cheeràke; but observing that marriages
were commonly of a short {126} duration in that wanton female
government, he flattered himself of ingrossing her affections,
could he be so happy as to get her sanctified by one of our own
beloved men with a large quantity of holy water in baptism—and
be taught the conjugal duty, by virtue of her new christian name,
when they were married a-new. As she was no stranger in the
English settlements, he soon persuaded her to go down to the
Conggarees, to get the beloved speech, and many fine things
beside. As the priest was one of those sons of wisdom, the
church sent us in her maternal benevolence, both to keep and
draw us from essential errors, he readily knew the value of a
convert, and grasping at the opportunity, he changed her from
a wild savage to a believing christian in a trice.
He asked her a few articles of her creed, which were soon
answered by the bridegroom, as interpreter, from some words
she spoke on a trifling question he asked her. When the priest
proposed to her a religious question, the bridegroom, by reason
of their low ideas, and the idiom of their dialects, was obliged
to mention some of the virtues, and say he recommended to her
a very strict chastity in the married state. “Very well, said she,
that’s a good speech, and fit for every woman alike, unless she
is very old—But what says he now?” The interpreter, after a
134short pause, replied, that he was urging her to use a proper care
in domestic life. “You evil spirit, said she, when was I wasteful,
or careless at home?” He replied, “never”: “Well then, said
she, tell him his speech is troublesome and light.—But, first,
where are those fine things you promised me?” He bid her be
patient a little, and she should have plenty of every thing she
liked best; at this she smiled. Now the religious man was fully
confirmed in the hope of her conversion; however, he asked if
she understood, and believed that needful article, the doctrine
of the trinity. The bridegroom swore heartily, that if he brought
out all the other articles of his old book, she both knew and
believed them, for she was a sensible young woman.
The bridegroom had a very difficult part to act, both to please
the humour of his Venus, and to satisfy the inquisitive temper
of our religious son of Apollo; he behaved pretty well however,
till he was desired to ask her belief of the uni-trinity, and tri-unity
of the deity; which the beloved man endeavoured to explain.
On this, she smartly asked him the subject of their long
and crooked-like discourse. But, as his patience was now exhausted, {127}
instead of answering her question, he said with
a loud voice, that he believed the religious man had picked out
all the crabbed parts of his old book, only to puzzle and stagger
her young christian faith; otherwise how could he desire him
to persuade such a sharp-discerning young woman, that one was
three, and three, one? Besides, that if his book had any such
question, it belonged only to the deep parts of arithmetic, in
which the very Indian beloved men were untaught. He assured
the priest, that the Indians did not mind what religion the
women were of, or whether they had any; and that the bride
would take it very kindly, if he shortened his discourse, as
nothing can disturb the Indian women so much as long lectures.
The Dark-lanthorn, (which was the name of the bride) became
very uneasy, both by the delay of time, and the various
passions she attentively read in the bridegroom’s face and speech,
and she asked him sharply the meaning of such a long discourse.
He instantly cried out, that the whole affair was spoiled, unless
it was brought to a speedy conclusion: but the religious man
insisted upon her belief of that article, before he could proceed
any farther. But by way of comfort, he assured him it should
be the very last question he would propose, till he put the holy
water on her face, and read over the marriage ceremony. The
135bridegroom revived at this good news, immediately sent the bowl
around, with a cheerful countenance; which the bride observing,
she asked him the reason of his sudden joyful looks.—But, what
with the length of the lecture, the close application of the bowl,
and an over-joy of soon obtaining his wishes, he proposed the
wrong question; for instead of asking her belief of the mysterious
union of the tri-une deity, he only mentioned the manly
faculties of nature. The bride smiled, and asked if the beloved
man borrowed that speech from his beloved marriage-book?
Or whether he was married, as he was so waggish, and knowing
in those affairs.—The priest imagining her cheerful looks proceeded
from her swallowing his doctrine, immediately called for
a bowl of water to initiate his new convert. As the bridegroom
could not mediate with his usual friendly offices in this affair,
he persuaded her to let the beloved man put some beloved water
on her face, and it would be a sure pledge of a lasting friendship
between her and the English, and intitle her to every thing she
liked best. By the persuasive force of his promises, she consented:
and had the constancy, though so ignorant a {128}
novitiate in our sacred mysteries, to go through her catechism,
and the long marriage ceremony,—although it was often interrupted
by the bowl. This being over, she proceeded to go to
bed with her partner, while the beloved man sung a psalm at
the door, concerning the fruitful vine. Her name he soon entered
in capital letters, to grace the first title-page of his church book
of converts; which he often shewed to his English sheep, and
with much satisfaction would inform them how, by the co-operation
of the Deity, his earnest endeavours changed an Indian
Dark-lanthorn into a lamp of christian light. However, afterward
to his great grief, he was obliged on account of her adulteries,
to erase her name from thence, and enter it anew in some
of the crowded pages of female delinquents.
When an Israelite died in any house or tent, all who were in
it, and the furniture belonging to it contracted a pollution, which
continued for seven days. All likewise who touched the body of
a dead person, or his grave, were impure for seven days. Similar
notions prevail among the Indians. The Choktah are so exceedingly
infatuated in favour of the infallible judgment of their
pretended prophets, as to allow them without the least regret,
to dislocate the necks of any of their sick who are in a weak
state of body, to put them out of their pain, when they presume
136to reveal the determined will of the Deity to shorten his days,
which is asserted to be communicated in a dream; by the time
that this theo-physical operation is performed on a patient, they
have a scaffold prepared opposite to the door, whereon he is to
lie till they remove the bones in the fourth moon after, to the
remote bone-house of that family: they immediately carry out
the corpse, mourn over it, and place it in that dormitory, which
is strongly pallisadoed around, lest the children should become
polluted even by passing under the dead. Formerly when the
owner of a house died, they set fire to it, and to all the provisions
of every kind; or sold the whole at a cheap rate to the trading
people, without paying the least regard to the scarcity of the
times. Many of them still observe the same rule, through a
wild imitation of a ceremonial observance of the Israelites, in
burning the bed whereon a dead person lay, because of its impurity.
This is no copy from the ancient heathens, but from
the Hebrews. {129}
Like the Jews, the greatest part of the southern Indians abstain
from most things that are either in themselves, or in the general
apprehension of mankind, loathsome, or unclean: where we find
a deviation from that general rule among any of them, it is a
corruption—either owing to their intercourse with Europeans, or
having contracted an ill habit from necessity. They generally
affix very vicious ideas to the eating of impure things; and all
their prophets, priests, old warriors and war-chieftains, before
they enter on their religious duties, and while they are engaged
in them, observe the strictest abstinence in this point. Formerly,
if any of them did eat in white people’s houses, or even of what
had been dressed there, while they were sanctifying themselves,
it was deemed a dangerous sin of pollution. When some of them
first corrupted their primitive virtue, by drinking of our spirituous
liquors, the religious spectators called it ooka hoome, “bitter
waters;” alluding, I conjecture, to the bitter waters of jealousy,
that produced swelling and death to those who committed adultery,
but had no power over the innocent. That this name is
not accidental, but designedly pointed, and expressive of the
bitter waters of God, seems obvious, not only from the image
they still retain of them, but likewise when any of them refuse
137our invitation of drinking spirituous liquors in company with us,
they say Ahiskola Awa, Ooka HoomehHoomeh Ishto, “I will not drink,
they are the bitter waters of the great One.” Though Ishto, one
of the names of God, subjoined to nouns, denotes a superlative
degree, in this case they deviate from that general rule—and
for this reason they never affix the idea of bitter to the spirituous
liquors we drink among them. Hoomeh is the only word they
have to convey the meaning of bitter; as Aneh Hoomeh, “bitter
ears,” or pepper.
They reckon all birds of prey, and birds of night, to be unclean,
and unlawful to be eaten. Not long ago, when the Indians
were making their winter’s hunt, and the old women were
without flesh-meat at home, I shot a small fat hawk, and desired
one of them to take and dress it; but though I strongly importuned
her by way of trial, she, as earnestly refused it for {130}
fear of contracting pollution, which she called the “accursed
sickness,” supposing disease would be the necessary effect of
such an impurity. Eagles of every kind they esteem unclean
food; likewise ravens (though the name of a tribe with them)
crows, buzzards, swallows, bats, and every species of owls: and
they believe that swallowing flies, musketoes, or gnats, always
breeds sickness, or worms, according to the quantity that goes
into them; which though it may not imply extraordinary skill in
physic, shews their retention of the ancient law, which prohibited
the swallowing of flies: for to this that divine sarcasm alludes,
“swallowing a camel, and straining at a gnat.” Such insects were
deemed unclean, as well as vexatious and hurtful. The God of
Ekron was Beelzebub, or the God and ruler of flies.
None of them will eat of any animal whatsoever, if they either
know, or suspect that it died of itself. I lately asked one of
the women the reason of throwing a dung-hill-fowl out of doors,
on the corn-house; she said, that she was afraid, Oophe Abeeka
Hakset Illeh, “it died with the distemper of the mad dogs,” and
that if she had eaten it, it would have affected her in the very
same manner. I said, if so, she did well to save herself from
danger, but at the same time, it seemed she had forgotten the
cats. She replied, “that such impure animals would not contract
the accursed sickness, on account of any evil thing they eat;
but that the people who ate of the flesh of the swine that fed on
such polluting food, would certainly become mad.”
In the year 1766, a madness seized the wild beasts in the
138remote woods of West-Florida, and about the same time the
domestic dogs were attacked with the like distemper; the deer
were equally infected. The Indians in their winter’s hunt, found
several lying dead, some in a helpless condition, and others fierce
and mad. But though they are all fond of increasing their
number of deer-skins, both from emulation and for profit, yet
none of them durst venture to slay them, lest they should pollute
themselves, and thereby incur bodily evils. The head-man of
the camp told me, he cautioned one of the Hottuk Hakse, who
had resided a long time at Savannah, from touching such deer,
saying to him Chehaksinna, “Do not become vicious and mad,”
for Isse Hakset Illehtàhah, “the deer were mad, and are dead;”
adding, that if he acted the part of Hakse, he would cause both
himself,{131} and the rest of the hunting camp to be spoiled;
nevertheless he shut his ears against his honest speech, and
brought those dangerous deer-skins to camp. But the people
would not afterward associate with him; and he soon paid dear
for being Hakse, by a sharp splintered root of a cane running
almost through his foot, near the very place where he first
polluted himself; and he was afraid some worse ill was still in
wait for him.
In 1767, the Indians were struck with a disease, which they
were unacquainted with before. It began with sharp pains in
the head, at the lower part of each of the ears, and swelled the
face and throat in a very extraordinary manner, and also the
testicles. It continued about a fortnight, and in the like space
of time went off gradually, without any dangerous consequence,
or use of outward or inward remedies: they called it Wahka
Abeeka, “the cattle’s distemper,” or sickness. Some of their
young men had by stealth killed and eaten a few of the cattle
which the traders had brought up, and they imagined they had
thus polluted themselves, and were smitten in that strange manner,
by having their heads, necks, &c. magnified like the same
parts of a sick bull. They first concluded, either to kill all the
cattle, or send them immediately off their land, to prevent the
like mischief, or greater ills from befalling the beloved people—for
their cunning old physicians or prophets would not undertake
to cure them, in order to inflame the people to execute the
former resolution; being jealous of encroachments, and afraid
the cattle would spoil their open corn-fields; upon which account,
the traders arguments had no weight with these red Hebrew
139philosophers. But fortunately, one of their head warriors had
a few cattle soon presented to him, to keep off the wolf; and
his reasoning proved so weighty, as to alter their resolution,
and produce in them a contrary belief.
They reckon all those animals to be unclean, that are either
carnivorous, or live on nasty food; as hogs,[49] wolves, panthers,
foxes, cats, mice, rats. And if we except the bear, they deem
all beasts of prey unhallowed, and polluted food; all amphibious
quadrupeds they rank in the same class. Our old traders remember
when they first began the custom of eating beavers: and
to this day none eat of them, except those who kill {132} them;
though the flesh is very wholesome, on account of the bark of
trees they live upon. It must be acknowledged, they are all
degenerating apace, insomuch, that the Choktah Indians, on
account of their scantiness of ammunition while they traded
with the French, took to eat horse-flesh, and even snakes of every
kind; though each of these species, and every sort of reptiles,
are accounted by the other neighbouring nations, impure food
in the highest degree. And they ridicule the Choktah for their
cannibal apostacy, and term them in common speech, “the evil,
ugly, Choktah.”
They abhor moles so exceedingly, that they will not allow
their children even to touch them, for fear of hurting their eyesight;
reckoning it contagious. They believe that nature is
possest of such a property, as to transfuse into men and animals
the qualities, either of the food they use, or of those objects
that are presented to their senses;[50] he who feeds on venison,
is according to their physical system, swifter and more sagacious
than the man who lives on the flesh of the clumsy bear, or helpless
dunghill fowls, the slow-footed tame cattle, or the heavy
wallowing swine. This is the reason that several of their old
men recommend, and say, that formerly their greatest chieftains
observed a constant rule in their diet, and seldom ate of any
animal of a gross quality, or heavy motion of body, fancying
140it conveyed a dullness through the whole system, and disabled
them from exerting themselves with proper vigour in their martial,
civil, and religious duties.
I have already shewn their aversion to eating of unsanctified
fruits; and in this argument, that they abstain from several other
things, contrary to the usage of all the old heathen world. It
may be objected, that now they seldom refuse to eat hogs flesh,
when the traders invite them to it; but this proceeds entirely
from vicious imitation, and which is common with the most
civilized nations. When swine were first brought among them,
they deemed it such a horrid abomination in any of their people
to eat that filthy and impure food, that they excluded the criminal
from all religious communion in their circular town-house,
or in their quadrangular holy ground at the annual expiation of
sins, equally as if he had eaten unsanctified fruits. After the
yearly atonement was made at the temple, he was indeed readmitted
to his usual privileges. Formerly, none of their beloved {133}
men, or warriors, would eat or drink with us on the
most pressing invitation, through fear of polluting themselves,
they deemed us such impure animals. Our eating the flesh of
swine, and venison, with the gravy in it, helped to rivet their
dislike, for this they reckon as blood.
I once asked the Archimagus, to sit down and partake of my
dinner; but he excused himself, saying, he had in a few days
some holy duty to perform, and that if he eat evil or accursed
food, it would spoil him,—alluding to swine’s flesh. Though
most of their virtue hath lately been corrupted, in this particular
they still affix vicious and contemptible ideas to the eating of
swine’s flesh; insomuch, that Shúkàpa, “swine eater,” is the most
opprobious epithet they can use to brand us with: they commonly
subjoin Akanggàpa, “eater of dunghill fowls.” Both
together, signifying “filthy, helpless animals.” By our surprising
mismanagement in allowing them a long time to insult, abuse,
rob, and murder the innocent British subjects at pleasure, without
the least satisfaction, all the Indian nations formerly despised
the English, as a swarm of tame fowls, and termed them
so, in their set speeches.
The Indians through a strong principle of religion, abstain in
the strictest manner, from eating the Blood of any animal; as
it contains the life, and spirit of the beast, and was the very
essence of the sacrifices that were to be offered up for sinners.
141And this was the Jewish opinion and law of sacrifice, Lev. xvii.
11. “for the life of the flesh is in the blood, and I have given
it to you upon the altar, to make an atonement for your souls;
for it is the blood, which maketh an atonement for the soul.”
When the English traders have been making sausages mixt with
hog’s blood, I have observed the Indians to cast their eyes upon
them, with the horror of their reputed fore-fathers, when they
viewed the predicted abomination of desolation, fulfilled by
Antiochus, in defiling the temple.
An instance lately happened, which sufficiently shews their
utter aversion to blood. A Chikkesah woman, a domestic of one
of the traders, being very ill with a complication of disorders,
the Indian physician seemed to use his best endeavours to cure
her, but without the least visible effect. {134} To preserve his
medical credit with the people, he at last ascribed her ailment
to the eating of swine’s flesh, blood, and other polluting food:
and said, that such an ugly, or accursed sickness, overcame the
power of all his beloved songs, and physic; and in anger, he left
his supposed criminal patient to be punished by Loak Ishtohoollo.
I asked her some time afterwards, what her ailments were, and
what she imagined might have occasioned them? She said, she
was full of pain, that she had Abeeka Ookproo, “the accursed
sickness,” because she had eaten a great many fowls after the
manner of the white people, with the Issish Ookproo, “accursed
blood,” in them. In time she recovered, and now strictly abstains
from tame fowls, unless they are bled to death, for fear
of incurring future evil, by the like pollution.
There is not the least trace among their ancient traditions, of
their deserving the hateful name of cannibals, as our credulous
writers have carefully copied from each other. Their taste is so
opposite to that of the Anthrophagi, that they always over-dress
their meat whether roasted or boiled.[51]
142The Muskoghe who have been at war, time out of mind,
against the Indians of Cape-Florida, and at length reduced them
to thirty men, who removed to the Havannah along with the
Spaniards; affirm, they could never be informed by their captives,
of the least inclination they ever had of eating human
flesh, only the heart of the enemy—which they all do, sympathetically
(blood for blood) in order to inspire them with
courage; and yet the constant losses they suffered, might have
highly provoked them to exceed their natural barbarity. To
eat the heart of an enemy will in their opinion, like eating other
things, before mentioned, communicate and give greater heart
against the enemy. They also think that the vigorous faculties
of the mind are derived from the brain, on which account, I have
seen some of their heroes drink out of a human skull; they
imagine, they only imbibe the good qualities it formerly contained.
When speaking to the Archimagus concerning the Hottentots,
those heterogeneous animals according to the Portuguese and
Dutch accounts, he asked me, whether they builded and planted—and
what sort of food they {135} chiefly lived upon. I told
him, I was informed that they dwelt in small nasty huts, and
lived chiefly on sheep’s guts and crickets. He laughed, and said
there was no credit to be given to the far-distant writers of
those old books, because they might not have understood the
language and customs of the people; but that those, whom our
books reported to live on such nasty food, (if they did not
deceive us) might have been forced to it for the want of better,
to keep them from dying; or by the like occasion, they might
have learned that ugly custom, and could not quit it when they
were free from want, as the Choktah eat horse-flesh, though
they have plenty of venison: however, it was very easy, he said,
to know whether they were possessed of human reason, for if
they were endued with shame to have a desire of covering their
nakedness, he concluded them to be human. He then asked me,
whether I had been informed of their having any sort of language,
or method of counting as high as the number of their
fingers, either by words or expressive motion; or of bearing a
nearer resemblance to Yáwe, the human creature, in laughter,
than Shawe the ape bore; or of being more social and gregarious
than those animals of the country where they lived. If they
were endued with those properties, he affirmed them to be human
143creatures; and that such old lying books should not be credited.
The more religious, or the least corrupted, of the various
remote Indian nations, will not eat of any young beast when
it is newly yeaned; and their old men think they would suffer
damage, even by the bare contact: which seems to be derived
from the Mosaic law, that prohibited such animals to be offered
up, or eaten, till they were eight days old; because, till then,
they were in an imperfect and polluted state! They appear,
however, to be utterly ignorant of the design and meaning of this
appointment and practice, as well as of some other customs and
institutions. But as the time of circumcising the Israelitish
children was founded on this law of purity, it seems probable,
that the American Aborigines observed the law of circumcision,[52]
for some time after they arrived here, and desisted from it, when
it became incompatible with the hard daily toils and sharp exercises,
which necessity must have forced them to pursue, to
support life: especially when we consider, that the sharpest and
most lasting affront, the most opprobious, indelible epithet, with
which one Indian can possibly brand another, is to call him in
public company, Hoobuk Waske, Eunuchus, præputio detecto.
They resent it so highly, that in the year {136} 1750, when the
Cheerakee were on the point of commencing a war against us,
several companies of the northern Indians, in concert with them,
compelled me in the lower Cheerakee town to write to the government
of South-Carolina, that they made it their earnest
request to the English not to mediate in their war with the
Katáhba Indians, as they were fully resolved to prosecute it,
with the greatest eagerness, while there was one of that hateful
name alive; because in the time of battle, they had given them
the ugly name of short-tailed eunuchs. Now as an eunuch was
a contemptible name with the Israelites, and none of them could
serve in any religious office; it should seem that the Indians
derived this opprobious and singular epithet from Jewish tradition,
as castration was never in use among the ancient or
present Americans.
The Israelites were but forty years in the wilderness, and
would not have renewed the painful act of circumcision, only
144that Joshua inforced it: and by the necessary fatigues and difficulties,
to which as already hinted, the primitive Americans
must be exposed at their first arrival in this waste and extensive
wilderness, it is likely they forbore circumcision, upon the divine
principle extended to their supposed predecessors in the wilderness,
of not accepting sacrifice at the expence of mercy. This
might soothe them afterwards wholly to reject it as a needless
duty, especially if any of the eastern heathens accompanied them
in their travels in quest of freedom. And as it is probable, that
by the time they reached America, they had worn out their
knives and every other sharp instrument fit for the occasion;
so had they performed the operation with flint-stones, or sharp
splinters, there is no doubt that each of the mothers would have
likewise said, “This day, thou art to me a bloody husband[XXIX].”
However, from the contemptible idea the Americans fix to castration,
&c. it seems very probable the more religious among
them used circumcision in former ages.
Under this argument, I must observe that Ai-ú-be signifies
“the thigh” of any animal; and E-ee-pattáh Tekále, “the lower
part of the thigh,” or literally, “the hanging of the foot.” And
when in the woods, the Indians cut a small piece out of the lower
part of the thighs of the deer they kill, length-ways and pretty
deep. Among the great number of venison-hams they bring to
our trading houses, I do not remember to {137} have observed
one without it; from which I conjecture, that as every ancient
custom was designed to convey, either a typical, or literal instructive
lesson of some useful thing; and as no usage of the
old heathen world resembled this custom; it seems strongly to
point at Jacob’s wrestling with an angel, and obtaining for himself
and his posterity, the name, ישר-אל, (perhaps, Yosher-ale)
“divine guide,” or “one who prevails with the omnipotent,” and
to the children of Israel not eating the sinew of the thigh of
any animal, to perpetuate the memory of their ancestor’s sinew
being shrunk, which was to obtain the blessing.
The Indians always sew their maccasenes with deer’s sinews,
though of a sharp cutting quality, for they reckon them more
fortunate than the wild hemp: but to eat such, they imagine
would breed worms, and other ailments, in proportion to the
number they eat. And I have been assured by a gentleman
145of character, who is now an inhabitant of South-Carolina, and
well acquainted with the customs of the northern Indians, that
they also cut a piece out of the thigh of every deer they kill,
and throw it away; and reckon it such a dangerous pollution
to eat it, as to occasion sickness and other misfortunes of sundry
kinds, especially by spoiling their guns from shooting with proper
force and direction. Now as none of the old heathens had such
a custom, must it not be considered as of Israelitish extraction.[53]
The Indian Marriages, Divorces, and Punishments of adultery,
still retain a strong likeness to the Jewish laws and customs
in these points.
The Hebrews had sponsalia de presenti, and sponsalia de
futuro: a considerable time generally intervened between their
contract and marriage: and their nuptial ceremonies were celebrated
in the night. The Indians observe the same customs to
this day; insomuch, that it is usual for an elderly man to take
a girl, or sometimes a child to be his wife, because she is capable
of receiving good impressions in that tender state: frequently,
a moon elapses after the contract is made, and the value received,
before {138} the bridegroom sleeps with the bride, and on the
marriage day, he does not appear before her till night introduces
him, and then without tapers.
The grandeur of the Hebrews consisted pretty much in the
multiplicity of their wives to attend them, as a showy retinue:
as the meaner sort could not well purchase one, they had a light
sort of marriage suitable to their circumstances, called by the
scholiasts, usu capio; “taking the woman for present use.” When
they had lived together about a year, if agreeable, they parted
good friends by mutual consent. The Indians also are so fond
of variety, that they ridicule the white people, as a tribe of
narrow-hearted, and dull constitutioned animals, for having only
146one wife at a time; and being bound to live with and support
her, though numberless circumstances might require a contrary
conduct. When a young warrior cannot dress alamode America,
he strikes up one of those matches for a few moons, which they
term Toopsa Táwah, “a make haste marriage,” because it wants
the usual ceremonies, and duration of their other kind of marriages.[54]
The friendliest kind of marriage among the Hebrews, was eating
bread together. The bridegroom put a ring on the fourth
finger of the bride’s left hand before two witnesses, and said,
“Be thou my wife, according to the law of Moses.” Her acceptance
and silence implying consent, confirmed her part of the
marriage contract, because of the rigid modesty of the eastern
women. When the short marriage contract was read over, he
took a cake of bread and broke it in two, for himself and her;
or otherwise, he put some corn between their hands: which
customs were used as strong emblems of the necessity of mutual
industry and concord, to obtain present and future happiness.
When an Indian makes his first address to the young woman
he intends to marry, she is obliged by ancient custom to sit
by him till he hath done eating and drinking, whether she likes
or dislikes him; but afterward, she is at her own choice whether
to stay or retire[XXX]. When the bridegroom marries the bride, after
the usual prelude, he takes a choice ear of corn, and divides it
in two before witnesses, gives her one half in her hand, and
keeps the other half to himself; or otherwise, {139} he gives
her a deer’s foot, as an emblem of the readiness with which she
ought to serve him: in return, she presents him with some cakes
of bread, thereby declaring her domestic care and gratitude in
return for the offals; for the men feast by themselves, and the
women eat the remains. When this short ceremony is ended,
they may go to bed like an honest couple.
XXX. Cant. iii. 4. I held him and would not let him go, until I had brought
him to my father’s house, and into the chambers of her that conceived
me: See Gen. xxiv. 67. Such was the custom of the Hebrews.
Formerly, this was an universal custom among the native
Americans; but this, like every other usage of theirs, is wearing
out apace. The West-Floridans, in order to keep their women
147subject to the law of adultery, bring some venison or buffalo’s
flesh to the house of their normal wives, at the end of every winter’s
hunt: that is reckoned a sufficient annual tye of their former
marriages, although the husbands do not cohabit with them. The
Muskóhge men, if newly married, are obliged by ancient custom,
to get their own relations to hoe out the corn-fields of each of
their wives, that their marriages may be confirmed: and the
more jealous, repeat the custom every year, to make their wives
subject to the laws against adultery. But the Indians in general,
reckon that before the bridegroom can presume to any legal
power over the bride, he is after the former ceremonies, or others
something similar, obliged to go into the woods to kill a deer,
bring home the carcass of venison, and lay it down at her house
wrapt up in its skin; and if she opens the pack, carries it into
the house, and then dresses and gives him some of it to eat
with cakes before witnesses, she becomes his lawful wife, and
obnoxious to all the penalties of an adultress.
The Hebrews had another sort of marriage—by purchase: the
bridegroom gave the father of the bride as much as he thought
she was worth: and according to the different valuation, so
sooner or later she went off at market. The only way to know
the merit of a Hebrew lady, was to enquire the value for which
her father would sell her, and the less rapacious he was, the
sooner she might get an husband. Divine writ abounds with
instances of the like kind; as Gen. xxxiv. 12. “Ask me never
so much dowry and I will give it.” David bought Michal, and
Jacob dearly purchased Rachel, &c. The women brought nothing
with them, except their clothes, rings and bracelets, and a
few trinkets. When the Indians would express a proper marriage,
they have a word adapted according to their various
dialects, to give them a suitable idea of it; but when they are {140}
speaking of their sensual marriage bargains, they always
term it, “buying a woman;” for example—they say with regard
to the former, Che-Awalas, “I shall marry you,” the last syllable
denotes the first person of the future tense, the former, “I shall
make you, as Awa, or Hewa was to Ish,” which is confirmed by
a strong negative similar expression, Che-Awala Awa, “I shall
not marry you.” But the name of their market marriages, is
Otoopha, Eho Achumbàras, Saookcháa, “In the spring, I shall
buy a woman, if I am alive.” Or Eho Achumbàra Awa, “I shall
not buy a woman,” Sàlbasa toogat, “for indeed I am poor:” the
148former usage, and method of language is exactly calculated to
express that singular custom of the Hebrews, per coemptionem.
They sometimes marry by deputation or proxy. The intended
bridegroom sends so much in value to the nearest relations of
the intended bride, as he thinks she is worth: if they are accepted,
it is a good sign that her relations approve of the match,
but she is not bound by their contract alone; her consent must
likewise be obtained, but persuasions most commonly prevail
with them. However, if the price is reckoned too small, or the
goods too few, the law obliges them to return the whole, either
to himself, or some of his nearest kindred. If they love the
goods, as they term it, according to the like method of expression
with the Hebrews, the loving couple may in a short time bed
together upon trial, and continue or discontinue their love according
as their fancy directs them. If they like each other,
they become an honest married couple when the nuptial ceremony
is performed, as already described. When one of their chieftains
is married, several of his kinsmen help to kill deer and
buffalos, to make a rejoicing marriage feast, to which their relations
and neighbours are invited: there the young warriors sing
with their two chief musicians, who beat on their wet deer skin
tied over the mouth of a large clay-pot, and raise their voices,
singing Yo Yo, &c. When they are tired with feasting, dancing,
and singing the Epithalamium, they depart with friendly glad
hearts, from the house of praise.
If an Israelite lay with a bond woman betrothed, and not redeemed,
she was to be beaten, but not her fellow criminal; for
in the original text, Lev. xix. 20. the word is in the fœminine
gender. When offenders were beaten, they were bowed down,
as Deut. xxv. 2.—so that they {141} neither sat nor stood, and
their whip had a large knot to it, which commanded the thongs,
so as to expand, or contract them; the punishment was always
to be suited to the nature of the crime, and the constitution of
the criminal. While the offenders were under the lash, three
judges stood by to see that they received their full and just due.
The first repeated the words of Deut. xxviii. 58. the second
counted the stripes, and the third said, “Hack, or lay on.” The
offender received three lashes on the breast, three on the belly,
three on each shoulder, &c. But adultery was attended with
capital punishment, as Deut. xxii. 22. The parties when legally
detected, were tried by the lesser judicatory, which was to consist,
149at least of twenty-three: the Sanhedrim gave the bitter waters
to those women who were suspected of adultery. The former
were stoned to death; and the latter burst open, according to
their imprecation, if they were guilty: the omnipotent divine
wisdom impressed those waters with that wonderful quality,
contrary to the common course of nature. The men married,
and were divorced as often as their caprice directed them; for
if they imagined their wives did not value them, according to
their own partial opinion of themselves, they notified the occasion
of the dislike, in a small billet, that her virtue might not
be suspected: and when they gave any of them the ticket, they
ate together in a very civil manner, and thus dissolved the
contract.
I have premised this, to trace the resemblance to the marriage
divorces and punishments of the savage Americans. The
middle aged people of a place, which lies about half-way to
Mobille, and the Illinois, assure us, that they remember when
adultery was punished among them with death, by shooting the
offender with barbed arrows, as there are no stones there.[55] But
what with the losses of their people at war with the French and
their savage confederates, and the constitutional wantonness of
their young men and women, they have through a political desire
of continuing, or increasing their numbers, moderated the severity
of that law, and reduced it to the present standard of punishment;
which is in the following manner. If a married woman is
detected in adultery by one person, the evidence is deemed good
in judgment against her; the evidence of a well grown boy or
girl, they even reckon sufficient, because of the heinousness of
the crime, and the difficulty of discovering it in their thick forests.
This is a corruption of the Mosaic law, which required two evidences,
and exempted both women {142} and slaves from public
faith; because of the reputed fickleness of the one, and the base,
groveling temper of the other. When the crime is proved against
the woman, the enraged husband accompanied by some of his
150relations, surprises and beats her most barbarously, and then
cuts off her hair and nose, or one of her lips. There are many
of that sort of disfigured females among the Chikkasah, and
they are commonly the best featured, and the most tempting
of any of their country-women, which exposed them to the
snares of young men. But their fellow-criminals, who probably
first tempted them, are partially exempted from any kind of
corporal punishment.
With the Muskohge Indians, it was formerly reckoned adultery,
if a man took a pitcher of water off a married woman’s
head, and drank of it.[56] But their law said, if he was a few steps
apart, and she at his request set it down, and retired a little way
off, he might then drink without exposing her to any danger.
If we seriously reflect on the rest of their native customs, this
old law, so singular to themselves from the rest of the world,
gives us room to think they drew it from the Jewish bitter
waters that were given to real, or suspected adulteresses, either
to prove their guilt, or attest their innocence.
Among those Indians, when adultery is discovered, the offending
parties commonly set off speedily for the distant woods, to
secure themselves from the shameful badge of the sharp penal
law, which they inevitably get, if they can be taken before the
yearly offering for the atonement of sin; afterward, every crime
except murder is forgiven. But they are always pursued, and
frequently overtaken; though perhaps, three or four moons
absent, and two hundred miles off, over hills and mountains,
up and down many creeks and rivers, on contrary courses, and
by various intricate windings—the pursuers are eager, and their
hearts burn within them for revenge. When the husband has the
chilling news first whispered in his ear, he steals off with his
witness to some of his kinsmen, to get them to assist him in
revenging his injury: they are soon joined by a sufficient number
of the same family, if the criminal was not of the same
tribe; otherwise, he chuses to confide in his nearest relations.
When the witness has asserted to them the truth of his evidence
by a strong asseveration, they separate to avoid suspicion, and
meet commonly in the dusk of the evening, near the town of the
adulterer, {143} where each of them provides a small hoop-pole,
151tapering to the point, with knobs half an inch long, (allowed
by ancient custom) with which they correct the sinners; for as
their law in this case doth not allow partiality, if they punished
one of them, and either excused or let the other escape from
justice, like the Illinois, they would become liable to such punishment
as they had inflicted upon either of the parties.
They commonly begin with the adulterer, because of the two,
he is the more capable of making his escape: they generally attack
him at night, by surprise, lest he should make a desperate
resistance, and blood be shed to cry for blood. They fall on
eager and merciless, whooping their revengeful noise, and thrashing
their captive, with their long-knobbed hoop-flails; some over
his head and face; others on his shoulders and back. His belly,
sides, legs, and arms, are gashed all over, and at last, he happily
seems to be insensible of pain: then they cut off his ears[XXXI].
XXXI. Among these Indians, the trading people’s ears are often in danger,
by the sharpness of this law, and their suborning false witnesses, or admitting
foolish children as legal evidence; but generally either the tender-hearted
females or friends, give them timely notice of their danger.
Then they fall to the rum-keg,—and as soon as they find the pursuers
approaching, they stand to arms in a threatning parade. Formerly, the
traders like so many British tars, kept them in proper awe, and consequently
prevented them from attempting any mischief. But since the
patenteed race of Daublers set foot in their land, they have gradually
become worse every year, murdering valuable innocent British subjects
at pleasure: and when they go down, they receive presents as a tribute
of fear, for which these Indians upbraid, and threaten us. The Muskohge
lately clipt off the ears of two white men for supposed adultery. One
had been a disciple of Black Beard, the pirate; and the other, at the
time of going under the hands of those Jewish clippers, was deputed by
the whimsical war-governor of Georgia, to awe the traders into an obedience
of his despotic power. His successor lost his life on the Chikkasah
war-path, twenty miles above the Koosah, or uppermost western town
of the Muskohge, in an attempt to arrest the traders; which should not
by any means be undertaken in the Indian country.
They observe, however, a gradation of punishment, according
to the criminality of the adulteress. For the first breach of the
marriage faith, they crop her ears and hair, if the husband is
spiteful: either of those badges proclaim her to be a whore, or
Hakse Kaneha, “such as were evil in Canaan,” for the hair of
their head is their ornament: when loose it commonly reaches
below their back; and when tied, it stands below the crown of
152the head, about four inches long, and two broad. As the {144}
offender cuts a comical figure among the rest of the women, by
being trimmed so sharp, she always keeps her dark winter hot
house, till by keeping the hair moistened with grease, it grows
so long as to bear tying. Then she accustoms herself to the
light by degrees; and soon some worthless fellow, according to
their standard, buys her for his And; which term hath been
already explained.
The adulterer’s ears are slashed off close to his head, for the
first act of adultery, because he is the chief in fault. If the
criminals repeat the crime with any other married persons, their
noses and upper lips are cut off. But the third crime of the like
nature, is attended with more danger; for their law says, that
for public heinous crimes, satisfaction should be made visible
to the people, and adequate to the injuries of the virtuous,—to
set their aggrieved hearts at ease, and prevent others from following
such a dangerous crooked copy. As they will not comply
with their mitigated law of adultery, nor be terrified, nor shamed
from their ill course of life; that the one may not frighten and
abuse their wives, nor the other seduce their husbands and be
a lasting plague and shame to the whole society, they are ordered
by their ruling magi and war-chieftains, to be shot to
death, which is accordingly executed: but this seldom happens.
When I asked the Chikkasah the reason of the inequality of
their marriage-law, in punishing the weaker passive party, and
exempting the stronger, contrary to reason and justice; they told
me, it had been so a considerable time—because their land being
a continual seat of war, and the lurking enemy for ever pelting
them without, and the women decoying them within, if they put
such old cross laws of marriage in force, all their beloved brisk
warriors would soon be spoiled, and their habitations turned to
a wild waste. It is remarkable, that the ancient Egyptians cut
off the ears and nose of the adulteress; and the prophet alludes
to this sort of punishment, Ezek. xxiii. 25. “They shall deal
furiously with thee: they shall take away thy nose and thine
ears.” And they gave them also a thousand stripes, with canes
on the buttocks[XXXII]. The Cheerake are an exception to all civilized
153or savage nations, in having no laws against adultery; they {145}
have been a considerable while under petticoat-government, and
allow their women full liberty to plant their brows with horns
as oft as they please, without fear of punishment. On this account
their marriages are ill observed, and of a short continuance;
like the Amazons, they divorce their fighting bed-fellows
at their pleasure, and fail not to execute their authority, when
their fancy directs them to a more agreeable choice. However,
once in my time a number of warriors, belonging to the family
of the husband of the adulteress, revenged the injury committed
by her, in her own way; for they said, as she loved a great many
men, instead of a husband, justice told them to gratify her longing
desire—wherefore, by the information of their spies, they
followed her into the woods a little way from the town, (as
decency required) and then stretched her on the ground, with
her hands tied to a stake, and her feet also extended, where
upwards of fifty of them lay with her, having a blanket for a
covering. The Choktah observe the same savage custom with
adulteresses. They term their female delinquents, Ahowwe Ishto;
the first is a Cheerake word, signifying, “a deer.”—And through
contempts of the Chikkasah, they altered their penal law of
adultery.
XXXII. When human laws were first made, they commanded that if the
husband found the adulterer in the fact, he should kill them both. Thus
the laws of Solon and Draco ordained: but the law of the twelve tables
softened it.
The Muskohge Indians, either through the view of mitigating
their law against adultery, that it might be adapted to their
patriarchal-like government; or by misunderstanding the Mosaic
precept, from length of time, and uncertainty of oral tradition,
oblige the adulteress under the penalty of the severest
law not to be free with any man, (unless she is inclined to
favour her fellow sufferer) during the space of four moons, after
the broken moon in which they suffered for each other, according
to the custom of the Maldivians. But her husband exposes himself
to the utmost severity of the marriage law, if he is known
to hold a familiar intercourse with her after the time of her
punishment.
Many other of the Indian Punishments, resemble those of
the Jews. Whosoever attentively views the features of the Indian,
and his eye, and {146} reflects on his fickle, obstinate, and
cruel disposition, will naturally think on the Jews. English
154America, feelingly knows the parity of the temper of their
neighbouring Indians, with that of the Hebrew nation.
The Israelites cut off the hands and feet of murderers, 2 Sam.
iv. 12.—strangled false prophets—and sometimes burned, stoned,
or beheaded those malefactors who were condemned by the two
courts of judgment. The Indians either by the defect of tradition,
or through a greedy desire of revenge, torture their prisoners
and devoted captives, with a mixture of all those Jewish
capital punishments. They keep the original so close in their
eye, as to pour cold water on the sufferers when they are fainting,
or overcome by the fiery torture—to refresh, and enable them
to undergo longer tortures. The Hebrews gave wine mixt with
the juice of myrrh, to their tortured criminals, to revive their
spirits; and sometimes vinegar to prevent too great an effusion
of blood, lest they should be disappointed in glutting their
greedy eyes, with their favourite tragedy of blood: which was
eminently exemplified in their insulting treatment of Christ on
the cross.
The Indians, beyond all the rest of mankind, seem in this
respect to be actuated with the Jewish spirit. They jeer, taunt,
laugh, whoop, and rejoice at the inexpressible agonies of those
unfortunate persons, who are under their butchering hands;
which would excite pity and horror in any heart, but that of a
Jew. When they are far from home, they keep as near to their
distinguishing customs, as circumstances allow them: not being
able formerly to cut off the heads of those they killed in war,
for want of proper weapons; nor able to carry them three or
four hundred miles without putrefaction, they cut off the skin
of their heads with their flint-stone knives, as speaking trophies
of honour, and which register them among the brave by procuring
them war titles. Though now they have plenty of proper
weapons, they vary not from this ancient barbarous custom of
the American aborigines: which has been too well known by
many of our northern colonists, and is yet shamefully so to
South-Carolina and Georgia barriers, by the hateful name of
scalping.
The Indians strictly adhere more than the rest of mankind
to that positive, unrepealed law of Moses, “He who sheddeth
man’s blood, by {147} man shall his blood be shed:” like the
Israelites, their hearts burn violently day and night without
intermission, till they shed blood for blood. They transmit
155from father to son, the memory of the loss of their relation,
or one of their own tribe or family, though it were an old woman—if
she was either killed by the enemy, or by any of their own
people. If indeed the murder be committed by a kinsman,
the eldest can redeem: however, if the circumstances attending
the fact be peculiar and shocking to nature, the murderer is
condemned to die the death of a sinner, “without any one to
mourn for him,” as in the case of suicide; contrary to their usage
toward the rest of their dead, and which may properly be called
the death or burial of a Jewish ass.
When they have had success in killing the enemy, they tie fire-brands
in the most-frequented places, with grape vines which
hang pretty low, in order that they may be readily seen by the
enemy. As they reckon the aggressors have loudly declared war,
it would be madness or treachery in their opinion to use such
public formalities before they have revenged crying blood; it
would inform the enemy of their design of retaliating, and destroy
the honest intention of war. They likewise strip the bark
off several large trees in conspicuous places, and paint them with
red and black hieroglyphics, thereby threatening the enemy with
more blood and death. The last were strong and similar emblems
with the Hebrews, and the first is analogous to one of
their martial customs; for when they arrived at the enemies
territories, they threw a fire-brand within their land, as an
emblem of the anger of Ash, “the holy fire” for their ill deeds
to his peculiarly beloved people. To which custom Obadiah
alludes, when he says (ver. 18.) “they shall kindle in them and
devour them, there shall not be any remaining of the house of
Esau, &c.” which the Septuagint translates, “one who carries a
fire-brand.” The conduct of the Israelitish champion, Sampson,
against the Philistines, proceeded from the same war custom,
when he took three-hundred Shugnalim, (which is a bold strong
metaphor) signifying Vulpes, foxes or sheaves of corn; and
tying them tail to tail, or one end to the other in a continued
train, he set fire to them, and by that means, burned down their
standing corn.
In the late Cheerake war, at the earnest persuasions of the
trading people, several of the Muskohge warriors came down to
the barrier-settlements of Georgia, {148} to go against the
Cheerake, and revenge English crying blood: but the main body
of the nation sent a running embassy to the merchants there,
156requesting them immediately to forbear their unfriendly proceedings,
otherwise, they should be forced by disagreeable necessity
to revenge their relations blood if it should chance to be
spilt contrary to their ancient laws: this alludes to the levitical
law, by which he who decoyed another to his end, was deemed
the occasion of his death, and consequently answerable for it.
If an unruly horse belonging to a white man, should chance to
be tied at a trading house and kill one of the Indians, either the
owner of the house, or the person who tied the beast there, is
responsible for it, by their lex talionis; which seems to be derived
also from the Mosaic precept,—if an ox known by its
owner to push with its horn, should kill a person, they were
both to die the death. If the Indians have a dislike to a person,
who by any casualty was the death of one of their people, he
stands accountable, and will certainly suffer for it, unless he
takes sanctuary.
I knew an under trader, who being intrusted by his employer
with a cargo of goods for the country of the Muskohge, was
forced by the common law of good faith, to oppose some of
those savages in the remote woods, to prevent their robbing the
camp: the chieftain being much intoxicated with spirituous
liquors, and becoming outrageous in proportion to the resistance
he met with, the trader like a brave man, opposed lawless force
by force: some time after, the lawless bacchanal was attacked
with a pleurisy, of which he died. Then the heads of the family
of the deceased convened the lesser judicatory, and condemned
the trader to be shot to death for the supposed murder of their
kinsman; which they easily effected, as he was off his guard, and
knew nothing of their murdering design. His employer however
had such a friendly intercourse with them, as to gain timely
notice of any thing that might affect his person or interest; but
he was so far from assisting the unfortunate brave man, as the
laws of humanity and common honour obliged him, that as a
confederate, he not only concealed their bloody intentions, but
went basely to the next town, while the savages painted themselves
red and black, and give them an opportunity of perpetrating
the horrid murder. The poor victim could have easily
escaped to the English settlements if forewarned, and got the
affair accommodated by the mediation of the government. In
acts of blood, if the supposed murderer {149} escapes, his nearest
kinsman either real or adopted, or if he has none there, his
157friend stands according to their rigorous law, answerable for
the fact. But though the then governor of South Carolina was
sufficiently informed of this tragedy, and that it was done contrary
to the treaty of amity, and that there is no possibility of
managing them, but by their own notions of virtue, he was
passive, and allowed them with impunity to shed this innocent
blood; which they ever since have improved to our shame and
sorrow. They have gradually become worse every year; and
corrupted other nations by their contagious copy, so as to draw
them into the like bloody scenes, with the same contempt, as
if they had killed so many helpless timorous dunghill fowls, as
they despitefully term us.
There never was any set of people, who pursued the Mosaic
law of retaliation with such a fixt eagerness as these Americans.[57]
They are so determined in this point, that formerly a little boy
shooting birds in the high and thick corn-fields, unfortunately
chanced slightly to wound another with his childish arrow; the
young vindictive fox, was excited by custom to watch his ways
with the utmost earnestness, till the wound was returned in as
equal manner as could be expected. Then, “all was straight,”
according to their phrase. Their hearts were at rest, by having
executed that strong law of nature, and they sported together
as before. This observation though small in itself, is great in
its combined circumstances, as it is contrary to the usage of the
old heathen world. They forgive all crimes at the annual atonement
of sins, except murder, which is always punished with
death. The Indians constantly upbraid us in their bacchanals,
for inattention to this maxim of theirs; they say, that all nations
of people who are not utterly sunk in cowardice, take revenge
of blood before they can have rest, cost what it will. The Indian
Americans are more eager to revenge blood, than any other
people on the whole face of the earth. And when the heart of
the revenger of blood in Israel was hot within him, it was a
terrible thing for the casual manslayer to meet him, Deut. xix. 6.
“Lest the avenger of blood pursue the slayer while his heart is
hot, and overtake him, because the way is long, and slay him;
158whereas he was not worthy of death, inasmuch as he hated him
not in time past.”
I have known the Indians to go a thousand miles, for the
purpose of revenge, in pathless woods; over hills and mountains;
through large cane {150} swamps, full of grape-vines and briars;
over broad lakes, rapid rivers, and deep creeks; and all the way
endangered by poisonous snakes, if not with the rambling and
lurking enemy, while at the same time they were exposed to the
extremities of heat and cold, the vicissitude of the seasons; to
hunger and thirst, both by chance, and their religious scanty
method of living when at war, to fatigues, and other difficulties.
Such is their over-boiling, revengeful temper, that they utterly
contemn all those things as imaginary trifles, if they are so
happy as to get the scalp of the murderer, or enemy, to satisfy
the supposed craving ghosts of their deceased relations. Though
they imagine the report of guns will send off the ghosts of their
kindred that died at home, to their quiet place, yet they firmly
believe, that the spirits of those who are killed by the enemy,
without equal revenge of blood, find no rest, and at night haunt
the houses of the tribe to which they belonged[XXXIII]: but, when that
kindred duty of retaliation is justly executed, they immediately
get ease and power to fly away: This opinion, and their method
of burying and mourning for the dead, of which we shall speak
presently, occasion them to retaliate in so earnest and fierce a
manner. It is natural for friends to study each others mutual
happiness, and we should pity the weakness of those who are
destitute of our advantages; whose intellectual powers are unimproved,
and who are utterly unacquainted with the sciences, as
well as every kind of mechanical business, to engage their attention
at home. Such persons cannot well live without war;
and being destitute of public faith to secure the lives of embassadors
in time of war, they have no sure method to reconcile
their differences; consequently, when any casual thing draws
them into a war, it grows every year more spiteful till it advances
to a bitter enmity, so as to excite them to an implacable
159hatred to one another’s very national names. Then they must
go abroad to spill the enemy’s blood, and to revenge crying blood.
We must also consider, it is by scalps they get all their war-titles,
which distinguish them among the brave: and these they hold in
as high esteem, as the most ambitious Roman general ever did
a great triumph. By how much the deeper any society of people
are sunk in ignorance, so much the more they value themselves
on their bloody merit. This was {151} long the characteristic
of the Hebrew nation, and has been conveyed down to
these their supposed red descendants.
XXXIII. As the Hebrews supposed there was a holiness in Canaan, more than
in any other land, so they believed that their bodies buried out of it,
would be carried through caverns, or subterraneous passages of the earth
to the holy land, where they shall rise again and dart up to their holy
attracting centre.
However, notwithstanding their bloody temper and conduct
towards enemies, when their law of blood does not interfere, they
observe that MosaicMosaic precept, “He shall be dealt with according
as he intended to do to his neighbour, but the innocent and
righteous man thou shalt not slay.” I must observe also that
as the Jewish priestspriests were by no means to shed human blood, and
as king David was forbidden by the prophet to build a temple
because he was a man of war and had shed blood—so, the Indian
Ishtohoollo “holy men” are by their function absolutely forbidden
to slay; notwithstanding their propensity thereto, even for
small injuries. They will not allow the greatest warrior to officiate,
when the yearly grand sacrifice of expiation is offered
up, or on any other religious occasion, except the leader. All
must be performed by their beloved men, who are clean of every
stain of blood, and have their foreheads circled with streaks of
white clay.
As this branch of the general subject cannot be illustrated, but
by well-known facts, I shall exemplify it with the late and long-continued
conduct of the northern Indians, and those of Cape
Florida, whom our navigators have reported to be cannibals.
The MuskohgeMuskohge, who have been bitter enemies to the Cape
Florida Indians, time immemorial, affirm their manners, tempers
and appetites, to be the very same as those of the neighboring
Indian nations. And the Florida captives who were sold
in Carolina, have told me, that the Spaniards of St. Augustine
and St. Mark’s garrisons, not only hired and paid them for murdering
our seamen, who were so unfortunate as to be shipwrecked
on their dangerous coast, but that they delivered up to the savages
those of our people they did not like, to be put to the fiery
torture. From their bigotted persecuting spirit, we may conclude
the victims to have been those who would not worship their
160images and crucifixes. The Spaniards no doubt could easily influence
this decayed small tribe to such a practice, as they depended
upon them for the necessaries of life: and though they
could never settle out of their garrisons in West-Florida, on account
of the jealous temper of the neighboring unconquered
Indians, yet the Cape-Floridans were only Spanish mercenaries,
shedding blood for their maintenance. A seduced Indian {152}
is certainly less faulty than the apostate Christian who instigated
him; when an Indian sheds human blood, it does not
proceed from wantonness, or the view of doing evil, but solely
to put the law of retaliation in force, to return one injury for
another; but, if he has received no ill, and has no suspicion of
the kind, he usually offers no damage to those who fall in his
power, but is moved with compassion, in proportion to what
they seem to have undergone. Such as they devote to the fire,
they flatter with the hope of being redeemed, as long as they
can, to prevent the giving them any previous anxiety or grief,
which their law of blood does not require.
The French Canadians are highly censurable, and their bloody
popish clergy, for debauching our peaceable northern Indians,
with their infernal catechism,—the first introduction into their
religious mysteries. Formerly, when they initiated the Indian
sucklings into their mixt idolatrous worship, they fastened round
their necks, a bunch of their favourite red and black beads,
with a silver cross hanging down on their breasts, thus engaging
them, as they taught, to fight the battles of God. Then they
infected the credulous Indians with a firm belief, that God once
sent his own beloved son to fix the red people in high places of
power, over the rest of mankind; that he passed through various
countries, to the universal joy of the inhabitants, in order to
come to the beloved red people, and place them in a superior
station of life to the rest of the American world; but when he
was on the point of sailing to America, to execute his divine
embassy, he was murdered by the bloody monopolizing English,
at the city of London, only to make the red people weigh light.
Having thus instructed, and given them the catechism by way
of question and answer, and furnished them with 2000 gross of
scalping knives and other murdering articles, the catechumens
soon sallied forth, and painted themselves all over with the innocent
blood of our fellow-subjects, of different stations, and
161ages, and without any distinction of sex,—contrary to the standing
Indian laws of blood.
The British lion at last however triumphed, and forced the
French themselves to sue for that friendly intercourse and protection,
which their former catechism taught the Indians to hate,
and fly from, as dangerous to their universal happiness. {153}
When I have reasoned with some of the old headmen, against
their barbarous custom of killing defenceless innocent persons,
who neither could nor would oppose them in battle, but begged
that they might only live to be their slaves, they told me that
formerly they never waged war, but in revenge of blood; and
that in such cases, they always devoted the guilty to be burnt
alive when they were purifying themselves at home, to obtain
victory over their enemies. But otherwise they treated the vanquished
with the greatest clemency, and adopted them in the
room of their relations, who had either died a natural death, or
had before been sufficiently revenged, though killed by the
enemy.
The Israelites thus often devoted their captives to death, without
any distinction of age or sex,—as when they took Jericho,
they saved only merciful Rahab and her family;—after they had
plundered the Midianites of their riches, they put men women
and children to death, dividing among themselves a few virgins
and the plunder;—with other instances that might be quoted.
The Indian Americans, beyond all the present race of Adam,
are actuated by this bloody war-custom of the Israelites; they
put their captives to various lingering torments, with the same
unconcern as the Levite, when he cut up his beloved concubine
into eleven portions, and sent them to the eleven tribes, to excite
them to revenge the affront, the Benjamites had given him.
When equal blood has not been shed to quench the crying blood
of their relations, and give rest to their ghosts, according to their
credenda, while they are sanctifying themselves for war, they
always allot their captives either to be killed or put to the fiery
torture: and they who are thus devoted, cannot by any means
be saved, though they resembled an angel in beauty and virtue.
Formerly, the Indians defeated a great body of the French,
who at two different times came to invade their country. They
put to the fiery torture a considerable number of them; and
two in particular, whom they imagined to have carried the
French ark against them. The English traders solicited with the
162most earnest entreaties, in favour of the unfortunate captives;
but they averred, that as it was not our business to intercede
in behalf of a deceitful enemy who came to shed blood, unless
we were resolved to share their deserved fate, so was it entirely
out of the reach of goods, though piled as high as the skies, to
redeem them,— {154} because they were not only the chief support
of the French army, in spoiling so many of their warriors
by the power of their ugly ark, before they conquered them; but
were delivered over to the fire, before they entered into battle.
When I was on my way to the Chikkasah, at the Okchai, in
the year 1745, the conduct of the Muskohge Indians was exactly
the same with regard to a Cheerake stripling, whose father was
a white man, and mother an half-breed,—regardless of the pressing
entreaties and very high offers of the English traders, they
burned him in their usual manner. This seems to be copied from
that law which expressly forbad the redeeming any devoted persons,
and ordered that they should be surely put to death, Lev.
xxvii. 29. This precept had evidently a reference to the law of
retaliation.—Saul in superstitious and angry mood, wanted to
have murdered or sacrificed to God his favourite son Jonathan,
because when he was fainting he tasted some honey which casually
fell in his way, just after he had performed a prodigy of
martial feats in behalf of Israel: but the gratitude, and reason of
the people, prevented him from perpetrating that horrid murder.
If devoting to death was a divine extraction, or if God delighted
in human sacrifices, the people would have been criminal for
daring to oppose the divine law,—which was not the case. Such
a law if taken in an extensive and literal sense, is contrary to
all natural reason and religion, and consequently in a strict sense,
could not be enjoined by a benevolent and merciful God; who
commands us to do justice and shew mercy to the very beasts;
not to muzzle the ox while he is treading out the grain; nor to
insnare the bird when performing her parental offices. “Are
ye not of more value than many sparrows?”
The Indians use no stated ceremony in immolating their devoted
captives, although it is the same thing to the unfortunate
victims, what form their butcherers use. They are generally
sacrificed before their conquerors set off for war with their ark
and supposed holy things. And sometimes the Indians devote
every one they meet in certain woods or paths, to be killed there,
except their own people; this occasioned the cowardly Cheerake
163in the year 1753, to kill two white men on the Chikkasah war-path,
which leads from the country of the Muskohge. And the
Shawànoh Indians who {155} settled between the Ooe-Asa and
Koosah-towns,[58] told us that their people to the northward had
devoted the English to death for the space of six years; but
when that time was expired and not before, they would live in
friendship as formerly. If the English had at that time executed
their own law against them, and demanded equal blood from the
Cheeràke, and stopt all trade with them before they dipt themselves
too deep in blood, they would soon have had a firm peace
with all the Indian nations. This is the only way of treating
them now, for when they have not the fear of offending, they will
shed innocent blood, and proceed in the end to lay all restraint
aside.
The late conduct of the Chikkasah war-council, in condemning
two pretended friends to death, who came with a view of shedding
blood; shews their knowledge of that equal law of divine
appointment to the Jews, “he shall be dealt with exactly as he
intended to do to his neighbour.”
It ought to be remarked, that they are careful of their youth,
and fail not to punish them when they transgress. Anno 1766,
I saw an old head man, called the Dog-King (from the nature of
his office) correct several young persons—some for supposed
faults, and others by way of prevention. He began with a lusty
young fellow, who was charged with being more effeminate than
became a warrior; and with acting contrary to their old religious
rites and customs, particularly, because he lived nearer than any
of the rest to an opulent and helpless German, by whom they
supposed he might have been corrupted. He bastinadoed the
young sinner severely, with a thick whip, about a foot and a
half long, composed of plaited silk grass, and the fibres of the
button snake-root stalks, tapering to the point, which was secured
with a knot. He reasoned with him, as he corrected him: he
told him that he was Chehakse Kanèha-He, literally, “you are
as one who is wicked, and almost lost[XXXIV].” The grey-hair’d corrector
164said, he treated him in that manner according to ancient
custom, through an effect of love, to induce him to shun vice,
and to imitate the virtues of {156} his illustrious fore-fathers,
which he endeavoured to enumerate largely: when the young
sinner had received his supposed due, he went off seemingly well
pleased.
XXXIV. As Chin-Kanehah signifies, “you have lost,” and Che-Kanehah, “you
are lost,” it seems to point at the method the Hebrews used in correcting
their criminals in Canaan, and to imply a similarity of manners. The
word they use to express “forgetfulness,” looks the very same way,
Ish Al Kanehah, “you forget,” meaning that Ish and Canaan are forgotten
by Ale.
This Indian correction lessens gradually in its severity, according
to the age of the pupils. While the Dog-King was
catechising the little ones, he said Che Haksianna, “do not become
vicious.” And when they wept, he said Che-Abela Awa,
“I shall not kill you,” or “I shall not put you into the state of
bleeding Abéle[XXXV].”
XXXV. The Indians use the word Hakse, to convey the idea of a person’s
being criminal in any thing whatsoever. If they mention not the particular
crime, they add, Kakset Kanehah, pointing as it were to those who
were punished in Canaan. Such unfortunate persons as are mad, deaf,
dumb or blind, are called by no other name than Hakse. In like manner
Kallakse signifies “contemptible, unsteady, light, or easily thrown aside,”—it
is a diminutive of קלל, of the same meaning. And they say such
an one is Kallaks’-Ishto, “execrated, or accursed to God,” because found
light in the divine balance. As the American Aborigines used no weights,
the parity of language here with the Hebrew, seems to assure us, they
originally derived this method of expression from the Israelites, who
took the same idea from the poise of a balance, which divine writ frequently
mentions. Job, chap. xxi, describes justice with a pair of scales,
“Let me be weighed in an even balance, that I may know my perfection.”
And they call weighing, or giving a preference, Tekále, according
to the same figure of speech: and it agrees both in expression and meaning,
with the Chaldean Tekel, if written with Hebrew characters, as in
that extraordinary appearance on the wall of the Babylonish monarch,
interpreted by the prophet Daniel. When they prefer one person and
would lessen another, they say Eeàpa Wéhke Tekále, “this one weighs
heavy,” and Eeàko Kallakse, or Kall’aks’ooshe Tekále, “that one weighs
light, very light.” When any of their people are killed on any of the
hunting paths, they frequently say, Heenna tungga Tannip Tekále, “right
on the path, he was weighed for the enemy, or the opposite party,” for
Tannip is the only word they have to express the words enemy and the
opposite; as Ook’heenna Tannip, “the opposite side of the water path:”
hence it is probable, they borrowed that notable Assyrian expression while
in their supposed captivity, brought it with them to America, and introduced
it into their language, to commemorate so surprising an event.
165Like the present Jews, their old men are tenacious of their
ancient rites and customs; imagining them to be the sure channel
through which all temporal good things flow to them, and
by which the opposite evils are averted. No wonder therefore,
that they still retain a multiplicity of Hebrew words, which
were repeated often with great reverence in the temple; and
adhere to many of their ancient rules and methods of
punishment. {157}
The Israelites had Cities of Refuge, or places of safety, for
those who killed a person unawares, and without design; to
shelter them from the blood-thirsty relations of the deceased, or
the revenger of blood, who always pursued or watched the unfortunate
person, like a ravenous wolf: but after the death of the
high-priest the man-slayer could safely return home, and nobody
durst molest him.
According to the same particular divine law of mercy, each
of these Indian nations have either a house or town of refuge,
which is a sure asylum to protect a man-slayer, or the unfortunate
captive, if they can once enter into it.[59] The Cheerake,
though now exceedingly corrupt, still observe that law so inviolably,
as to allow their beloved town the privilege of protecting
a wilful murtherer: but they seldom allow him to return
home afterwards in safety—they will revenge blood for blood,
unless in some very particular case when the eldest can redeem.
However, if he should accept of the price of blood to wipe away
its stains, and dry up the tears of the rest of the nearest kindred
of the deceased, it is generally productive of future ills; either
when they are drinking spirituous liquors, or dancing their enthusiastic
war dances, a tomohawk is likely to be sunk into the
head of some of his relations.
Formerly, when one of the Cheerake murdered an English
trader he immediately ran off for the town of refuge; but as
soon as he got in view of it, the inhabitants discovered him by
the close pursuit of the shrill war-whoo-whoop; and for fear of
166irritating the English, they instantly answered the war cry, ran
to arms, intercepted, and drove him off into Tennàse river (where
he escaped, though mortally wounded) lest he should have entered
the reputed holy ground, and thus it had been stained with the
blood of their friend; or he had obtained sanctuary to the danger
of the community, and the foreign contempt of their sacred
altars. {158}
This town of refuge called Choate,[60] is situated on a large
stream of the Missisippi, five miles above the late unfortunate
Fort-Loudon,[61]—where some years ago, a brave Englishman was
protected after killing an Indian warrior in defense of his property.
The gentleman told me, that as his trading house was near
to that town of refuge, he had resolved with himself, after some
months stay in it, to return home; but the head-man assured
him, that though he was then safe, it would prove fatal if he
removed thence; so he continued in his asylum still longer, till
the affair was by time more obliterated, and he had wiped off
all their tears with various presents. In the upper or most western
part of the country of the Muskóhge, there was an old beloved
town, now reduced to a small ruinous village, called
Koosah,[62] which is still a place of safety for those who kill undesignedly.
It stands on commanding ground, over-looking a
bold river, which after running about forty leagues, sweeps close
by the late mischievous French garrison Alebámah, and down to
Mobille-Sound, 200 leagues distance, and so into the gulph of
Florida.
In almost every Indian nation, there are several peaceable
towns, which are called “old-beloved,” “ancient, holy, or white
167towns[XXXVI];” they seem to have been formerly “towns of refuge,”
for it is not in the memory of their oldest people, that ever human
blood was shed in them; although they often force persons
from thence, and put them to death elsewhere.
XXXVI. White is their fixt emblem of peace, friendship, happiness, prosperity,
purity, holiness, &c. as with the Israelites.
Before the Indians go to War, they have many preparatory
ceremonies of purification and fasting, like what is recorded of
the Israelites.
In the first commencement of a war, a party of the injured
tribe turns out first, to revenge the innocent crying blood of
their own bone and flesh, as they term it. When the leader begins
to beat up for volunteers, he goes three times round his dark
winter-house, contrary to the course of the sun, sounding the war-whoop,
singing the war-song, and beating the drum. {159} Then
he speaks to the listening crowd with very rapid language, short
pauses, and an awful commanding voice, tells them of the continued
friendly offices they have done the enemy, but which have
been ungratefully returned with the blood of his kinsmen; therefore
as the white paths have changed their beloved colour, his
heart burns within him with eagerness to tincture them all along,
and even to make them flow over with the hateful blood of the
base contemptible enemy. Then he strongly persuades his kindred
warriors and others, who are not afraid of the enemies
bullets and arrows, to come and join him with manly cheerful
hearts: he assures them, he is fully convinced, as they are all
bound by the love-knot, so they are ready to hazard their lives
to revenge the blood of their kindred and country-men; that the
love of order, and the necessity of complying with the old religious
customs of their country, had hitherto checked their daring
generous hearts, but now, those hindrances are removed: he
proceeds to whoop again for the warriors to come and join him,
and sanctify themselves for success against the common enemy,
according to their ancient religious law.
By his eloquence, but chiefly by their own greedy thirst of
revenge, and intense love of martial glory, on which they conceive
their liberty and happiness depend, and which they constantly
168instil into the minds of their youth—a number soon join
him in his winter-house, where they live separate from all others,
and purify themselves for the space of three days and nights,
exclusive of the first broken day. In each of those days they
observe a strict fast[63] till sun-set, watching the young men very
narrowly who have not been initiated in war-titles, lest unusual
hunger should tempt them to violate it, to the supposed danger
of all their lives in war, by destroying the power of their purifying
beloved physic, which they drink plentifully during that
time. This purifying physic, is warm water highly imbittered
with button-rattle-snake-root, which as hath been before observed,
they apply only to religious purposes. Sometimes after
bathing they drink a decoction made of the said root—and in
like manner the leader applies aspersions, or sprinklings, both
at home and when out at war. They are such strict observers
of the law of purification, and think it so essential in obtaining
health and success in war, as not to allow the best beloved trader
that ever lived among them, even to enter the beloved ground,
appropriated to the religious duty of being sanctified {160}
for war; much less to associate with the camp in the woods,
though he went (as I have known it to happen) on the same
war design;[64] —they oblige him to walk and encamp separate
by himself, as an impure dangerous animal, till the leader hath
purified him, according to their usual time and method, with
the consecrated things of the ark. With the Hebrews, the ark
of Berith, “the purifier,” was a small wooden chest, of three
feet nine inches in length, two feet three inches broad, and two
feet three inches in height. It contained the golden pot that
had manna in it, Aaron’s rod, and the tables of the law. The
Indian Ark[65] is of a very simple construction, and it is only
the intention and application of it, that makes it worthy of
169notice; for it is made with pieces of wood securely fastened together
in the form of a square. The middle of three of the sides
extend a little out, but one side is flat, for the conveniency of
the person’s back who carries it. Their ark has a cover, and
the whole is made impenetrably close with hiccory-splinters; it
is about half the dimensions of the divine Jewish ark, and may
very properly be called the red Hebrew ark of the purifier, imitated.
The leader, and a beloved waiter, carry it by turns. It
contains several consecrated vessels, made by beloved superannuated
women, and of such various antiquated forms, as would
have puzzled Adam to have given significant names to each.
The leader and his attendant, are purified longer than the rest
of the company, that the first may be fit to act in the religious
office of a priest of war, and the other to carry the awful sacred
ark. All the while they are at war, the Hetissu, or “beloved
waiter,” feeds each of the warriors by an exact stated rule, giving
them even the water they drink, out of his own hands, lest
by intemperance they should spoil the supposed communicative
power of their holy things, and occasion fatal disasters to the war
camp.
The ark, mercy-seat, and cherubim, were the very essence of
the levitical law, and often called “the testimonies of Yohewah.”
The ark of the temple was termed his throne, and David calls it
his foot-stool. In speaking of the Indian places of refuge for
the unfortunate, I observed, that if a captive taken by the
reputed power of the beloved things of the ark, should be able
to make his escape into one of these towns,—or even into the
winter-house of the Archi-magus, he is delivered from the fiery
torture, otherwise inevitable. This when joined to the rest of
the faint images of the Mosaic customs they still retain, seems
to point at the mercy-seat in the sanctuary. It is also highly
worthy of notice, that they {161} never place the ark on the
ground, nor sit on the bare earth while they are carrying it
against the enemy. On hilly ground where stones are plenty,
they place it on them: but in level land upon short logs, always
resting themselves on the like materials. Formerly, when this
tract was the Indian Flanders of America, as the French and
all their red Canadian confederates were bitter enemies to the
inhabitants, we often saw the woods full of such religious war-reliques.
The former is a strong imitation of the pedestal, on
which the Jewish ark was placed, a stone rising three fingers
170breadth above the floor. And when we consider—in what a
surprising manner the Indians copy after the ceremonial law
of the Hebrews, and their strict purity in their war camps; that
Opae, “the leader,” obliges all during the first campaign they
make with the beloved ark, to stand, every day they lie by, from
sun-rise to sun-set—and after a fatiguing day’s march, and
scanty allowance, to drink warm water imbittered with rattle-snake-root
very plentifully, in order to be purified—that they
have also as strong a faith of the power and holiness of their
ark, as ever the Israelites retained of their’s, ascribing the
superior success of the party, to their stricter adherence to the
law than the other; and after they return home, hang it on the
leader’s red-painted war pole—we have strong reason to conclude
their origin is Hebrew. From the Jewish ark of the tabernacle
and the temple, the ancient heathens derived their arks,
their cistæ or religious chests, their Teraphim or Dii Lares, and
their tabernacles and temples. But their modes and objects
of worship, differed very widely from those of the Americans.
The Indian ark is deemed so sacred and dangerous to be
touched, either by their own sanctified warriors, or the spoiling
enemy, that they durst not touch it upon any account[XXXVII]. It is
171not to be meddled with by any, except the war chieftain and his
waiter, under the penalty of incurring great evil. {162} Nor
would the most inveterate enemy touch it in the woods for the
very same reason; which is agreeable to the religious opinion
and customs of the Hebrews, respecting the sacredness of their
ark, witness what befel Uzzah, for touching it, though with a
religious view, and the Philistines for carrying it away, so that
they soon thought proper to return it, with presents.
XXXVII. A gentleman who was at the Ohio, in the year 1756, assured me he
saw a stranger there very importunate to view the inside of the Cheerake
ark, which was covered with a drest deer-skin, and placed on a couple
of short blocks. An Indian centinel watched it, armed with a hiccory
bow, and brass-pointed barbed arrows, and he was faithful to his trust;
for finding the stranger obtruding to pollute the supposed sacred vehicle,
he drew an arrow to the head, and would have shot him through the
body, had he not suddenly withdrawn; the interpreter, when asked by
the gentleman what it contained, told him there was nothing in it but a
bundle of conjuring traps. This shews what conjurers our common
interpreters are, and how much the learned world have really profited
by their informations. The Indians have an old tradition, that when
they left their own native land, they brought with them a sanctified rod
by order of an oracle, which they fixed every night in the ground; and
were to remove from place to place on the continent towards the sun-rising,
till it budded in one night’s time; that they obeyed the sacred
mandate, and the miracle took place after they arrived to this side of
the Missisippi, on the present land they possess. This, they say, was the
sole cause of their settling here—of fighting so firmly for their reputed
holy land and holy things—and that they may be buried with their
beloved fore-fathers. I have seen other Indians who pretend to the
like miraculous direction, and I think it plainly to refer to Aaron’s rod,
which was a branch of an almond-tree, and that budded and blossomed in
one night. (A) The Overhill Cherokees under Ostenaco (Outasite, another
name) were on the campaign of 1756, in aid of the British and
American forces. Dinwiddie Papers, II, 446 et seq. (W)
The leader virtually acts the part of a priest of war,[66]pro
tempore, in imitation of the Israelites fighting under the divine
military banner. If they obtain the victory, and get some of
the enemies scalps, they sanctify themselves when they make
their triumphal entrance, in the manner they observed before
they set off to war; but, if their expedition proves unfortunate,
they only mourn over their loss, ascribing it to the vicious conduct
of some of the followers of the beloved ark. What blushes
should this savage virtue raise in the faces of nominal christians,
who ridicule the unerring divine wisdom, for the effects of their
own imprudent or vicious conduct. May they learn from the
rude uncivilized Americans, that vice necessarily brings evil—and
virtue, happiness.
The Indians will not cohabit with women while they are out
at war;[67] they religiously abstain from every kind of intercourse
even with their own wives, for the space of three days and nights
before they go to war, and so after they return home, because
they are to sanctify themselves. This religious war custom, especially
in so savage a generation, seems to be derived from the
Hebrews, who thus sanctified themselves, to gain the divine
protection, and victory over their common enemies: as in the
precept of Moses to the war camp when he ascended Mount
172Sinai; and in Joshua’s prohibition to the Israelites[XXXVIII]; and in
the case of Uriah. The warriors consider themselves as devoted
to God apart from the rest of the {163} people, while they are
at war accompanying the sacred ark with the supposed holy
things it contains.
XXXVIII. Joshua commanded the Israelites the night before they marched, to
sanctify themselves by washing their clothes, avoiding all impurities, and
abstaining from matrimonial intercourse.
The French Indians are said not to have deflowered any of
our young women they captivated, while at war with us;[68] and
unless the black tribe, the French Canadian priests, corrupted
their traditions, they would think such actions defiling, and what
must bring fatal consequences on their own heads. We have an
attested narrative of an English prisoner, who made his escape
from the Shawanoh Indians, which was printed at Philadelphia,
anno 1757, by which we were assured, that even that blood-thirsty
villain, Capt. Jacob, did not attempt the virtue of his
female captives, lest (as he told one of them) it should offend
the Indian’s God; though at the same time his pleasures heightened
in proportion to the shrieks and groans of our people of
different ages and both sexes, while they were under his tortures.
Although the Choktah are libidinous, and lose their customs
apace, yet I have known them to take several female prisoners
without offering the least violence to their virtue, till the time
of purgation was expired;—then some of them forced their
captives, notwithstanding their pressing entreaties and tears.
As the aforesaid Shawanoh renegado professed himself so observant
of this law of purity, so the other northern nations of Indians,
who are free from adulteration by their far-distance from
foreigners, do not neglect so great a duty: and it is highly
probable, notwithstanding the silence of our writers, that as
purity was strictly observed by the Hebrews in the temple, field
and wilderness, the religious rites and customs of the northern
Indians, differ no farther from those of the nations near our
southern settlements than reason will admit, allowing for their
distant situation from Peru and Mexico, whence they seem to
have travelled.
When they return home victorious over the enemy, they sing
the triumphal song to Yo-He-Wah, ascribing the victory to him,
173according to a religious custom of the Israelites, who were commanded
always to attribute their success in war to Jehovah, and
not to their swords and arrows.
In the year 1765,[69] when the Chikkasah returned with two
French scalps, from the Illinois, (while the British troops were
on the Missisippi, about 170 leagues below the Illinois) as my
trading house was near the Chikkasah {164} leader, I had a
good opportunity of observing his conduct, as far as it was exposed
to public view.[70]
Within a day’s march of home, he sent a runner a-head with
the glad tidings—and to order his dark winter house to be swept
out very clean, for fear of pollution. By ancient custom, when
the out-standing party set off for war, the women are so afraid
of the power of their holy things, and of prophaning them, that
they sweep the house and earth quite clean, place the sweepings
in a heap behind the door, leaving it there undisturbed, till
Opáe, who carries the ark, orders them by a faithful messenger
to remove it. He likewise orders them to carry out every
utensil which the women had used during his absence, for fear
of incurring evil by pollution. The party appeared next day
painted red and black, their heads covered all over with swan-down,
and a tuft of long white feathers fixt to the crown of
their heads. Thus they approached, carrying each of the scalps
on a branch of the ever-green pine[XXXIX], singing the awful death
song, with a solemn striking air, and sometimes Yo He Wah;
now and then sounding the shrill death Whóo Whoop Whoop.
174When they arrived, the leader went a-head of his company,
round his winter hot house, contrary to the course of the sun,
singing the monosyllable YO, for about the space of five seconds
on a tenor key; again, He He short, on a bass key; then
Wah Wah, gutturally on the treble, very shrill, but not so short
as the bass note. In this manner they repeated those sacred
notes, YO, He He, Wah Wah, three times, while they were
finishing the circle, a strong emblem of the eternity of Him,
“who is, was, and is to come,” to whom they sung their triumphal
song, ascribing the victory over their enemies to his strong arm,
instead of their own, according to the usage of the Israelites by
divine appointment. The duplication of the middle and last
syllables of the four-lettered essential name of the deity, and
the change of the key from their established method of invoking
YO He Wah, when they are drinking their bitter drink, (the
Cusseena) in their temples, where they always spend a long
breath on each of the two first {165} syllables of that awful
divine song, seems designed to prevent a prophanation.
XXXIX. As the Indians carry their enemies scalps on small branches of evergreen
pine, and wave the martial trophies on a pine-branch before YO
He Wah; I cannot help thinking that the pine was the emblematical tree
so often mentioned in divine writ, by the plural name, Shittim; especially
as the mountain Cedar, comparatively speaking, is low and does not seem
to answer the description of the inspired writers; besides that כפרChepher is figuratively applied to the mercy-seat, signifying, literally, a
screen, or cover against storms; which was pitched over with the gum
of the pine-tree.
The leader’s Hetissu, “or waiter,” placed a couple of new
blocks of wood near the war pole, opposite to the door of the
circular hot-house, in the middle of which the fire-place stood;
and on these blocks he rested the supposed sacred ark, so that
it and the holy fire faced each other. The party were silent a
considerable time. At length, the chieftain bade them sit down,
and then enquired whether his house was prepared for the solemn
occasion, according to his order the day before: being
answered in the affirmative, they soon rose up, sounded the death
whoop, and walked round the war pole; during which they invoked
and sung three times, YO, He He, Wah Wah, in the
manner already described. Then they went with their holy
things in regular order into the hot-house, where they continued,
exclusive of the first broken day, three days and nights apart
from the rest of the people, purifying themselves with warm
lotions, and aspersions of the emblematical button-snake-root,
without any other subsistence between the rising and the setting
of the sun.
During the other part of the time, the female relations of
each of the company, after having bathed, anointed, and drest
themselves in their finest, stood in two rows, one on each side
of the door, facing each other, from the evening till the morning,
singing Ha Ha, Ha He, with a soft shrill voice and a solemn
175moving air for more than a minute, and then paused about ten
minutes, before they renewed their triumphal song. While
they sung, they gave their legs a small motion, by the strong
working of their muscles, without seeming to bend their joints.
When they had no occasion to retire, they have stood erect in
the same place, a long frosty night; and except when singing,
observed a most profound silence the whole time. During that
period, they have no intercourse with their husbands; and they
avoided several other supposed pollutions, as not to eat or touch
salt, and the like.
The leader, once in two or three hours came out at the head
of his company, and raising the death whoop, made one circle
round the red painted war pole, holding up in their right hands
the small boughs of pine with the scalps fixt to them, singing
as above, waving them to and fro, and then returned again.
This religious order they strictly observed the whole time {166}
they were purifying themselves, and singing the song of safety,
and victory, to the goodness and power of the divine essence.
When the time of their purification and thanksgiving expired,
the men and women went and bathed themselves separately,
returned in the same manner, and anointed again, according to
their usual custom.
They joined soon after in a solemn procession, to fix the scalps
on the tops of the houses of their relations who had been killed
without revenge of blood. The war chieftain went first—his
religious attendant followed him; the warriors next, according
to their rising merit; and the songstresses brought up the rear.
In this order they went round the leader’s winter-house from
the east to the north, the men striking up the death whoop, and
singing the death song; and then YO, He He, Wah Wah, as
described; the women also warbling Ha Ha, Ha He, so that one
might have said according to the sacred text, “great was the
company of the women who sung the song of triumph.”[XL] Then
they fixed on the top of the house, a twig of the pine they had
brought with them, with a small piece of one of the scalps
fastened to it: and this order they observed from house to house,
till in their opinion they had appeased the ghosts of their dead.
176They went and bathed again; and thus ended their purification,
and triumphal solemnity—only the leader and his religious
waiter kept apart three days longer, purifying themselves. I
afterward asked the reason of this—they replied they were
Ishtohoolo. This seems to be so plain a copy of the old Jewish
customs, I am satisfied the reader will easily discern the analogy,
without any farther observations.
XL. Last year I heard the Choktah women, in those towns which lie next
to New Orleans, sing a regular anthem and dirge, in the dusk of the
evening, while their kinsmen were gone to war against the Muskohge.
I cannot however conclude this argument, without a few remarks
concerning the Indian methods of making peace, and of
renewing their old friendship. They first smoke out of the
friend-pipe, and eat together; then they drink of the Cusseena,
using such invocations as have been mentioned, and proceed to
wave their large fans of eagles-tails,—concluding with a dance.
The persons visited, appoint half a dozen of their most active
and expert young warriors to perform this religious duty, who
have had their own temples adorned with the swan-feather-cap.
They paint their bodies with white clay, and cover their heads
with swan-down; then approaching the chief {167} representative
of the strangers, who by way of honour, and strong assurance
of friendship, is seated on the central white or holy seat, “the
beloved cabbin” (which is about nine feet long and seven feet
broad), they wave the eagles tails backward and forward over
his head[XLI]. Immediately they begin the solemn song with an
177awful air; and presently they dance in a bowing posture; then
they raise themselves so erect, that their faces look partly upwards,
waving the eagles tails with their right hand toward
heaven, sometimes with a slow, at others with a quick motion;
at the same time they touch their breast with their small callabash
and pebbles fastened to a stick of about a foot long, which
they hold in their left hand, keeping time with the motion of
the eagles tails: during the dance, they repeat the usual divine
notes, YO, &c. and wave the eagles tails now and then over the
stranger’s head, not moving above two yards backward or forward
before him. They are so surprisingly expert in their supposed
religious office, and observe time so exactly, with their
particular gestures and notes, that there is not the least discernible
discord. If the Hebrews danced this way, (as there is strong
presumptive proof) they had very sweating work, for every joint,
artery, and nerve, is stretched to the highest pitch of exertion;
and this may account for Saul’s daughter Michal, chiding David
for falling in with the common dancers.
XLI. When they are disaffected, or intend to declare war, they will not
allow any of the party against whom they have hostile views, to approach
the white seat; as their holy men, and holy places, are considered firmly
bound to keep good faith, and give sure refuge. Indeed in the year
1750, after having narrowly escaped with my life from the Cheerake
lower towns, I met two worthy gentlemen at the settlement of Ninety-six,
who were going to them. I earnestly dissuaded them against pursuing
their journey, but without effect: when they arrived at the middle
Cheerake towns, the old beloved men and war chieftains invited them
and twenty of the traders to go in the evening to their town-house, to
sit on their white beloved seat, partake of their feast, and smoke together
with kindly hearts, according to their old friendly custom. The
gentlemen happily rejected the invitation, and boldly told them they
were apprised of their treacherous intentions: they braved a little, to
surprise and intimidate the Indians, and then mounted, directed their
course toward the place where a treacherous ambuscade had been laid
for them—but they soon silently took another course, and passing through
an unsuspected difficult marsh, and almost pathless woods, by the dawn
of the morning they reached the Georgia side of Savannah river, which
was about 80 miles, where a body of the Muskohge chanced to be preparing
for war against the treacherous Cheerake. These protected them
from their pursuers, and the gentlemen arrived safe at Augusta, the
upper barrier and Indian mart of Georgia.
The Indians cannot shew greater honour to the greatest potentate
on earth, than to place him in the white seat—invoke YO
He Wah, while {168} he is drinking the Cusseena, and dance
before him with the eagles tails.[71] When two chieftains are
renewing, or perpetuating friendship with each other, they are
treated with the same ceremonies. And in their circular friendly
dances, when they honour their guests, and pledge themselves to
keep good faith with them, they sometimes sing their divine notes
with a very awful air, pointing their right hand towards the sky.
Some years ago, I saw the Kooasahte Indians (two hundred
miles up Mobile river) perform this rite with much solemnity;
as if invoking the deity by their notes and gestures, to enable
them to shew good-will to their fellow-creatures, and to bear
witness of their faithful vows and conduct. This custom is
plainly not derived from the old Scythians, or any other part of
the heathen world. Their forms and usages when they made
178peace, or pledged faith, and contracted friendship with each
other, were widely different: but to those of the Jews it hath the
nearest resemblance.
The Indian origin and descent may also be in some measure
discerned by their taste for, and kind of Ornaments.[72]
The Israelites were fond of wearing beads and other ornaments,
even as early as the patriarchal age, and the taste increased
to such a degree that it became criminal, and was sharply
reprehended by the prophets, particularly Isaiah. The Israelitish
women wore rich garters about their legs, and against the
rules of modesty, they shortened their under garments, in order
to shew how their legs and feet were decorated; Isaiah, chap. iii.
18. “The Lord will take away the bravery of their tinkling ornaments
about their feet,” which loaded them so heavy that they
could scarcely walk; and ver. 19, 20, 21. “The chains and the
bracelets—The ornaments of the legs—and the ear-rings—The
rings and nose jewels.” In resemblance to these customs, the
Indian females continually wear a beaded string round their
legs, made of buffalo-hair, which is a species of coarse wool; and
they reckon it a great ornament, as well as a preservative against
miscarriages, hard labour, and other evils. They wear also a
heap of land {169} tortoise-shells with pebbles or beads in them,
fastened to pieces of deer-skins, which they tie to the outside
of their legs, when they mix with the men in their religious
dances.
The Indian nations are agreed in the custom of thus adorning
themselves with beads of various sizes and colours; sometimes
wrought in garters, sashes, necklaces, and in strings round their
wrists; and so from the crown of their heads sometimes to the
cartilage of the nose. And they doat on them so much as to
make them their current money in all payments to this day.
Before we supplied them with our European beads, they had
great quantities of wampum; (the Buccinum of the ancients)
179made out of conch-shell, by rubbing them on hard stones, and
so they form them according to their liking. With these they
bought and sold at a stated current rate, without the least variation
for circumstances either of time or place; and now they
will hear nothing patiently of loss or gain, or allow us to
heighten the price of our goods, be our reasons ever so strong,
or though the exigencies and changes of time may require it.
Formerly, four deer-skins was the price of a large conch-shell
bead, about the length and thickness of a man’s fore-finger;
which they fixed to the crown of their head, as an high ornament—so
greatly they valued them. Their beads bear a very
near resemblance to ivory, which was highly esteemed by the
Hebrews.
The new-England writers assure us, that the Naragansat
Indians paid to the colony of Massachusetts, two hundred
fathoms of wampum, only in part of a debt; and at another
payment one-hundred fathoms: which shews the Indian custom
of wearing beads has prevailed far north on this continent,
and before the first settling of our colonies.
According to the oriental custom, they wear ear-rings and
finger-rings in abundance. Tradition says, they followed the
like custom before they became acquainted with the English.
The men and women in old times used such coarse diamonds,
as their own hilly country produced, when each had a bit of
stone fastened with a {170} deer’s sinew to the tying of their
hair, their nose, ears, and maccaseenes: but from the time we
supplied them with our European ornaments, they have used
brass and silver ear-rings, and finger-rings;[73] the young warriors
now frequently fasten bell-buttons, or pieces of tinkling brass
to their maccaseenes, and to the outside of their boots, instead of
the old turky-cock-spurs which they formerly used. Both sexes
esteem the above things, as very great ornaments of dress, and
commonly load the parts with each sort, in proportion to their
ability of purchasing them: it is a common trading rule with
us, to judge of the value of an Indian’s effects, by the weight of
his fingers, wrists, ears, crown of his head, boots, and maccaseenes—by
the quantity of red paint daubed on his face, and by the
shirt about the collar, shoulders, and back, should he have one.
Although the same things are commonly alike used or disused,
180by males and females; yet they distinguish their sexes in as exact
a manner as any civilized nation. The women bore small holes
in the lobe of their ears for their rings, but the young heroes
cut a hole round almost the extremity of both their ears, which
till healed, they stretch out with a large tuft of buffalo’s wool
mixt with bear’s oil: then they twist as much small wire round
as will keep them extended in that hideous form. This custom
however is wearing off apace. They formerly wore nose-rings, or
jewels, both in the northern and southern regions of America,
according to a similar custom of the Jews and easterns; and in
some places they still observe it. At present, they hang a piece
of battered silver or pewter, or a large bead to the nostril, like
the European method of treating swine, to prevent them from
rooting the earth; this, as well as the rest of their customs, is a
true picture and good copy of their supposed early progenitors.
I have been among the Indians at a drinking match, when
several of their beaus have been humbled as low as death, for
the great loss of their big ears. Being so widely extended, it is
as easy for a person to take hold of, and pull them off, as to
remove a couple of small hoops were they hung within reach;
but if the ear after the pull, stick to their head by one end, when
they get sober, they pare and sew it together with a needle and
deer’s sinews, after sweating him in a stove. Thus the disconsolate
warrior recovers his former cheerfulness, and hath a lasting
caution of not putting his ears a second time in danger with
bad company: {171} however, it is not deemed a scandal to
lose their ears by any accident, because they became slender and
brittle, by their virtuous compliance with that favourite custom
of their ancestors.
The Indian manner of Curing their Sick, is very similar to
that of the Jews. They always invoke YO He Wah, a considerable
space of time before they apply any medicines, let the
case require ever so speedy an application. The more desperately
ill their patients are, the more earnestly they invoke the
deity on the sad occasion. Like the Hebrews, they firmly believe
that diseases and wounds are occasioned by the holy fire, or
divine anger, in proportion to some violation of the old beloved
speech. The Jews had but small skill in physic.—They called
181a physician “a binder of wounds,” for he chiefly poured oil into
the wounds and bound them up. They were no great friends
to this kind of learning and science; and their Talmud has this
proverb, “the best physicians go to hell.” King Asa was reproved
for having applied to physicians, for his disease in his
feet. The little use they made of the art of medicine, especially
for internal maladies; and their persuasion that distempers were
either the immediate effects of God’s anger, or caused by evil
spirits, led them to apply themselves to the prophets, or to
diviners, magicians and enchanters. Hezekiah’s boil was cured
by Isaiah—Benhadad king of Syria, and Naaman the Syrian
applied to the prophet Elisha, and Ahaziah king of Israel sent
to consult Baal-zebub. The Indians deem the curing their sick
or wounded a very religious duty; and it is chiefly performed
by their supposed prophets, and magi, because they believe they
are inspired with a great portion of the divine fire. On these
occasion they sing YO YO, on a low bass key for two or three
minutes very rapidly; in like manner, He He, and Wa Wa.
Then they transpose and accent those sacred notes with great
vehemence, and supplicating fervor, rattling all the while a
calabash with small pebble-stones, in imitation of the old Jewish
rattles, to make a greater sound, and {172} as it were move the
deity to co-operate with their simple means and finish the cure[XLII].
XLII. Formerly, an old Nachee warrior who was blind of one eye, and
very dim-sighted in the other, having heard of the surprising skill of the
European oculists, fancied I could cure him. He frequently importuned
me to perform that friendly office, which I as often declined. But he
imagining all my excuses were the effect of modesty and caution, was
the more importunate, and would take no denial. I was at last obliged
to commence Indian oculist. I had just drank a glass of rum when he
came to undergo the operation at the time appointed; he observing my
glass, said, it was best to defer it till the next day.—I told him, I drank
so on purpose, for as the white people’s physic and beloved songs were
quite different from what the red people applied and sung, it was usual
with our best physicians to drink a little, to heighten their spirits, and
enable them to sing with a strong voice, and likewise to give their patients
a little, to make their hearts weigh even within them; he consented, and
lay down as if he was dead, according to their usual custom. After a
good many wild ceremonies, I sung up Sheela na Guira, “will you drink
wine?” Then I drank to my patient, which on my raising him up, he
accepted: I gave him several drinks of grogg, both to divert myself,
and purify the obtruding supposed sinner. At last, I applied my materia
medica, blowing a quill full of fine burnt allum and roman vitriol into
his eye. Just as I was ready to repeat it, he bounded up out of his
seemingly dead state, jumped about, and said, my songs and physic were
not good. When I could be heard, I told him the English beloved songs
and physic were much stronger than those of the red people, and that
when they did not immediately produce such an effect as he found, it
was a sure sign they were good for nothing, but as they were taking
place, he would soon be well. He acquiesced because of the soporific
dose I gave him. But ever after, he reckoned he had a very narrow
chance of having his eye burnt out by Loak Ishtohoolo, for drinking
Ooka Hoome, “the bitter waters,” and presuming to get cured by an
impure accursed nothing, who lied, drank, ate hog’s flesh, and sung
Tarooa Ookproo’sto, “the devil’s tune,” or the song of the evil ones.
182When the Indian physicians visit their supposed irreligious
patients, they approach them in a bending posture, with their
rattling calabash,[74] preferring that sort to the North-American
gourds: and in that bent posture of body, they run two or three
times round the sick person, contrary to the course of the sun,
invoking God as already exprest. Then they invoke the raven,
and mimic his croaking voice: Now this bird was an ill omen to
the ancient heathens, as we may see by the prophet Isaiah; so
that common wisdom, or self-love, would not have directed them
to such a choice, if their traditions had represented it as a bad
symbol. But they chose it as an emblem of recovery, probably
from its indefatigableness in flying to and fro when sent out of
the ark, till he {173} found dry ground to rest on[XLIII]. They also
place a bason of cold water with some pebbles in it on the
ground, near the patient, then they invoke the fish, because of
its cold element, to cool the heat of the fever. Again, they
invoke the eagle[75] (Ooóle) they solicit him as he soars in the
heavens, to bring down refreshing things for their sick, and not
to delay them, as he can dart down upon the wing, quick as
183a flash of lightning. They are so tedious on this subject, that it
would be a task to repeat it: however, it may be needful to
observe, that they chuse the eagle because of its supposed communicative
virtues; and that it is according to its Indian name,
a cherubimical emblem, and the king of birds, of prodigious
strength, swiftness of wing, majestic stature, and loving its young
ones so tenderly, as to carry them on its back, and teach them
to fly.
XLIII. The ancients drew bad presages from the situation, and croaking of
ravens and crows. They looked on that place as unhappy, where either
of them had croaked in the morning. Hesiod forbids to leave a house
unfinished, lest a crow should chance to come and croak when sitting on
it. And most of the illiterate peasants in Europe are tinctured with the
like superstition, pretending to draw ill omens from its voice.
Josephus tells us, that Solomon had a divine power conferred
upon him, of driving evil spirits out of possessed persons—that
he invented several incantations by which diseases were cured—and
left behind him such a sure method of exorcising, as the
dæmons never returned again: and he assures us, the Jews followed
the like custom as late as his own time; and that he saw
such a cure performed by one Eleazar. They likewise imagined,
that the liver of a fish would keep away evil spirits, as one of
the apocryphal writers acquaints us[XLIV]. {174}
XLIV. They imagined incense also to be a sure means to banish the devil;
though asafœtida, or the devil’s dung, might have been much better.
On Cant. iv. 6. “I will get me to the hill of incense,” the Chaldee
paraphrast says, that, while the house of Israel kept the art of their
holy fore-fathers, both the morning and mid-day evil spirits fled away,
because the divine glory dwelt in the sanctuary, which was built on
Mount Moriah; and that all the devils fled when they smelled the effluvia
of the fine incense that was there. They likewise believed that herbs
and roots had a power to expel dæmons. And Josephus tells us, that
the root Bara, immediately drives out the devil. I suppose it had such a
physical power against fevers and agues, as the jesuit’s bark.
The church of Rome, in order to have powerful holy things, as well
as the Jews, applies salt, spittle, holy-water, and consecrated oil, to
expel the devils from the credulous of their own persuasion; and the oil
alone is used as a viaticum, on account of its lubricous quality, to make
them slippery, and thereby prevent the devil from laying hold, and
pulling them down when they ascend upward. They reckon that observance
a most religious duty, and an infallible preservative against
the legions of evil spirits who watch in the aerial regions; and also necessary
to gain celestial admission for believers.
In the Summer-season of the year 1746, I chanced to see the
Indians playing at a house of the former Missisippi-Nachee,[76]
on one of their old sacred musical instruments. It pretty much
184resembled the Negroe-Banger in shape, but far exceeded it in
dimensions; for it was about five feet long, and a foot wide on
the head-part of the board, with eight strings made out of the
sinews of a large buffalo. But they were so unskilful in acting
the part of the Lyrick, that the Loache, or prophet who held the
instrument between his feet, and along side of his chin, took
one end of the bow, whilst a lusty fellow held the other; by
sweating labour they scraped out such harsh jarring sounds, as
might have been reasonably expected by a soft ear, to have been
sufficient to drive out the devil if he lay any where hid in the
house. When I afterward asked him the name, and the reason
of such a strange method of diversion, he told me the dance was
called Keetla Ishto Hoollo, “a dance to, or before, the great holy
one;” that it kept off evil spirit, witches, and wizards, from the
red people; and enabled them to ordain elderly men to officiate
in holy things, as the exigency of the times required.
He who danced to it, kept his place and posture, in a very
exact manner, without the least perceivable variation: yet by
the prodigious working of his muscles and nerves, he in about
half an hour, foamed in a very extraordinary manner, and discontinued
it proportionally, till he recovered himself. This
surprising custom I have mentioned here, because it was usual
among the Hebrews, for their prophets to become furious, and
as it were beside themselves, when they were about to prophesy.
Thus with regard to Saul, it seems that he became furious, and
tortured his body by violent gestures: and when Elisha sent one
of the children of the prophets to anoint Jehu, one said to him,
wherefore cometh this mad fellow? The Chaldee paraphrast,
on 1 Sam. xviii. 10. concerning Saul’s prophesying, paraphrases
it, cæpit furire, “he began to grow mad, &c.”
When the East-Indian Fakirs are giving out their pretended
prophecies, they chuse drums and trumpets, that by such confused
striking sounds, {175} their senses may be lulled asleep
or unsettled, which might otherwise render them uncapable of
receiving the supposed divine inspiration. And they endeavour
to become thus possest before crowds of people with a furious
rage, by many frantic and violent motions of body, and changes
of posture, till they have raised it to the highest pitch they are
capable of, and then fall on the ground almost breathless; when
they recover themselves a little, they give out their prophecies,
which are deemed oracular.
185Lactantius and others tell us, that the Sibyls were possest of
the like fury; and most part of the ancients believed they ought
to become furious, the members of the body to shake, and the
hairs of their head to stand an end before they could be divinely
inspired: which seems plainly to shew, that though the ancient
heathens mimicked a great deal of the Mosaic law, yet theirs had
but a faint glance on the Hebrew manner of consulting Yohewah;
whereas the Indian Americans invoke the true God, by his favourite
essential name, in a bowing posture, on every material
occasion, whether civil, martial, or religious, contrary to the
usage of all the old heathen world.
In the year 1765, an old physician, or prophet, almost drunk
with spirituous liquors, came to pay me a friendly visit: his
situation made him more communicative than he would have
been if quite sober. When he came to the door, he bowed himself
half bent, with his arms extended north and south, continuing
so perhaps for the space of a minute. Then raising himself
erect, with his arms in the same position, he looked in a wild
frightful manner, from the south-west toward the north, and sung
on a low bass key Yo Yo Yo Yo, almost a minute, then He He
He He, for perhaps the same space of time, and Wa Wa Wa Wa,
in like manner; and then transposed, and accented those sacred
notes several different ways, in a most rapid guttural manner.
Now and then he looked upwards, with his head considerably
bent backward;—his song continued about a quarter of an hour.
As my door which was then open stood east, his face of course
looked toward the west; but whether the natives thus usually
invoke the deity, I cannot determine; yet as all their winter
houses have their doors toward the east, had he used the like
solemn invocations there, his face would have consequently
looked the same way, contrary to the usage of {176} the heathens.
After his song, he stepped in: I saluted him, saying, “Are you
come my beloved old friend?” he replied, Arahre-O. “I am come
in the name of Oea.” I told him, I was glad to see, that in this
mad age, he still retained the old Chikkasah virtues. He said,
that as he came with a glad heart to see me his old friend, he
imagined he could not do me a more kind service, than to secure
my house from the power of the evil spirits of the north, south,
and west,—and, from witches, and wizards, who go about in dark
nights, in the shape of bears, hogs, and wolves, to spoil people:
“the very month before, added he, we killed an old witch, for
186having used destructive charms.” Because a child was suddenly
taken ill, and died, on the physician’s false evidence, the father
went to the poor helpless old woman who was sitting innocent,
and unsuspecting, and sunk his tomohawk into her head, without
the least fear of being called to an account. They call witches
and wizards, Ishtabe, and Hoollabe, “man-killers,” and “spoilers
of things sacred.” My prophetic friend desired me to think
myself secure from those dangerous enemies of darkness, for
(said he) Tarooa Ishtohoollo-Antarooare, “I have sung the song
of the great holy one.” The Indians are so tenacious of concealing
their religious mysteries, that I never before observed such
an invocation on the like occasion—adjuring evil spirits, witches,
&c. by the awful name of deity.[77]
The Hebrews have at all times been very careful in the
Burial of their dead—to be deprived of it was considered as
one of the greatest of evils. They made it a point of duty to
perform the funeral obsequies of their friends—often embalmed
the dead bodies of those who were rich, and even buried treasure
in the tombs with their dead. Josephus tells us, that in king
David’s sepulchre, was buried such a prodigious quantity of
treasures, that Hyrcanus the Maccabean, took three thousand
talents out of it, about thirteen hundred years after, to get rid
of Antiochus then besieging Jerusalem. And their people of
distinction, we are told, followed the like custom of burying gold
and silver with the dead. Thus it was an universal custom with
the ancient Peruvians, when the owner died to bury his {177}
effects with him, which the avaricious Spaniards perceiving, they
robbed these store-houses of the dead of an immense quantity
of treasures. The modern Indians bury all their moveable riches,
according to the custom of the ancient Peruvians and Mexicans,
insomuch, that the grave is heir of all.
187Except the Cheerake, only one instance of deviation, from
this ancient and general Indian custom occurs to me: which was
that of Malahche, the late famous chieftain of the Kowwetah
head war-town of the lower part of the Muskohge country, who
bequeathed all he possessed to his real, and adopted relations,—being
sensible they would be much more useful to his living
friends, than to himself during his long sleep: he displayed a
genius far superior to the crowd.
The Cheerake of late years, by the reiterated persuasion of
the traders, have entirely left off the custom of burying effects
with the dead body; the nearest of blood inherits them. They,
and several other of our Indian nations, used formerly to shoot
all the live stock that belonged to the deceased, soon after the
interment of the corpse; not according to the Pagan custom of
the funeral piles, on which they burned several of the living,
that they might accompany and wait on the dead, but from a
narrow-hearted avaricious principle, derived from their Hebrew
progenitors.
Notwithstanding the North-American Indians, like the South-Americans,
inter the whole riches of the deceased with him, and
so make his corpse and the grave heirs of all, they never give
them the least disturbance; even a blood-thirsty enemy will not
despoil nor disturb the dead. The grave proves an asylum, and
a sure place of rest to the sleeping person, till at some certain
time, according to their opinion, he rises again to inherit his
favourite place,—unless the covetous, or curious hand of some
foreigner, should break through his sacred bounds. This custom
of burying the dead person’s treasures with him, has entirely
swallowed up their medals, and other monuments of antiquity,
without any probability of recovering them[XLV]. {178}
XLV. In the Tuccabatches on the Tallapoose river, thirty miles above the
Allabahamah garrison, are two brazen tables, and five of copper. They
esteem them so sacred as to keep them constantly in their holy of holies,
without touching them in the least, only in the time of their compounded
first-fruit-offering, and annual expiation of sins; at which season, their
magus carries one under his arm, a-head of the people, dancing round the
sacred arbour; next to him their head-warrior carries another; and those
warriors who chuse it, carry the rest after the manner of the high-priest;
all the others carry white canes with swan-feathers at the top. Hearing
accidentally of these important monuments of antiquity, and enquiring
pretty much about them, I was certified of the truth of the report by
four of the southern traders, at the most eminent Indian-trading house of
all English America. One of the gentlemen informed me, that at my
request he endeavoured to get a liberty of viewing the aforesaid tables,
but it could not possibly be obtained, only in the time of the yearly
grand sacrifice, for fear of polluting their holy things, at which time
gentlemen of curiosity may see them. Old Bracket, an Indian of perhaps
100 years old, lives in that old beloved town, who gave the following
description of them:
Old Bracket’s account of the five copper and two brass plates under the
beloved cabbin in Tuccabatchey-square.
The shape of the five copper plates; one is a foot and
half long and seven inches wide, the other four are shorter
and narrower.
The largest stamped thus The shape of the two brass plates,—about
a foot and a half in diameter.
He said—he was told by his forefathers that those plates were given
to them by the man we call God; that there had been many more of
other shapes, some as long as he could stretch with both his arms, and
some had writing upon them which were buried with particular men; and
that they had instructions given with them, viz. they must only be
handled by particular people, and those fasting; and no unclean woman
must be suffered to come near them or the place where they are deposited.
He said, none but this town’s people had any such plates given them, and
that they were a different people from the Creeks. He only remembered
three more, which were buried with three of his family, and he was the
only man of the family now left. He said, there were two copper plates
under the king’s cabbin, which had lain there from the first settling of
the town.
This account was taken in the Tuccabatchey-square, 27th July, 1759,
per Will. Bolsover. (A) It was at this town, the great Shawnee leader,
Tecumseh, delivered orations against the Americans and their government
which led the Upper Creeks to rise in arms (1813), and finally to
the Creek War. The same plates are referred to in C. Swan’s Account
in Schoolcraft’s Information Indian Tribes, V, 283. (W)
188As the Hebrews carefully buried their dead, so on any accident,
they gathered their bones and laid them in the tombs of
their fore-fathers:[78] Thus, all the numerous nations of Indians
perform the like friendly office to every deceased person of their
respective tribe; insomuch, that those who {179} lose their
people at war, if they have not corrupted their primitive customs,
are so observant of this kindred duty, as to appropriate
some time to collect the bones of their relations; which they
189call bone gathering, or “gathering the bones to their kindred,”
according to the Hebrew idiom[XLVI]. The Cheerake, by reason of
their great intercourse with foreigners, have dropped that friendly
office: and as they seem to be more intelligent than the rest of
our English-American Indians in their religious rites, and
ceremonial observances, so I believe, the fear of pollution has
likewise contributed to obliterate that ancient kindred duty.
However, they separate those of their people who die at home,
from others of a different nation; and every particular tribe indeed
of each nation bears an intense love to itself, and divides
every one of its people from the rest, both while living, and after
they are dead.
XLVI. With the Hebrews, “to gather,” usually signified to die. Gen. xlix.
33. Jacob is said to be gathered to his people. Psal. xxvi. 9. Gather
not my soul with sinners. And Numb. xx. 24. Aaron shall be gathered
to his people.
When any of them die at a distance, if the company be not
driven and pursued by the enemy, they place the corpse on a
scaffold,[79] covered with notched logs to secure it from being torn
by wild beasts, or fowls of prey: when they imagine the flesh is
consumed, and the bones are thoroughly dried, they return to
the place, bring them home, and inter them in a very solemn
manner. They will not associate with us, when we are burying
any of our people, who die in their land: and they are unwilling
we should join with them while they are performing this kindred
duty to theirs. Upon which account, though I have lived among
them in the raging time of the small pox, even of the confluent
sort, I never saw but one buried, who was a great favourite of
the English, and chieftain of Ooeasa, as formerly described.
The Indians use the same ceremonies to the bones of their
dead, as if they were covered with their former skin, flesh, and
ligaments. It is but a few days since I saw some return with
the bones of nine of their people, who had been two months
before killed by the enemy. They were tied in white deer-skins,
separately; and when carried by the door of one of the houses
of their family, they were laid down opposite to it, till the
female {180} relations convened, with flowing hair, and wept
over them about half an hour. Then they carried them home
to their friendly magazines of mortality, wept over them again,
190and then buried them with the usual solemnities; putting their
valuable effects, and as I am informed, other convenient things
in along with them, to be of service to them in the next state.
The chieftain carried twelve short sticks tied together, in the
form of a quadrangle; so that each square consisted of three.
The sticks were only peeled, without any paintings; but there
were swans feathers tied to each corner, and as they called that
frame, Tereekpe tobeh, “a white circle,” and placed it over the
door, while the women were weeping over the bones, perhaps it
was originally designed to represent the holy fire, light, and
spirit, who formerly presided over the four principal standards
of the twelve tribes of Israel.
When any of their people die at home, they wash and anoint
the corpse, and soon bring it out of doors for fear of pollution;
then they place it opposite to the door, on the skins of wild
beasts, in a sitting posture, as looking into the door of the winter
house, westward, sufficiently supported with all his moveable
goods; after a short elogium, and space of mourning, they carry
him three times around the house in which he is to be interred,
stopping half a minute each time, at the place where they began
the circle, while the religious man of the deceased person’s family,
who goes before the hearse, says each time, Yàh, short with a
bass voice, and then invokes on a tenor key, Yo, which at the
same time is likewise sung by all the procession, as long as one
breath allows. Again, he strikes up, on a sharp treble key, the
fœminine note, He, which in like manner, is taken up and continued
by the rest: then all of them suddenly strike off the
solemn chorus, and sacred invocation, by saying, on a low key,
Wàh; which constitute the divine essential name, Yohewah. This
is the method in which they performed the funeral rites of the
chieftain before referred to; during which time, a great many
of the traders were present, as our company was agreeable at
the interment of our declared patron and friend. It seems as
if they buried him in the name of the divine essence, and directed
their plaintive religious notes to the author of life and death, in
hopes of a resurrection of the body; which hope engaged the
Hebrews to stile their burying places, “the house of the living.” {181}
When they celebrated these funeral rites of the above chieftain,
they laid the corpse in his tomb, in a sitting posture, with his
face towards the east, his head anointed with bear’s oil, and his
191face painted red, but not streaked with black, because that is a
constant emblem of war and death; he was drest in his finest
apparel, having his gun and pouch, and trusty hiccory bow, with
a young panther’s skin, full of arrows, along side of him, and
every other useful thing he had been possessed of,—that when he
rises again, they may serve him in that tract of land which
pleased him best before he went to take his long sleep. His tomb
was firm and clean in-side. They covered it with thick logs, so
as to bear several tiers of cypress-bark, and such a quantity of
clay as would confine the putrid smell, and be on a level with
the rest of the floor. They often sleep over those tombs; which,
with the loud wailing of the women at the dusk of the evening,
and dawn of the day, on benches close by the tombs, must awake
the memory of their relations very often: and if they were killed
by an enemy, it helps to irritate and set on such revengeful
tempers to retaliate blood for blood.
The Egyptians either embalmed, or buried, their dead: other
heathen nations imagined that fire purified the body; they burned
therefore the bodies of their dead, and put their ashes into small
urns, which they religiously kept by them, as sacred relicks.
The Tartars called Kyrgessi, near the frozen sea, formerly used
to hang their dead relations and friends upon trees, to be eaten
by ravenous birds to purify them. But the Americans seem
evidently to have derived their copy from the Israelites, as to
the place where they bury their dead, and the method of their
funeral ceremonies, as well as the persons with whom they are
buried, and the great expenses they are at in their burials. The
Hebrews buried near the city of Jerusalem, by the brook Kedron;
and they frequently hewed their tombs out of rocks, or buried
their dead opposite to their doors, implying a silent lesson of
friendship, and a pointing caution to live well. They buried all
of one family together; to which custom David alludes, when
he says, “gather me not with the wicked:” and Sophronius said
with regard to the like form, “noli me tangere, hæretice, neque
vivum nec mortuum.” But they buried strangers apart by themselves,
and named the place, Kebhare Galeya, “the burying place
of strangers.” And these rude Americans are so strongly partial
to the same custom, that they imagine if any of us {182} were
buried in the domestic tombs of their kindred, without being
adopted, it would be very criminal in them to allow it; and
192that our spirits would haunt the eaves of their houses at night,
and cause several misfortunes to their family.
In resemblance to the Hebrew custom of embalming their
dead, the Choktah treat the corpse just as the religious Levite
did his beloved concubine, who was abused by the Benjamites;
for having placed the dead on a high scaffold stockaded round,
at the distance of twelve yards from his house opposite to the
door, the whole family convene there at the beginning of the
fourth moon after the interment, to lament and feast together:
after wailing a while on the mourning benches, which stand on
the east side of the quadrangular tomb, they raise and bring out
the corpse, and while the feast is getting ready, a person whose
office it is, and properly called the bone-picker, dissects it, as if
it was intended for the shambles in the time of a great famine,
with his sharp-pointed, bloody knife. He continues busily employed
in his reputed sacred office, till he has finished the task,
and scraped all the flesh off the bones; which may justly be
called the Choktah method of enbalming their dead. Then, they
carefully place the bones in a kind of small chest, in their
natural order, that they may with ease and certainty be some
time afterward reunited, and proceed to strike up a song of
lamentation, with various wailing tunes and notes: afterwards,
they join as cheerfully in the funeral feast, as if their kinsman
was only taking his usual sleep. Having regaled themselves with
a plentiful variety, they go along with those beloved relicks of
their dead, in solemn procession, lamenting with doleful notes,
till they arrive at the bone-house, which stands in a solitary
place, apart from the town: then they proceed around it, much
after the manner of those who performed the obsequies of the
Chikkasah chieftain, already described, and there deposit their
kinsman’s bones to lie along side of his kindred-bones, till in
due time they are revived by Ishtohoollo Aba, that he may repossess
his favourite place.
Those bone-houses are scaffolds raised on durable pitch-pine
forked posts, in the form of a house covered a-top, but open at
both ends. I saw three of them in one of their towns, pretty
near each other—the place seemed to be unfrequented; each
house contained the bones of one tribe, {183} separately, with
the hieoglyphical figures of the family on each of the old-shaped
arks: they reckon it irreligious to mix the bones of a relation
with those of a stranger, as bone of bone, and flesh of the same
193flesh, should be always joined together; and much less will they
thrust the body of their beloved kinsman into the abominable
tomb of a hateful enemy. I observed a ladder fixed in the
ground, opposite to the middle of the broad side of each of those
dormitories of the dead, which was made out of a broad board,
and stood considerably bent over the sacred repository, with the
steps on the inside. On the top was the carved image of a dove,
with its wings stretched out, and its head inclining down, as
if earnestly viewing or watching over the bones of the dead:
and from the top of the ladder to almost the surface of the
earth, there hung a chain of grape-vines twisted together, in
circular links, and the same likewise at their domestic tombs.
Now the dove after the deluge, became the emblem of Rowah,
the holy spirit, and in process of time was deified by the heathen
world, instead of the divine person it typified: the vine was
likewise a symbol of fruitfulness, both in the animal and vegetable
world.
To perpetuate the memory of any remarkable warriors killed
in the woods, I must here observe, that every Indian traveller
as he passes that way throws a stone on the place, according as
he likes or dislikes the occasion, or manner of the death of the
deceased.[80]
In the woods we often see innumerable heaps of small stones
in those places, where according to tradition some of their distinguished
people were either killed, or buried, till the bones
could be gathered: there they add Pelion to Ossa, still increasing
each heap, as a lasting monument, and honour to them, and an
incentive to great actions.
Mercury was a favourite god with the heathens, and had
various employments; one of which was to be god of the roads,
to direct travellers aright—from which the ancient Romans
derived their Dii Compitales, or Dei Viales, which they likewise
placed at the meeting of roads, and in the high ways, and
esteemed them the patrons and protectors of travellers. The
early heathens placed great heaps of stones at the dividing of
194{184} the roads, and consecrated those heaps to him by unction[XLVII],
and other religious ceremonies. And in honour to him, travellers
threw a stone to them, and thus exceedingly increased their bulk:
this might occasion Solomon to compare the giving honour to a
fool, to throwing a stone into a heap, as each were alike insensible
of the obligation; and to cause the Jewish writers to call
this custom a piece of idolatrous worship. But the Indians
place those heaps of stones where there are no dividings of the
roads, nor the least trace of any road[XLVIII]. And they then observe
no kind of religious ceremony, but raise those heaps merely to
do honour to their dead, and incite the living to the pursuit of
virtue. Upon which account, it seems to be derived from the
ancient Jewish custom of increasing Absalom’s tomb; for the
last things are easiest retained, because people repeat them
oftenest, and imitate them most.[81] {185}
XLVII. They rubbed the principal stone of each of those heaps all over with
oil, as a sacrifice of libation; by which means they often became black,
and slippery; as Arnobius relates of the idols of his time; Lubricatum
lapidem, et ex olivi unguine fordidatum, tanquam inesset vis presens,
adulabar. Arnob. Advers. Gent.
XLVIII. Laban and Jacob raised a heap of stones, as a lasting monument of
their friendly covenant. And Jacob called the heap Galeed, “the heap
of witness.” Gen. xxxi. 47.
Though the Cheerake do not now collect the bones of their dead, yet
they continue to raise and multiply heaps of stones, as monuments for
their dead; this the English army remembers well, for in the year 1760,
having marched about two miles along a wood-land path, beyond a hill
where they had seen a couple of these reputed tombs, at the war-woman’s
creek, they received so sharp a defeat by the Cheerake, that another such
must have inevitably ruined the whole army.
Many of those heaps are to be seen, in all parts of the continent of
North-America: where stones could not be had, they raised large hillocks
or mounds of earth, wherein they carefully deposited the bones of their
dead, which were placed either in earthen vessels, or in a simple kind
of arks, or chests. Although the Mohawk Indians may be reasonably
expected to have lost their primitive customs, by reason of their great
intercourse with foreigners, yet I was told by a gentleman of distinguished
character, that they observe the aforesaid sepulchral custom to this day,
insomuch, that when they are performing that kindred-duty, they cry
out, Mahoom Taguyn Kameneh, “Grandfather, I cover you.”
195
The Jewish records tell us, that their women Mourned for
the loss of their deceased husbands, and were reckoned vile, by
the civil law, if they married in the space, at least, of ten months
after their death. In resemblance to that custom, all the Indian
widows, by an established strict penal law, mourn for the loss
of their deceased husbands; and among some tribes for the space
of three or four years. But the East-India Pagans forced the
widow, to sit on a pile of wood, and hold the body of her husband
on her knees, to be consumed together in the flames.
The Muskohge widows are obliged to live a chaste single life,
for the tedious space of four years; and the Chikkasah women,
for the term of three, at the risque of the law of adultery being
executed against the recusants. Every evening, and at the very
dawn of day, for the first year of her widowhood, she is obliged
through the fear of shame to lament her loss, in very intense
audible strains. As Yah ah signifies weeping, lamenting, mourning,
or Ah God; and as the widows, and others, in their grief
bewail and cry Yo He (ta) Wah, Yohetaweh; Yohetaha Yohetahe,
the origin is sufficiently clear. For the Hebrews reckoned
it so great an evil to die unlamented, like Jehoiakim, Jer. xxii.
18. “who had none to say, Ah, my brother! Ah, my sister! Ah,
my Lord! Ah, his glory!” that it is one of the four judgments
they pray against, and it is called the burial of an ass. With
them, burying signified lamenting, and so the Indian widows
direct their mournful cries to the author of life and death, insert
a plural note in the sacred name, and again transpose the latter,
through an invariable religious principle, to prevent a prophanation.
Their law compels the widow, through the long term of her
weeds, to refrain all public company and diversions, at the
penalty of an adulteress; {186} and likewise to go with flowing
hair, without the privilege of oil to anoint it. The nearest kinsmen
of the deceased husband, keep a very watchful eye over
her conduct, in this respect. The place of interment is also
calculated to wake the widow’s grief, for he is intombed in the
house under her bed. And if he was a war-leader, she is obliged
for the first moon, to sit in the day-time under his mourning
196war-pole[XLIX], which is decked with all his martial trophies, and
must be heard to cry with bewailing notes. But none of them
are fond of that month’s supposed religious duty, it chills, or
sweats, and wastes them so exceedingly; for they are allowed no
shade, or shelter. This sharp rigid custom excites the women
to honour the marriage-state, and keeps them obliging to their
husbands, by anticipating the visible sharp difficulties which they
must undergo for so great a loss. The three or four years
monastic life, which she lives after his death, makes it her
interest to strive by every means, to keep in his lamp of life,
be it ever so dull and worthless; if she is able to shed tears on
such an occasion, they often proceed from self-love. We can
generally distinguish between the widow’s natural mourning
voice, and her tuneful laboured strain. She doth not so much
bewail his death, as her own recluse life, and hateful state of
celibacy; which to many of them, is an uneligible, as it was to
the Hebrew ladies, who preferred death before the unmarried
state, and reckoned their virginity a bewailable condition, like
the state of the dead.
XLIX. The war-pole is a small peeled tree painted red, the top and boughs
cut off short: it is fixt in the ground opposite to his door, and all his
implements of war, are hung on the short boughs of it, till they rot.
The Choktah Indians hire mourners to magnify the merit and
loss of their dead, and if their tears cannot be seen to flow, their
shrill voices will be heard to cry, which answers the solemn
chorus a great deal better[L]. However, they are no way churlish
of their tears, for I have seen them, on the occasion, pour them
out, like fountains of water: but after having {187} thus tired
themselves, they might with equal propriety have asked by-standers
in the manner of the native Irish, Ara ci fuar bass—“And
who is dead?”
L. Jer. ix. 17. 19. Thus saith the Lord of hosts: consider ye, and call
for the mourning-women, that they may come; and send for cunning
women, that they may come. For a voice of wailing is heard out of
Zion, how are we spoiled? we are greatly confounded, because we have
forsaken the land, because our dwellings have cast us out.
They formerly dressed their heads with black moss on those
solemn occasions; and the ground adjacent to the place of
interment, they now beat with laurel-brushes, the women having
their hair disheveled: the first of which customs seems to be
197derived from the Hebrew custom of wearing sack-cloth at their
funeral solemnities, and on other occasions, when they afflicted
their souls before God—to which divine writ often alludes, in
describing the blackness of the skies: and the laurel being an
ever-green, is a lively emblem of the eternity of the human soul,
and the pleasant state it enters into after death, according to
antiquity. They beat it on the ground, to express their sharp
pungent grief; and, perhaps, to imitate the Hebrew trumpeters
for the dead, in order to make as striking a sound as they possibly
can on so doleful an occasion.
Though the Hebrews had no positive precept that obliged the
widow to mourn the death of her husband, or to continue her
widowhood, for any time; yet the gravity of their tempers, and
their scrupulous nicety of the law of purity, introduced the
observance of those modest and religious customs, as firmly
under the penalty of shame, as if they bore the sanction of law[LI].
In imitation of them, the Indians have copied so exactly, as to
compel the widow to act the part of the disconsolate dove, for
the irreparable loss of her mate. Very different is the custom of
other nations:—the Africans, when any of their head-men die,
kill all their slaves, their friends that were dearest to them, and
all their wives whom they loved best, that they may accompany
and serve them, in the other world, which is a most diabolical
Ammonitish sacrifice of human blood. The East-India widows
may refuse to be burned on their husbands funeral piles, with
impunity, if they become prostitutes, or public women to sing
and dance at marriages, or on other occasions of rejoicing. How
superior {188} is the virtuous custom of the savage Americans,
concerning female chastity during the time of their widowhood?
LI. Theodosius tells us, Lib. I. Legum de fecundis nuptiis, that women
were infamous by the civil law, who married a second time before a
year, or at least ten months were expired.
The Indian women mourn three moons, for the death of any
female of their own family or tribe. During that time, they are
not to anoint, or tie up their hair; neither is the husband of
the deceased allowed, when the offices of nature do not call him,
to go out of the house, much less to join any company: and in
that time of mourning he often lies among the ashes. The time
being expired, the female mourners meet in the evening of the
beginning of the fourth moon, at the house where their female
198relation is intombed, and stay there till morning, when the nearest
surviving old kinswoman crops their fore-locks pretty short.
This they call Ehó Intànáah, “the women have mourned the appointed
time.” Ehó signifies “a woman,” Inta “finished by
divine appointment,” Aà “moving” or walking, and Ah, “their
note of grief, sorrow, or mourning:” the name expresses, and
the custom is a visible certificate of, their having mourned the
appointed time for their dead. When they have eaten and drank
together, they return home by sun-rise, and thus finish their
solemn Yah-ah.[82]
The surviving brother, by the Mosaic law, was to Raise Seed
to a deceased brother who left a widow childless, to perpetuate
his name and family, and inherit his goods and estate, or be
degraded: and, if the issue he begat was a male child, it assumed
the name of the deceased. The Indian custom[83] looks the very
same way; yet it is in this as in their law of blood—the eldest
brother can redeem.
Although a widow is bound, by a strict penal law, to mourn
the death of her husband for the space of three or four years;
yet, if she be known to lament her loss with a sincere heart,
for the space of a year, and her circumstances of living are so
strait as to need a change of her station—and the elder brother
of her deceased husband lies with her, she is thereby exempted {189}
from the law of mourning, has a liberty to tie up her
hair, anoint and paint herself in the same manner as the Hebrew
widow, who was refused by the surviving brother of her deceased
husband, became free to marry whom she pleased.
The warm-constitutioned young widows keep their eye so intent
on this mild beneficent law, that they frequently treat their
elder brothers-in-law with spirituous liquors till they intoxicate
them, and thereby decoy them to make free, and so put themselves
out of the reach of that mortifying law. If they are
199disappointed, as it sometimes happens, they fall on the men,
calling them Hoobuk Wakse, or Skoobále, Hassé kroopha,
“Eunuchus præputio detecto, et pene brevi;” the most degrading
of epithets. Similar to the Hebrew ladies, who on the brother’s
refusal loosed his shoe from his foot, and spit in his face, (Deut.
xxv. 9.); and as some of the Rabbies tell us they made water in
the shoe, and threw it with despite in his face, and then readily
went to bed to any of his kinsmen, or most distant relations of
the same line that she liked best; as Ruth married Boaz.
Josephus, to palliate the fact, says she only beat him with the
shoe over his face. David probably alludes to this custom, Psal.
lx. 8. “Over Edom I will cast out my shoe,” or detraction.
Either by corruption, or misunderstanding that family-kissing
custom of the Hebrews, the corrupt Cheerake marry both mother
and daughter at once; though, unless in this instance, they and
all the other savage nations observe the degrees of consanguinity
in a stricter manner than the Hebrews, or even the Christian
world. The Cheerake do not marry their first or second
cousins;[84] and it is very observable, that the whole tribe reckon
a friend in the same rank with a brother, both with regard to
marriage, and any other affair in social life. This seems to
evince that they copied from the stable and tender friendship
between Jonathan and David; especially as the Hebrews had
legal, or adopted, as well as natural brothers. {190}
When the Israelites gave names to their children or others,
they chose such appellatives as suited best with their circumstances,
and the times. This custom was as early as the
Patriarchal age; for we find Abram was changed into Abraham;
Sarai into Sarah, Jacob into Israel;—and afterwards Oshea,
Joshua, Solomon, Jedidiah, &c. &c. This custom is a standing
rule with the Indians, and I never observed the least deviation
from it. They give their children names, expressive of their
tempers, outward appearances, and other various circumstances;
a male child, they will call Choola, “the fox;” and a female,
Pakahle, “the blossom, or flower.” The father and mother of
the former are called Choollingge, and Choollishke, “the father
200and mother of the fox;” in like manner, those of the latter,
Pakahlingge, and Pakahlishke; for Ingge signifies the father, and
Ishke the mother. In private life they are so termed till that
child dies; but after that period they are called by the name of
their next surviving child, or if they have none, by their own
name: and it is not known they ever mention the name of the
child that is extinct. They only faintly allude to it, saying, “the
one that is dead,” to prevent new grief, as they had before
mourned the appointed time. They who have no children of their
own, adopt others, and assume their names, in the manner already
mentioned. This was of divine appointment, to comfort the
barren, and was analogous to the kindred method of counting
with the Hebrews: instead of surnames, they used in their
genealogies the name of the father, and prefixed Ben, “a son,”
to the person’s name. And thus the Greeks, in early times. No
nation used surnames, except the Romans after their league and
union with the Sabines. And they did not introduce that custom,
with the least view of distinguishing their families, but as a
politic seal to their strong compact of friendship; for as the
Romans prefixed Sabine names to their own, the Sabines took
Roman names in like manner. A specimen of the Indian war-names,
will illustrate this argument with more clearness. {191}
They crown a warrior, who has killed a distinguished enemy,
with the name, Yanasabe, “the buffalo-killer;” Yanasa is a
buffalo, compounded of Yah, the divine essence, and Asa, “there,
or here is,” as formerly mentioned: and Abe is their constant
war-period, signifying, by their rhetorical figure “one who kills
another.” It signifies also to murder a person, or beat him
severely. This proper name signifies, the prosperous killer, or
destroyer of the buffalo, or strong man—it cannot possibly be
derived from אבה, Abeh, which signifies good-will, brotherly
love, or tender affection; but from אבל, Abele, grief, sorrow, or
mourning, as an effect of that hostile act.
Anoah, with the Indians, is the name of a rambling person, or
one of unsettled residence, and Anoah ookproo, is literally a bad
rambling person, “a renagadoe:” likewise Anoah ookproo’shto
makes it a superlative, on account of the abbreviation of Ishto,
one of the divine names which they subjoin. In like manner,
Noabe is the war-name of a person who kills a rambling enemy,
or one detached as a scout, spy, or the like. It consists of the
patriarchal name, Noah, and Abe, “to kill,” according to the
201Hebrew original, of which it is a contraction, to make it smoother,
and to indulge a rapidity of expression. There is so strong an
agreement between this compounded proper name, and two
ancient Hebrew proper names, that it displays the greatest affinity
between the warfaring red and white Hebrews; especially
as it so clearly alludes to the divine history of the first homicide,
and the words are adapted to their proper significations.
Because the Choktah did not till lately trim their hair, the
other tribes through contempt of their custom, called them Pas’
Pharáàh,“long hair,”[85] and they in return, gave them the contemptuous
name, Skoobálè’shtó, “very naked, or bare heads,”
compounded of Skooba, Ale, and Ishto: the same word, or
Waksishto, with Hasseh prefixed, expresses the penem præputio
detecto; which shews they lately retained a glimmering, though
confused notion of the law of circumcision, and the prohibition
of not polling their hair. They call a crow, Pharah; and Pas’pharáàbe
is the proper name of a warrior, who killed an enemy
wearing long hair. It is a triple compound from Pásèh, “the
hair of one’s head,”head,”Pharaah “long,” and Abe, “killing,” which
they croud together. They likewise say, their tongue is not {192}
Pharakto, “forked,” thereby alluding probably to the formerly-hateful
name of the Egyptian kings, Pharaoh.
When the Indians distinguish themselves in war, their names
are always compounded,—drawn from certain roots suitable to
their intention, and expressive of the characters of the persons,
so that their names joined together, often convey a clear and
distinct idea of several circumstances—as of the time and place,
where the battle was fought, of the number and rank of their
captives, and the slain.[86] The following is a specimen: one
initiating in war-titles, is called Tannip-Abe, “a killer of the
enemy;”—he who kills a person carrying a kettle, is crowned
Soonak-Abe-Tuska; the first word signifies a kettle, and the last
a warrior. Minggáshtàbe signifies “one who killed a very great
chieftain,” compounded of Mingo, Ash, and Abe. Pae-Máshtàbe,
is, one in the way of war-gradation, or below the highest in rank,
Pae signifying “far off.” Tisshu Mashtabe is the name of a
202warrior who kills the war-chieftain’s waiter carrying the beloved
ark. Shulashum-mashtabe, the name of the late Choktah great
war-leader, our firm friend Red-shoes, is compounded of Shulass’,
“Maccaseenes,” or deer skin-shoes, Humma, “red,” Ash, “the
divine fire;” T is inserted for the sake of a bold sound, or to
express the multiplicity of the exploits he performed, in killing
the enemy. In treating of their language, I observed, they end
their proper names with a vowel, and contract their war-titles, to
give more smoothness, and a rapidity of expression. Etehk is
the general name they give to any female creature, but by adding
their constant war-period to it, it signifies “weary;” as
Chetehkabe, “you are weary:” to make it a superlative, they say
Chetehkabe-O: or Chetehkabeshto.
The Cheerake call a dull stalking fellow, Sooreh, “the turkey-buzzard,”
and one of an ill temper, Kana Cheesteche, “the wasp,”
or a person resembling the dangerous Canaan rabbit, being
compounded of the abbreviated name of Canaan, and Cheesto
“a rabbit,” which the Israelites were not to meddle with. One
of our chief traders, who was very loquacious, they called
Sekakee, “the grass-hopper,” derived from Sekako, “to make
haste.” To one of a hoarse voice, they gave the name, Kanoona,
“the bull-frog.” {193}
The Katahba Indians call their chief old interpreter, on account
of his obscene language, Emate-Atikke, “the smock-interpreter.”
The “raven,” is one of the Cheerake favourite
war-names. Carolina and Georgia remember Quorinnah, “the
raven,” of Huwhase-town; he was one of the most daring warriors
of the whole nation, and by far the most intelligent, and
this name, or war-appellative, admirably suited his well-known
character. Though with all the Indian nations, the raven is
deemed an impure bird, yet they have a kind of sacred regard
to it, whether from the traditional knowledge of Noah’s employing
it while he was in the ark, or from that bird having fed
Elijah in the wilderness (as some suppose) cannot be determined;
however with our supposed red Hebrews the name points
out an indefatigable, keen, successful warrior.
Although other resemblances of the Indian rites and customs
to those of the Hebrews, might be pointed out; not to seem
203tedious, I proceed to the last argument of the origin of the Indian
Americans, which shall be from their own traditions,—from
the accounts of our English writers—and from the testimonies
which the Spanish writers have given, concerning the primitive
inhabitants of Peru and Mexico.
The Indian tradition says, that their forefathers in very remote
ages came from a far distant country, where all the people were
of one colour; and that in process of time they moved eastward,
to their present settlements. So that, what some of our writers
have asserted is not just, who say the Indians affirm, that there
were originally three different tribes in those countries, when
the supreme chieftain to encourage swift running, proposed a
proportionable reward of distinction to each, as they excelled in
speed in passing a certain distant river; as, that the first should
be polished white—the second red—and the third black; which
took place accordingly after the race was over. This story
sprung from the innovating superstitious {194} ignorance of
the popish priests, to the south-west of us. Our own Indian
tradition is literal, and not allegorical, and ought to be received;
because people who have been long separated from the rest of
mankind, must know their own traditions the best, and could
not be deceived in so material, and frequently repeated an
event.[87] Though they have been disjoined through different
interests, time immemorial; yet, (the rambling tribes of northern
Indians excepted) they aver that they came over the Missisippi
from the westward, before they arrived at their present settlements.
This we see verified by the western old towns they have
left behind them; and by the situation of their old beloved
204towns, or places of refuge, lying about a west course from each
different nation. Such places in Judea were chiefly built in the
most remote parts of the country; and the Indians deem those
only as beloved towns, where they first settled.
This tradition is corroborated by a current report of the old
Chikkasah Indians to our traders, “that about forty years since,
there came from Mexico some of the old Chikkasah nation, (the
Chichemicas, according to the Spanish accounts) in quest of their
brethren, as far north as the Aquahpah nation, about 130 miles
above the Nachee old towns, on the south side of the Missisippi;
but through French policy, they were either killed, or sent back,
so as to prevent their opening a brotherly intercourse, as they
had proposed.” And it is worthy of notice, that the Muskohgeh
cave, out of which one of their politicians persuaded them their
ancestors formerly ascended to their present terrestrial abode, lies
in the Nanne Hamgeh old town,[88] inhabited by the Missisippi-Nachee
Indians, which is one of the most western parts of their
old-inhabited country.
I hope I shall be excused in reciting their ancient oral tradition,
from father to son to the present time. They say, that one
of their cunning old religious men finding that religion did not
always thrive best, resolved with himself to impose on his friends
credulity, and alter in some respects their old tradition; he accordingly
pretended to have held for a long time a continual
intercourse with their subterranean progenitors in a cave, above
600 miles to the westward of Charles-town in South-Carolina,
adjoining to the old Chikkasah trading path; this people were
then possest of every thing convenient for human life, and he
promised them fully to supply their wants, {195} in a constant
manner, without sweating in the field; the most troublesome of
all things to manly brisk warriors. He insisted, that all who
were desirous of so natural and beneficial a correspondence,
should contribute large presents, to be delivered on the embassy,
to their brethren—terræ filii,—to clear the old chain of friendship
from the rust it had contracted, through the fault of cankering
time. He accordingly received presents from most of the
people, to deliver them to their beloved subterranean kindred:
but it seems, they shut up the mouth of the cave, and detained
him there in order to be purified.
205The old waste towns of the Chikkasah lie to the west and
south-west, from where they have lived since the time we first
opened a trade with them; on which course they formerly went
to war over the Missisippi, because they knew it best, and had
disputes with the natives of those parts, when they first came
from thence. Wisdom directed them then to connive at some
injuries on account of their itinerant camp of women and children;
for their tradition says, it consisted of ten thousand men,
besides women and children, when they came from the west, and
passed over the Missisippi. The fine breed of running wood
horses they brought with them, were the present Mexican or
Spanish barbs. They also aver, that their ancestors cut off, and
despoiled the greatest part of a caravan, loaded with gold and
silver; but the carriage of it proved so troublesome to them,
that they threw it into a river where it could not benefit the
enemy.
If we join together these circumstances, it utterly destroys the
fine Peruvian and Mexican temples of the sun, &c.—which the
Spaniards have lavishly painted from their own fruitful imaginations,
to shew their own capacity of writing, though at the
expence of truth; and to amuse the gazing distant world, and
lessen our surprise at the sea of reputed heathenish blood, which
their avaricious tempers, and flaming superstitious zeal, prompted
them to spill.
If any English reader have patience to search the extraordinary
volumes of the Spanish writers, or even those of his catholic
majesty’s chief historiographer, he will not only find a wild
portrait, but a striking resemblance and unity of the civil and
martial customs, the religious rites, and traditions, of the {196}
ancient Peruvians and Mexicans, and the North-Americans, according
to the manner of their moresque paintings: likewise, the
very national name of the primitive Chikkasah, which they stile
Chichemicas, and whom they repute to have been the first inhabitants
of Mexico. However, I lay little stress upon Spanish
testimonies, for time and ocular proof have convinced us of the
laboured falshood of almost all their historical narrations concerning
every curious thing relative to South America. They,
were so divested of those principles inherent to honest enquirers
after truth, that they have recorded themselves to be a tribe of
prejudiced bigots, striving to aggrandise the Mahometan valour
of about nine hundred spurious catholic christians, under the
206patronage of their favourite saint, as persons by whom heaven
designed to extirpate those two great nominal empires of pretended
cannibals. They found it convenient to blacken the
natives with ill names, and report them to their demi-god the
mufti of Rome, as sacrificing every day, a prodigious multitude
of human victims to numerous idol-gods.
The learned world is already fully acquainted with the falsehood
of their histories; reason and later discoveries condemn
them. Many years have elapsed, since I first entered into Indian
life, besides a good acquaintance with several southern Indians,
who were conversant with the Mexican Indian rites and customs;
and it is incontrovertible, that the Spanish monks and
jesuits in describing the language, religion, and customs, of the
ancient Peruvians and Mexicans, were both unwilling, and incapable
to perform so arduous an undertaking, with justice and
truth. They did not converse with the natives as friends, but
despised, hated, and murdered them, for the sake of their gold
and silver: and to excuse their own ignorance, and most shocking,
cool, premeditated murders, they artfully described them as
an abominable swarm of idolatrous cannibals offering human
sacrifices to their various false deities, and eating of the unnatural
victims. Nevertheless, from their own partial accounts,
we can trace a near agreement between the civil and martial
customs, the religious worship, traditions, dress, ornaments, and
other particulars of the ancient Peruvians and Mexicans, and
those of the present North American Indians.[89] {197}
Acosta tells us, that though the Mexicans have no proper
name for God, yet they allow a supreme omnipotence and providence:
his capacity was not sufficient to discover the former;
however, the latter agrees with the present religious opinion of
the English-American Indians, of an universal divine wisdom
and government. The want of a friendly intercourse between
our northern and southern Indians, has in length of time occasioned
some of the former a little to corrupt, or alter the name
of the self-existent creator and preserver of the universe, as they
207repeat it in their religious invocations, YO He a Ah.[90] But with
what show of truth, consistent with the above concession, can
Acosta describe the Mexicans as offering human sacrifices also to
devils, and greedily feasting on the victims!
We are told also that the Nauatalcas believe, they dwelt in
another region before they settled in Mexico; that they wandered
eighty years in search of it, through a strict obedience to
their gods, who ordered them to go in quest of new lands, that
had such particular signs;—that they punctually obeyed the divine
mandate, and by that means found out, and settled the
fertile country of Mexico. This account corresponds with the
Chikkasah tradition of settling in their present supposed holy
land, and seems to have been derived from a compound tradition
of Aaron’s rod, and the light or divine presence with the
Israelites in the wilderness, when they marched. And probably
the Mexican number of years, was originally forty, instead of
eighty.
Lopez de Gomara tells us, that the Mexicans were so devout,
as to offer to the sun and earth, a small quantity of every kind
of meat and drink, before any of themselves tasted it; and
that they sacrificed part of their corn, fruits, &c. in like manner;
otherwise, they were deemed haters of, and contemned by their
gods. Is not this a confused Spanish picture of the Jewish daily
sacrifice, and first-fruit-offering, as formerly observed? and which,
as we have seen, are now offered up by the northern Indians, to
the bountiful giver, the supreme holy spirit of fire, whom they
invoke in that most sacred and awful song, YO He Wah, and
loudly ascribe to him Hallelu-Yah, for his continued goodness
to them.
The Spanish writers say, that when Cortes approached Mexico,
208Montezuma shut himself up, and continued for the space of
eight days in {198} prayers and fasting: but to blacken him,
and excuse their own diabolical butcheries, they assert he offered
human sacrifices at the same time to abominable and frightful
idols. But the sacrifices with more justice may be attributed
to the Spaniards than to the Mexicans—as their narratives also
are a sacrifice of truth itself. Montezuma and his people’s
fastings, prayers, &c. were doubtless the same with those of the
northern Indians, who on particular occasions, by separate fastings,
ablutions, purgations, &c. seek to sanctify themselves, and
so avert the ill effects of the divine anger, and regain the favour
of the deity.
They write, that the Mexicans offered to one of their gods,
a sacrifice compounded of some of all the seeds of their country,
grinded fine, and mixed with the blood of children, and of sacrificed
virgins; that they plucked out the hearts of those victims,
and offered them as first-fruits to the idol; and that the warriors
imagined, the least relic of the sacrifice would preserve them
from danger. They soon afterwards tell us of a temple of a
quadrangular form, called Teucalli, “God’s house,” and Chacalmua,
“a minister of holy things,” who belonged to it. They
likewise speak of “the hearth of God,—the continual fire of God,—the
holy ark,” &c. If we cut off the jesuitical paintings of the
unnatural sacrifice, the rest is consonant to what hath been observed,
concerning the North American Indians. And it is very
obvious, the North and South American Indians are alike of
vindictive tempers, putting most of their invading enemies that
fall into their power to the fiery torture. The Spaniards looking
upon themselves as divine embassadors, under the imperial signature
of the Holy Lord of Rome, were excessively enraged
against the simple native South-Americans, because they tortured
forty of their captivated people by reprisal, devoting them to
the fire, and ate their hearts, according to the universal war-custom
of our northern Indians, on the like occasion. The
Spanish terror and hatred on this account, their pride, religious,
bigotry, and an utter ignorance of the Indian dialects, rites, and
customs, excited them thus to delineate the Mexicans;—and
equally hard names, and unjust charges, the bloody members of
their diabolical inquisition used to bestow on those pretended
heretics, whom they gave over to be tortured and burnt by the
secular power. But it is worthy of notice, the Spanish writers
209acknowledge that the Mexicans brought their human sacrifices
from the opposite sea; and did not offer up any of their own
people: so that this was but the same {199} as our North-American
Indians still practice, when they devote their captives
to death; which is ushered in with ablutions, and other methods
of sanctifying themselves, as have been particularly described;
and they perform the solemnity with singing the sacred triumphal
song, with beating of the drum, dances, and various sorts
of rejoicings, through gratitude to the beneficent and divine
author of success against their common enemy. By the description
of the Portuguese writers, the Indian-Brasilian method of
war, and of torturing their devoted captives, very nearly resembles
the customs of our Indians.
Acosta, according to his usual ignorance of the Indian customs,
says, that some in Mexico understood one another by whistling,
on which he attempts to be witty—but notwithstanding the great
contempt and surprise of the Spaniards at those Indians who
whistled as they went; this whistle was no other than the war-whoop,
or a very loud and shrill shout, denoting death, or good
or bad news, or bringing in captives from war. The same writer
says they had three kinds of knighthood, with which they honoured
the best soldiers; the chief of which was the red ribbon;
the next the lion, or tyger-knight; and the meanest was the grey
knight. He might with as much truth, have added the turky-buzzard
knight, the sun-blind bat knight, and the night-owl
knight. His account of the various gradations of the Indian war-titles,
shews the unskilfulness of that voluminous writer, even
in the first principles of his Indian subject, and how far we
ought to rely on his marvellous works.
The accounts the Spaniards formerly gave us of Florida and
its inhabitants, are written in the same romantic strain with
those of Mexico. Ramusius tells us, that Alvaro Nunes and
his company reported the Apalahchee Indians to be such a
gigantic people, as to carry bows, thick as a man’s arm, and of
eleven or twelve spans long, shooting with proportional force
and direction. It seems they lived then a sober and temperate
life, for Morgues says, one of their kings was three hundred years
old; though Laudon reckons him only two hundred and fifty:
and Morgues assures us, he saw this young Indian Methusalah’s
father, who was fifty years older than his son, and that each of
them was likely by the common course of nature to live thirty
210or forty years longer, although they had seen their fifth generation.
Since that time they have so exceedingly degenerated, in
height of body, largeness of {200} defensive arms, and ante-deluvian
longevity, that I am afraid, these early and extraordinary
writers would scarcely know the descendants of those
Apalahche Anakim, if they now saw them. They are at present
the same as their dwarfish red neighbours; sic transit gloria
mundi.
Nicholaus Challusius paints Florida full of winged serpents;
he affirms he saw one there, and that the old natives were very
careful to get its head, on account of some supposed superstition.
Ferdinando Soto tells us, that when he entered Florida,
he found a Spaniard, (J. Ortez) whom the natives had captivated
during the space of twelve years, consequently he must
have gained in that time, sufficient skill in their dialect to give
a true interpretation and account—and he assures us, that Ucita,
the Lord of the place, made that fellow, “Temple-keeper,” to
prevent the night-wolves from carrying away the dead corpse;
that the natives worshipped the devil, and sacrificed to him the
life and blood of most of their captives;—who spoke with them
face to face, and ordered them to bring those offerings to quench
his burning thirst. And we are told by Benzo,[91] that when Soto
died, the good-natured Cacique ordered two likely young Indians
to be killed according to custom, to wait on him where he
was gone.—But the Christian Spaniards denied his death, and
assured them he was the son of God, and therefore could not
die. If we except the last sentence, which bears a just analogy
to the presumption and arrogance of the popish priests and historians,
time and opportunity have fully convinced us, that all
the rest is calumny and falshood. It must be confessed however,
that none, even of the Spanish monks and friars, have
gone so deep in the marvellous, as our own sagacious David
Ingram—he assures us, “that he not only heard of very surprising
animals in these parts of the world, but saw elephants, horses,
and strange wild animals twice as big as our species of horses,
formed like a grey-hound in their hinder parts; he saw likewise
bulls with ears like hounds; and another surprising species of
quadrupeds bigger than bears, without head or neck, but nature
211had fixed their eyes and mouths more securely in their breasts.”
At the end of his monstrous ideal productions, he justly introduces
the devil in the rear, sometimes assuming the likeness of
a dog; at other times the shape of a calf, &c. Although this
legendary writer has transcended the bounds of truth, yet where
he is not emulous of outdoing the jesuitical romances, it would
require a good knowledge of America to confute him in many
particulars: {201} this shews how little the learned world can
rely on American narrators; and that the origin of the Indian
Americans, is yet to be traced in a quite different path to what
any of those hyperbolical, or wild conjectural writers have prescribed.
The Spaniards have given us many fine polished Indian orations,
but they were certainly fabricated at Madrid; the Indians
have no such ideas, or methods of speech, as they pretend to
have copied from a faithful interpretation on the spot: however,
they have religiously supported those monkish dreams, and which
are the chief basis of their Mexican and Peruvian treaties.
According to them, the Mexican arms was an eagle on a
tunal or stone, with a bird in his talons,—which may look at
the armorial ensign of Dan. And they say, the Mexicans worshipped
Vitzliputzli, who promised them a land exceedingly
plenty in riches, and all other good things; on which account
they set off in quest of the divine promise, four of their priests
carrying their idol in a coffer of reeds, to whom he communicated
his oracles, giving them laws at the same time—teaching them
the ceremonies and sacrifices they should observe; and directed
them when to march, and when to stay in camp, &c. So much
might have been collected from them by signs, and other expressive
indications; for we are well assured, that the remote
uncorrupted part of the Mexicans still retain the same notions
as our northern Indians, with regard to their arriving at, and
settling in their respective countries, living under a theocratic
government, and having the divine war-ark, as a most sacred
seal of success to the beloved people, against their treacherous
enemies, if they strictly observe the law of purity, while they
accompany it. This alone, without any reflection on the rest, is
a good glass to shew us, that the South and North American
Indians are twin-born brothers; though the Spanish clergy, by,
their dark but fruitful inventions, have set them at a prodigious
variance.
212Acosta tells us, that the Peruvians held a very extraordinary
feast called Ytu,—which they prepared themselves for, by fasting
two days, not accompanying with their wives, nor eating
salt-meat or garlic, nor drinking Chica during that period—that
they assembled all together in one place, and did not allow any
stranger or beast to approach them; that they had clothes and {202}
ornaments which they wore, only at that great festival;
that they went silently and sedately in procession, with their
heads veil’d, and drums beating—and thus continued one day
and night; but the next day they danced and feasted; and for
two days successively, their prayers and praises were heard. This
is another strong picture of the rites of the Indian North-Americans,
during the time of their great festival, to atone for
sin; and with a little amendment, would exhibit a surprising
analogy of sundry essential rites and customs of the Northern
and South American Indians, which equally glance at the Mosaic
system.
Lerius tells us, that he was present at the triennial feast of
the Caribbians, where a multitude of men, women, and children,
were assembled; that they soon divided themselves into three
orders, apart from each other, the women and children being
strictly ordered to stay within, and to attend diligently to the
singing: that the men sung in one house, He, He, He, while the
others in their separate houses, answered by a repetition of
the same notes: that having thus continued a quarter of an hour,
they all danced in three different rings, each with rattles, &c.
And the natives of Sir Francis Drake’s New Albion, were desirous
of crowning him Hio, or Ohio, a name well known in
North America, and hath an evident relation to the great beloved
name. Had the former been endued with a proper capacity,
and given a suitable attention to the Indian general law
of purity, he would probably have described them singing Yo
He Wah, Hallelu-Yah, &c. after the present manner of our
North American red natives; and as giving proper names to
persons and things from a religious principle, to express the relation
they bore to the sacred four-lettered name.
These writers report also, that the Mexicans sacrificed to the
idol Haloc, “their God of water,” to give them seasonable rains
for their crops: and they tell us, that the high-priest was anointed
with holy oil, and dressed with pontifical ornaments, peculiar
to himself, when he officiated in his sacred function; that he
213was sworn to maintain their religion, rights, and liberties, according
to their ancient law; and to cause the sun to shine, and
all their vegetables to be properly refreshed with gentle showers.
If we throw down the “monkish idol god of water,” we here find
a strong parity of religious customs and ceremonies, between the
pretended prophets, and high-priests of the present northern
Indians, and the ancient Mexicans. {203}
Acosta tells us, that the Peruvians acknowledged a supreme
God, and author of all things, whom they called Viracocha, and
worshipped as the chief of all the gods, and honoured when they
looked at the heavens or any of the celestial orbs; that for want
of a proper name for that divine spirit of the universe, they,
after the Mexican manner,[92] described him by his attributes,—as
Pachacamac, “the Creator of heaven and earth.” But, though
he hath described them possessed of these strong ideas of God,
and to have dedicated a sacred house to the great first cause,
bearing his divine prolific name; yet the Spanish priesthood
have at the same time, painted them as worshipping the devil
in the very same temple. Here and there a truth may be found
in their writings, but if we except the well-designed performance
of Don Antonio de Ulloa, one duodecimo volume would have
contained all the accounts of any curious importance, which
the Spaniards have exhibited to the learned world, concerning
the genuine rites and customs, of the ancient Peruvians and
Mexicans, ever since the seisure of those countries, and the
horrid murders committed on the inhabitants.
But among all the Spanish friars, Hieronimo Roman was the
greatest champion in hyperbolical writing. He has produced
three volumes concerning the Indian American rites and ceremonies;—he
stretches very far in his second part of the commonwealths
of the world; but when he gets to Peru and Mexico,
the distance of those remote regions enables him to exceed himself:
beyond all dispute, the other writers of his black fraternity,
are only younger brethren, when compared to him in the marvellous.
His, is the chief of all the Spanish romances of Peru
and Mexico.[93]
214He says, the Indian natives, from Florida to Panama, had little
religion or policy; and yet he affirms a few pages after, that they
believed in one true, immortal and invisible God, reigning in
heaven, called Yocahuuagnamaorocoti; and is so kind as to
allow them images, priests, and popes, their high-priest being
called papa in that language. The origin of images among them,
is accounted for in a dialogue he gives us, between a shaking
tree and one of the Indian priests: after a great deal of discourse,
the tree ordered the priest to cut it down, and taught him
how to make images thereof, and erect a temple. The tree was
obeyed, and every year their votaries solemnized the dedication.
The good man has {204} laboured very hard for the images, and
ought to have suitable applause for so useful an invention; as
it shews the universal opinion of mankind, concerning idols and
images. With regard to that long conjectural divine name, by
which they expressed the one true God, there is not the least
room to doubt, that the South-Americans had the divine name,
Yohewah, in as great purity as those of the north, especially, as
they were at the fountain head; adding to it occasionally some
other strong compound words.
He says also, that the metropolis of Cholola had as many
temples as there were days in the year; and that one of them
was the most famous in the world, the basis of the spire being as
broad as a man could shoot with a cross bow, and the spire
itself three miles high. The temples which the holy man speaks
of, seem to have been only the dwelling-houses of strangers, who
incorporated with the natives, differing a little in their form of
structure, according to the usual custom of our northern Indians:
and his religious principles not allowing him to go near the
reputed shambles of the devil, much less to enter the supposed
territories of hell, he has done pretty well by them, in allowing
them golden suns and moons—vestry keepers, &c. The badness
of his optic instruments, if joined with the supposed dimness of
his sight, may plead in excuse for the spiral altitude, which he
fixes at 15,480 feet; for from what we know of the northern
Indians, we ought to strike off the three first figures of its height,
and the remaining 40 is very likely to have been the just height
of the spire, alias the red-painted, great, war-pole.
215The same writer tells us, that the Peruvian pontifical office
belonged to the eldest son of the king, or some chief lord of the
country: and that it devolved by succession. But he anoints
him after a very solemn manner, with an ointment which he
carefully mixes with the blood of circumcised infants. This priest
of war dealing so much in blood himself, without doubt, suspected
them of the like; though at the same time no Indian priest will
either shed, or touch human blood: but that they formerly circumcised,
may with great probability be allowed to the holy man.
The temples of Peru were built on high grounds, or tops of
hills, he says, and were surrounded with four circular mounds
of earth, the one rising {205} gradually above the other, from
the outermost circle; and that the temple stood in the center
of the inclosed ground, built in a quadrangular form, having
altars, &c. He has officiously obtruded the sun into it; perhaps,
because he thought it dark within. He describes another religious
house, on the eastern part of that great inclosure, facing the
rising sun, to which they ascended by six steps, where, in the
hollow of a thick wall, lay the image of the sun, &c. This thick
wall having an hollow part within it, was no other than their
sanctum sanctorum, conformably to what I observed, concerning
the pretended holiest place of the Muskohge Indians. Any one
who is well acquainted with the language, rites, and customs of
the North-American Indians, can see with a glance when these
monkish writers stumble on a truth, or ramble at large.
Acosta says, that the Mexicans observed their chief feast in
the month of May, and that the nuns two days before mixed a
sufficient quantity of beets with honey, and made an image of it.
He trims up the idol very genteelly, and places it on an azure-coloured
chair, every way becoming the scarlet-coloured pope.
He soon after introduces flutes, drums, cornets, and trumpets,
to celebrate the feast of Eupania Vitzliputzli, as he thinks proper
to term it: on account of the nuns, he gives them Pania, “feminine
bread,” instead of the masculine Panis; which he makes his
nuns to distribute at this love-feast, to the young men, in large
pieces resembling great bones. When they receive them, they
religiously lay them down at the feast of the idol, and call them
the flesh and bones of the God Vitzliputzli.
Then he brings in the priests vailed, with garlands on their
heads, and chains of flowers about their necks, each of them
strictly observing their place: if the inquisitive reader should
216desire to know how he discovered those garlands and flowery
chains; (especially as their heads were covered, and they are
secret in their religious ceremonies) I must inform him, that
Acosta wrought a kind of cotton, or woollen cloth for them, much
finer than silk, through which he might have easily seen them—besides,
such a religious dress gave him a better opportunity of
hanging a cross, and a string of beads afterwards round their
necks. {206}
Next to those religious men, he ushers in a fine company of
gods and goddesses, in imagery, dressed like the others, the people
paying them divine worship; this without doubt, is intended
to support the popish saint-worship. Then he makes them sing,
and dance round the paste, and use several other ceremonies.
And when the eyes are tired with viewing those wild circlings,
he solemnly blesses, and consecrates those morsels of paste, and
thus makes them the real flesh and bones of the idol, which the
people honour as gods. When he has ended his feast of transubstantiation,
he sets his sacrificers to work, and orders them to kill
and sacrifice more men than at any other festival,—as he thinks
proper to make this a greater carnival than any of the rest.
When he comes to finish his bloody sacrifices, he orders the
young men and women into two rows, directly facing each other,
to dance and sing by the drum, in praise of the feast and the god;
and he sets the oldest and the greatest men to answer the song,
and dance around them, in a great circle. This with a little
alteration, resembles the custom of the northern Indians. He
says, that all the inhabitants of the city and country came to
this great feast,—that it was deemed sacrilegious in any person
to eat of the honeyed paste, on this great festival-day, or to drink
water, till the afternoon; and that they earnestly advised those,
who had the use of reason, to abstain from water till the afternoon,
and carefully concealed it from the children during the
time of this ceremony. But, at the end of the feast, he makes
the priests and ancients of the temple to break the image of paste
and consecrated rolls, into many pieces, and give them to the
people by the way of sacrament, according to the strictest rules
of order, from the greatest and eldest, to the youngest and least,
men, women and children: and he says, they received it with
bitter tears, great reverence, and a very awful fear, with other
strong signs of devotion, saying at the same time,—“they did
217not[94] eat the flesh and bones of their God.” He adds, that they
who had sick people at home, demanded a piece of the said
paste, and carried and gave it to them, with the most profound
reverence and awful adoration; that all who partook of this
propitiating sacrifice, were obliged to give a part of the feed of
Maiz, of which the idol was made; and then at the end of the
solemnity, a priest of high authority preached to {207} the people
on their laws and ceremonies, with a commanding voice, and
expressive gestures; and thus dismissed the assembly.
Well may Acosta blame the devil in the manner he does, for
introducing among the Mexicans, so near a resemblance of
the popish superstitions and idolatry. But whether shall we
blame or pity this writer, for obscuring the truth with a confused
heap of falshoods? The above is however a curious Spanish
picture of the Mexican passover, or annual expiation of sins,
and of their second passover in favour of their sick people,—and
of paying their tythes,—according to similar customs of our
North-American Indians. We are now sufficiently informed of
the rites and customs of the remote, and uncorrupt South-Americans,
by the Missisippi Indians, who have a communication with
them, both in peace and war.
Ribault Laudon describing the yearly festival of the Floridans,
says, that the day before it began, the women sweeped out a
great circuit of ground, where it was observed with solemnity;—that
when the main body of the people entered the holy ground,
they all placed themselves in good order, stood up painted, and
decked in their best apparel, when three Iawas, or priests, with
different paintings and gestures followed them, playing on musical
instruments, and singing with a solemn voice—the others
answering them: that when they made three circles in this manner,
the men ran off to the woods, and the women staid weeping
behind, cutting their arms with muscle-shells, and throwing the
blood towards the sun; and that when the men returned, the
three days feast was finished. This is another confused Spanish
draught of the Floridan passover, or feast of love; and of their
universal method of bleeding themselves after much exercise,
which according to the Spanish plan, they offered up to the sun.
218From these different writers, it is plain that where the Indians
have not been corrupted by foreigners, their customs and religious
worship are nearly alike; and also that every different
tribe, or nation of Indians, uses such-like divine proper name,
and awful sounds, as Yah-Wah, Hetovah, &c. being transpositions
of the divine essential name, as our northern Indians often repeat
in their religious dances. As the sound of Yah-wah jarred
in Laudon’s ear, he called it Java, in resemblance to the Syriac
and Greek method of expressing the tetra-grammaton, from
which Galatinus imposed it upon us, calling it Jehowah, instead
of Yohewah. {208}
The Spanish writers tell us, that the Mexicans had a feast, and
month, which they called Hueitozolti, when the maiz was ripe;
every man at that time bringing an handful to be offered at the
temple, with a kind of drink, called Utuli, made out of the same
grain.—But they soon deck up an idol with roses, garlands, and
flowers, and describe them as offering to it sweet gums, &c. Then
they speedily dress a woman with the apparel of either the god,
or goddess, of salt, which must be to season the human sacrifices,
as they depicture them according to their own dispositions. But
they soon change the scene, and bring in the god of gain, in a
rich temple dedicated to him, where the merchants apart sacrifice
vast numbers of purchased captives. It often chagrines an
inquisitive and impartial reader to trace the contradictions, and
chimerical inventions, of those aspiring bigoted writers; who
speak of what they did not understand, only by signs, and a few
chance words. The discerning reader can easily perceive them
from what hath been already said, and must know that this
Spanish mountain in labour, is only the Indian first fruit-offering,
according to the usage of our North-American Indians.
It is to be lamented that writers will not keep to matters of
fact: Some of our own historians have described the Mohawks
as cannibals, and continually hunting after man’s flesh; with
equal truth Diodorus Siculus, Strabo, and others report, that
in Britain there were formerly Anthropophagi, “man-eaters.”
Garcillasso de La Vega, another Spanish romancer, says, that
the Peruvian shepherds worshipped the star called Lyra, as they
imagined it preserved their flocks: but he ought first to have
supplied them with flocks, for they had none except a kind of
219wild sheep,[95] that kept in the mountains, and which are of so
fætid a smell, that no creature is fond to approach them.
The same aspiring fictitious writer tells us, the Peruvians worshipped
the Creator of the world, whom he is pleased to call
Viracocha Pachuyacha ha hic: any person who is in the least acquainted
with the rapid flowing manner of the Indian American
dialects, will conclude from the wild termination that the former
is not the Peruvian divine name. Next to this great Creator of the
universe, he affirms, they worshipped the sun; and {209}
next to the solar orb, they deified and worshipped thunder, believing
it proceeded from a man in heaven, who had power over
the rain, hail, and thunder, and every thing in the ærial regions;
and that they offered up sacrifices to it, but none to the universal
Creator. To prefer the effect to the acknowledged prime cause,
is contrary to the common reason of mankind, who adore that
object which they esteem either the most beneficent, or the most
powerful.
Monsieur Le Page Du Pratz tells us, he lived seven years,
among the Nachee Indians, about one hundred leagues up the
Missisippi from New-Orleans; and in order to emulate the Spanish
romances of the Indians, in his performance, he affirms their
women are double-breasted, which he particularly describes: and
then following the Spanish copy, he assures us, the highest rank
of their nobles is called suns, and that they only attend the sacred
and eternal fire; which he doubtless mentioned, merely to introduce
his convex lens, by which he tells us with a great air of
confidence, he gained much esteem among them, as by the gift
of it, he enabled them to continue their holy fire, if it should
casually be near extinguished. According to him, the Chikkasah
tongue was the court language of the Missisippi Indians, and
that it had not the letter R.—The very reverse of which is the
truth; for the French and all their red savages were at constant
war with them, because of their firm connection with the English,
and hated their national name; and as to the language,
they could not converse with them, as their dialects are so different
from each other. I recited a long string of his well-known
stories to a body of gentlemen, well skilled in the languages,
rites, and customs of our East and West-Florida Indians, and
220they agreed that the Koran did not differ more widely from the
divine oracles, than the accounts of this writer from the genuine
customs of the Indian Americans.
The Spanish artists have furnished the savage war-chieftain,
or their Emperor Montezuma, with very spacious and beautiful
palaces, one of which they raised on pillars of fine jasper; and
another wrought with exquisite skill out of marble, jasper, and
other valuable stones, with veins glistening like rubies,—they
have finished the roof with equal skill, composed of carved and
painted cypress, cedar, and pine-trees, without any kind of nails.
They should have furnished some of the chambers with suitable
pavilions {210} and beds of state; but the bedding and furniture
in our northern Indian huts, is the same with what they were
pleased to describe, in the wonderful Mexican palaces. In this
they have not done justice to the grand red monarch, whom they
raised up, (with his 1000 women, or 3000 according to some,)
only to magnify the Spanish power by overthrowing him.
Montezuma in an oration to his people, at the arrival of the
Spaniards, is said by Malvendar, to have persuaded his people
to yield to the power of his Catholic Majesty’s arms, for their
own fore-fathers were strangers in that land, and brought there
long before that period in a fleet. The emperor, who they pretend
bore such universal arbitrary sway, is raised by their pens,
from the usual rank of a war chieftain, to his imperial greatness:
But despotic power is death to their ears, as it is destructive of
their darling liberty, and reputed theocratic government; they
have no name for a subject, but say, “the people.” In order to
carry on the self-flattering war-romance, they began the epocha
of that great fictitious empire, in the time of the ambitious and
formidable Montezuma, that their handful of heaven-favoured
popish saints might have the more honour in destroying it: had
they described it of a long continuance, they foresaw that the
world would detect the fallacy, as soon as they learned the language
of the pretended empire; correspondent to which, our own
great Emperor Powhatan of Virginia, was soon dethroned. We
are sufficiently informed by the rambling Missisippi Indians, that
Motehshuma is a common high war-name of the South-American
leaders; and which the fate he is said to receive, strongly corroborates.
Our Indians urge with a great deal of vehemence,
that as every one is promoted only by public virtue, and has his
equals in civil and martial affairs, those Spanish books that have
221mentioned red emperors, and great empires in America, ought
to be burnt in some of the remaining old years accursed fire.
And this Indian fixed opinion seems to be sufficiently confirmed
by the situation of Mexico, as it is only about 315 miles from
south to north; and narrower than 200 miles along the northern
coast—and lies between Tlascala and Mechoacan, to the west
of the former, and east of the latter, whence the Mexicans were
continually harassed by those lurking swift-footed savages, who
could secure their retreat home, in the space of two or three
days. When we consider the vicinity of those two inimical
states to the pretended puissant empire of Mexico, which might
have easily crushed them to pieces, with her formidable {211}
armies, in order to secure the lives of the subjects, and credit
of the state, we may safely venture to affirm, from the long train
of circumstances already exhibited, that the Spanish Peruvian
and Mexican empires are without the least foundation in nature;
and that the Spaniards defeated the tribe of Mexico (properly
called Mechiko) &c. chiefly, by the help of their red allies.
In their descriptions of South-America and its native inhabitants,
they treat largely of heaven, hell, and purgatory; lions,
salamanders, maids of honour, maids of penance, and their
abbesses; men whipping themselves with cords; idols, mattins,
monastic vows, cloisters of young men, with a prodigious group
of other popish inventions: and we must not forget to do justice
to those industrious and sagacious observers, who discovered two
golgothas, or towers made of human skulls, plaistered with lime.
Acosta tells us, that Andrew de Topia assured him, he and Gonsola
de Vimbria reckoned one hundred and thirty-six thousand
human skulls in them. The temple dedicated to the air, is likewise
worthy of being mentioned, as they assert in the strongest
manner, that five thousand priests served constantly in it, and
obliged every one who entered, to bring some human sacrifice;
that the walls of it were an inch thick, and the floor a foot deep,
with black, dry, clotted blood. If connected herewith, we reflect,
that beside this blood-thirsty god of the air, the Spaniards have
represented them as worshipping a multitude of idol gods and
goddesses, (no less than two thousand according to Lopez de
Gomara) and sacrificing to them chiefly human victims; and
that the friars are reported by a Spanish bishop of Mexico, in
his letters of the year 1532, to have broken down twenty thousand
idols, and desolated five hundred idol temples, where the
222natives sacrificed every year more than twenty thousand hearts
of boys and girls; and that if the noblemen were burnt to ashes,
they killed their cooks, butlers, chaplains, and dwarfs[LII]—and had
a plenty of targets, maces, and ensigns hurled into their funeral
piles: this terrible slaughter, points out to us clearly from their
own accounts, that these authors either gave the world a continued
chain of falsehoods, or those sacrifices, and human massacres {212}
they boastingly tell us of, would have, long before
they came, utterly depopulated Peru and Mexico.
LII. With regard to Indian dwarfs, I never heard of, or saw any in the
northern nations, but one in Ishtatoe, a northern town of the middle part
of the Cheerake country,—and he was a great beloved man.
I shall now quote a little of their less romantic description,
to confirm the account I have given concerning the genuine rites,
and customs, of our North-American Indians.
The ornaments of the Indians of South and North America,
were formerly, and still are alike, without the least difference,
except in value. Those superficial writers agree, that the men
and women of Peru and Mexico wore golden ear-rings, and bracelets
around their necks and wrists; that the men wore rings of the
same metal in their nose, marked their bodies with various
figures, painted their faces red, and the women their cheeks,
which seems to have been a very early and general custom. They
tell us, that the coronation of the Indian kings, and installment
of their nobles, was solemnized with comedies, banquets, lights,
&c. and that no plebeians were allowed to serve before their
kings; they must be knights, or noblemen. All those sounding
high titles are only a confused picture of the general method of
the Indians in crowning their warriors, performing their war-dances,
and esteeming those fellows as old women, who never
attended the reputed holy ark with success for the beloved
brethren.
Don Antonio de Ulloa[96] informs us, that some of the South-American
natives cut the lobes of their ears, and for a considerable
time, fastened small weights to them, in order to lengthen
them; that others cut holes in their upper and under lips; through
223the cartilege of the nose, their chins, and jaws, and either hung
or thrust through them, such things as they most fancied, which
also agrees with the ancient customs of our Northern Indians.
Emanuel de Moraes and Acosta affirm, that the Brasilians
marry in their own family, or tribe. And Jo. de Laet. says, they
call their uncles and aunts, “fathers and mothers,” which is a
custom of the Hebrews, and of all our North-American Indians:
and he assures us they mourn very much for their dead; and
that their clothes are like those of the early Jews. {213}
Ulloa assures us, that the South American Indians have no
other method of weaving carpets, quilts, and other stuffs, but to
count the threads one by one, when they are passing the woof;—that
they spin cotton and linnen, as their chief manufacture,
and paint their cloth with the images of men, beasts, birds, fishes,
trees, flowers, &c. and that each of those webs was adapted to one
certain use, without being cut, and that their patience was equal
to so arduous a task. According to this description, there is not
the least disparity between the ancient North-American method
of manufacturing, and that of the South Americans.
Acosta writes, that the clothes of the South-American Indians
are shaped like those of the ancient Jews, being a square little
cloak, and a little coat: and the Rev. Mr. Thorowgood,[97] anno
1650, observes, that this is a proof of some weight in shewing
their original descent; especially to such who pay a deference to
Seneca’s parallel arguments of the Spaniards having settled
Italy; for the old mode of dress is universally alike, among the
Indian Americans.
Laet, in his description of America, and Escarbotus, assure
us, they often heard the South American Indians to repeat the
sacred word Halleluiah, which made them admire how they first
attained it. And Malvenda says, that the natives of St. Michael
had tomb-stones, which the Spaniards digged up, with several
ancient Hebrew characters upon them, as, “Why is God gone
224away?” And, “He is dead, God knows.” Had his curiosity induced
him to transcribe the epitaph, it would have given more
satisfaction; for, as they yet repeat the divine essential name,
Yo He (ta) Wah, so as not to prophane it, when they mourn
for their dead, it is probable, they could write or engrave it, after
the like manner, when they first arrived on this main continent.
We are told, that the South American Indians have a firm
hope of the resurrection of their bodies, at a certain period of
time; and that on this account they bury their most valuable
treasures with their dead, as well as the most useful conveniences
for future domestic life, such as their bows and arrows: And
when they saw the Spaniards digging up their graves for gold and
silver, they requested them to forbear scattering the bones of
their {214} dead in that manner, lest it should prevent their
being raised and united again[LIII].
Monsieur de Poutrincourt says, that, when the Canada Indians
saluted him, they said Ho Ho Ho; but as we are well assured,
they express Yo He a Ah, in the time of their festivals and other
rejoicings, we have reason to conclude he made a very material
mistake in setting down the Indian solemn blessing, or invocation.
He likewise tells us, that the Indian women will not
marry on the graves of their husbands, i. e. “soon after their
decease,”—but wait a long time before they even think of a
second husband. That, if the husband was killed, they would
neither enter into a second marriage, nor eat flesh, till his blood
had been revenged: and that after child-bearing, they observe
the Mosaic law of purification, shutting up themselves from their
husbands, for the space of forty days.
Peter Martyr writes, that that Indian widow married the
brother of her deceased husband, according to the Mosaic law:
and he says, the Indians worship that God who created the sun,
moon, and all invisible things, and who gives them every thing
that is good. He affirms the Indian priests had chambers in the
temple, according to the custom of the Israelites, by divine appointment,
as 1 Chron. ix. 26, 27. And that there were certain
places in it, which none but their priests could enter, i. e. “the
holiest.” And Key says also, they have in some parts of America,
an exact form of king, priest, and prophet, as was formerly in
Canaan.
225Robert Williams, the first Englishman in New-England, who
is said to have learned the Indian language, in order to convert
the natives, believed them to be Jews: and he assures us, that
their tradition records that their ancestors came from the south-west,
and that they return there at death; that their women separate
themselves from the rest of the people at certain periods;
and that their language bore some affinity to the Hebrew.[98]
Baron Lahontan writes, that the Indian women of Canada
purify themselves after travail; thirty days for a male child—and
forty for a female: that during the said time, they live apart
from their husband—that the unmarried brother of the deceased
husband marries the widow, six months {215} after his decease;
and that the outstanding parties for war, address the great spirit
every day till they set off, with sacrifices, songs, and feasting.
We are also told, that the men in Mexico sat down, and the
women stood, when they made water, which is an universal custom
among our North-American Indians. Their primitive modesty,
and indulgence to their women, seem to have introduced
this singular custom, after the manner of the ancient Mauritanians,
on account of their scantiness of clothing, as I formerly
observed.
Lerius tells us, that the Indians of Brasil wash themselves ten
times a day; and that the husbands have no matrimonial intercourse
with their wives, till their children are either weaned, or
grown pretty hardy; which is similar to the custom of these
northern Indians, and that of the Israelites, as Hos. i. 8. He
says, if a Peruvian child was weaned before its time, it was called
Ainsco, “a bastard.” And that if a Brasilian wounds another,
he is wounded in the same part of the body, with equal punishment;
limb for limb, or life for life, according to the Mosaic law;—which,
within our own memory, these Indian nations observed
so eagerly, that if a boy shooting at birds, accidentally wounded
another, though out of sight, with his arrow ever so slightly, he,
or any of his family, wounded him after the very same manner;
which is a very striking analogy with the Jewish retaliation.
He likewise tells us, that their Sachems, or Emperors, were the
226heads of their church: and according to Laet. Descrip. America,
the Peruvians had one temple consecrated to the creator of the
world; besides four other religious places, in resemblance of the
Jewish synagogues. And Malvenda says, the American idols
were mitred, as Aaron was. He likewise affirms, as doth Acosta,
that the natives observed a year of jubilee, according to the
usage of the Israelites.
Benzo[99] says, that the men and women incline very much to
dancing; and the women often by themselves, according to the
manner of the Hebrew nation; as in 1 Sam. xxi. 11. especially
after gaining a victory over the enemy, as in Judg. xi. 34.-xxi.
21, 23, and 1 Sam. xviii. 6, 7. Acosta tells us, that though
adultery is deemed by them a capital crime, yet they at the same
time set little value by virginity, and it seems to have been a
bewailable condition, in Judea. He likewise says, they wash
their {216} new born infants, in resemblance of the Mosaic law;
as Ezek. xvi. 9. And the Spaniards say, that the priests of
Mexico, were anointed from head to foot; that they constantly
wore their hair, till they were superannuated; and that the husband
did not lie with his wife, for two years after she was delivered.
Our northern Indians imitate the first custom; though
in the second, they resemble that of the heathen by polling or
trimming their hair; and with regard to the third, they always
sleep apart from their wives, for the greater part of a year, after
delivery.[100]
By the Spanish authorities, the Peruvians and Mexicans were
Polygamists, but they had one principal wife to whom they were
married with certain solemnities; and murder, adultery, theft,
and incest, were punished with death.—But there was an exception
in some places, with regard to incestuous intercourses: which
is entirely consonant to the usage of the northern Indians. For
as to incest, the Cheerake marry both mother and daughter, or
two sisters; but they all observe the prohibited laws of consanguinity,
in the strictest manner. They tell us, that when the
priests offered sacrifice, they abstained from women and strong
227drink, and fasted several days, before any great festival; that
all of them buried their dead in their houses, or in high places;
that when they were forced to bury in any of the Spanish churchyards,
they frequently stole the corpse, and interred it either in
one of their own houses, or in the mountains; and that Juan de
la Torre took five hundred thousand Pezoes out of one tomb.
Here is a long train of Israelitish customs: and, if we include the
whole, they exhibit a very strong analogy between all the essential
traditions, rites, customs, &c. of the South and North
American Indians; though the Spaniards mix an innumerable
heap of absurd chimeras, and romantic dreams, with the plain
material truths I have extracted.
I lately perused the first volume of the History of North America,
from the discovery thereof by Sylvanus Americanus, printed
in New Jersey, Anno 1761, from, I believe, the Philadelphia
monthly paper—and was not a little surprised to find in such a
useful collection, the conjectural, though perhaps well-intended
accounts of the first adventurers, and settlers, in North America,
concerning the natives: and which are laid as the only basis
for inquisitive writers to trace their origin, instead of later and
more substantial observations. Though several of those early
writers were undoubtedly {217} sagacious, learned, and candid;
yet under the circumstances in which they wrote, it was impossible
for them to convey to us any true knowledge of the Indians,
more than what they gained by their senses, which must be
superficial, and liable to many errors. Their conjectural accounts
ought to have been long since examined, by some of that
learned body, or they should not have given a sanction to them.
However, they are less faulty than the Spanish accounts.
I presume, enough hath been said to point out the similarity
between the rites and customs of the native American Indians,
and those of the Israelites.—And that the Indian system is derived
from the moral, ceremonial, and judicial laws of the
Hebrews, though now but a faint copy of the divine original.—Their
religious rites, martial customs, dress, music, dances, and
domestic forms of life, seem clearly to evince also, that they
came to America in early times, before sects had sprung up
among the Jews, which was soon after their prophets ceased,
and before arts and sciences had arrived to any perfection; otherwise,
it is likely they would have retained some knowledge of
them, at least where they first settled, it being in a favourable
228climate, and consequently, they were in a more compact body,
than on this northern part of the American continent.
The South-American natives wanted nothing that could render
life easy and agreeable: and they had nothing superfluous, except
gold and silver. When we consider the simplicity of the
people, and the skill they had in collecting a prodigious quantity
of treasures, it seems as if they gained that skill from their
countrymen, and the Tyrians; who in the reign of Solomon exceedingly
enriched themselves, in a few voyages. The conjecture
that the aborigines wandered here from captivity, by the
north east parts of Asia, over Kamschatska, to have their liberty
and religion; is not so improbable, as that of their being driven
by stress of weather into the bay of Mexico, from the east.[101]
Though a single argument of the general subject, may prove
but little, disjoined from the rest; yet, according to the true laws
of history, and the best rules for tracing antiquities, the conclusion
is to be drawn from clear corresponding circumstances
united: the force of one branch of the subject ought to be connected
with the others, and then judge by the whole. Such {218}
readers as may dissent from my opinion of the Indian American
origin and descent, ought to inform us how the natives came
here, and by what means they formed the long chain of rites,
customs, &c. so similar to the usage of the Hebrew nation, and
in general dissimilar to the modes, &c. of the Pagan world.
Ancient writers do not agree upon any certain place, where
229the Ophir of Solomon lay; it must certainly be a great distance
from Joppa, for it was a three years voyage. After the death
of Solomon, both the Israelites and Tyrians seem to have utterly
discontinued their trading voyages to that part of the world.
Eusebius and Eupolemus say, that David sent to Urphe, an
island in the red sea, and brought much gold into Judea; and
Ortelius reckons this to have been Ophir: though, agreeably to
the opinion of the greater part of the modern literati, he also
conjectures Cephala, or Sophala, to have been the Ophir of
Solomon. Junius imagines it was in Aurea Chersonesus; Tremellius
and Niger are of the same opinion. But Vatablus reckons
it was Hispaniola, discovered, and named so by Columbus: yet
Postellus, Phil. Mornay, Arias Montanus, and Goropius, are of
opinion that Peru is the ancient Ophir; so widely different are
their conjectures. Ancient history is quite silent, concerning
America; which indicates that it has been time immemorial rent
asunder from the African continent, according to Plato’s Timeus.
The north-east parts of Asia also were undiscovered, till of late.
Many geographers have stretched Asia and America so far, as
to join them together: and others have divided those two quarters
of the globe, at a great distance from each other. But the
Russians, after several dangerous attempts, have clearly convinced
the world, that they are now divided, and yet have a near
communication together, by a narrow strait, in which several
islands are situated; through which there is an easy passage from
the north-east of Asia to the north-west of America by the way
of Kamschatska; which probably joined to the north-west point
of America. By this passage, supposing the main continents
were separated, it was very practicable for the inhabitants to go
to this extensive new world; and afterwards, to have proceeded
in quest of suitable climates,—according to the law of nature,
that directs every creature to such climes as are most convenient
and agreeable. {219}
Having endeavoured to ascertain the origin and descent of the
North-American Indians—and produced a variety of arguments
that incline my own opinion in favour of their being of Jewish
extraction—which at the same time furnish the public with a
more complete Indian System of religious rites, civil and martial
customs, languages, &c. &c. than hath ever been exhibited, neither
disfigured by fable, nor prejudice—I shall proceed to give a
230general historical description of those Indian nations among
whom I have chiefly resided.[102] {220}
AN ACCOUNT OF THE KATAHBA, CHEERAKE, MUSKOHGE, CHOKTAH, AND CHIKKASAH NATIONS: — ACCOUNT OF THE CHEERAKE NATION, &c. — ACCOUNT OF THE MUSKOHGE NATION, &c.
231
WITH OCCASIONAL OBSERVATIONS
ON
Their Laws, and the Conduct of our Governors,
Superintendants, Missionaries,
&c. towards them.
233AN
ACCOUNT
OF THE
KATAHBA NATION, &c.
I begin with the Katahba,[103] because their country is the most
contiguous to Charles-Town in South-Carolina. It is placed in
our modern maps, in 34 degrees north latitude, but proper care
hath not yet been taken to ascertain the limits and site of any of
the Indian nations. It is bounded on the north and north-east, by
North-Carolina—on the east and south, by South-Carolina—and
about west-south-west by the Cheerake nation. Their chief
settlement is at the distance of one hundred and forty-five miles
from the Cheerake, as near as I can compute it by frequent
journies, and about 200 miles distant from Charles-Town.
Their soil is extremely good; the climate open and healthy;
the water very clear, and well-tasted. The chief part of the
Katahba country, I observed during my residence with them,
was settled close on the east side of a broad purling river, that
234heads in the great blue ridge of mountains, and empties itself
into Santee-river, at Amelia township; then running eastward
of Charles-town, disgorges itself into the Atlantic. The land
would produce any sort of Indian provisions, but, by the continual
passing and repassing of the English, between the northern
and southern colonies,[104] the Katahba live perhaps the meanest
of any Indians belonging to the British American empire. They
are also so corrupted by an immoderate use of our spirituous
liquors, and of course, indolent, that they scarcely plant any
thing fit for the support of human life. South-Carolina has supplied
their wants, either {223} through a political, or charitable
view; which kindness, several respectable inhabitants in their
neighbourhood say, they abuse in a very high degree; for they
often destroy the white people’s live stock, and even kill their
horses for mischief sake.[105]
It was bad policy of a prime magistrate of South-Carolina,
who a little more than twenty years ago, desired me to endeavour
to decoy the Chikkasah nation to settle near New-Windsor, or
Savanna town.[106] For the Indians will not live peaceable with
235a mixed society of people. It is too recent to need enlarging on,
that the English inhabitants were at sundry times forced by
necessity, to take shelter in New-Windsor and Augusta garrisons,
at the alarm of the cannon, to save themselves from about an
hundred of the Chikkasah, who formerly settled there, by the
inticement of our traders:[107] the two colonies of South-Carolina
and Georgia were obliged on this occasion to send up a number
of troops, either to drive them off, or check their insolence. By
some fatality, they are much addicted to excessive drinking, and
spirituous liquors distract them so exceedingly, that they will
even eat live coals of fire. Harsh usage alone, will never subdue
an Indian: and too much indulgence is as bad; for then
they would think, what was an effect of politic friendship, proceeded
from a tribute of fear. We may observe of them as of
the fire, “it is safe and useful, cherished at proper distance; but
if too near us, it becomes dangerous, and will scorch if not consume
us.”
We are not acquainted with any savages of so warlike a disposition,
as the Katahba and the Chikkasah. The six united
northern nations have been time immemorial engaged in a bitter
war with the former,[108] and the Katahba are now reduced to
very few above one hundred fighting men—the small pox, and
intemperate drinking, have contributed however more than their
wars to their great decay. When South-Carolina was in its infant
state, they mustered fifteen hundred fighting men: and they
always behaved as faithful and friendly to the English as could
be reasonably expected, from cunning, suspicious, and free savages.
About the year 1743, their nation consisted of almost 400
warriors, of above twenty different dialects. I shall mention a
236few of the national names of those, who make up this mixed
language;—the Kátahba, is the standard, or court-dialect—the
Wataree, who make up a large town; Eenó, {224} Chewah, now
Chowan, Canggaree, Nachee, Yamasee, Coosah, &c. Their country
had an old waste field of seven miles extent, and several
others of smaller dimensions; which shews that they were
formerly a numerous people, to cultivate so much land with their
dull stone-axes, before they had an opportunity of trading with
the English, or allowed others to incorporate with them.[109] {225}
237
We shall now treat of the Cheerake nation, as the next neighbour
to South-Carolina.
Their national name is derived from Chee-ra, “fire,”[110] which
is their reputed lower heaven, and hence they call their magi,
Cheerà-tahge, “men possessed of the divine fire.”[111] The country
lies in about 34 degrees north latitude, at the distance of 340
computed miles to the north-west of Charles-town,—140 miles
west-south-west from the Katahba nation,—and almost 200
miles to the north of the Muskohge or Creek country.
They are settled, nearly in an east and west course, about 140
miles in length from the lower towns where Fort-Prince-George
stands, to the late unfortunate Fort-Loudon. The natives make
two divisions of their country, which they term Ayrate, and Ottare,
238signifying “low,” and “mountainous.”[112] The former division
is on the head branches of the beautiful Savanah river,
and the latter on those of the easternmost river of the great
Missisippi. Their towns are always close to some river, or creek;
as there the land is commonly very level and fertile, on account
of the frequent washings off the mountains, and the moisture it
receives from the waters, that run through their fields. And
such a situation enables them to perform the ablutions, connected
with their religious worship.
The eastern, or lower parts of this country, are sharp and cold
to a Carolinian in winter, and yet agreeable: but those towns
that lie among the {226} Apalahche mountains, are very pinching
to such who are unaccustomed to a savage life. The ice and
snow continue on the north-side, till late in the spring of the
year: however, the natives are well provided for it, by their
bathing and anointing themselves. This regimen shuts up the
pores of the body, and by that means prevents too great a perspiration;
and an accustomed exercise of hunting, joined with
the former, puts them far above their climate: they are almost
as impenetrable to cold, as a bar of steel, and the severest cold
is no detriment to their hunting.
Formerly, the Cheerake were a very numerous and potent
nation. Not above forty years ago, they had 64 towns and villages,
populous, and full of women and children. According to
the computations of the most intelligent old traders of that
time,[113] they amounted to upwards of six-thousand fighting men;
a prodigious number to have so close on our settlements,[114] defended
by blue-topped ledges of inaccessible mountains: where,
but three of them can make a successful campaign, even against
their own watchful red-colour enemies. But they were then
simple, and peaceable, to what they are now.
As their western, or upper towns, which are situated among
the Apalahche-mountains, on the eastern branches of the Missisippi,
239were always engaged in hot war with the more northern
Indians; and the middle and lower towns in constant hostility
with the Muskohge, till reconciled by a governor of South-Carolina
for the sake of trade,—several of their best towns, on the
southern branch of Savanah-river, are now forsaken and destroyed:
as Ishtatohe, Echia, Toogalo, &c., and they are brought
into a narrower compass. At the conclusion of our last war with
them,[115] the traders calculated the number of their warriors to
consist of about two thousand three-hundred, which is a great
diminution for so short a space of time: and if we may conjecture
for futurity, from the circumstances already past, there will be
few of them alive, after the like revolution of time. Their towns
are still scattered wide of each other, because the land will not
admit any other settlement: it is a rare thing to see a level tract
of four hundred acres. They are also strongly attached to
rivers,—all retaining the opinion of the ancients, that rivers are
necessary to constitute a paradise. Nor is it only ornamental,
but likewise beneficial to them, on account of purifying themselves,
and also for the services of common life,—such as fishing, {227}
fowling, and killing of deer, which come in the warm
season, to eat the saltish moss and grass, which grow on the
rocks, and under the surface of the waters. Their rivers are
generally very shallow, and pleasant to the eye; for the land
being high, the waters have a quick descent; they seldom overflow
their banks, unless when a heavy rain falls on a deep snow.—Then,
it is frightful to see the huge pieces of ice, mixed with
a prodigious torrent of water, rolling down the high mountains,
and over the steep craggy rocks, so impetuous, that nothing can
resist their force. Two old traders saw an instance of this kind,
which swept away great plantations of oaks and pines, that had
their foundation as in the center of the earth.—It overset several
of the higher rocks, where the huge rafts of trees and ice had
stopped up the main channel, and forced itself across through
the smaller hills.
From the historical descriptions of the Alps, and a personal
view of the Cheerake mountains—I conclude the Alps of Italy
are much inferior to several of the Cheerake mountains, both in
height and rockiness: the last are also of a prodigious extent,
and frequently impassable by an enemy. The Allegeny, or
240“great blue ridge,” commonly called the Apalahche-mountains,
are here above a hundred miles broad; and by the best accounts
we can get from the Missisippi Indians, run along between Peru
and Mexico, unless where the large rivers occasion a break. They
stretch also all the way from the west of the northern great lakes,
near Hudson’s Bay, and across the Missisippi, about 250 leagues
above New-Orleans. In the lower and middle parts of this
mountainous ragged country, the Indians have a convenient passable
path, by the foot of the mountains: but farther in, they are
of such a prodigious height, that they are forced to wind from
north to south, along the rivers and large creeks, to get a safe
passage: and the paths are so steep in many places, that the
horses often pitch, and rear an end, to scramble up. Several of
the mountains are some miles from bottom to top, according to
the ascent of the paths: and there are other mountains I have
seen from these, when out with the Indians in clear weather,
that the eye can but faintly discern, which therefore must be at
a surprising distance.
Where the land is capable of cultivation, it would produce
any thing suitable to the climate. Hemp, and wine-grapes grow
there to admiration: {228} they have plenty of the former, and
a variety of the latter that grow spontaneously. If these were
properly cultivated, there must be a good return. I have gathered
good hops in the woods opposite to Nuquose, where our
troops were repelled by the Cheerake, in the year 1760. There
is not a more healthful region under the sun, than this country;
for the air is commonly open and clear, and plenty of wholesome
and pleasant water. I know several bold rivers, that fill
themselves in running about thirty miles, counting by a direct
course from their several different fountains, and which are
almost as transparent as glass. The natives live commonly to a
great age; which is not to be wondered at, when we consider the
high situation of their country,—the exercise they pursue,—the
richness of the soil that produces plenty for a needful support
of life, without fatiguing, or over-heating the planters,—the advantages
they receive from such excellent good water, as gushes
out of every hill; and the great additional help by a plain abstemious
life, commonly eating and drinking, only according to
the solicitations of nature. I have seen strangers however, full
of admiration at beholding so few old people in that country;
and they have concluded from thence, and reported in the English
241settlements, that it was a sickly short-lived region: but we
should consider, they are always involved in treacherous wars,
and exposed to perpetual dangers, by which, infirm and declining
people generally fall, and the manly old warrior will not shrink.
And yet many of the peaceable fellows, and women, especially
in the central towns, see the grey hairs of their children, long
before they die; and in every Indian country, there are a great
many old women on the frontiers, perhaps ten times the number
of the men of the same age and place—which plainly shews the
country to be healthy. Those reach to a great age, who live
secure by the fire-side, but no climates or constitutions can
harden the human body, and make it bullet-proof.
The Cheerake country[116] abounds with the best herbage, on
the richer parts of the hills and mountains; and a great variety
of valuable herbs is promiscuously scattered on the lower lands.
It is remarkable, that none of our botanists should attempt making
any experiments there, notwithstanding the place invited
their attention, and the public had a right to expect so generous
an undertaking from several of them; while at the same time,
they would be recovering, or renewing their health, at a far easier,
cheaper, and safer rate, than coasting it to our northern
colonies. {229}
On the level parts of the water-side, between the hills, there
are plenty of reeds: and, formerly, such places abounded with
great brakes of winter-canes.—The foliagefoliage of which is always
green, and hearty food for horses and cattle. The traders used
to raise there flocks of an hundred, and a hundred and fifty excellent
horses; which are commonly of a good size, well-made,
hard-hoofed, handsome, strong and fit for the saddle or draught:
but a person runs too great a risk to buy any to take them out of
the country, because, every spring-season most of them make
for their native range. Before the Indian trade was ruined by
our left-handed policy, and the natives were corrupted by the
liberality of our dim-sighted politicians, the Cheerake were
frank, sincere, and industrious. Their towns then, abounded
with hogs, poultry, and every thing sufficient for the support of
a reasonable life, which the traders purchased at an easy rate,
to their mutual satisfaction: and as they kept them busily employed,
242and did not make themselves too cheap, the Indians bore
them good-will and respect—and such is the temper of all the
red natives.
I will not take upon me to ascertain the real difference between
the value of the goods they annually purchased of us, in
former and later times; but, allowing the consumption to be in
favour of the last, what is the gain of such an uncertain trifle,
in comparison of our charges and losses by a merciless savage
war? The orderly and honest system, if resumed, and wisely
pursued, would reform the Indians, and regain their lost affections;
but that of general licences to mean reprobate pedlars, by
which they are inebriated, and cheated, is pregnant with complicated
evils to the peace and welfare of our valuable southern
colonies.
As the Cheerake began to have goods at an under price, it
tempted them to be both proud, and lazy. Their women and
children are now far above taking the trouble to raise hogs for
the ugly white people, as the beautiful red heroes proudly term
them. If any do—they are forced to feed them in small penns,
or inclosures, through all the crop-season, and chiefly on long
pursly, and other wholsome weeds, that their rich fields abound
with. But at the fall of the leaf, the woods are full of hiccory-nuts,
acorns, chesnuts, and the like; which occasions the Indian
bacon to be more streaked, firm, and better tasted, than any we
meet with in {230} the English settlements. Some of the natives
are grown fond of horned cattle, both in the Cheerake and Muskohge
countries, but most decline them, because the fields are
not regularly fenced. But almost every one hath horses, from
two to a dozen; which makes a considerable number, through
their various nations. The Cheerake had a prodigious number
of excellent horses, at the beginning of their late war with us;
but pinching hunger forced them to eat the greatest part of
them, in the time of that unfortunate event. But as all are now
become very active and sociable, they will soon supply themselves
with plenty of the best sort, from our settlements—they
are skilful jockies, and nice in their choice.
From the head of the southern branch of Savanah-river, it
does not exceed half a mile to a head spring of the Missisippi-water,
that runs through the middle and upper parts of the
Cheerake nation, about a north-west course,—and joining other
rivers, they empty themselves into the great Missisippi. The
243above fountain, is called “Herbert’s spring[LIV]:” and it was natural
for strangers to drink thereof, to quench thirst, gratify their
curiosity, and have it to say they had drank of the French
waters.[117] Some of our people, who went only with the view of
staying a short time, but by some allurement or other, exceeded
the time appointed, at their return, reported either through
merriment or superstition, that the spring had such a natural bewitching
quality, that whosoever drank of it, could not possibly
quit the nation, during the tedious space of seven years. All the
debauchees readily fell in with this superstitious notion, as an
excuse for their bad method of living, when they had no proper
call to stay in that country; and in process of time, it became
as received a truth, as any ever believed to have been spoken
by the delphic oracle. One cursed, because its enchantment
had marred his good fortune; another condemned his weakness
for drinking down witchcraft, against his own secret suspicions;
one swore he would never taste again such known dangerous
poison, even though he should be forced to do down to the Missisippi
for water; and another comforted himself, that so many
years out of the seven, were already passed, and wished that if
ever he tasted it again, though under the greatest necessity, he
might be confined to the stygian waters. Those who had their
minds more inlarged, diverted themselves much at their cost, {231}
for it was a noted favourite place, on account of the name
it went by; and being a well-situated and good spring, there all
travellers commonly drank a bottle of choice: But now, most of
the packhorse-men, though they be dry, and also matchless sons
244of Bacchus, on the most pressing invitations to drink there,
would swear to forfeit sacred liquor the better part of their lives,
rather than basely renew, or confirm the loss of their liberty,
which that execrable fountain occasions.
LIV. So named from an early commissioner of Indian affairs. (A). Maj.
John Herbert who made a map of the Cherokee Country in 1715. In
January of that year he accompanied Col. George Chicken on a journey
towards the Tennessee Country, which Chicken journalized. Describing
the spot, he wrote: “We come to ye top of ye mountain and there we see
the hade of a River that Rones in to Chattahoushey River; about a
mile on ye other side of ye mountain ther begon ye hade of another
River that Rones into masashipey (Mississippi). Ouer march this day
was 40 miles. Wee come to Quoneashee ⅐ hower after 5 a clocke where
ye River that we see ye hade of was verry brode.” Charleston Year
Book for 1894, p. 315. (W)
About the year 1738, the Cheerake[118] received a most depopulating
shock, by the small pox, which reduced them almost
one half, in about a year’s time: it was conveyed into Charlestown
by the Guinea-men,[119] and soon after among them, by the
infected goods. At first it made slow advances, and as it was a
foreign, and to them a strange disease, they were so deficient in
proper skill, that they alternately applied a regimen of hot and
cold things, to those who were infected. The old magi and religious
physicians who were consulted on so alarming a crisis,
reported the sickness had been sent among them, on account
of the adulterous intercourses of their young married people,
who the past year, had in a most notorious manner, violated
their ancient laws of marriage in every thicket, and broke down
and polluted many of the honest neighbours bean-plots, by their
heinous crimes, which would cost a great deal of trouble to
purify again. To those flagitious crimes they ascribed the present
disease, as a necessary effect of the divine anger; and indeed
the religious men chanced to suffer the most in their small
fields, as being contiguous to the town-house, where they usually
met at night to dance, when their corn was out of the stalks;
upon this pique, they shewed their priest-craft. However, it was
thought needful on this occasion, to endeavour to put a stop to
the progress of such a dangerous disease: and as it was believed
to be brought on them by their unlawful copulation in the night
dews, it was thought most practicable to try to effect the cure,
under the same cool element. Immediately, they ordered the
reputed sinners to lie out of doors, day and night, with their
breast frequently open to the night dews, to cool the fever: they
245were likewise afraid, that the diseased would otherwise pollute
the house, and by that means, procure all their deaths. Instead
of applying warm remedies, they at last in every visit poured
cold water on their naked breasts, sung their religious mystical
song, Yo Yo, &c. with a doleful tune, {232} and shaked a calla-bash
with the pebble-stones, over the sick, using a great many
frantic gestures, by way of incantantion. From the reputed
cause of the disease, we may rationally conclude their physical
treatment of it, to be of a true old Jewish descent; for as the
Israelites invoked the deity, or asked a blessing on every thing
they undertook, so all the Indian Americans seek for it, according
on the remaining faint glimpse of their tradition.
When they found their theological regimen had not the desired
effect, but that the infection gained upon them, they held a second
consultation, and deemed it the best method to sweat their
patients, and plunge them into the river,—which was accordingly
done. Their rivers being very cold in summer, by reason of the
numberless springs, which pour from the hills and mountains—and
the pores of their bodies being open to receive the cold, it
rushing in through the whole frame, they immediately expired:
upon which all the magi and prophetic tribe broke their old
consecrated physic-pots, and threw away all the other pretended
holy things they had for physical use, imagining they had lost
their divine power by being polluted; and shared the common
fate of their country. A great many killed themselves; for being
naturally proud, they are always peeping into their looking
glasses, and are never genteelly drest, according to their mode,
without carrying one hung over their shoulders: by which means,
seeing themselves disfigured, without hope of regaining their
former beauty, some shot themselves, others cut their throats,
some stabbed themselves with knives, and others with sharp-pointed
canes; many threw themselves with sullen madness into
the fire, and there slowly expired, as if they had been utterly
divested of the native power of feeling pain.
I remember, in Tymáse, one of their towns, about ten miles
above the present Fort Prince-George, a great head-warrior, who
murdered a white man thirty miles below Cheeòwhee, as was
proved by the branded deer-skins he produced afterward—when
he saw himself disfigured by the small pox, he chose to die, that
he might end as he imagined his shame. When his relations knew
246his desperate design, they narrowly watched him, and took away
every sharp instrument from him. When he found he was
balked of his intention, he fretted and said the worst things their
language {233} could express, and shewed all the symptoms of
a desperate person enraged at his disappointment, and forced
to live and see his ignominy; he then darted himself against the
wall, with all his remaining vigour,—his strength being expended
by the force of his friends opposition, he fell sullenly on
the bed, as if by those violent struggles he was overcome, and
wanted to repose himself. His relations through tenderness, left
him to his rest—but as soon as they went away, he raised himself,
and after a tedious search, finding nothing but a thick and
round hoe-helve, he took the fatal instrument, and having fixed
one end of it in the ground, he repeatedly threw himself on it,
till he forced it down his throat, when he immediately expired.—He
was buried in silence, without the least mourning.
Although the Cheerake shewed such little skill in curing the
small pox, yet they, as well as all other Indian nations, have a
great knowledge of specific virtues in simples; applying herbs
and plants, on the most dangerous occasions, and seldom if ever,
fail to effect a thorough cure, from the natural bush. In the
order of nature, every country and climate is blest with specific
remedies for the maladies that are connatural to it—Naturalists
tell us they have observed, that when the wild goat’s sight begins
to decay, he rubs his head against a thorn, and by some
effluvia, or virtue in the vegetable, the sight is renewed. Thus
the snake recovers after biting any creature, by his knowledge
of the proper antidote; and many of our arts and forms of
living, are imitated by lower ranks of the animal creation: the
Indians, instigated by nature, and quickened by experience, have
discovered the peculiar properties of vegetables, as far as needful
in their situation of life. For my own part, I would prefer an
old Indian before any chirurgeon whatsoever, in curing green
wounds by bullets, arrows, &c. both for the certainty, ease, and
speediness of cure; for if those parts of the body are not hurt,
which are essential to the preservation of life, they cure the
wounded in a trice. They bring the patient into a good temperament
of body, by a decoction of proper herbs and roots, and
always enjoin a most abstemious life: they forbid them women,
247salt, and every kind of flesh-meat, applying mountain allum,[120]
as the chief ingredient. {234}
In the year 1749, I came down, by the invitation of the governor
of South-Carolina, to Charles-Town, with a body of our
friendly Chikkasah Indians: one of his majesty’s surgeons, that
very day we arrived, cut off the wounded arm of a poor man.
On my relating it to the Indians, they were shocked at the information,
and said, “The man’s poverty should have induced
him to exert the common skill of mankind, in so trifling an
hurt; especially, as such a butchery would not only disfigure,
but disable the poor man the rest of his life; that there would
have been more humanity in cutting off the head, than in such
a barbarous amputation, because it is much better for men to die
once, than to be always dying, for when the hand is lost, how
can the poor man feed himself by his daily labour—By the same
rule of physic, had he been wounded in his head, our surgeons
should have cut that off, for being unfortunate.” I told the
benevolent old warriors, that the wisdom of our laws had exempted
the head from such severe treatment, by not settling a
reward for severing it, but only so much for every joint of the
branches of the body, which might be well enough spared, without
the life; and that this medical treatment was a strong
certificate to recommend the poor man to genteel lodgings, where
numbers belonging to our great canoes, were provided for during
life.[121] They were of opinion however, that such brave hardy
fellows would rather be deemed men, and work for their bread,
than be laid aside, not only as useless animals, but as burdens to
the rest of society.
I do not remember to have seen or heard of an Indian dying
by the bite of a snake, when out at war, or a hunting; although
they are then often bitten by the most dangerous snakes—every
one carries in his shot-pouch, a piece of the best snake-root,
such as the Seneeka, or fern-snake-root,—or the wild hore-hound,
wild plantain, St. Andrew’s cross, and a variety of other herbs
248and roots, which are plenty, and well known to those who range
the American woods, and are exposed to such dangers, and will
effect a thorough and speedy cure if timely applied. When an
Indian perceives he is struck by a snake, he immediately chews
some of the root, and having swallowed a sufficient quantity of
it, he applies some to the wound; which he repeats as occasion
requires, and in proportion to the poison the snake has infused
into the wound. For a short space of time, there is a terrible
conflict through all the body, by the jarring qualities of {235}
the burning poison, and the strong antidote; but the poison is
soon repelled through the same channels it entered, and the
patient is cured.
The Cheerake mountains look very formidable to a stranger,
when he is among their valleys, incircled with their prodigious,
proud, contending tops; they appear as a great mass of black
and blue clouds, interspersed with some rays of light. But they
produce, or contain every thing for health, and wealth, and if
cultivated by the rules of art, would furnish perhaps, as valuable
medicines as the eastern countries; and as great quantities of
gold and silver, as Peru and Mexico, in proportion to their situation
with the æquator. On the tops of several of those mountains,
I have observed tufts of grass deeply tinctured by the
mineral exhalations from the earth; and on the sides, they
glistered from the same cause. If skilful alchymists made experiments
on these mountains, they could soon satisfy themselves,
as to the value of their contents, and probably would find their
account in it.
Within twenty miles of the late Fort-Loudon, there is great
plenty of whet-stones for razors, of red, white, and black colours.
The silver mines are so rich, that by digging about ten yards
deep, some desperate vagrants found at sundry times, so much
rich ore, as to enable them to counterfeit dollars, to a great
amount; a horse load of which was detected in passing for the
purchase of negroes, at Augusta, which stands on the south-side
of the meandering beautiful Savanah river, half way from the
Cheerake country, to Savanah, the capital of Georgia. The load-stone
is likewise found there, but they have no skill in searching
for it, only on the surface; a great deal of the magnetic power
is lost, as being exposed to the various changes of the weather,
and frequent firing of the woods. I was told by a trader, who
lives in the upper parts of the Cheerake country, which is surrounded
249on every side, by prodigious piles of mountains called
Cheèowhée, that within about a mile of the town of that name,
there is a hill with a great plenty of load-stones—the truth of
this any gentleman of curiosity may soon ascertain, as it lies
on the northern path[122] that leads from South-Carolina, to the
remains of Fort-Loudon: and while he is in search of this, he
may at the same time make a great acquest of riches, for the
load-stone is known to accompany rich metals. I was once near
that load-stone {236} hill, but the heavy rains which at that time
fell on the deep snow, prevented the gratifying my curiosity, as
the boggy deep creek was thereby rendered impassable.
In this rocky country, are found a great many beautiful, clear,
chrystaline stones,[123] formed by nature into several angles, which
commonly meet in one point: several of them are transparent,
like a coarse diamond—others resemble the onyx, being engendered
of black and thick humours, as we see water that is tinctured
with ink, still keeping its surface clear. I found one stone
like a ruby, as big as the top of a man’s thumb, with a beautiful
dark shade in the middle of it. Many stones of various colours,
and beautiful lustre, may be collected on the tops of those hills
and mountains, which if skilfully managed, would be very valuable,
for some of them are clear, and very hard. From which,
we may rationally conjecture that a quantity of subterranean
treasures is contained there; the Spaniards generally found out
their southern mines, by such superficial indications. And it
would be an useful, and profitable service for skilful artists to
engage in, as the present trading white savages are utterly
ignorant of it. Manifold curious works of the wise author of
nature, are bountifully dispersed through the whole of the country,
obvious to every curious eye.
Among the mountains, are many labyrinths, and some of a
great length, with many branches, and various windings; likewise
different sorts of mineral waters, the qualities of which are
unknown to the natives, as by their temperate way of living, and
the healthiness of their country, they have no occasion to make
experiments in them. Between the heads of the northern branch
of the lower Cheerake river, and the heads of that of Tuckasehchee,
250winding round in a long course by the late Fort-Loudon,
and afterwards into the Missisippi, there is, both in the nature
and circumstances, a great phænomenon—Between two high
mountains, nearly covered with old mossy rocks, lofty cedars,
and pines, in the valleys of which the beams of the sun reflect a
powerful heat, there are, as the natives affirm, some bright old
inhabitants, or rattle snakes,[124] of a more enormous size than is
mentioned in history. They are so large and unwieldy, that they
take a circle, almost as wide as their length, to crawl round in
their shortest orbit: but bountiful nature compensates the heavy
motion of their bodies, for {237} as they say, no living creature
moves within the reach of their sight, but they can draw it to
them; which is agreeable to what we observe, through the whole
system of animated beings. Nature endues them with proper
capacities to sustain life;—as they cannot support themselves,
by their speed, or cunning to spring from an ambuscade, it is
needful they should have the bewitching craft of their eyes and
forked tongues.
The description the Indians give us of their colour, is as various
as what we are told of the camelion, that seems to the spectator
to change its colour, by every different position he may view it
in; which proceeds from the piercing rays of light that blaze from
their foreheads, so as to dazzle the eyes, from whatever quarter
they post themselves—for in each of their heads, there is a large
carbuncle, which not only repels, but they affirm, sullies the meridian
beams of the sun. They reckon it so dangerous to disturb
those creatures, that no temptation can induce them to betray
their secret recess to the prophane. They call them and all of
the rattle-snake kind, kings, or chieftains of the snakes; and
they allow one such to every different species of the brute creation.
An old trader of Cheeowhee told me, that for the reward
of two pieces of stroud-cloth, he engaged a couple of young
warriors to shew him the place of their resort; but the head-men
would not by any means allow it, on account of a superstitious
tradition—for they fancy the killing of them would expose them
to the danger of being bit by the other inferior species of that
serpentine tribe, who love their chieftains, and know by instinct
those who maliciously killed them, as they fight only in their
251own defence, and that of their young ones, never biting those
who do not disturb them. Although they esteem those rattle
snakes as chieftains of that species, yet they do not deify them,
as the EgyptiansEgyptians did all the serpentine kind, and likewise Ibis,
that preyed upon them; however, it seems to have sprung from
the same origin, for I once saw the Chikkasah Archi-magus to
chew some snake-root, blow it on his hands, and then take up a
rattle snake without damage—soon afterwards he laid it down
carefully, in a hollow tree, lest I should have killed it. Once on
the Chikkasah trading war-path, a little above the country of
the Muskohge, as I was returning to camp from hunting, I found
in a large cane swamp, a fellow-traveller, an old Indian trader,
inebriated and naked, except his Indian breeches and maccaseenes;
in that habit he sat, {238} holding a great rattle-snake
round the neck, with his left hand besmeared with proper roots,
and with the other, applying the roots to the teeth, in order to
repel the poison, before he drew them out; which having effected,
he laid it down tenderly at a distance. I then killed it, to his
great dislike, as he was afraid it would occasion misfortunes to
himself and me. I told him, as he had taken away its teeth,
common pity should induce one to put it out of misery, and that
a charitable action could never bring ill on any one; but his
education prevented his fears from subsiding. On a Christmas-day,
at the trading house of that harmless, brave, but unfortunate
man, I took the foot of a guinea-deer out of his shot-pouch—and
another from my own partner, which they had very safely
sewed in the corner of each of their otter-skin-pouches, to enable
them, according to the Indian creed, to kill deer, bear, buffaloe,
beaver, and other wild beasts, in plenty: but they were so infatuated
with the Indian superstitious belief of the power of
that charm, that all endeavours of reconciling them to reason
were ineffectual: I therefore returned them, for as they were
Nimrods, or hunters of men, as well as of wild beasts, I imagined,
I should be answerable to myself for every accident that might
befal them, by depriving them of what they depended upon as
their chief good, in that wild sphere of life. No wonder that
the long-desolate savages of the far extending desarts of America,
should entertain the former superstitious notions of ill luck by
that, and good fortune by this; as those of an early Christian
education, are so soon imprest with the like opinions. The latter
252was killed on the old Chikkasah, or American-Flanders path,[125]
in company with another expert brave man, in the year 1745,
by twenty Choktah savages, set on by the Christian French of
Tumbikpe garrison; in consequence of which, I staid by myself
the following summer-season, in the Chikkasah country, and
when the rest of the trading people and all our horses were gone
down to the English settlements, I persuaded the Choktah to
take up the bloody tomohawk against those perfidious French,
in revenge of a long train of crying blood: and had it not been
for the self-interested policy of a certain governor, those numerous
savages, with the war-like Chikkasah, would have destroyed
the Missisippi settlements, root and branch, except those who
kept themselves closely confined in garrison. When I treat of
the Choktah country, I shall more particularly relate that very
material affair. {239}
The superior policy of the French so highly intoxicated the
light heads of the Cheerake, that they were plodding mischief for
twenty years before we forced them to commit hostilities. The
illustration of this may divert the reader, and shew our southern
colonies what they may still expect from the masterly abilities of
the French Louisianians, whenever they can make it suit their
interest to exert their talents among the Indian nations, while
our watch-men are only employed in treating on paper, in our
far-distant capital seats of government.
In the year 1736, the French sent into South-Carolina, one
Priber[126] a gentleman of a curious and speculative temper. He
253was to transmit them a full account of that country, and proceed
to the Cheerake nation, in order to seduce them from the British
to the French interest. He went, and though he was adorned
with every qualification that constitutes the gentleman, soon
after he arrived at the upper towns of this mountainous country,
he exchanged his clothes and every thing he brought with him,
and by that means, made friends with the head warriors of great
254Telliko, which stood on a branch of the Missisippi. More effectually
to answer the design of his commission, he ate, drank,
slept, danced, dressed, and painted himself, with the Indians, so
that it was not easy to distinguish him from the natives,—he
married also with them, and being endued with a strong understanding
and retentive memory, he soon learned their dialect,
and by gradual advances, impressed them with a very ill opinion
of the English, representing them as a fraudulent, avaritious, and
encroaching people: he at the same time, inflated the artless
savages, with a prodigious high opinion of their own importance
in the American scale of power, on account of the situation of
their country, their martial disposition, and the great number of
their warriors, which would baffle all the efforts of the ambitious,
and ill-designing British colonists. Having thus infected them
by his smooth deluding art, he easily formed them into a nominal
republican government—crowned their old Archi-magus, emperor,
after a pleasing new savage form, and invented a variety of high-sounding
titles for all the members of his imperial majesty’s red
court, and the great officers of state; which the emperor conferred
upon them, in a manner according to their merit. He
himself received the honourable title of his imperial majesty’s
principal secretary of state, and as such he subscribed himself,
in all the letters he wrote to our government, and lived in open
defiance {240} of them. This seemed to be of so dangerous a
tendency, as to induce South-Carolina to send up a commissioner,
Col. F—x,[127] to demand him as an enemy to the public repose—who
took him into custody, in the great square of their statehouse:
when he had almost concluded his oration on the occasion,
one of the head warriors rose up, and bade him forbear, as the
255man he entended to enslave, was made a great beloved man, and
become one of their own people. Though it was reckoned, our
agent’s strength was far greater in his arms than his head, he
readily desisted—for as it is too hard to struggle with the pope
in Rome, a stranger could not miss to find it equally difficult
to enter abruptly into a new emperor’s court, and there seize his
prime minister, by a foreign authority; especially when he could
not support any charge of guilt against him. The warrior told
him, that the red people well knew the honesty of the secretary’s
heart would never allow him to tell a lie; and the secretary urged
that he was a foreigner, without owing any allegiance to Great
Britain,—that he only travelled through some places of their
country, in a peaceable manner, paying for every thing he had
of them; that in compliance with the request of the kindly
French, as well as from his own tender feelings for the poverty
and insecure state of the Cheerake, he came a great way, and
lived among them as a brother, only to preserve their liberties,
by opening a water communication between them and New
Orleans; that the distance of the two places from each other,
proved his motive to be the love of doing good, especially as he
was to go there, and bring up a sufficient number of Frenchmen
of proper skill to instruct them in the art of making gun-powder,
the materials of which, he affirmed their lands abounded with.—He
concluded his artful speech, by urging that the tyrannical
design of the English commissioner toward him, appeared plainly
to be levelled against them, because, as he was not accused of
having done any ill to the English, before he came to the Cheerake,
his crime must consist in loving the Cheerake.—And as that
was reckoned so heinous a transgression in the eye of the English,
as to send one of their angry beloved men to enslave him, it confirmed
all those honest speeches he had often spoken to the
present great war-chieftains, old beloved men, and warriors of
each class.
An old war-leader repeated to the commissioner, the essential
part of the speech, and added more of his own similar thereto.
He bade him to inform {241} his superiors, that the Cheerake
were as desirous as the English to continue a friendly union
with each other, as “freemen and equals.” That they hoped to
receive no farther uneasiness from them, for consulting their
own interests, as their reason dictated.—And they earnestly requested
them to send no more of those bad papers to their
256country, on any account; nor to reckon them so base, as to allow
any of their honest friends to be taken out of their arms, and
carried into slavery. The English beloved man had the honour
of receiving his leave of absence, and a sufficient passport of
safe conduct, from the imperial red court, by a verbal order of
the secretary of state,—who was so polite as to wish him well
home, and ordered a convoy of his own life-guards, who conducted
him a considerable way, and he got home in safety.
From the above, it is evident, that the monopolizing spirit
of the French had planned their dangerous lines of circumvallation,
respecting our envied colonies, as early as the before-mentioned
period. Their choice of the man, bespeaks also their
judgment.—Though the philosophic secretary was an utter
stranger to the wild and mountainous Cheerake country, as well
as to their language, yet his sagacity readily directed him to
chuse a proper place, and an old favourite religious man, for
the new red empire; which he formed by slow, but sure degrees,
to the great danger of our southern colonies. But the empire
received a very great shock, in an accident that befel the secretary,
when it was on the point of rising into a far greater state
of puissance, by the acquisition of the Muskohge, Choktah, and
the western Missisippi Indians. In the fifth year of that red imperial
æra, he set off for Mobille, accompanied by a few Cheerake.
He proceeded by land, as far as a navigable part of the
western great river of the Muskohge; there he went into a canoe
prepared for the joyful occasion, and proceeded within a day’s
journey of Alebahma garrison—conjecturing the adjacent towns
were under the influence of the French, he landed at Tallapoose
town, and lodged there all night. The traders of the neighbouring
towns soon went there, convinced the inhabitants of the dangerous
tendency of his unwearied labours among the Cheerake, and
of his present journey, and then took him into custody, with a
large bundle of manuscripts, and sent him down to Frederica in
Georgia; the governor committed him to a place of confinement,
though not with common felons, as he was a foreigner, and was
said to have held a place of considerable rank in {242} the army
with great honour. Soon after, the magazine took fire, which
was not far from where he was confined, and though the centinels
bade him make off to a place of safety, as all the people were
running to avoid danger from the explosion of the powder and
shells, yet he squatted on his belly upon the floor, and continued
257in that position, without the least hurt: several blamed his
rashness, but he told them, that experience had convinced him,
it was the most probable means to avoid imminent danger. This
incident displayed the philosopher and soldier, and after bearing
his misfortunes a considerable time with great constancy, happily
for us, he died in confinement,—though he deserved a much
better fate. In the first year of his secretaryship I maintained a
correspondence with him; but the Indians becoming very inquisitive
to know the contents of our marked large papers, and he
suspecting his memory might fail him in telling those cunning
sisters of truth, a plausible story, and of being able to repeat it
often to them, without any variation,—he took the shortest and
safest method, by telling them that, in the very same manner
as he was their great secretary, I was the devil’s clerk, or an
accursed one who marked on paper the bad speech of the evil
ones of darkness. Accordingly, they forbad him writing any
more to such an accursed one, or receiving any of his evil-marked
papers, and our correspondence ceased. As he was
learned, and possessed of a very sagacious penetrating judgment,
and had every qualification that was requisite for his bold
and difficult enterprize, it is not to be doubted, that as he wrote
a Cheerake dictionary, designed to be published at Paris, he likewise
set down a great deal that would have been very acceptable
to the curious, and serviceable to the representatives of South-Carolina
and Georgia; which may be readily found in Frederica,
if the manuscripts have had the good fortune to escape the despoiling
hands of military power.
When the western Cheerake towns lost the chief support of
their imperial court, they artfully agreed to inform the English
traders, that each of them had opened their eyes, and rejected
the French plan as a wild scheme, inconsistent with their
interests; except great Telliko,[128] the metropolis of their late
empire, which they said was firmly resolved to adhere to the
French proposals, as the surest means of promoting their welfare
and happiness. Though the inhabitants of this town were only
dupes to the rest, yet for {243} the sake of the imagined general
258good of the country, their constancy enabled them to use that
disguise a long time, in contempt of the English, till habit changed
into a real hatred of the object, what before was only fictitious.
They corresponded with the French in the name of those seven
towns, which are the most warlike part of the nation: and they
were so strongly prepossessed with the notions their beloved
secretary had infused into their heads, in that early weak state
of Louisiana, that they had resolved to remove, and settle so
low down their river, as the French boats could readily bring
them a supply. But the hot war they fell into with the northern
Indians, made them postpone the execution of that favourite
design; and the settling of Fort Loudon, quieted them a little,
as they expected to get presents, and spirituous liquors there,
according to the manner of the French promises, of which they
had great plenty.
The French, to draw off the western towns, had given them
repeated assurances of settling a strong garrison on the north side
of their river, as high up as their large pettiaugres could be
brought with safety, where there was a large tract of rich lands
abounding with game and fowl, and the river with fish.—They
at the same time promised to procure a firm peace between the
Cheerake and all the Indian nations depending on the French;
and to bestow on them powder, bullets, flints, knives, scissars,
combs, shirts, looking glasses, and red paint,—beside favourite
trifles to the fair sex: in the same brotherly manner the Alebahma
French extended their kindly hands to their Muskohge
brethren. By their assiduous endeavours, that artful plan was
well supported, and though the situation of our affairs, in the
remote, and leading Cheerake towns, had been in a ticklish
situation, from the time their project of an empire was formed;
and though several other towns became uneasy and discontented
on sundry pretexts, for the space of two years before the unlucky
occasion of the succeeding war happened—yet his excellency
our governor[129] neglected the proper measures to reconcile
the wavering savages, till the gentleman[130] who was appointed
to succeed him, had just reached the American coast: then,
indeed, he set off, with a considerable number of gentlemen, in
259flourishing parade, and went as far as Ninety-six[LV] settlement;
from whence, as most probably he expected, he was fortunately
recalled, and joyfully superseded. I saw him on his way up, and
plainly observed he was unprovided for the journey; it must
unavoidably have proved abortive {244} before he could have
proceeded through the Cheerake country,—gratifying the inquisitive
disposition of the people, as he went, and quieting the jealous
minds of the inhabitants of those towns, who are settled among
the Apalahche mountains, and those seven towns, in particular,
that lie beyond them. He neither sent before, nor carried with
him, any presents wherewith to soothe the natives; and his kind
promises, and smooth speeches, would have weighed exceedingly
light in the Indian scale.
LV. So called from its distance of miles from the Cheerake. (A). Adair
makes a slight slip here. Ninety-Six was the name applied as early as
1730 to the point ninety-six miles from Charles Town. Salley, George
Hunter’s Map of 1730, p. 3. (W)
Having shewn the bad state of our affairs among the remotest
parts of the Cheerake country, and the causes.—I shall now relate
their plea, for commencing war against the British colonies; and
the great danger we were exposed to by the incessant intrigues
of the half-savage French garrisons, in those hot times, when all
our northern barriers were so prodigiously harrassed. Several
companies of the Cheerake,[131] who joined our forces under General
Stanwix at the unfortunate Ohio, affirmed that their alienation
from us, was—because they were confined to our martial
arrangement, by unjust suspicion of them—were very much
260contemned,—and half-starved at the main camp: their hearts
told them therefore to return home, as freemen and injured
allies, though without a supply of provisions. This they did, and
pinching hunger forced them to take as much as barely supported
nature, when returning to their own country. In their
journey, the German inhabitants, without any provocation, killed
in cool blood about forty of their warriors, in different places—though
each party was under the command of a British subject.[132]
They scalped all, and butchered several, after a most shocking
manner, in imitation of the barbarous war-custom of the savages;
some who escaped the carnage, returned at night, to see their
kindred and war companions, and reported their fate. Among
those who were thus treated, some were leading men, which had
a dangerous tendency to disturb the public quiet. We were repeatedly
informed, by public account, that those murderers were
so audacious as to impose the scalps on the government for those
of French Indians; and that they actually obtained the premium
allowed at that time by law in such a case. Although the vindictive
disposition of Indians in general, impetuously forces them
on in quest of equal revenge for blood, without the least thought
of consequences; yet as a misunderstanding had subsisted some
time, between several distant towns, and those who chanced to
lose their people in Virginia, the chiefs of those families being
afraid of a civil war, {245} in case of a rupture with us, dissuaded
the furious young warriors from commencing hostilities
against us, till they had demanded satisfaction, agreeable to the
treaty of friendship between them and our colonies; which if
denied, they would fully take of their own accord, as became a
free, warlike, and injured people. In this state, the affair lay,
for the best part of a year, without our using any proper conciliating
measures, to prevent the threatening impending storm
from destroying us: during that interval, they earnestly applied
to Virginia for satisfaction, without receiving any; in like manner
to North-Carolina; and afterwards to South-Carolina, with the
same bad success. And there was another incident at Fort
Prince-George, which set fire to the fuel, and kindled it into a
raging flame: three light-headed, disorderly young officers of that
261garrison, forcibly violated some of their wives, and in the most
shameless manner, at their own houses, while the husbands were
making their winter hunt in the woods—and which infamous
conduct they madly repeated, but a few months before the commencement
of the war: in other respects, through a haughty
over-bearing spirit, they took pleasure in insulting and abusing
the natives, when they paid a friendly visit to the garrison. No
wonder that such a behaviour, caused their revengeful tempers
to burst forth into action. When the Indians find no redress of
grievances, they never fail to redress themselves, either sooner
or later. But when they begin, they do not know where to end.
Their thirst for the blood of their reputed enemies, is not to be
quenched with a few drops.—The more they drink, the more it
inflames their thirst. When they dip their fingers in human
blood, they are restless till they plunge themselves in it.
Contrary to the wise conduct of the French garrisons in securing
the affection of the natives where they are settled—our sons
of Mars imbittered the hearts of those Cheerake, that lie next
to South-Carolina and Georgia colonies, against us, with the mid
settlements and the western towns on the streams of the Missisippi:
who were so incensed as continually to upbraid the
traders with our unkind treatment of their people in the camp at
Monongahela,—and for our having committed such hostilities
against our good friends, who were peaceably returning home
through our settlements, and often under pinching wants. The
lying over their dead, and the wailing of the women in their various
towns, and tribes, for their deceased relations, at the dawn of
day, and in the dusk of the evening, proved another strong
provocative to them to retaliate blood for blood. The Muskohge {246}
also at that time having a friendly intercourse with
the Cheerake, through the channel of the governor of South-Carolina,
were, at the instance of the watchful French, often
ridiculing them for their cowardice in not revenging the crying
blood of their beloved kinsmen and warriors. At the same time,
they promised to assist them against us,[133] and in the name of the
Alebahma French, assured them of a supply of ammunition, to
enable them to avenge their injuries, and maintain their lives
and liberties against the mischievous and bloody English colonists;
262who, they said, were naturally in a bitter state of war
against all the red people, and studied only how to steal their
lands, on a quite opposite principle to the open steady conduct
of the generous French, who assist their poor red brothers, a
great way from their own settlements, where they can have no
view, but that of doing good. Notwithstanding the repeated
provocations we had given to the Cheerake,—and the artful
insinuations of the French, inculcated with proper address; yet
their old chiefs not wholly depending on the sincerity of their
smooth tongues and painted faces, nor on the assistance, or even
neutrality of the remote northern towns of their own country,
on mature deliberation, concluded that, as all hopes of a friendly
redress for the blood of their relations now depended on their
own hands, they ought to take revenge in that equal and just
manner, which became good warriors. They accordingly sent
out a large company of warriors, against those Germans, (or
Tied-arse people, as they term them) to bring in an equal number
of their scalps, to those of their own murdered relations.—Or
if they found their safety did not permit, they were to proceed
as near to that settlement, as they conveniently could, where
having taken sufficient satisfaction, they were to bury the bloody
tomohawk they took with them. They set off, but advancing
pretty far into the high settlements of North-Carolina,[134] the
ambitious young leaders separated into small companies, and
killed as many of our people, as unfortunately fell into their
power, contrary to the wise orders of their seniors, and the number
far exceeded that of their own slain. Soon after they returned
home, they killed a reprobate old trader; and two soldiers also
were cut off near Fort Loudon. For these acts of hostility, the
government of South-Carolina demanded satisfaction, without
receiving any; the hearts of their young warriors were so exceedingly
enraged, as to render their ears quite deaf to any
remonstrance of their seniors, respecting an amicable accommodation;
for as they expected to be exposed to very little danger,
on our remote, dispersed, and {247} very extensive barrier settlements,
nothing but war-songs and war-dances could please them,
during this flattering period of becoming great warriors, “by
263killing swarms of white dung-hill fowls, in the corn-fields, and
asleep,” according to their war-phrase.
Previous to this alarming crisis, while the Indians were applying
to our colonies for that satisfaction, which our laws could
not allow them, without a large contribution of white scalps,
from Tyburn, with one living criminal to suffer death before
their eyes,—his excellency William Henry Lyttleton, governor
of South-Carolina, strenuously exerted himself in providing for
the safety of the colony; regardless of fatigue, he visited its
extensive barriers, by land and water, to have them put in as
respectable a condition, as circumstances could admit, before
the threatening storm broke out: and he ordered the militia of
the colony, under a large penalty, to be trained to arms, by an
adjutant general, (the very worthy Col. G. P.) who saw those
manly laws of defence duly executed. We had great pleasure
to see his excellency on his summer’s journey, enter the old
famous New-Windsor garrison, like a private gentleman, without
the least parade; and he proceeded in his circular course, in the
same retired easy manner, without incommoding any of the
inhabitants. He fully testified, his sole aim was the security and
welfare of the valuable country over which he presided, without
imitating the mean self-interested artifice of any predecessor. At
the capital seat of government, he busily employed himself in
extending, and protecting trade, the vital part of a maritime
colony; in redressing old neglected grievances, of various kinds;
in punishing corruption wheresoever it was found, beginning at
the head, and proceeding equally to the feet; and in protecting
virtue, not by the former cobweb-laws, but those of old British
extraction. In so laudable a manner, did that public-spirited
governor exert his powers, in his own proper sphere of action:
but on an object much below it, he failed, by not knowing aright
the temper and customs of the savages.
The war being commenced on both sides, by the aforesaid
complicated causes, it continued for some time a partial one:
and according to the well-known temper of the Cheerake in similar
cases, it might either have remained so, or soon have been
changed into a very hot civil war, had we {248} been so wise
as to have improved the favourable opportunity. There were
seven northern towns, opposite to the middle parts of the Cheerake
country, who from the beginning of the unhappy grievances,
firmly dissented from the hostile intentions of their suffering
264and enraged country-men, and for a considerable time before,
bore them little good-will, on account of some family disputes,
which occasioned each party to be more favourable to itself than
to the other: These, would readily have gratified their vindictive
disposition, either by a neutrality, or an offensive alliance with
our colonists against them. Our rivals the French, never neglected
so favourable an opportunity of securing, and promoting
their interests.—We have known more than one instance, wherein
their wisdom has not only found out proper means to disconcert
the most dangerous plans of disaffected savages, but likewise
to foment, and artfully encourage great animosities between the
heads of ambitious rival families, till they fixed them in an
implacable hatred against each other, and all of their respective
tribes. Had the French been under such circumstances, as we
then were, they would instantly have sent them an embassy by
a proper person, to enforce it by the persuasive argument of
interest, well supported with presents to all the leading men, in
order to make it weigh heavy in the Indian scale; and would
have invited a number of those towns to pay them a brotherly
visit, whenever it suited them, that they might shake hands,
smoke out of the white, or beloved pipe, and drink physic together,
as became old friends of honest hearts, &c.
Had we thus done, many valuable and innocent persons might
have been saved from the torturing hands of the enraged Indians!
The favourite leading warrior of those friendly towns, was well
known to South-Carolina and Georgia, by the trading name—“Round
O.” on account of a blue impression he bore in that
form. The same old, brave, and friendly warrior, depending
firmly on our friendship and usual good faith, came down within
an hundred miles of Charles-town, along with the head-men, and
many others of those towns, to declare to the government, an
inviolable attachment to all our British colonies, under every
various circumstance of life whatsoever; and at the same time,
earnestly to request them to supply their present want of ammunition,
and order the commanding officer of Fort-Prince-George
to continue to do them the like service, when necessity should
force them to apply for it; as they were fully determined to war {249}
to the very last, against all the enemies of Carolina, without
regarding who they were, or the number they consisted of.
This they told me on the spot; for having been in a singular
manner recommended to his excellency the general, I was pre-engaged
265for that campaign—but as I could not obtain orders to
go a-head of the army, through the woods, with a body of the
Chikkasah,[135] and commence hostilities, I declined the affair. Had
our valuable, and well-meaning Cheerake friends just mentioned,
acted their usual part of evading captivity, it would have been
much better for them, and many hundreds of our unfortunate
out-settlers; but they depending on our usual good faith, by
their honest credulity were ruined. It was well-known, that the
Indians are unacquainted with the custom and meaning of
hostages; to them, it conveyed the idea of slaves, as they have
no public faith to secure the lives of such—yet they were taken
into custody, kept in close confinement, and afterwards shot
dead: their mortal crime consisted in sounding the war-whoop,
and hollowing to their countrymen, when attacking the fort in
which they were imprisoned, to fight like strong-hearted warriors,
and they would soon carry it, against the cowardly traitors,
who deceived and inslaved their friends in their own beloved
country. A white savage on this cut through a plank, over their
heads, and perpetrated that horrid action, while the soldiery
were employed like warriors, against the enemy: to excuse his
baseness, and save himself from the reproaches of the people,
he, like the wolf in the fable, falsely accused them of intending
to poison the wells of the garrison.[136]
By our uniform misconduct, we gave too plausible a plea to
the disaffected part of the Muskohge to join the Cheerake, and
at the same time, fixed the whole nation in a state of war against
us—all the families of those leading men that were so shamefully
murdered, were inexpressibly imbittered against our very national
name, judging that we first deceived, then inslaved, and afterwards
killed our best, and most faithful friends, who were firmly
resolved to die in our defence. The means of our general safety,
thus were turned to our general ruin. The mixed body of people
that were first sent against them, were too weak to do them any
ill; and they soon returned home with a wild, ridiculous parade.
There were frequent desertions among them—some were afraid
of the small-pox, which then raged in the country—others abhorred
an inactive life; this fine silken body chiefly consisted
of citizens and planters from the low settlements, unacquainted
266with the hardships of a wood-land, savage {250} war, and in
case of an ambuscade attack, were utterly incapable of standing
the shock. In Georgiana,[137] we were assured by a gentleman of
character, a principal merchant of Mobille, who went a voluntier
on that expedition, that toward the conclusion of it, when he
went round the delicate camp, in wet weather, and late at night,
he saw in different places from fifteen to twenty of their guns in
a cluster, at the distance of an equal number of paces from their
tents, seemingly so rusty and peaceable, as the loss of them by
the usual sudden attack of Indian savages, could not in the least
affect their lives. And the Cheerake nation were sensible of
their innocent intentions, from the disposition of the expedition
in so late a season of the year: but their own bad situation by
the ravaging small-pox, and the danger of a civil war, induced
the lower towns to lie dormant. However, soon after our people
returned home, they firmly united in the generous cause of
liberty, and they acted their part so well, that our traders suspected
not the impending blow, till the moment they fatally felt
it: some indeed escaped by the assistance of the Indians. In
brief we forced the Cheerake to become our bitter enemies, by a
long train of wrong measures, the consequences of which were
severely felt by a number of high assessed, ruined, and bleeding
innocents—May this relation, be a lasting caution to our colonies
against the like fatal errors! and induce them, whenever necessity
compels, to go well prepared, with plenty of fit stores, and
men, against any Indian nation, and first defeat, and then treat
with them. It concerns us to remember, that they neither shew
mercy to those who fall in their power, by the chance of war;
nor keep good faith with their enemies, unless they are feelingly
convinced of its reasonableness, and civilly treated afterward.
Had South-Carolina exerted herself in due time against them,
as her situation required, it would have saved a great deal of
innocent blood, and public treasure: common sense directed them
to make immediate preparations for carrying the war into their
country, as the only way to conquer them; but they strangely
neglected sending war-like stores to Ninety-six, our only barrier-fort,
and even providing horses and carriages for that needful
occasion, till the troops they requested arrived from New-York:
and then they sent only a trifling number of those, and our
267provincials, under the gallant Col. Montgomery, (now Lord
Eglington).[138] His twelve hundred brave, hardy highlanders,
though but a handful, were much abler, however, to {251} fight
the Indians in their country than six thousand heavy-accoutered
and slow moving regulars: for these, with our provincials, could
both fight and pursue, while the regulars would always be surrounded,
and stand a sure and shining mark. Except a certain
provincial captain who escorted the cattle, every officer and
private man in this expedition, imitated the intrepid copy of their
martial leader; but being too few in number, and withal, scanty
of provisions, and having lost many men at a narrow pass, called
Crow’s Creek, where the path leads by the side of a river, below
a dangerous steep mountain,—they proceeded only a few miles,
to a fine situated town called Nuquose; and then wisely retreated
under cover of the night, toward Fort-Prince-George, and returned
to Charles-town, in August 1760.[139] Seven months after
the Cheerake commenced hostilities, South-Carolina by her ill-timed
parsimony again exposed her barriers to the merciless
ravages of the enraged Indians—who reckoning themselves also
superior to any resistance we could make, swept along the valuable
out-settlements of North-Carolina and Virginia, and like
evil ones licensed to destroy, ruined every thing near them. The
year following, Major Grant, the present governor of East-Florida,
was sent against them with an army of regulars and
provincials, and happily for him, the Indians were then in great
want of ammunition: they therefore only appeared, and suddenly
disappeared. From all probable circumstances, had the
Cheerake been sufficiently supplied with ammunition, twice the
number of troops could not have defeated them, on account of
the declivity of their stupendous mountains, under which their
paths frequently run; the Virginia troops likewise kept far off
in flourishing parade,[140] without coming to our assistance, or
making a diversion against those warlike towns which lie beyond
268the Apalahche mountains,—the chief of which are, Tennàse,
Choàte, Great-Telliko, and Huwhàse.
At the beginning of the late Cheerake war,[141] I had the
pleasure to see, at Augusta in Georgia, the honourable gentleman
who was our first Indian super-intendant;[142] he was on his
way to the Muskohge country, to pacify their ill disposition
toward us, which had irritated the Cheerake, and engaged them
in a firm confederacy against us. They had exchanged their
bloody tomohawks, and red and black painted swans wings, a
strong emblem of blood and death, in confirmation of their offensive
and defensive treaty. But, notwithstanding our dangerous
situation ought to have directed any gentleman worthy of public
trust, to {252} have immediately proceeded to their country, to
regain the hearts of those fickle and daring savages, and thereby
elude the deep-laid plan of the French; and though Indian runners
were frequently sent down by our old friendly head-men,
urging the absolute necessity of his coming up soon, otherwise
it would be too late—he trifled away near half a year there, and
in places adjoining, in raising a body of men with a proud uniform
dress, for the sake of parade, and to escort him from
danger, with swivels, blunderbusses, and many other such sorts
of blundering stuff, before he proceeded on his journey. This
was the only way to expose the gentleman to real danger, by
shewing at such a time, a diffidence of the natives—which he
accordingly effected, merely by his pride, obstinacy, and unskilfulness.
It is well known, the whole might have been prevented,
if he had listened to the entreaties of the Indian traders of that
place, to request one (who would neither refuse, nor delay to
serve his country on any important occasion) to go in his stead,
as the dangerous situation of our affairs demanded quick dispatch.
But pride prevented, and he slowly reached there, after
much time was lost.
The artful French commander, had in the mean while a very
good opportunity to distract the giddy savages, and he wisely
269took advantage of the delay, and persuaded a considerable body
of the Shawano Indians to fly to the northward,—as our chief
was affirmed to be coming with an army and train of artillery to
cut them off, in revenge of the blood they had formerly spilled.
We soon heard, that in their way, they murdered a great many
of the British subjects, and with the most despiteful eagerness
committed their bloody ravages during the whole war.
After the head-men of that far-extending country, were convened
to know the import of our intendants long-expected embassy,
he detained them from day to day with his parading
grandeur; not using the Indian friendly freedom, either to the
red, or white people, till provisions grew scanty. Then their
hearts were imbittered against him, while the French Alebahma
commander was busy, in taking time by the forelock. But the
former, to be uniform in his stiff, haughty conduct, crowned the
whole, in a longer delay, and almost gained a supposed crown
of martydom,—by prohibiting, in an obstinate manner, all the
war-chieftains and beloved men then assembled together in the
great beloved square, from handing the friendly white pipe to a
certain great {253} war-leader, well-known by the names of
Yah-Yah-Tustanage, or “the Great Mortar,”[143] because he had
been in the French interest. Our great man, ought to have reclaimed
him by strong reasoning and good treatment: but by his
misconduct, he inflamed the hearts of him and his relations with
the bitterest enmity against the English name, so that when the
gentleman was proceeding in his laconic stile,—a warrior who
270had always before been very kind to the British traders, (called
“the Tobacco-eater,” on account of his chewing tobacco) jumped
up in a rage, and darted his tomohawk at his head,—happily for
all the traders present, and our frontier colonies, it sunk in a
plank directly over the superintendant;[144] and while the tobacco-eater
was eagerly pulling it out, to give the mortal blow, a warrior,
friendly to the English, immediately leaped up, saved the
gentleman, and prevented those dangerous consequences which
must otherwise have immediately followed. Had the aimed blow
succeeded, the savages would have immediately put up the war
and death whoop, destroyed most of the white people there on the
spot, and set off in great bodies, both to the Cheerake country,
and against our valuable settlements. Soon after that gentleman
returned to Carolina, the Great Mortar persuaded a party of
his relations to kill our traders, and they murdered ten;—very
fortunately, it stopped there for that time. But at the close of
the great congress at Augusta, where four governors of our
colonies, and his majesty’s superintendant, convened the savages
and renewed and confirmed the treaty of peace, the same
disaffected warrior returning home, sent off a party, who murdered
fourteen of the inhabitants of Long-Cane settlement, above
Ninety-six. The result of that dangerous congress, tempted the
proud savages to act such a part, as they were tamely forgiven,
and unasked, all their former scenes of blood.
During this distracted period, the French used their utmost
endeavours to involve us in a general Indian war, which to have
saved South-Carolina and Georgia, would probably have required
the assistance of a considerable number of our troops from
Canada. They strove to supply the Cheerake, by way of the
Missisippi, with warlike stores; and also sent them powder, bullets,
flints, knives, and red paint, by their staunch friend, the
disaffected Great Mortar, and his adherents. And though they
failed in executing their mischievous plan, both on account of
the manly escape of our traders, and the wise conduct of those
271below, they did not despair. Upon studious deliberation, they
concluded, that, if the aforesaid chieftain {254} Yah Yah
Tustanàge, his family, and warriors, settled high up one of their
leading rivers, about half way toward the Cheerake, it would
prove the only means then left, of promoting their general cause
against the British colonists: And, as the lands were good for
hunting,—the river shallow, and abounding with saltish grass,
for the deer to feed on in the heat of the day, free of troublesome
insects,—and as the stream glided by the Alebahma garrison to
Mobille, at that time in the French hands, it could not well fail
to decoy a great many of the ambitious young warriors, and
others, to go there and join our enemies, on any occasion which
appeared most conducive to their design of shedding blood, and
getting a higher name among their wolfish heroes. He and his
numerous pack, confident of success, and of receiving the French
supplies by water, set off for their new seat, well loaded, both
for their Cheerake friends and themselves. He had a French
commission, with plenty of bees-wax, and decoying pictures; and
a flourishing flag, which in dry weather, was displayed day and
night, in the middle of their anti-anglican theatre. It in a great
measure answered the serpentine design of the French, for it
became the general rendezvous of the Missisippi Indians, the
Cheerake, and the more mischievous part of the Muskohge. The
latter became the French carriers to those high-land savages: and
had they received the ammunition sent them by water, and that
nest been allowed to continue, we should have had the French
on our southern colonies at the head of a dreadful confederated
army of savages, carrying desolation where-ever they went. But,
the plan miscarried, our friendly gallant Chikkasah, being well
informed of the ill design of this nest of hornets, broke it up.
A considerable company of their resolute warriors marched
against it; and, as they readily knew the place of the Great
Mortar’s residence, they attacked it, and though they missed
him, they killed his brother. This, so greatly intimidated him,
and his clan, that they suddenly removed from thence; and their
favourite plan was abortive. When he got near to a place of
safety, he shewed how highly irritated he was against us, and
our allies. His disappointment, and disgrace, prevented him
from returning to his own native town, and excited him to settle
in the remotest, and most northern one of the whole nation,
272toward the Cheerake,[145] in order to assist them, (as far as the
French, and his own corroding temper might enable him) against
the innocent objects of his enmity: and during the continuance
of the war we held with those savages, he and a {255} numerous
party of his adherents kept passing, and repassing, from thence
to the bloody theatre. They were there, as their loud insulting
bravadoes testified, during our two before-mentioned campaigns,
under Hon. Col. Montgomery, and Major Grant. The wise endeavours
of Governor Bull, of South-Carolina, and the unwearied
application of Governor Ellis, of Georgia, in concert with the
gentlemen of two great trading houses, the one at Augusta, and
the other on the Carolina side of the river, not far below, where
the Indians crowded day and night, greatly contributed to demolish
the plan of the French and their ally, the Great Mortar.
When public spirit, that divine spark, glows in the breast of
any of the American leaders, it never fails to communicate its
influence, all around, even to the savages in the remotest wilderness;
of which Governor Ellis is an illustrious instance. He
speedily reconciled a jarring colony—calmed the raging Muskohge,
though set on by the mischievous Alebahma French,—pacified
the Cheerake, and the rest of their confederates—sent
them off well pleased, without executing their base design, and
engaged them into a neutrality. The following, is one instance—As
soon as the Indians killed our traders, they sent runners to
call home their people, from our settlements: a friendly head
warrior, who had notice of it at night, near Augusta, came there
next day with a few more, expressed his sorrow for the mischief
his countrymen had done us, protested he never had any ill
intentions against us, and said that, though by the law of blood,
he ought to die, yet, if we allowed him to live as a friend, he
should live and die one. Though thousands of regular troops
would most probably have been totally cut off, had they been
where the intended general massacre began, without an escortment
of our provincials; yet an unskilful, haughty officer of
Fort-Augusta laboured hard for killing this warrior, and his
companion, which of course, would have brought on what the
enemy sought, a complicated, universal war. But his excellency’s
273humane temper, and wise conduct, actuating the Indian trading
gentlemen of Augusta, they suffered him to set off to strive to
prevent the further effusion of innocent blood, and thus procured
the happy fruits of peace, to the infant colonies of Georgia and
South-Carolina. {256}
274
Their country is situated, nearly in the centre, between the
Cheerake, Georgia, East and West-Florida, and the Choktah and
Chikkasah nations, the one 200, and the other 300 miles up the
Missisippi. It extends 180 computed miles, from north to south.
It is called the Creek country,[146] on account of the great number
of Creeks, or small bays, rivulets and swamps, it abounds with.
This nation is generally computed to consist of about 3500 men
fit to bear arms; and has fifty towns, or villages. The principal
are Ok-whûs-ke, Ok-chai, Tuk-ke-bat-che, Tal-lâ-se, Kow-hé-tah,
and Cha-hâh. The nation consists of a mixture of several broken
tribes, whom the Muskohge artfully decoyed to incorporate with
them, in order to strengthen themselves against hostile attempts.
Their former national names were Ta-mé-tah, Tae-keo-ge, Ok-chai,
Pak-ká-na, Wee-tam-ka; with them is also one town of the
Sha-wa-no, and one of the Nah-chee Indians; likewise two great
towns of the Koo-a-sâh-te. The upper part of the Muskohge
country is very hilly—the middle less so—the lower towns, level:
These are settled by the remains of the Oosécha, Okone, and
Sawakola nations. Most of their towns are very commodiously
and pleasantly situated, on large, beautiful creeks, or rivers,
where the lands are fertile, the water clear and well tasted, and
the air extremely pure. As the streams have a quick descent,
the climate is of a most happy temperature, free from disagreeable
heat or cold, unless for the space of a few days, in summer
and winter, according to all our American climes. In their
country are four bold rivers, which spring from the Apalahche
275mountains, and interlock with the eastern branches of the Missisippi.
The Koosah river is the western boundary of their
towns: It is 200 yards broad, and runs by the late Alebahma, to {257}
Mobille, eastward. Okwhuske lies 70 miles from the former,
which taking a considerable southern sweep, runs a western
course, and joins the aforesaid great stream, a little below that
deserted garrison; since the year 1764, the Muskohge have settled
several towns, seventy miles eastward from Okwhuske,
on the Chatahooche river, near to the old trading path. This
great lympid stream is 200 yards broad, and lower down, it passes
by the Apalahche, into Florida; so that this nation extends 140
miles in breadth from east to west, according to the course of the
trading path.
Their land is generally hilly, but not mountainous; which
allows an army an easy passage into their country, to retaliate
their insults and cruelties—that period seems to advance apace;
for the fine flourishing accounts of those who gain by the art,
will not always quiet a suffering people. As the Muskohge judge
only from what they see around them, they firmly believe they
are now more powerful than any nation that might be tempted
to invade them. Our passive conduct toward them, causes them
to entertain a very mean opinion of our martial abilities: but,
before we tamely allowed them to commit acts of hostility, at
pleasure, (which will soon be mentioned) the traders taught them
sometimes by strong felt lessons, to conclude the English to be
men and warriors. They are certainly the most powerful Indian
nation we are acquainted with on this continent, and within
thirty years past, they are grown very warlike. Toward the
conclusion of their last war with the Cheerake, they defeated
them so easily, that in contempt, they sent several of their
women and small boys against them, though, at that time, the
Cheerake were, the most numerous. The Choktah were also
much inferior to them, in several engagements they had with
them; though, perhaps, they are the most artful ambuscaders,
and wolfish savages, in America.—But, having no rivers in their
own country, very few of them can swim, which often proves
inconvenient and dangerous, when they are in pursuit of the
enemy, or pursued by them. We should be politically sorry
for their differences with each other to be reconciled, as long
experience convinces us they cannot live without shedding human
blood somewhere or other, on account of their jealous and fierce
276tempers, in resentment of any kind of injury, and the martial
preferment each obtains for every scalp of an enemy. They are
so extremely anxious to be distinguished by high war-titles, that
sometimes a small party of warriors, on failing of success in their
campaign, have been detected in murdering {258} some of their
own people, for the sake of their scalps. We cannot expect that
they will observe better faith towards us—therefore common
sense and self-love ought to direct us to chuse the least of two
unavoidable evils; ever to keep the wolf from our own doors, by
engaging him with his wolfish neighbours: at least, the officious
hand of folly should not part them, when they are earnestly engaged
in their favourite element against each other.[147]
All the other Indian nations we have any acquaintance with,
are visibly and fast declining, on account of their continual
merciless wars, the immoderate use of spirituous liquors, and the
infectious ravaging nature of the small pox: but the Muskohge
have few enemies, and the traders with them have taught them
to prevent the last contagion from spreading among their towns,
by cutting off all communication with those who are infected,
till the danger is over. Besides, as the men rarely go to war
till they have helped the women to plant a sufficient plenty of
provisions, contrary to the usual method of warring savages, it
is so great a help to propagation, that by this means also, and
their artful policy of inviting decayed tribes to incorporate with
them, I am assured by a gentleman of distinguished character,[148]
who speaks their language as well as their best orators, they
have increased double in number within the space of thirty years
past, notwithstanding their widows are confined to a strict state
of celibacy, for the full space of four years after the death of
their husbands. When we consider that two or three will go several
hundred miles, to way-lay an enemy—the contiguous situation
of such a prodigious number of corrupt, haughty, and mischievous
savages to our valuable colonies, ought to draw our attention
upon them. Those of us who have gained a sufficient knowledge
of Indian affairs, by long experience and observation, are firmly
persuaded that the seeds of war are deeply implanted in their
hearts against us; and that the allowing them, in our usual tame
277manner, to insult, plunder, and murder peaceable British subjects,
only tempts them to engage deeper in their diabolical
scenes of blood, till they commence a dangerous open war against
us: the only probable means to preserve peace, is either to set
them and their rivals on one another, or by prudent management,
influence them to employ themselves in raising silk, or
any other staple commodity that would best suit their own
temper and climate. Prudence points out this, but the task is
too arduous for strangers ever to be able to effect, or they care
not about it. {259}
Before the late cession of East and West Florida to Great
Britain, the country of the Muskohge lay between the territories
of the English, Spaniards, French, Choktah, Chikkasah, and
Cheerake.—And as they had a water carriage, from the two
Floridas; to secure their liberties, and a great trade by land from
Georgia and South-Carolina, this nation regulated the Indian
balance of power in our southern parts of North-America; for
the French could have thrown the mercenary Choktah, and the
Missisippi savages, into the scale, whenever their interest seemed
to require it. The Muskohge having three rival Christian powers
their near neighbours, and a French garrison on the southern
extremity of the central part of their country ever since the war
of the year 1715; the old men, being long informed by the opposite
parties, of the different views, and intrigues of those European
powers, who paid them annual tribute under the vague
appellation of presents, were become surprisingly crafty in every
turn of low politics. They held it as an invariable maxim, that
their security and welfare required a perpetual friendly intercourse
with us and the French; as our political state of war
with each other, would always secure their liberties: whereas,
if they joined either party, and enabled it to prevail over the
other, their state, they said, would then become as unhappy as
that of a poor fellow, who had only one perverse wife, and yet
must bear with her froward temper; but a variety of choice
would have kept off such an afflicting evil, either by his giving
her a silent caution against behaving ill, or by enabling him to go
to another, who was in a better temper. But as the French
Alebahma Garrison[149] had been long directed by skilful officers,
and supplied pretty well with corrupting brandy, taffy, and
278decoying trifles at the expence of government, they industriously
applied their mischievous talents in impressing many of the
former simple and peaceable natives with false notions of the ill
intentions of our colonies. In each of their towns, the French
gave a considerable pension to an eloquent head-man, to corrupt
the Indians by plausible pretexts, and inflame them against us;
who informed them also of every material occurrence, in each
of their respective circles. The force of liquors made them so
faithful to their trust, that they poisoned the innocence of their
own growing families, by tempting them, from their infancy, to
receive the worst impressions of the British colonists: and as they
very seldom got the better of those prejudices, they alienated
the affections of their offspring, and riveted their bitter enmity
against us. That conduct of the Christian French has fixed
many of the Muskohge {260} in a strong native hatred to the
British Americans, which being hereditary, must of course increase,
as fast as they increase in numbers; unless we give them
such a severe lesson, as their annual hostile conduct to us, has
highly deserved since the year 1760. I shall now speak more
explicitly on this very material point.
By our superintendant’s strange pursuit of improper measures
to appease the Muskohge, as before noticed, the watchful French
engaged the irritated Great Mortar to inspire his relations to cut
off some of our traders by surprise, and follow the blow at the
time the people were usually employed in the corn-fields, lest our
party should stop them, in their intended bloody career. They
accordingly began their hostile attack in the upper town of the
nation, except one, where their mischievous red abettor lived:
two white people and a negroe were killed, while they were in
the horsepen, preparing that day to have set off with their returns
to the English settlements. The trader, who was surly and
ill-natured, they chopped to pieces, in a most horrid manner,
but the other two they did not treat with any kind of barbarity;
which shews that the worst people, in their worst actions, make
a distinction between the morally virtuous, and vicious. The
other white people of that trading house, happily were at that
time in the woods;—they heard the savage platoon, and the
death, and war-whoop, which sufficiently warned them of their
imminent danger, and to seek their safety by the best means
they could. Some of them went through the woods after night,
to our friend towns; and one who happened to be near the town
279when the alarm was given, going to bring in a horse, was obliged
to hide himself under a large fallen tree, till night came on. The
eager savages came twice, pretty near him, imagining he would
chuse rather to depend on the horse’s speed, than his own: when
the town was engaged in dividing the spoils, his wife fearing she
might be watched, took a considerable sweep round, through the
thickets, and by searching the place, and making signals, where
she expected he lay concealed, fortunately found him, and gave
him provisions to enable him to get to our settlements, and then
returned home in tears: he arrived safe at Augusta, though exceedingly
torn with the brambles, as his safety required him to
travel through unfrequented tracts. In the mean while, the savages
having by this inflamed their greedy thirst for blood, set off
swiftly, and as they darted {261} along sounding the news of
war, they from a few, increased so fast, that their voices conveyed
such thrilling shocks to those they were in quest of, as if the
infernal legions had broken loose through their favourite Alebahma,
and were invested with power to destroy the innocent.
The great Okwhusketown, where they reached, lay on the western
side of the large easternmost branch of Mobille river, which joins
a far greater western river, almost two miles below the late
Alebahma; and the English traders store-houses lay opposite to
the town. Those red ambassadors of the French, artfully passed
the river above the town, and ran along silently to a gentleman’s
dwelling house, where they first shot down one of his servants,
and in a minute or two after, himself: probably, he might have
been saved, if he had not been too desperate; for a strong-bodied
leading warrior of the town was at his house when they
came to it, who grasped him behind, with his face toward the
wall, on purpose to save him from being shot; as they durst not
kill himself, under the certain pain of death. But very unluckily,
the gentleman struggled, got hold of him, threw him to the
ground, and so became too fair a mark.—Thus the Frenchified
savages cut off, in the bloom of his youth, the son of J. R. Esq;[150]
Indian trading merchant of Augusta, who was the most stately,
comely, and gallant youth, that ever traded in the Muskohge
country, and equally blest with every social virtue, that attracts
esteem. The very savages lament his death to this day, though
280it was usual with him to correct as many of the swaggering
heroes, as could stand round him in his house, when they became
impudent and mischievous, through the plea of drinking spirituous
liquors: when they recover from their bacchanal phrenzy,
they regard a man of a martial spirit, and contemn the pusillanimous.
While the town was in the utmost surprise, the ambitious
warriors were joyfully echoing—“all is spoiled;” and sounding
the death-whoop, they, like so many infernal furies commissioned
to destroy, set off at full speed, dispersing their bloody legions
to various towns, to carry general destruction along with them.
But before any of their companies reached to the Okchai war-town,
(the native place of the Great Mortar) the inhabitants had
heard the massacre was begun, and according to their rule, killed
two of our traders in their house, when quite off their guard: as
these traders were brave, and regardless of danger by their habit
of living, the savages were afraid to bring their arms with them,
it being unusual, {262} by reason of the secure situation of the
town. A few therefore entered the house, with a specious pretence,
and intercepted them from the fire-arms, which lay on a
rack, on the front of the chimney; they instantly seized them,
and as they were loaded with large shot, they killed those two
valuable and intrepid men, and left them on the fire—but if
they had been a few minutes fore-warned of the danger, their
lives would have cost the whole town very dear, unless they had
kindled the house with fire-arrows.
Like pestilential vapours driven by whirlwinds, the mischievous
savages endeavoured to bring desolation on the innocent
objects of their fury, wherever they came: but the different
flights of the trading people, as well as their own expertness in
the woods, and their connections with the Indians, both by marriage
and other ties of friendship, disappointed the accomplishment
of the main point of the French diabolical scheme of
dipping them all over in blood. By sundry means, a considerable
number of our people met at the friendly house of the old Wolf-King,
two miles from the Alebahma Fort, where that faithful
stern chieftain treated them with the greatest kindness. But, as
the whole nation was distracted, and the neighbouring towns
were devoted to the French interest, he found that by having no
fortress, and only forty warriors in his town, he was unable to
protect the refugees. In order therefore to keep good faith with
281his friends, who put themselves under his protection, he told them
their situation, supplied those of them with arms and ammunition
who chanced to have none, and conveyed them into a contiguous
thick swamp, as their only place of security for that time;
“which their own valour, he said, he was sure would maintain,
both against the French, and their mad friends.” He was not
mistaken in his favourable opinion of their war abilities, for
they ranged themselves so well, that the enemy found it impracticable
to attack them, without sustaining far greater loss than
they are known to hazard.—He supplied them with necessaries,
and sent them safe at length to a friendly town, at a considerable
distance, where they joined several other traders, from different
places, and were soon after safely escorted to Savanah.
It is surprising how those hardy men evaded the dangers they
were surrounded with, especially at the beginning, and with so
little loss. One of {263} them told me, that while a party of
the savages were on a corn-house scaffold, painting themselves
red and black, to give the cowardly blow to him and his companion,
an old woman overheard them concerting their bloody
design, and speedily informed him of the threatening danger:
he mentioned the intended place of meeting to his friends, and
they immediately set off, one this way, and another that, to prevent
a pursuit, and all met safe, to the great regret of the
Christian French and their red hirelings. I was informed that
another considerable trader, who lived near a river, on the outside
of a town, where he stood secure in the affection of his savage
brethren, received a visit from two lusty ill-looking strangers,
without being discovered by any of the inhabitants. They were
anointed with bear’s oil, and quite naked, except a narrow slip of
cloth for breeches, and a light blanket. When they came in,
they looked around, wild and confused, not knowing how to execute
the French commission, consistently with their own safety,
as they brought no arms, lest it should have discovered their
intentions, and by that means exposed them to danger. But
they seated themselves near the door, both to prevent his escape,
and watch a favourable opportunity to perpetrate their murdering
scheme. His white domestics were a little before gone into
the woods; and he and his Indian wife were in the storehouse,
where there chanced to be no arms of defence, which made his
escape the more hazardous. He was nearly in the same light
dress, as that of his visitants, according to the mode of their
282domestic living: he was about to give them some tobacco, when
their countenances growing more gloomy and fierce, were observed
by his wife, as well as the mischievous direction of their
eyes; presently therefore as they bounded up, the one to lay hold
of the white man, and the other of an ax that lay on the floor, she
seized it at the same instant, and cried, “husband fight strong,
and run off, as becomes a good warrior.” The savage strove to
lay hold of him, till the other could disengage himself from the
sharp struggle the woman held with him; but by a quick presence
of mind, the husband decoyed his pursuer round a large ladder
that joined the loft, and being strong and swift-footed, he there
took the advantage of his too eager adversary, dashed him to the
ground, and ran out of the house, full speed to the river, bounded
into it, soon made the opposite shore, and left them at the store-house,
from whence the woman, as a trusty friend, drove them off,
with the utmost despight,—her family was her {264} protection.
The remaining part of that day, he ran a great distance
through the woods; called at night on such white people, as he
imagined his safety allowed him, was joined by four of them,
and went together to Pensacola. Within three or four days
march of that place, the lands, they told me, were in general,
either boggy and low, or consisting of sandy pine-barrens. Although
they were almost naked, and had lived for many days on
the produce of the woods, yet the dastardly Spaniards were so
hardened against the tender feelings of nature in favour of the
distressed, who now took sanctuary under the Spanish flag, as to
refuse them every kind of assistance; contrary to the hospitable
custom of the red savages, even towards those they devote to
the fire. A north-country skipper, who rode in the harbour, was
equally divested of the bowels of compassion toward them, notwithstanding
their pressing entreaties, and offers of bills on very
respectable persons in Charles-Town. But the commandant of
the place soon instructed him very feelingly in the common laws
of humanity; for on some pretext, he seized the vessel and cargo,
and left the narrow-hearted miser to shift for himself, and return
home as he could: those unfortunate traders were kindly treated
however by the head-man of an adjacent town of the Apalahche
Indians, who being a considerable dealer, supplied them with
every thing they stood in need of, till, in time, they were recalled;
for which they soon very thankfully paid him and the rest of his
283kind family, with handsome presents, as a token of their friendship
and gratitude.
In the mean while, some of the eloquent old traders continued
in their towns, where the red flag of defiance was hung up day
and night, as the French had no interest there: and, in a few
other towns, some of our thoughtless young men, who were too
much attached to the Indian life, from an early pursuit in that
wild and unlimited country, chose to run any risk, rather than
leave their favourite scenes of pleasure. In the day-time, they
kept in the most unfrequented places, and usually returned at
night to their friend’s house: and they followed that dangerous
method of living a considerable time, in different places, without
any mischance. One of them told me, that one evening, when
he was returning to his wife’s house on horse-back, before the
usual time, he was overtaken by a couple of young warriors, who
pranced up along aside of him. They spoke very kindly according
to their custom, that they might shed blood, like wolves,
without hazarding their own carcases. As neither of them had
any weapons, except a long knife round their neck in a sheath,
they were afraid to attack him, on {265} so hazardous a lay.
Their questions, cant language, and discomposed countenances,
informed him of their bloody intentions, and cautioned him from
falling into any of their wily stratagems, which all cowards are
dextrous in forming. When they came to a boggy cane-branch,
they strove to persuade him to alight, and rest a little, but finding
their labour in vain, they got down: one prepared a club to
kill him, and the other a small frame of split canes tied together
with bark, to bear his scalp—seeing this, he set off with the
bravado whoop, through the high lands, and as he rode a swift
horse, he left them out of sight in an instant. He took a great
sweep round, to avoid an after-chase. At night, he went to the
town, got fire-arms, and provisions, and soon arrived safe in
Georgia.
Other instances may be related, but these will suffice to shew
how serviceable such hardy and expert men would be to their
country, as heretofore, if our Indian trade was properly regulated;
and how exceedingly preferable the tenth part of their
number would prove against boasted regular troops, in the woods.
Though the British legions are as warlike and formidable in the
field of battle, as any troops whatever, as their martial bravery
has often testified; yet in some situations they would be insignificant
284and helpless. Regular bred soldiers, in the American woods,
would be of little service. The natives and old inhabitants, by
being trained to arms from their infancy, in their wood-land
sphere of life, could always surround them, and sweep them off
entirely, with little damage to themselves. In such a case, field-pieces
are a mere farce. The abettors of arbitrary power, who
are making great advances through the whole British empire,
to force the people to decide this point, and retrieve their constitutional
rights and liberties, would do well to consider this. Is
it possible for tyranny to be so weak and blind, as to flatter its
corrupt greatness with the wild notion of placing a despotic military
power of a few thousand regular troops, over millions of the
Americans, who are trained to arms of defence, from the time
they are able to carry them—generally inured to dangers, and
all of them possessing, in a high degree, the social virtues of their
manly free-minded fore-fathers, who often bled in the noble cause
of liberty, when hateful tyranny persisted in stretching her rod
of oppression over their repining country? Tyrants are obstinately
deaf, and blind; they will see and hear only through the
false medium of self-interested court-flatterers, and, instead of
redressing the grievances of the people, have sometimes openly {266}
despised and insulted them, for even exhibiting their modest
prayers at the foot of the throne, for a restoration of their
rights and privileges. Some however have been convinced in the
end they were wrong, and have justly suffered by the anathematizing
voice of God and a foederal union. That “a prince can do
no ill” is a flat contradiction of reason and experience, and of
the English Magna Charta.[151]
Soon after West-Florida was ceded to Great-Britain, two warlike
towns of the Koo-a-sah te Indians removed from near the
late dangerous Alabahma French garrison, to the Choktah country
about twenty-five miles below Tumbikbe[152]—a strong wooden
fortress, situated on the western side of a high and firm bank,
overlooking a narrow deep point of the river of Mobille, and
distant from that capital, one hundred leagues. The discerning
285old war-chieftain of this remnant, perceived that the proud Muskohge,
instead of reforming their conduct towards us, by our
mild remonstrances, grew only more impudent by our lenity;
therefore being afraid of sharing the justly deserved fate of the
others, he wisely withdrew to this situation; as the French could
not possibly supply them, in case we had exerted ourselves, either
in defence of our properties, or in revenge of the blood they had
shed. But they were soon forced to return to their former place
of abode, on account of the partiality of some of them to their
former confederates; which proved lucky in its consequences, to
the traders, and our southern colonies: for, when three hundred
warriors of the Muskohge were on their way to the Choktah to
join them in a war against us, two Kooasâhte horsemen, as allies,
were allowed to pass through their ambuscade in the evening, and
they gave notice of the impending danger. These Kooasâhte
Indians,[153] annually sanctify the mulberries by a public oblation,
before which, they are not to be eaten; which they say, is according
to their ancient law.
I am assured by a gentleman of character, who traded a long
time near the late Alebahma garrison, that within six miles of it,
live the remains of seven Indian nations, who usually conversed
with each other in their own different dialects, though they understood
the Muskohge language; but being naturalized, they were
bound to observe the laws and customs of the main original body.
These reduced, broken tribes, who have helped to multiply the
Muskohge to a dangerous degree, have also a fixed oral tradition,
that they formerly came from South-America, and, after sundry
struggles {267} in defence of liberty, settled their present abode:
but the Muskohge record themselves to be terræ filii, and believe
their original predecessors came from the west, and resided under
ground, which seems to be a faint image of the original formation
of mankind out of the earth, perverted by time, and the
usual arts of priest-craft.
It will be fortunate, if the late peace between the Muskohge
and Choktah, through the mediation of a superintendant, doth
not soon affect the security of Georgia, and East and West-Florida,
especially should it continue long, and Britain and Spain
286engage in a war against each other: for Spain will supply them
with warlike stores, and in concert, may without much opposition,
retake the Floridas; which they seem to have much at heart.
A Cuba vessel, in the year 1767, which seemed to be coasting
on purpose to meet some of the Muskohge, found a camp of
them almost opposite to the Apalache old fields, and proposed
purchasing those lands from them; in order to secure their liberties,
and, the same time, gratify the inherent, ardent desire they
always had to oppose the English nation. After many artful
flourishes, well adapted to soothe the natives into a compliance
on account of the reciprocal advantages they proposed, some
of the Muskohge consented to go in the vessel to the Havannah,
and there finish the friendly bargain. They went, and at the
time proposed, were sent back to the same place, but, as they
are very close in their secrets, the traders know not the result
of that affair; but when things in Europe require, time will
disclose it.
As the Muskohge were well known to be very mischievous
to our barrier-inhabitants, and to be an over-match for the
numerous and fickle Choktah, the few warlike Chikkasah, by
being put in the scale with these, would in a few years, have
made the Muskohge kick the beam. Thus our southern colonists
might have sat in pleasure, and security, under their fig-trees,
and in their charming arbours of fruitful grape-vines. But now,
they are uncertain whether they plant for themselves, or for the
red savages, who frequently take away by force or stealth, their
horses and other effects. The Muskohge chieftain, called the
“Great Mortar,” abetted the Cheerake against us, as hath been
already noticed, and frequently, with his warriors and relations,
carried them as good a supply of ammunition, as the French of
the Alebahmah-garrison could well spare: for by order of their
government, they were bound to reserve a certain quantity, for
any unforeseen occasion {268} that might happen. If they had
been possest of more, they would have given with a liberal hand,
to enable them to carry on a war against us, and they almost
effected their earnest wishes, when the English little expected it;
for as soon as the watchful officer of the garrison, was informed
by his trusty and well instructed red disciple, the Great Mortar,
that the Cheerake were on the point of declaring against the
English, he saw the consequence, and sent a pacquet by a Muskohge
runner, to Tumbikbe-fort in the Choktah country, which
287was forwarded by another, and soon delivered to the governor of
New-Orleans: the contents informed him of the favourable opportunity
that offered for the French to settle themselves in the
Cheerake country, where the late Fort-Loudon stood, near the
conflux of Great Telliko and Tennase-rivers, and so distress our
southern colonies, as the body of the Cheerake, Muskohge, Choktah,
Aquahpa, and the upper Missisippi-Indians headed by the
French, would be able to maintain a certain successful war
against us, if well supplied with ammunition. Their deliberations
were short—they soon sent off a large pettiaugre, sufficiently
laden with warlike stores, and decoying presents; and in
obedience to the orders the crew had received of making all the
dispatch they possibly could, in the third moon of their departure
from New Orleans, they arrived within a hundred and twenty
computed miles of those towns that are a little above the unhappy
Fort-Loudon: there they were luckily stopped in their
mischievous career, by a deep and dangerous cataract; the waters
of which rolled down with a prodigious rapidity, dashed against
the opposite rocks, and from thence rushed off with impetuous
violence, on a quarter-angled course.[154] It appeared so shocking
and unsurmountable to the monsieurs, that after staying there
a considerable time, in the vain expectation of seeing some of
their friends, necessity forced them to return back to New Orleans,
about 2600 computed miles, to their inconsolable disappointment.
These circumstances are now well known to our colonies: and,
if our state policy had not sufficiently discovered itself of late,
it would appear not a little surprising that the Great Mortar,
should have such influence on the great beloved man, (so the
Indians term the superintendant) as to move him, at a congress
in Augusta, to write by that bitter enemy of the English name,
a conciliating letter to the almost-vanquished and desponding
Choktah—for where the conquerors have not an oblique point
in {269} view, the conquered are always the first who humbly
sue for peace. This beloved epistle, that accompanied the eagles-tails,
swans-wings, white beads, white pipes, and tobacco, was
sent by a white interpreter, and Mesheshecke, a Muskohge war-chieftain,
to the perfidious Choktah, as a strong confirmation of
288peace. Without doubt it was a master stroke of court-policy, to
strive to gain so many expert red auxiliaries; and plainly shews
how extremely well he deserves his profitable place of public
trust. I am assured by two respectable, intelligent, old Indian
traders, G. G. and L. M. G. Esq;[155] that they frequently dissuaded
289him from ever dabling in such muddy waters; for the
consequence would unavoidably prove fatal to our contiguous
colonies. This was confirmed by a recent instance—the late
Cheerake war, which could not have commenced, if the Muskohge
and Cheerake had not been reconciled, by the assiduous
endeavours of an avaricious, and self-interested governor. If any
reader reckons this too bold, or personal, I request him to peruse
a performance, entitled, “A modest reply to his Excellency J. G.
Esq;” printed in Charles-town, in the year 1750,[156] in which every
material circumstance is sufficiently authenticated.
When we consider the defenceless state, and near situation of
our three southern barrier colonies to the numerous Muskohge
and Choktah—what favourable opinion can charity reasonably
induce us to form of the continued train of wrong measures the
managers of our Indian affairs have studiously pursued, by
officiously mediating, and reconciling the deep-rooted enmity
which subsisted between those two mischievous nations? If
they could not, consistent with the tenour of their political office,
encourage a continuance of the war, they might have given private
instructions to some discreet trader to strive to influence
them, so as to continue it.
It is excusable in clergymen that live in England to persuade
us to inculcate, an endeavour to promote peace and good will,
between the savages of the remote desarts of America; especially
if they employ their time in spiritual affairs, to which they ought
to be entirely devoted, and not as courtiers, in the perplexing
labyrinths of state affairs: but what can be said of those statesmen,
who instead of faithfully guarding the lives and privileges
of valuable subjects, extend mercy to their murderers, who
have {270} a long time wantonly shed innocent blood, and sometimes
290with dreadful tortures? The blood cries aloud to the
avenging God, to cause justice to be executed on their execrable
heads: for a while they may escape due punishment, but at last
it will fall heavy upon them.
When the superintendant’s deputy[157] convened most of the
Muskohge head-men, in order to write a friendly mediating letter
to the Chikkasah, in behalf of the Muskohge, the Great Mortar,
animated with a bitter resentment against any thing transacted
by any of the British nation, introduced a considerable number
of his relations, merely to disconcert this plan. The letter, and
usual Indian tokens of peace and friendship, were however carried
up by a Chikkasah trader: but the Great Mortar timed it
so well, that he soon set off after the other with ninety warriors,
till he arrived within 150 miles of the Chikkasah country, which
was half way from the western barriers of his own; there he encamped
with 83, and sent off seven of the staunchest to surprize
and kill whomsoever they could. Two days after the express was
delivered, they treacherously killed two young women, as they
were hoeing in the field; all the people being off their guard, on
account of the late friendly tokens they received, and the assurance
of the white man that there were no visible tracks of any
person on the long trading path he had come. This was the
beginning of May, in the year 1768, a few hours after I had
set off for South-Carolina. As soon as the sculking barbarians
had discharged the contents of their guns into their innocent
victims, they tomohawked them, and with their long sharp knives,
took off the scalps, put up the death whoo-whoop-whoop, and
bounded away in an oblique course, to shun the dreaded pursuit.
The Chikkasah soon put up their shrill war-whoop, to arm
and pursue, and sixty set off on horse-back, full speed. They
over-shot that part of the woods the enemy were most likely to
have fled through; and four young sprightly Chikkasah warriors
who outran the rest, at last discovered, and intercepted
them;—they shot dead the Great Mortar’s brother, who was the
leader, scalped him, and retook one of the young women’s scalps
that was fastened to his girdle. Three continued the chase, and
the fourth in a short time overtook them: soon afterward, they
291came up again with the enemy, at the edge of a large cane-swamp,
thick-warped with vines, and china briers; there they stopped,
and were at first in doubt of their being some of {271} their own
company: the pursued soon discovered them, and immediately
inswamped, whereupon the four were forced to decline the attack,
the disadvantage being as four to eight in an open engagement.
In a few days after, I fell in with them; their gloomy
and fierce countenances cannot be expressed; and I had the
uncourted honour of their company, three different times before
I could reach my destined place, on account of a very uncommon
and sudden flow of the rivers, without any rain. Between sunset
and eleven o’clock the next day, the river, that was but barely
our height in the evening, was swelled to the prodigious height
of twenty-five feet perpendicular, and swept along with an impetuous
force.
It may not be improper here to mention the method we commonly
use in crossing deep rivers.—When we expect high rivers,
each company of traders carry a canoe, made of tanned leather,
the sides over-lapped about three fingers breadth, and well sewed
with three seams. Around the gunnels, which are made of sapplings,
are strong loop-holes, for large deer-skin strings to hang
down both the sides: with two of these, is securely tied to the
stem and stern, a well-shaped sappling, for a keel, and in like
manner the ribs. Thus, they usually rig out a canoe, fit to carry
over ten horse loads at once, in the space of half an hour; the
apparatus is afterwards commonly hidden with great care, on
the opposite shore. Few take the trouble to paddle the canoe;
for, as they are commonly hardy, and also of an amphibious
nature, they usually jump into the river, with their leathern
barge a-head of them, and thrust it through the deep part of
the water, to the opposite shore. When we ride only with a few
luggage horses, as was our case at Sip-se, or “Poplar,” the abovementioned
high-swelled river, we make a frame of dry pines,
which we tie together with strong vines, well twisted; when we
have raised it to be sufficiently buoyant, we load and paddle it
across the stillest part of the water we can conveniently find,
and afterward swim our horses together, we keeping at a little
distance below them.
At the time we first began to search for convenient floating
timber, I chanced to stand at the end of a dry tree, overset by a
hurricane, within three feet of a great rattle snake, that was
292coiled, and on his watch of self-defence, under thick herbage.
I soon espied, and killed {272} him. But an astrologer, of twenty
years standing among the Indians, immediately declared with
strong asservations, we should soon be exposed to imminent danger;
which he expatiated upon largely, from his imagined knowledge
of a combination of second causes in the celestial regions,
actuating every kind of animals, vegetables, &c. by their subtil
and delegated power. I argued in vain to hush his groundless
fears: however, while the raft was getting ready, another gentleman,
to quiet his timorous apprehensions, accompanied me with
fire-arms, pretty near the path in the beforementioned cane-swamp,
and we staid there a considerable while, at a proper
distance apart—at last we heard the well-mimicked voice of
partridges, farther off than our sight could discover, on which one
of us struck up the whoop of friendship and indifference; for I
knew that the best way of arguing on such occasions, was by a
firmness of countenance and behaviour. I then went near to
my companion, and said, our cunning man was an Aberdeen
wizard, as he had so exactly foretold the event. The savages had
both discovered our tracks, and heard the sound of the ax. We
soon met them; they were nine of the mischievous Ohchai town,
who had separated from the rest of their company. We conversed
a little while together upon our arms, and in this manner
exchanged provisions with each other—then we went down to
the bank of the river, where they opened their packs, spread out
some hairy deer and bear skins with the fleshy side undermost,
and having first placed on them their heavy things, and then the
lighter, with the guns which lay uppermost, each made two
knots with the shanks of a skin, and in the space of a few
minutes, they had their leathern barge afloat, which they soon
thrust before them to the other shore, with a surprisingly small
deviation from a direct course, considering the strong current
of the water. When our astrologer saw them safe off, he wished
them a speedy journey home, without being exposed to the
necessity of any delay. He was soon after carried safe over on
our raft, though once he almost over-set it, either by reason of
the absence, or disturbance, of his mind. Had he contracted a
fever, from the impending dangers his knowledge assured him
were not yet past, the cold sweat he got when left by himself,
while we were returning with the raft, and afterward swimming
with the horses, must have contributed a good deal to the cure.
293Soon afterwards, we came in sight of their camp in a little spot
of clear land, surrounded by a thick cane-swamp, where some
traders formerly had been killed by the Choktah. Our astrologer {273}
urged the necessity of proceeding a good way farther, to
avoid the danger. I endeavored to convince him by several
recent instances, that a timorous conduct was a great incentive
to the base-minded savages, to do an injury, not expecting any
defence; while an open, free, and resolute behaviour, a show of
taking pleasure in their company, and a discreet care of our firearms,
seldom failed to gain the good will of such as are not engaged
in actual war against our country: he acquiesced, as I
engaged to sit next to the Indian camp, which was about a dozen
yards apart from our’s. He chose his place pretty near to mine,
but in the evening, I told him, that as I did not understand the
Muskohge dialect, nor they much of the Chikkasah language, I
would give him the opportunity of diverting himself at leisure
with them, whilst on account of the fatigues of the day, I would
repose myself close at the root of a neighbouring tree. This
method of encamping in different places, on hazardous occasions,
is by far the safest way. I told them, before my removal to my
night quarters, that he was almost their countryman, by a residence
of above twenty years among them,—their chieftain therefore
readily addressed him, and according to what I expected,
gave me an opportunity of decently retiring. But when he expected
a formal reply, according to their usual custom, our
astrological interpreter spoke only a few words, but kept pointing
to the river, and his wet clothes, and to his head, shaking
it two or three times; thereby informing them of the great danger
he underwent in crossing the water, which gave him so violent
a head-ach, as to prevent his speaking with any pleasure. I
laughed, and soon after endeavoured to persuade him to go over
a little while to their camp, as I had done, and by that means,
he might know better their present disposition; he replied with
a doleful accent, that he was already too near them, to the great
danger of his life, which he now too late saw exposed, by believing
my doctrine of bringing them to observe friendly measures,
instead of pushing beyond them as he had earnestly
proposed. I asked him how he could reasonably fear, or expect
to shun a sudden death, no[158] account of his knowledge of the
294starry influences, and skill in expounding dreams, and especially
as he seemed firmly to believe the deity had pre-determined the
exact time of every living creature’s continuance here: upon this
he prevaricated, and told me, that as I knew nothing of astrology,
nor of the useful and skilful exposition of important dreams,
neither believed any thing of witches and wizards being troublesome
and hurtful to others, he could not imagine I believed any
thing of a divine providence or a resurrection of the dead; which
were evidently, {274} alike true, as appeared both by divine
writ, and the united consent of every ancient nation. He said,
people were ordered to watch and pray; I therefore could not be
ruled by the scripture, for why did I go to bed so soon, and
leave all that trouble to him. I told him, I wished he might by
prayer, obtain a calm composure of mind. He said, I was the
cause of all his uneasiness, by inducing him, contrary to his over
night’s bloody dream, to lie so near those wolfish savages. Then,
in an angry panic, he cursed me, and said, he should not that
night have prayed there, only that the devil tempted him to believe
my damned lies, and sin against the divine intimations he
had received just before.
Within half a day’s ride of Augusta, I met the gentlemen who
were appointed to meet certain head-men of the Muskohge, to
run a line, between Georgia and the Muskohge country. The
superintendant’s deputy before-mentioned, accompanying them;
I then informed him of the bad situation of the Indian trade,
both in the Chikkasah, and Muskohge nations—The cause thereof—The
dangerous policy of having reconciled those jarring
warlike savages—the ill disposition of the latter toward us,—and
it was the opinion of all the traders (one excepted) that
nothing, but their hot war with the Choktah, prevented them
from executing their mischievous intentions against us. I said
this to the commissary before the several gentlemen; but his
conduct, and that of his brother officer in the Chikkasah country,
were no way correspondent to the advice. While he benefited
the ungrateful Muskohge, and gave them a plea to injure the
traders, he was free from personal danger, from the red quarter;
but one night at camp, after the line had been, at the friendly
and artful persuasions of G. G. Esq; run above twenty miles
beyond the southern limites agreed upon, he almost fatally experienced
the effects of their revengeful temper; which cannot
be restrained when they imagine themselves really injured, and
295afterwards insulted: for as he was chiding a noted warrior with
sharp language, the savage leaped up, seized the other’s gun,
cocked, and presented it against his breast; but luckily he could
not discharge it, as it was double-tricker’d, contrary to the model
of their smooth-bored guns. The public prints, however, echoed
the success of our directors of Indian affairs, on this important
occasion; though it was entirely owing to the abilities and {275}
faithful application, first, of Mr. G. G. and afterwards of Mr.
L. M. G. which the deputy almost prevented by his imprudent
conduct, that had nearly cost him also his life, and endangered
the public tranquility.
In the year 1749, when I was going to Charles-town, under the
provincial seal of South-Carolina, with a party of the Chikkasah
Indians, the small-pox attacked them, not far from the Muskohge
country; which becoming general through the camp, I
was under the necessity of setting off by myself, between Flint
river, and that of the Okmulgeh. I came up with a large camp
of Muskohge traders, returning from the English settlements:
the gentlemen told me, they had been lately assured at Augusta
by the Cheerake traders, that above a hundred and twenty of the
French Shawano might be daily expected near that place, to cut
off the English traders, and plunder their camps, and cautioned
me, with much earnestness at parting, to keep a watchful eye
during that day’s march. After having rode fifteen miles, about
ten o’clock, I discovered ahead through the trees, an Indian ascending
a steep hill: he perceived me at the same instant, for
they are extremely watchful on such dangerous attempts—Ambuscade
is their favourite method of attack. As the company
followed their leader in a line, each at the distance of a few
yards from the other, all soon appeared in view. As soon as I
discovered the foremost, I put up the shrill whoop of friendship,
and continually seemed to look earnestly behind me, till we approached
near to each other, in order to draw their attention
from me, and fix it that way, as supposing me to be the foremost
of a company still behind. Five or six soon ran at full speed
on each side of the path, and blocked up two vallies, which happened
to be at the place of our meeting, to prevent my escape.
They seemed as if their design was to attack me with their
barbed arrows, lest they should alarm my supposed companions
by the report of their guns. I observed that instead of carrying
their bow and quiver over their shoulder, as is the travelling custom,
296they held the former in their left hand, bent, and some
arrows. I approached and addressed them, and endeavoured to
appear quite indifferent at their hostile arrangement. While I
held my gun ready in my right hand about five yards distant
from them, their leader who stood foremost came and struck my
breast with the but-end of one of my pistols, which I had in my
left hand: I told him with that vehemence of speech, which is
always requisite on such an occasion, that I was an English
Chikkasah; and informed him by expressive gestures that there
were two tens of Chikkasah {276} warriors,[159] and more than
half that number of women, besides children, a little behind,
just beyond the first hill. At this news, they appeared to be
much confused, as it was unexpected for such a number of warlike
enemies to be so near at hand. This Shawano party consisted
only of twenty-three middle sized, but strong bodied men,
with large heads and broad flat crowns, and four tall young persons,
whom I conjectured to be of the Cheerake nation. I
spoke a little to a hair-lipped warrior among them, who told
me he lived in Tukkasêhche, a northern town of that country.
The leader whispered something to his waiter, which, in like
manner, was communicated to the rest, and then they all passed
by me, with sullen looks and glancing eyes. I kept my guard
till they were out of arrow-shot, when I went on at a seemingly
indifferent pace. But, as soon out of their view, I rode about
seventy miles with great speed, to avoid the danger of a pursuit,
as I imagined they would be highly enraged against me for
their double disappointment. About sun-set of the same day,
I discovered more Indians a-head; but, instead of sounding the
usual whoop of defiance, I went on slowly, and silently, a little
way, reasoning with myself about the safest method in so
dangerous a situation: I had apprehensions of their being another
party of the Shawano company, separated in that manner
to avoid a pursuit; which otherwise might be very easy, by the
plainness of their tracks, through the long grass and herbage.
But, at the critical time, when I had concluded to use no chivalry,
but give them leg-bail instead of it, by leaving my baggage-horses,
and making for a deep swamp, I discovered them to be
a considerable body of the Muskohge head-men, returning home
297with presents from Charles Town, which they carried chiefly on
their backs. The wolf-king (as the traders termed him)[160]
our old steady friend of the Amooklasah Town, near the late
Alebahma, came foremost, harnessed like a jack-ass, with a
saddle on his back, well girt over one shoulder, and across under
the other. We semed equally glad to meet each other; they, to
hear how affairs stood in their country, as well as on the trading
path; and I to find, that instead of bitter-hearted foes, they
were friends, and would secure my retreat from any pursuit that
might happen. I told them the whole circumstances attending
my meeting the Shawano,[161] with their being conducted by our
deceitful Cheerake friends, who were desirous of spoiling the
old beloved white path, by making it red; and earnestly persuaded
them to be on their guard that night, as I imagined the
enemy had pursued me when they {277} found I had eluded their
bloody intention. After a long conversation together, I advised
them to go home through the woods, to prevent a larger body
of the lurking enemy from spoiling them, and their beloved
country, by the loss of so many old beloved men, and noted
warriors. I said this, to rouse them against the Cheerake; well
knowing that one pack of wolves, was the best watch against
another of the same kind. They thanked me for the friendly
notice I gave them, and the care I shewed for their safety, and
engaged me to call the next day at a hunting camp, where was
a war-leader, the son of the dog-king of the Huphale-Town, with
a considerable number of their people, and desire them to remove
with all speed to their camp, at the place they then fixed
on. We smoked tobacco, and parted well pleased. According
to promise, I went the next day to the camp, and delivered their
message, which was readily complied with. The Shawano whom
I had eluded, after rambling about, and by viewing the smoke
of fires from the tops of high hills and trees, and carefully listening
to the report of guns, fell in with two Chikkasah hunters,
who were adopted relations of the Muskohge, and killed, and
298scalped them, and then ran off to the northern towns of the
Cheerake. This was the true and sole cause of the last war between
the Muskohge and Cheerake: and the following account
of the cause of those nations entering into amity with each
other, will, on the strictest enquiry, be found as true. The cause
and direful effects are still feelingly known to great numbers of
the suffering inhabitants, which I insert by way of caution to
states-men hereafter.
As the Indians have no public faith to secure the lives of
friendly messengers in war-time, their wars are perpetuated from
one generation to another, unless they are ended by the mediation
of some neutral party. A very polished courtier presided
in South Carolina,[162] who was said to have cast a very earnest
eye on the supposed profits of the Cheerake trade, which were
much lessened by the Muskohge war; and, in order to establish
it at its former value, so as to be worth some hazard, he exerted
himself to reconcile the Muskohge and Cheerake. If he succeeded,
he was sure to be something in pocket, and could report
at home, the profound peace he had effected between those
nations by his unwearied endeavours. He accordingly applied
to some of the most intelligent and leading traders among those
warring savages, and atempted to persuade them {278} by the
ruling motive of mutual interest, to be reconciled through his
brotherly mediation. Though the Cheerake were great loserslosers in
the war, yet the surviving relations of those who had been killed
without equal revenge of blood, were at first inflexible, and deaf
to the mediation: but, by the oratory of some of their own
speakers who had not suffered, connected with our traders persuasions,
each separate family at last consented to meet their
enemies, at the time and place appointed by brotherly request,
and there bury the bloody tomohawk under ground, and smoke
together, out of the friendly white pipe. But, as the Muskohge
were conquerors, and frequently returned home in their favourite
and public triumphant manner, and had then no mischievous
views against the English, as at present, it was a very difficult
task to reconcile them to our beloved man’s pacific measures:
their head-men had great sway over the ambitious, and young
rising warriors, and by the former manly conduct of South-Carolina,
299in obtaining speedy redress for every material injury,
the more sensible and honest part of the old leading men were as
much averse to peace, as the light-headed warriors. They well
knew the fickle and ungovernable temper of their young men,
and ambitious leaders, when they had no red enemies to war
with, to obtain higher war-titles by scalps—and their wisdom
saw at a distance, the dangerous consequences that must attend
a general peace: for a considerable time, therefore, they highly
inveighed, and firmly guarded against it. But when a man’s
private interest coincides with what he intends to accomplish,
he is assiduous and more intent to effect it. This was verified
by the unwearied diligence of the prime magistrate alluded to;
he knew the Indians could not kill so many deer and beaver
in the time of war as of peace, and by his address, he persuaded
several of the leading traders, even contrary to their own outward
security and inward choice, to exert their strongest endeavours
with the Muskohge for a reconciliation with the Cheerake.
The chief of those trading gentlemen, who unwillingly
involved himself in this pernicious affair, was the humane and
intelligent L. M’G—l—wr—, Esq.[163] Each had their lessons,
to set forth the reciprocal advantages of the contending parties,
by such a coalition; but it was finished by that gentleman’s
earnest and well-timed application, connected with his great
natural sense, and easy flow of their own bold figurative way of
expression—and their favourable opinion of his steady, honest
principles. Since that unlucky period, he has as often lamented
his success in that affair, as the discerning honest rulers of the
Muskohge opposed it. He told me, that {279} when he was
soliciting some of the head-men to comply with the fraternal
proposals of our kindly ruler, he unexpectedly met with a very
sharp repulse;—for, when he had finished his oration, on the
disadvantages of frowning war, and the advantages of smiling
peace, an old war-leader retorted every paragraph he had spoken,
and told him, that till then he always had reckoned the English
a very wise people, but now he was sorry to find them unwise,
in the most material point: adding, “You have made yourself
very poor, by sweating, far and near, in our smoky town-houses
and hot-houses, only to make a peace between us and the Cheerake,
300and thereby enable our young mad people to give you, in
a short time, a far worse sweat than you have yet had, or may
now expect. But, forasmuch as the great English chieftain in
Charles Town, is striving hard to have it so, by ordering you to
shut your eyes, and stop your ears, lest the power of conviction
should reach your heart, we will not any more oppose you in
this mad scheme. We shall be silent concerning it; otherwise,
I should be as mad as you, if I reasoned any more with one who
is wilfully blind and deaf.”
A number of their warriors met at Charles Town, at the time
appointed: their high-stationed English friend then took a great
deal of pains to inform them of the mutual advantages, that
would accrue to them, by a firm peace, and he convinced their
senses of it, by a visible proof; for he borrowed from one of
them an arrow, and holding each end of it in his hands, he
readily broke it, which surprized none of the red spectators, except
the owner,—they did not then regard it as a symbolical performance,
but a boyish action. He again requested from the
same young warrior, the loan of his remaining sheaf of arrows,
who reluctantly gave them, as he feared they would all singly
fare the fate of the former. But, when he held the bundle by
each end in his hands, and could only bend it a little, he revived
the watchful owner, and pleasingly surprized the attentive savages,
as he thereby had strongly demonstrated to them, that
vis unita fortior, upon which he expatiated, in easy fine language,
to the great joy of his red audience. By such evidence, they were
induced to shake hands firmly together; and likewise to endeavour
to preserve a perpetual union with all their neighbouring
nations, lest the wolf should attack them separately. And
ever since that impolitic mediation, they have been so strongly
convinced of their great advantage and security, {280} by a
close friendly union with each other, that all the efforts of the
wise and honest Georgia patriot, Governor Ellis, in concert with
the Indian trading merchants, to dissolve it in the year 1760,
proved abortive with the wary and jealous Muskohge, while we
were at war with the Cheerake—and many of the out-settlers
of Georgia and South Carolina were plundered and murdered
by them, without sparing women or children; many instances
of which we were too often well acquainted with on the spot.
The Cheerake, however, stood in such great awe of about sixty
Chikkasah warriors, that except once when they were repulsed by
301a treble inferior number, they durst not attempt any sort of attack
on Georgia barriers, during the whole continuance of the
war. The wisdom of the ruling members of that weak colony
directed them, in their dangerous circumstances, to chuse the
least of two evils,—to humour, and bear with those mischievous
Muskohge, rather than involve themselves in a complicated war
with those two confederated nations; which must have ruined
Georgia, in the weak condition it then was. And, notwithstanding
they have considerably increased since, both in wealth and
number of inhabitants, it is probable, the colony is now less
capable of bearing with any sort of firmness, a sudden shock from
these savages, than they were at that time. For, though the
people were then fewer in numbers; yet their settlements were
more compact. By this means, they could easily join in social
defense, on any alarm: and, as the circumstances of most of
them did not tempt them to enervating luxury, so the needful
exercises they daily pursued, enabled them to make a diversion
of ranging the woods, when occasion required. Plantations are
now settled, often at a great distance from each other, even to
the outmost boundaries of the colony, where commonly the best
gunsmen reside, but who probably would be cut off by surprize,
at the first onset: and, lower down, their dispersed settlements
are often separated, either by difficult or unpassable morasses,—slow
running black waters,—or broken salt-water sounds; which
of course would be a great impediment to the people supporting
each other: so that each plantation is exposed to a separate assault,
by a superior body of those cunning savages, who attack,
and fly away like a sudden thunder gust. We have no sure way
to fight them, but in carrying the war into the bowels of their
own country, by a superior body of the provincial troops, mixed
with regulars; and as we can expect no mercy in case of a defeat,
we should not despise their power, but prepare ourselves for a
sure conquest. {281}
302ACCOUNT
OF THE
CHOKTAH NATION, &c.
The Choktah country lies in about 33 and 34 Deg. N. L. According
to the course of the Indian path, their western lower
towns are situated two hundred computed miles to the northward
of New Orleans; the upper ones an hundred and sixty
miles to the southward of the Chikkasah nation; 150 computed
miles to the west of the late dangerous French Alebahma garrison,
in the Muskohge country; and 150 to the north of Mobille,
which is the first settlement, and only town, except New Orleans,
that the French had in West-Florida.
Their country is pretty much in the form of an oblong square.
The barrier towns, which are next to the Muskohge and Chikkasah
countries, are compactly settled for social defense, according
to the general method of other savage nations; but the rest,
both in the center, and toward the Missisippi, are only scattered
plantations, as best suits a separate easy way of living. A
stranger might be in the middle of one of their populous extensive
towns, without seeing half a dozen of their houses, in
the direct course of his path. The French, to intimidate the
English traders by the prodigious number of their red legions
in West-Florida, boasted that the Choktah consisted of nine
thousand men fit to bear arms: but we find the true amount of
their numbers, since West-Florida was ceded to us, to be not
above half as many as the French report ascertained.[164] And, indeed,
303if the French and Spanish writers of the American Aborigines,
had kept so near the truth, as to mix one half of
realities, with their flourishing {282} wild hyperboles, the literati
would have owed them more thanks than is now their due.
Those who know the Choktah, will firmly agree in opinion
with the French, concerning them, that they are in the highest
degree, of a base, ungrateful, and thievish disposition—fickle,
and treacherous—ready-witted, and endued with a surprizing flow
of smooth artful language on every subject, within the reach of
their ideas; in each of these qualities, they far exceed any society
of people I ever saw. They are such great proficients in
the art of stealing, that in our store-houses, they often thieve
while they are speaking to, and looking the owner in the face.
It is reckoned a shame to be detected in the act of theft; but,
it is the reward they receive, which makes it shameful: for, in
such a case, the trader bastinadoes the covetous sinner, almost
as long as he seems sensible of pain. A few years ago, one of
the Chikkasah warriors told me, he heard a middle-aged Choktah
warrior, boast in his own country, at a public ball-play, of
having artfully stolen several things from one and another trader,
to a considerable amount, while he was cheapening goods of us,
and we were blind in our own houses.
As their country is pleasantly interspersed with hills, and generally
abounds with springs and creeks, or small brooks; and
is in a happy climate, it is extremely healthful. Having no
rivers in their country, few of them can swim, like other Indians;
which often proves hurtful to them, when high freshes
come on while they are out at war. Their towns are settled on
small streams that purl into Mobille river, and another a little
to the southward of it. Koosah, the largest town in their nation,
lies within 180 miles of Mobille, at a small distance from the
river which glides by that low, and unhealthy old capital. The
summer-breezes pass by Mobille, in two opposite directions, along
the channel of the river; and very unhealthy vapors keep floating
over the small semicircular opening of the town, which is
on the south-side of the river, opposite to a very low marsh,
that was formed by great torrents of water, sweeping down
rafts of fallen trees, till they settled there, and were mixt with
304the black soil of the low lands, carried, and subsiding there in
the like manner. From thence, to the opposite shore, the river
hath a sandy bottom, and at low water is so very shallow, that
a person could almost walk across, though {283} it is two leagues
broad. The southern side of the river is so full of great trees,
that sloops and schooners have considerable difficulty in getting
up abreast: and for a considerable distance from the sea-coast,
the land is low, and generally unfit for planting, even on the
banks of the river. About forty miles up, the French had a
small settlement of one plantation deep, from the bank of Mobille
river. The rest of the land is sandy pine barrens, till within
forty miles of the Choktah country, where the oak and the hiccory-trees
first appear; from whence, it is generally very fertile,
for the extensive space of about six hundred miles toward the
north, and in some places, two hundred and fifty, in others, two
hundred and sixty in breadth, from the Missisippi: This tract
far exceeds the best land I ever saw besides in the extensive
American world. It is not only capable of yielding the various
produce of all our North-American colonies on the main continent,
as it runs from the south, towards the north; but, likewise,
many other valuable commodities, which their situation will
never allow them to raise. From the small rivers, which run
through this valuable large tract, the far-extending ramifications
are innumerable; each abounding with ever-green canes and
reeds, which are as good to raise cattle in winter, as the best
hay in the northern colonies. I need not mention the goodness
of the summer-ranges; for, where the land is good, it always
produces various sorts of good timber, such as oak of different
kinds; hiccory, wall-nut, and poplar-trees. The grass is commonly
as long and tender, as what the best English meadows
yield; and, if those vacant fertile lands of the Missisippi were
settled by the remote inhabitants of Virginia, the Ohio, and
North-Carolina, they, from a small stock, could in a few years
raise a prodigious number of horses, horned cattle, sheep, and
swine, without any more trouble than branding, marking, and
keeping them tame, and destroying the beasts of prey, by hunting
them with dogs, and shooting them from the trees. Soon
they might raise abundance of valuable productions, as would
both enrich themselves and their off-spring, and, at the same
time, add in a very high degree to the naval trade and manufactures
of Great-Britain.
305The Choktah flatten their foreheads with a bag of sand, which
with great care they keep fastened on the scull of the infant,
while it is in its tender and imperfect state. Thus they quite
deform their face, and give themselves an appearance, which is
disagreeable to any but those of their own {284} likeness. Their
features and mind, indeed, exactly correspond together; for, except
the intense love they bear to their native country, and their
utter contempt of any kind of danger, in defence of it, I know
no other virtue they are possessed of: the general observation of
the traders among them is just, who affirm them to be divested
of every property of a human being, except shape and language.
Though the French at Mobille, and some at New Orleans, could
speak the Choktah language extremely well, and consequently
guide them much better than the English (notwithstanding we
gave them a far greater supply of every kind of goods than they
could purchase) yet, the French allowed none of them arms and
ammunition, except such who went to war against our Chikkasah
friends. One of those outstanding companies was composed
also of several towns; for, usually one town had not more than
from five, to seven guns. When the owners therefore had hunted
one moon, they lent them for hire to others, for the like space
of time; which was the reason, that their deer-skins, by being
chiefly killed out of season, were then much lighter than now.
The French commandant of Tumbikpe garrison supervised the
trade, as none was ever chosen to preside in so critical a place,
unless well and early acquainted in the dialect, manners, and
customs of the savages. The French Indian garrisons consisted
of chosen provincial families, who had not the least spark of
that haughty pride and contempt, which is too often predominant,
at least among the ignorant part of the soldiery, against all,
except their own fraternity. (The Choktah were known to be of
so fickle, treacherous, and bloody a disposition, that only three
or four pedlars were allowed to go among them at a time: when
they returned to the fort, the same number went out again, with
as many trifles as a small barrel would conveniently contain.
Thus they continued to amuse the savages of low rank, but they
always kept the head-men in pay.) These, at every public meeting,
and convenient occasion, gave stated energetic orations in
praise of the French; and, by this means, the rest were influenced.
The pedlars thus got almost what they were pleased
to ask, in return for their worthless trifles. All the way up the
306numerous streams of the Missisippi, and down those of Canada
river, their wisdom directed them to keep up the price of their
goods, and, by that means, they retained the savages in the
firmest amity with them; no trader was allowed among them,
except those of sufficient skill, in that dangerous sphere of life,
and of faithful principles to government. The French very
justly say, the English spoil the savages, wherever their trade
extends among {285} them. They were too wise ever to corrupt
them, according to our modern mad schemes. They had
two great annual marts, where the Indians came to traffic for
their deer-skins, beaver, and peltry; the one, at Montreal; and
the other, at the Illinois, under the cannon of those garrisons.
But the Philadelphians,[165] in order to ingross the trade of the
latter place, by a foolish notion of under-selling the old French
traders, have ruined, and, as I am lately informed, entirely discontinued
it. They who speak so much in favour of lowering
the Indian trade, ought first to civilize the savages, and convince
them of the absolute necessity there is of selling the same sort
of goods, at various prices, according to different circumstances,
either of time or place. While the present ill adapted measures
are continued, nothing less than the miraculous power of deity
can possibly effect the Indians reformation; many of the present
traders are abandoned, reprobate, white savages. Instead of
shewing good examples of moral conduct, besides their other
part of life, they instruct the unknowing and imitating savages,
in many diabolical lessons of obscenity and blasphemy.
When the English were taking possession of Mobille, the
French commander had given previous orders to a skilful interpreter,
to inform the Choktah, that his Christian Majesty, for
peace-sake, had given up Mobille garrison to the avaricious
English nation; but at the end of three years, the French would
return and see to what purpose they had applied it. The Choktah
believed the declaration to be as true, as if several of their
old head-men had dreamed it. The fore-sighted French knew
their fickle and treacherous dispositions, and that by this story,
well supported with presents, they would be able, when occasion
required, to excite them to commence a new war against
us. The masterly skill of the French enabled them to do more
307with those savages, with trifles, than all our experienced managers
of Indian affairs have been able to effect, by the great
quantities of valuable goods, they gave them, with a very profuse
hand. The former bestowed their small favours with
exquisite wisdom; and their value was exceedingly inhanced, by
the external kindly behaviour, and well adapted smooth address
of the giver. But our wise men in this department, bestow the
presents of the government, too often, in such a manner as to
rivet the contempt they have imbibed against us; for I have
been frequently upbraided, even by the old friendly Chikkasah,
when inebriated, that the English in general despised their
friends, and {286} were kindest to those who most insulted and
injured them; and, that the surest way for the red people to
get plenty of presents, was not to deserve them, but to act the
murdering part of the ill-hearted Muskohge. In confirmation
of their strong invectives, they recited above seventy instances
of the Muskohge having murdered the English, not only with
impunity, but with silent approbation; as they soon afterward
received large presents, which must be either as a due for the
bloodshed, or tribute given through fear. They enumerated some
facts, which were attended with shocking circumstances: as, an
innocent mother of good report, and two of her little children, put
to slow torture in boiling water; and several of the like nature,
which the Muskohge themselves had informed them of in a way
of boasting, and to induce them to imitate their mischievous, but
profitable example. While we bear any cool premeditated acts
of Indian hostility with that crouching base behaviour, such
passive conduct will serve only to tempt the Indians to advance
in their favourite science of blood, and commence a general war.
For cowards they always insult and despise, and will go any distance
to revenge the blood of one of their tribe, even that of an
old woman.
As it was confidently reported, that a military government
would be continued by us in West Florida, till it was thick settled,
the French inhabitants imagining that event could not
happen till doom’s-day, mostly retired to New Orleans, in order
to shun such a tyrannic police. They were afraid of being imprisoned,
and whipped, at the Governor’s[166] caprice, and even
for things unnoticeable in the eye of the law; for as he ruled
308imperial over the soldiery, he would expect all his orders to be
readily obeyed by every other person, without any hesitation.
Such things are too common in a military government, and it
was fatally experienced in this. In order to establish his absolute
power, as the merchants, and other gentlemen at Mobille,
of generous principles despised it, he found a plea to contend
with one of them, though it was both illegal, and entirely out
of his element. A Choktah having bought a small brass-kettle
of one of the principal merchants of that place, was persuaded
by a Frenchman, to return it, bring the value to him, and he
would give him a better one in its stead; for there happened to
be a very small crack of no consequence, and scarcely discernible,
just above the rim. The Indian accordingly went to
return it; but the gentleman would not receive it, as it was good,
and fairly sold at {287} the usual price. The Choktah went
back to the Frenchman to excuse himself in not being able to
deal with him, as proposed; who persuaded him to complain to
the Governor of the pretended injustice he had received from the
merchant—he did, and the ruler gladly embraced the opportunity
to gratify his pride, and aggrandize his power. He immediately
sent some of his underlings, with a positive verbal command to
the gentleman, to cancel the bargain with the Choktah, and deliver
to him what he claimed, on receiving his own: the free-born
Briton excused his non-compliance, in a rational and polite
manner, according to his constant easy behaviour. Upon this,
like a petty tyrant, the chief sent a file of musqueteers for him.
When he appeared before his greatness, he asserted the common
privileges of a trading free subject of Great Britain, with decent
firmness; and set forth the ill consequences of giving the troublesome
savages an example so hurtful to trade, with other arguments
well adapted to the occasion. The return was, an order
to thrust the gentleman into the black-hole of the garrison, where
he was detained and treated as a capital criminal, till, by the
loss of health through the dampness of that horrid place, the
love of life prompted him to comply with every demand. Had
he waited the award of a court-martial, probably he would have
had justice done him; for, except a couple of the officers of the
commander’s own principles, all the rest blamed, if not despised
him for his haughtiness and ungenerous principles. This is a
genuine sample of military governments—the Canadians may
expect many such instances of justice and humanity in consequence
309of the late Quebec act, if it be not repealed. While this
military man acted in the magisterial office, though in pain when
not triumphing over those peaceable subjects who would not
stoop before him below the character of freemen, to flatter his
lordly ambition; yet it was affirmed, he could not stand the
sight of the inebriated Choktah. One instance of his passive
conduct toward them, deserves to be recorded—As the centinels
at the gates of his house, were strictly ordered not to resist the
savages, these soon became so impudent as to insult them at
pleasure; and one of them, without the least provocation, struck
a soldier (while on his duty standing centry) with a full bottle
on his head, with that violence, as to break his scull, the unfortunate
soldier languished, and died, by the blow, without the
least retaliation; though so absolutely needful in our early state
of settling that part of the continent. {288}
We well know the fate of the British Americans in general, as
to property, liberty, and life, if their court-enemies could but
metamorphose them into asses, and quietly impose upon them
military men as governors, and magistrates, to inforce a strict
obedience to their grasping hand, and boundless will. But, may
our wise statesmen henceforth rather keep them at home, and
place them over such mean spirits as have sold their birth-rights
for a mess of pottage, and are degenerated from every virtue of
the true and brave Englishman!
Though the French Americans were as desirous of purchasing
Indian deer-skins and beaver as the English could well be; yet
they wisely declined, where the public peace and security required
it. By their wisdom, they employed the savages, as
occasion offered, and kept them entirely dependant. They distributed
through each nation, a considerable number of medals
and flourishing commissions, in a very artful gradation, so as
to gratify their proud tempers, and obtain an universal sway
over them. They also sent a gun-smith to each of their countries,
to mend the locks of their guns, at the expence of government:
and any warrior who brought his chieftain’s medal as a
certificate, was waited on, and sent off with honour, and a very
bon grace, to his entire satisfaction: with this, and other instances
of good conduct, they led the savages at pleasure. When
the French evacuated the Alebahma garrison, the Muskohge despitefully
objected against receiving any such favours from us.
Even our old friendly Chikkasah were only tantalized with our
310friendship on that occasion, for the gun-smith was recalled—which,
joined with the rest of the bad conduct of our managers
of Indian affairs, vexed them so exceedingly, that they were on
the point of committing hostilities against us, in the year 1769;
so widely different is our Indian-trading conduct from that of
the French.
They wisely preferred the security of their valuable, but weak
country to the dangerous profits of trade; they kept the best
orators and the head-men as pensioners, on their side, and employed
the rest of the warriors in their favourite science against
the Chikkasah. As with the high placed mercenaries in Great
Britain, so it will be a very difficult task (for some time) to
manage any of the Indians well, particularly the Choktah, unless
they in {289} some manner receive a favourite bribe, under the
name of presents, as they usually had from the French. By
reason of our misconduct, and the foolish distribution of presents,
since Florida was ceded to us, they have been twice on the point
of breaking with us, though the managers of our Indian affairs
were at the same time echoing in the public papers of Georgia
and South-Carolina, the peaceable and friendly disposition of all
the savage nations around the colonies. The Choktah were designed
to strike the first blow on their traders, and immediately
to follow it on the inhabitants of Mobille; which, they imagined,
they could easily effect by surprise in the night, and so enrich
themselves with an immense booty. The first of those bloody
plans was concerted against us, October the 18th 1765. The
cause of which I shall relate.
In the eastern part of the Chikkasah nation, there is a young,
and very enterprising war-leader, called “the Torrepine Chieftain,”
or “The leader of the land-tortoise family:” his ambitious
temper, which one of the traders at first imprudently supported
against our old friendly war chieftain, Pa-Yah-Matahah, has unhappily
divided the nation into two parties, which frequently
act in opposition to any salutary measure, which is either proposed,
or pursued by the other. The Torrepine chief received an
embassy from the Muskohge Great Mortar to engage him against
us, through a false pretence that we intended to take their lands,
and captivate their women and children; as the vast strides we
lately made through that extensive tract, from Georgia to New
Orleans, and up the Missisippi, all the way to the Illinois, he
said, would clearly convince so wise a people. He exhorted the
311Choktah war-leaders and old beloved men to rouse their martial
tempers to defend their liberty and property, and preserve
their holy places, and holy things, from the ambitious views of
the impure and covetous English people, to listen to the loud
call of liberty, and join heart and hand in its generous defence,
which they now could easily effect, by crushing the snake in its
infant state; whereas delay would allow it time to collect
strength, to the utter danger of every thing they held as valuable—that
now was the time to avert those dangerous evils, and
that their mutual safety was at stake. He assured them from
repeated experience, that the very worst that could befall them
would be only a trifling scolding in their ears, and presents in
their hands to make up the breach. The aspiring Chikkasah
leader was, in a great measure, induced to fall {290} in with that
cunning deceiver’s measures by having seen above sixty of the
Muskohge head-men and warriors, who received considerable
presents from Geo. Johnstone, Esq; Governor of West-Florida,
at Pensacola. They told him our liberality proceeded intirely
from fear; that when they killed any of our despicable and
helpless swarms, they always received the like quantity, to quiet
the martial hearts of their gallant young warriors; and that the
sole reason we were so frugal to the Chikkasah, was owing to
their unwise attachments to us; but if they followed their copy,
they would soon become as rich as themselves.
If the sagacious, and gallant governor could have executed his
will, they would not have thus boasted—he warmly debated in
council to order each of them to be secured, as hostages, and
kept aboard a man of war in the harbour, till satisfaction was
remitted for the unprovoked, and wilful murders that nation had
committed on several of his majesty’s peaceable subjects: but
his spirited resolution was overborne by a considerable majority
of votes. However, when they got home, they told our traders
that his excellency’s speech was quite different to that of the
beloved white man, meaning the super-intendant, for it was very
sharp and wounding; and that his eyes spoke, and glanced the
fire also which was burning in his heart. No people are more observant
of the passions in the honest face than they. Their eyes
and judgment are surprisingly piercing; and in consequence of
this Governor’s open, steady, virtuous conduct, all our neighbouring
nations honour and love him, to this very day.
The Chikkasah chief sent his bloody embassy to the Choktah
312by a cunning and trusty uncle, who accompanied me to the late
Tumbikpe-fort. I was ignorant of the mischievous plan, till we
arrived at camp, near the Great Red Captain’s: there, in bed
at night, I plainly overheard the whole, and saw the white swan’s
wings, and others painted red and black,—persuasive and speaking
emblems of friendship to the one party, and war, blood, and
death to the other. They received those base tokens, according
to the mischievous intention of those who sent them. As they
are fond of novelty, the news was conveyed through the nation,
with profound secresy: besides, they were very much rejoiced
at so favourable an opportunity of making peace with the Muskohge,
who awed them exceedingly, on account of their repeated
losses, which were chiefly occasioned by their want {291} of
skill in swimming. Tumbikpe garrison, a little before this time,
was very unwisely removed; but, to supply that wrong measure,
our super-intendant of Indian affairs, stationed here one of his
representatives. He was as much unacquainted with the language,
manners, and customs of the Indians, as his employer: and
yet wrote a considerable volume how to regulate Indian affairs
in general, and particularly in the Choktah country. Besides
his want of proper qualifications in so nice and difficult an
office, he was in his temper so turbulent, proud, and querulous,
that his presence instead of quieting the savages, was more than
sufficient to disoblige, and distract them, in the most friendly
times. He lived in the deserted garrison, as a place of security,
kept weighty pullies to the gates, and his own door shut, as if
the place had been a monastery; which was the worst measure
he could possibly have pursued, considering the proud and familiar
temper of those he had to deal with, and the late soothing
treatment of the French to them. Kapteny Humma Echeto “the
Great Red Captain,” sent word to him he would call there, on
a certain day, to confer with him on some material business.
On account of their fluctuating councils in so weighty an affair
as the intended war, he prolonged the time of going there, for
the space of eight days; the gentleman engaged me to stay till
the affair was decided. I continued without the least reluctance,
as I saw the black storm gathering, and hoped I might be able
in some measure to dispel it. When the Red Captain came, his
chief business was to demand presents, in the same manner they
received them from the French, as the war-chiefs and beloved
men were grown very poor; and to know whether our government
313would enable them to revenge their dead, by bestowing on
them ammunition to continue the war against the Muskohge,
who highly despised us, and frequently committed acts of hostility
against our people. Contrary to my advice, he gave a plain
negative to each of his queries, without considering contingencies—Because
the neighbouring town was silent, and very few of
them came near the fort, he flattered himself that those dangerous
tokens proceeded intirely from the cold reception, and frequent
denials he had given them; and that for the future, he could
live there in a retired and easy manner. But had he taken the
trouble to go among them, as I did, he might have seen by their
gloomy faces what bitter rancour was in their hearts. Next day,
I discovered at the most unfrequented part of the fort, which
was near the south east corner, on the river-side, that the wary
savages had in the night time {292} forced two of the great posts
so far apart, as one person could easily pass through at a time;
as such ocular proof might have made my host uneasy, I thought
it wrong to molest his tranquillity by the discovery. The Red
Chief would now drink no spirituous liquors, though I pressed
him to it. They know their weakness then, which might lead
them to divulge their country’s secrets,—a great disgrace to a
warrior. He went home with his heart greatly inebriated however,
on account of the flat denials he had received; especially,
as the warriors would depreciate him for his ill success.
In a few days after, I set off with my red companion, and lay
all night at the Red Captain’s house, which stands in one of
their northern barrier towns. He walked out with me in the
evening, but in his discourse, he used as much evasion and craft,
as an old fox in his intricate windings to beguile the earnest
pursuers. At night his house was very quiet, as if their long
heads and treacherous hearts were equally at rest;—but I plainly
saw into their favourite and laboured plan, and one of their
females told me there was at that time, a great many head-men
of different towns, at a neighbouring house, conferring together
concerning the white people; and that she believed their speech
was not good, as they did not allow any women or boys to hear
it. The Red Chief and I parted like courtiers; it soon began
to rain, so as to swell the waters to such a considerable height,
as rendered them unpassable to horsemen, whose circumstances
were not quite desperate. The Choktah leader sent a sprightly
young man, his nephew, with me, under pretence of accompanying
314me and the above-mentioned Chikkasah warrior; but I was
not without strong suspicion, that he was sent to shoot me by
surprise, as soon as he heard the whooping death-signal in pursuit
of me. For they had sent runners to call home those who
were hunting in the woods, and the last company of them we
met, reaching our camp in the night, staid there till the morning.
We conversed together without the least disguise; they were
confident the traders were killed, and their favourite war and
death-cry would soon reach their listening ears. I thought it improper
to make a jest of so serious an affair, and determined to
set off, though my red companions endeavored to delay me as
much as they could. Early in the morning I took out my saddle,
which the Choktah mentioned to the others through a suspicion
I intended to make my escape: but they quieted his jealousy,
by telling him I did so, only because I was lazy to walk. About
half a mile from camp, I soon catched and mounted one of {293}
my horses, and set off, keeping clear of the trading path for about
four miles, in order to perplex any pursuers that might be sent
after me. When my horse tired, I led it on foot through the
pathless woods about fifty miles, and heard no more of them.
Had the Choktah known how to obtain a sufficient supply of
ammunition, they would at this very time, have commenced war
against us. That only checked their bloody aim, to their unspeakable
grief, and prevented our being engaged in a dangerous
war.
All our Indian-traders well know, that the misconduct and
obstinacy of the first super-intendant of Indian affairs, was the
sole occasion of irritating the Great Mortar to become bitter-hearted
against us, and devoting himself with a blood-thirsty
desire to injure us, wherever his black policy could reach. And
as the first, by his stiff behaviour set on the Mortar,—his successor,
by ill-timed presents instead of demanding satisfaction,
gave him as good an opportunity as he could have desired, to
impress the warriors of his own and other nations, with a strong
opinion of our timid disposition, and incapacity of opposing
them. The impression of Governor Johnstone’s speech, plainly
declares they would not have been so weak as to utter their base
threats against us, to the Chikkasah leader at Pensacola, only
that they were previously corrupted by the mismanagement of
Indian affairs. I am well assured, they frequently applauded
his martial conduct when they returned home, and said he was
315a man and a warrior, which is as great an encomium, as they can
bestow on any mortal. May West-Florida, and New Georgiana
on the extensive and fertile lands of the meandring Missisippi,
have a continual succession of such chief magistrates as Mr.
Johnstone, and his worthy successor Montfort Browne, Esq; to
study and promote the public good, and cause the balance of
justice to be held with an even hand!
The following relation will serve to display what should be our
manner of treating the Indians—A white man, on Mobille river,
sold spirituous liquors to a couple of the Choktah, till they were
much intoxicated, and unable to purchase any more; he then
strenuously denied to credit them: their usual burning thirst
exciting them to drink more, they became too troublesome for
any spirited person to bear with. He took up an ax, at first in
his own defence, but when they endeavoured to run off, he, in
the heat of passion pursued; and unhappily killed one of them.
The other ran, and told his {294} relations the sad disaster.
Presently, nothing could be heard through the nation, but heavy
murmurs and sharp threats. Governor Johnstone had the murderer
soon apprehended, and confined him to be tried in due
course of law. This delay of executing justice on one, and
whom we only secured from their resentment as they imagined,
tempted them to think on a general massacre. Soon after the
sitting of the general court, their revengeful hearts became easy:
for the man was fairly tried, and condemned, because he did not
kill the savage in his own defence, but while he was retreating
from him. I have reason to believe the Indians would not have
allowed the French, when in garrison among them, to delay
shooting any of their people, whom they but even suspected of
having killed the meanest of their kindred: for, in the year 1740,
the Muskohge, on a false suspicion, forced the commanding
officer of the Alebahma garrison, by their loud threats, to kill
one of the militia soldiers. When they were leading him to the
place of execution, he requested the favour of a bottle of wine,
to enable him to die with the firm constancy of an honest French
warrior: he received, and drank it off, and declared his innocence
of the imputed crime, with his last words. The signal was given,
and the soldiers, by order, quickly shot the unfortunate man.
But the Englishman, who had been likewise a soldier, would not
have been condemned by the mere assertion of the Choktah
savage, cost what it would; as it was both repugnant to our law,
316and too dangerous a precedent to give to so treacherous a people.
He was justly condemned on his companion’s oath. His
excellency Governor Johnstone acted so fairly and tenderly in
this affair, that, by his request, one of the Chikkasah traders was
summoned to sit on the trial, as he of a long time knew the base
disposition of the Choktah; but no favourable circumstances
appearing on his side, he was condemned.
Although the Choktah had their desired revenge, yet, when
their leader came parading into Tumbikpe garrison, with a gun
he had taken from a white man, whom he murdered on the Chikkasah
trading path; our super-intendant’s representative shamefully
refused to act the part of the magistrate, or to impower
the commanding officer of the Fort to secure the murderer,
though he pressed him with manly earnestness, and protested
that he would gladly confine him, were it not contrary to the
tenour of his commission. The savage having boasted a while
after his triumphal entrance, {295} returned exultingly to his
country-men, to the shame and regret of the traders. Our white
beloved man thought himself best employed in other affairs than
these, and doubtless, profitable family jobbs ought to be well
minded.
His successor was equally skilful in managing the Indians as
himself, though much his inferior. His only merit was, the having
been a clerk to the Chikkasah white beloved man, who
resigned his place, on account of the discontinuance of his
British pay. He corrupted and practised with the Indians, according
to the system his teacher pursued. One instance, among
many, will shew this: a gentleman came to view the Missisippi
lands, from the settlements which are on the Yadkin, a large
and beautiful river, that, after gliding down 300 miles to the
Sand-hill, Wilmington, and the waste Brunswick, is stiled Cape-Fear-River.[167]
He was highly pleased with the soil, climate, and
situation of the lands he came in quest of: but told me, in a
humorous manner, that, when he was at a French man’s house,
on the Spanish side of the river, a very lusty Choktah called
there, in company with others upon a hunt. As the French Choktah
was desirous of ingratiating himself into the favour of the
host, he began to ridicule my friend with gestures, and mocking
317language: the more civilly the Englishman behaved, so much
the more impudently the savage treated him. At length, his
passions were inflamed, and he suddenly seized him in his arms,
carried him a few steps off, and threw him down the bank into
the Missisippi. The laugh now turned against him loud; for, if
the Indians saw their grandmother break her neck by a fall from
a horse, or any other accident, they would whoop and halloo.
The Baptist, or dipped person, came out ashamed, but appeared
to be very good-humoured after his purification, as he found he
had not one of the French wood-peckers to deal with. However,
one night, when the gentleman was on his return, the savages
pursued, and endeavoured to kill him, and did seize his horses
and baggage. He had a narrow escape for his life before he
came to Quansheto, where the towns-people of the late Great
Red Shoes had settled, and our white beloved man resided. He
made his complaint to him, which might have been expected to
produce both pity and justice in any heart that was not callous.
But, instead of endeavouring to redress his grievance, which he
could have easily effected, he aggravated his sufferings {296} by
abuse. As the savage had been brought up with the English
traders, so as to be called the boy of one of them, and lived in
Yashoo, the town of the present Red Shoes, our chief could
easily have had every thing returned, had he only demanded it
in form. But, like his predecessor, he endeavoured to keep in
with the Indians—he deemed their favourable report of his
friendly conduct toward them, to be the main point he ought to
observe, in order to secure the embassy from suffering damage,
whatever became of truth, or justice.
The Choktah have a remote, but considerable town, called
Yowanne, which is the name of a worm that is very destructive
to corn in a wet season. It lies forty miles below the seven
southernmost towns of the nation, toward Mobille, and 120
computed miles from thence, on a pleasant small river, that runs
south of the town. As it is a remote barrier, it is greatly harrassed
by the Muskohge, when at war with them. Here, a company
of them came lately looking for prey; but missing it, as
the Choktah were apprized, and staid at home, their pride and
disappointment excited them to injure those strangers who
chanced to fall in their way. About six miles below the town,
they came to the camp of two white men, who were just ready
to set off to Mobille, with loaded horses; being resolved not entirely
318to miss their errand of blood and plunder, they attacked
them with their tomohawks, cautious of not alarming the neighbouring
enemy by the report of their guns. They speedily dispatched
one of them; but the other being strong bodied, very
fiery, and desperate, held them a sharp struggle, as it appeared
afterward: his gun was found much battered, and the long grass
quite beat down for a considerable way round the place where
the Yowanne Indians found him suspended in the air. For as
soon as those savages perpetrated that diabolical act, they hanged
each of them on trees, with the horses halters, and carried away
six of the horses loaded with drest deer-skins, as far as Mobille-river.
Minggo Humma Echeto, the Great Red Chieftain, of the
aforesaid town, on his return from war with the Muskohge, fortunately
intercepted them, killed and scalped two, and retook
the horses and leather. These, he sent home, as he imagined the
owner then resided in the nation, and would gladly redeem them
with reasonable presents: while he went down to Mobille to
shew his trophies of war, in full hopes of getting a new supply
of ammunition from the deputy super-intendant,[168] to be used
against the common enemy. He flattered himself that the scalps
brought into our maritime town, in solemn {297} triumph, would
prove a gladsome sight to our people, and enlarge their hearts
towards him and his fatigued poor warriors. But he perceived
nothing of this kind, of which he complained to me with very
sharp language, and returned home, highly incensed against his
new English friends.
I have reason to remember this too well; for, a little after
those white men were murdered, business calling me to Mobille
by myself, I chose to decline the eastern path, and the middle
one that leads by the Chakchooma old fields, as they were much
exposed to the incursions of the Muskohge; and rode through
the chief towns of the nation, along the horse-path that runs
from the Chikkasah, nearest the Missisippi, to Mobille. About
six miles below the seven-towns that lie close together, and next
to New Orleans, I met a considerable party of the leaders and
head-warriors returning home from war. We shook hands together,
and they seemed very glad to see me. They earnestly
dissuaded me from proceeding any farther, advised me to return
319to their friendly town, and rest awhile among them, declaring,
that if my ears were mad, and would not hear their friendly
speech, I should surely be killed, the enemy were ranging the
woods so very thick. They were good judges of the danger, as
they knew the treacherous plan they had concerted together at
Yowanne. But the memory of past times, moved them to give
me that kindly caution. I thanked them, and said, I wished
business allowed me to act according to their advice, and accept
of their generous invitation; but it did not: however, if my
limited days were not finished before, I would shortly have the
pleasure to see them again. I proceeded, and met several parties
of the same main company, several miles distant from each other,
carrying small pieces of a scalp, singing the triumphal song, and
sounding the shrill death-whoop, as if they had killed hundreds.
On my resting and smoking with the last party, they informed
me, that their camp consisted of two hundred and fifty warriors,
under great leaders, who were then returning from war against
a town of the Koosaahte Indians, who had settled twenty-five
miles above Mobille, on the eastern side of the river; that they
had killed and wounded several of them, suspecting them of
abetting the Muskohge, and fortunately got one of their scalps,
which the warriors of separate towns divided, and were carrying
home, with joyful hearts.
A stranger would be much surprised to see the boasting parade
these savages made with one scalp of a reputed enemy. To appearance,
more {298} than a thousand men, women, lusty boys,
and girls, went loaded with provisions to meet them; and to
dance, sing, and rejoice at this camp, for their success in war, and
safe return. Their camps were made with the green bark and
boughs of trees, and gave a striking picture of the easy and
simple modes of early ages. Their chieftains and great warriors
sat in state, with the assuming greatness of the ancient
senators of imperial Rome. I had the honour to sit awhile with
them, and was diverted with the old circling and wheeling dances
of the young men and women. I smoked with them, and then
took my leave of this last camp of rejoicing heroes. The Choktah
are the most formal in their addresses, of all the Indian nations
I am acquainted with: and they reckon the neglect of
observing their usual ceremonies, proceeds from contempt in
the traders, and from ignorance in strangers.
I encamped early, and within two leagues of Yowanne, as it
320seemed to be a good place for killing wild game. I imagined also,
that here the people were awed by the Muskohge from ranging
the woods, but, it happened otherwise: for, soon after the horse-bells
began to ring, two sprightly young fellows came through
the cane-swamp, and as enemies, they crawled up the steep bank
of the creek, near to me, before I discovered them. My firearms
were close at hand, and I instantly stood on my guard.
They looked earnestly around, to see for the rest of my company,
as it is very unusual for any of the traders, to take that journey
alone. I asked them who they were, from whence they came,
and what they were so earnestly searching for. They evaded
answering my queries, and asked me if I did not come by myself.
I told them, without hesitation, that some way behind, my companion
rode out of the path to kill deer, as his gun was good,
and he could use it extremely well. On this, they spoke a little
together, with a low voice; and then told me, that they belonged
to Yowanne, and were part of a hunting camp, which was near
at hand, and in view of the path. I asked them to sit down,
which they did, but their discourse was disagreeable, as my supposed
fellow-traveller was the chief subject of it. They said
they would go back to their camp, and return to mine soon, to
see whether the white man was come from hunting. They went,
and were as good as their word; for, they did me the honour
to pay me a second visit. As they were so very earnest in that
which did not concern them, unless they had ill intentions, the
sight of them would have instantly inflamed the heart of one
not infected with stoicism, to wish for a proper {299} place to
make a due retribution. At this time, the sun was near three
hours from setting. The white hunter’s absence was the first
and chief subject of their discourse, till evening. As on a level
place, all the savages sit cross-legged, so my visitors did, and
held their guns on their knee, or kept them very near, with their
otter-skin shot pouch over one of their shoulders, as is usual
in time of danger. I observed their mischievous eyes, instead
of looking out eastwardly toward the Muskohge country, were
generally pointed toward the N. W. the way I had come. As
by chance, I walked near to one of them, he suddenly snatched
up his gun. No friendly Indians were ever known to do the like,
especially so near home, and a considerable camp of his own
people: innocence is not suspicious, but guilt. He knew his own
demerit, and, perhaps imagined I knew it, from concurring circumstances.
321To see whether his conduct proceeded from a fear
of danger, or from accident, I repeated the trial, and he did the
same; which confirmed me in my opinion of their base intentions.
In this uneasy and restless manner we continued till sun-set,
when one of them artfully got between me and my arms. Then
they ordered me to stop the bells of my horses, which were grazing
near the camp, (used partly on account of the number of big
flies that infest the country.) I asked them the reason—they
told me, because the noise frightened away the deer. I took no
notice at first of their haughty command, but they repeated it
with spiteful vehemence, and I was forced to obey their mandate.
They looked, and listened earnestly along the edge of the swamp,
but being disappointed of their expected additional prey, in
about the space of ten minutes they ordered me to open the bells
again. Of the manifold dangers I ever was in, I deemed this by
far the greatest, for I stood quite defenceless. Their language
and behaviour plainly declared their mischievous designs. I
expected every minute to have been shot down: and though
I endeavoured to shew a manly aspect, the cold sweat trickled
down my face through uneasiness, and a crowd of contrary
passions. After some time, in this alarming situation, they told
me the ugly white man staid long, and that they would go to
their camp a little while, and return again,—they did as they
said. To deceive them, I had made my bed as for two people,
of softened bear and buffalo skins, with the long hair and wool
on, and blankets. My two watchmen came the third time, accompanied
with one older than themselves: he spoke little, was
artful, {300} and very designing. They seemed much concerned
at the absence of my supposed companion, lest he should by
unlucky mischance be bewildered, or killed by the Muskohge.
I gave them several reasons to shew the futility of their kindly
fears, and assured them he usually staid late to barbicue the
meat, when he killed much, as he could not otherwise bring it to
camp; but that he never failed, on such an occasion, to come
some time in the night. The cunning fox now and then asked me
a studied short question, in the way of cross examination, concerning
the main point they had in view, and my answers were
so cool and uniform, that I almost persuaded them firmly to
credit all I said. When he could no way trepan me, and there
was silence for several minutes, he asked me, if I was not afraid
322to be at camp alone. I told him I was an English warrior,—my
heart was honest—and as I spoiled nobody, why should I
be afraid? Their longing eyes by this time were quite tired.
The oldest of them very politely took his leave of me in French;
and the others, through an earnest friendly desire of smoking,
and chatting a little with my absent companion, told me at parting
to be sure to call them, by sounding the news-whoop, as soon
as he arrived at camp. I readily promised to comply, for the
sake of the favour of their good company: and to prevent any
suspicion of the truth of my tale, I added, that if he failed in
his usual good luck, they ought to supply us with a leg of venison,
or we would give them as much, if he succeeded.
And now all was well, at least, with me; for I took time by
the fore-lock, and left them to echoe the news-whoop. Yowanne
lay nearly south-east from me; but to avoid my being either
intercepted on the path, or heard by the quick-ear’d savages, I
went a quarter of a mile up the large cane swamp, and passed
through it on a south west course, but very slow, as it was a
dark thicket of great canes and vines, over-topped with large
spreading trees. I seldom had a glimpse of any star to direct
my course, the moon being then far spent. About an hour before
day-light, I heard them from the top of an high hill, fire
off a gun at camp; which I supposed was when they found me
gone, and in order to decoy my supposed companion to answer
them with the like report; conjecturing he would imagine it was
I who fired for him, according to custom in similar cases. I
kept nearly at the distance of three miles from the path, till I
arrived at the out-houses of Yowanne. As I had never before
seen that town, nor gone to Mobille that way, one of the warriors
at my request {301} conducted me to the river, which we
waded breast-high, and went to the palisadoed fort of Minggo
Humma Echeto, which stood commodiously on the bank of the
river. He received and treated me very kindly; I concealed what
befel me at camp, though I had reason to believe, he was informed
of my escape by a runner, as I saw fresh tracks when I returned.
I pretended to have come from camp, only to confer with him,
concerning the situation of Mobille path, and follow his advice,
either to proceed on, or return home, being convinced so great
a chieftain as he, who lived in defiance of the Muskohge on that
remote barrier, must be a better judge, than any of those I had
met. He commended me for my caution, and assured me there
323were several companies of the Muskohge, then out at war on
the path; and that as they hated and despised the English, they
would surely kill me, if I continued my journey. I thanked him
for his friendly caution, and told him it should not fall to the
ground. I soon discovered his great resentment against the English,
on account of the impolitic and unkind treatment he had
received at Mobille. He reasoned upon it with strong natural
good sense, and shewed me in his museum, the two red-painted
scalps of the Muskohge who had murdered our people, and left
them in contempt hanging like mangy dogs, with a horse’s rope
round each of their necks. He then shewed me the flourishing
commissions he had received from both French and English. He
descanted minutely on the wise and generous liberality of the
former, on every material occasion; and on the niggardly disposition
and discouraging conduct of the latter, when they ought
to stretch out both their hands to those red people who avenged
their wrongs, and brought them the scalps of the very enemy
who had lately shed their blood. The French never so starved
the public cause; and though they frequently gave sparingly,
they bestowed their favours with a winning grace, and consummate
wisdom.
This conduct of ours excited the crafty Minggo Humma Echeto,
to give loose to his vindictive temper; and at the same time,
to make it coincide with the general welfare of his country. For
as the Muskohge had proved an over-match for them in almost
every engagement, and had lately committed hostilities against
us in their neighbourhood, he persuaded those head-men I had
met, when convened in a council of war, that if they with proper
secresy repeated the like hostile act on any of our people who
first came that way, and reported it to have been done by the
Muskohge, it would {302} certainly obtain that favourite point
they had long wished for, of drawing us into an alliance with
them against the common enemy, as we must have some of the
inward feelings of men for our lost people. Probably, the decree
of that red council would have been soon put in execution
had it not been for me. When I took my leave of the red chief
to return, the drum was beat to convene the people to tell them
the cause of my coming to him, and returning home; and that
as the women and children had seen me in the town, their late
plan of execution must be entirely laid aside. One of the warriors
was sent to accompany me, though rather by way of
324escortment. In my return I called at the before mentioned
camp, and put up the whoop; my two former watchmen, on
seeing me, resembled wolves catched in a pit, they hung down
their heads, and looked gloomy, and wrathful. I asked them
why they were ashamed, and why their hearts weighed so heavy;
they said they were ashamed for me, I was so great a liar, and
had earnestly told them so many ugly falshoods. I said, my
speech to them could hurt no honest persons.—My head, my
eyes, my heart, assured me their hearts were then like the snakes;
and my tongue only spoke the speech of honest wisdom, so as
to save myself from being bitten—That it was the property of
poisonous snakes, when they miss their aim, to be enraged, and
hide their heads in their hateful coil; and concluded, by telling
them I went through the woods to Yowanne, to shew them publicly
I was not hurt by lurking snakes—and that I would now
return to the harmless Chikkasah, and tell them so—on this we
parted.
A timely application of proper measures with the savages, is
our only method to secure their feeble affections. If those, who
are employed for that salutary purpose, justly pursued that point,
its effect would soon be openly declared, by the friendly behaviour
and honest conduct of the various western nations. But
where interest governs, iniquitous measures are pursued, and
painters can be got who will flatter the original, be it ever so
black. Some of our chiefs, with a certain military officer in
West-Florida, like trembling mice, humbly voted not to demand
any satisfaction from the savages, for that most shocking
act of cool murder I have just mentioned, lest it should provoke
them to do us more mischief. But to the honour of George
Johnstone, Esq; then Governor of West-Florida, as a representative
of the suffering people, he despised such obsequious
and pusillanimous councils, and insisted, in his usual manly
manner, on an equal {303} revenge of blood, and had it speedily
granted, as far as the situation of affairs could possible allow:
for by a council of the red Sanhedrim, they condemned three of
the chief murderers to be killed, and formally sent down to him
two of their scalps to stop the loud voice of blood: but the
third made off to the Cheerake, by which means he evaded his
justly deserved fate—and too nice a scrutiny at such a time would
not have been convenientconvenient. All the western Indian nations, bear
the highest regard to that paternal governor, and plain friend
325of all the people: and I record his conduct to do justice to so
uncommon a character in America, as well as to engage his successors
to pursue the same measures, and copy after him.
The Choktah, by not having deep rivers or creeks to purify
themselves by daily ablutions, are become very irreligious in
other respects, for of late years, they make no annual atonement
for sin. As very few of them can swim, this is a full proof that
the general opinion of the young brood of savages being able to
swim like fish, as soon as they come into the world, ought to be
intirely exploded. The Indian matrons have sense enough to
know, that the swimming of human creatures is an art to keep
the head above water, which is gained by experience; and that
their helpless infants are incapable of it. Probably, the report
sprung from their immersing the new-born infants in deep running
water by the way of purification.
The Choktah are the craftiest, and most ready-witted, of any
of the red nations I am acquainted with. It is surprising to hear
the wily turns they use, in persuading a person to grant them
the favour they have in view. Other nations generally behave
with modesty and civility, without ever lessening themselves by
asking any mean favours. But the Choktah, at every season,
are on the begging lay. I several times told their leading men,
they were greater beggars, and of a much meaner spirit, than the
white-haired Chikkasah women, who often were real objects of
pity. I was once fully convinced that none was so fit to baffle
them in those low attempts without giving offence, as their own
country-men. One, in my presence, expatiated on his late disappointment
and losses, with the several unexpected causes, and
pressingly sollicited his auditor as a benevolent kinsman, to
assist him in his distress: but the other {304} kept his ear deaf
to his importunity, and entirely evaded the artful aim of the
petitioner, by carrying on a discourse he had begun, before his
relation accosted him as a suppliant. Each alternately began
where they had left off, the one to inforce the compliance of his
prayer, and the other, like the deaf adder, to elude the power
of its charming him. Nature has in a very surprising manner,
endued the Indian Americans, with a strong comprehensive
memory, and great flow of language. I listened with close attention
to their speeches, for a considerable time; at last the
petitioner despairing of impressing the other with sentiments
in his favour, was forced to drop his false and tragical tale, and
326become seemingly, a patient hearer of the conclusion of the
other’s long narrative, which was given him with a great deal of
outward composure, and cool good-nature.
In the years 1746 and 1747, I was frequently perplexed by the
Choktah mendicants; which policy directed me to bear, and
conceal as well as I could, because I was then transacting public
business with them. In 1747, one of their warriors and a Chokchooma
came to me for presents; which according to my usual
custom in those times, I gave, though much less than they presumed
to expect. The former, strongly declaimed against the
penurious spirit of the French, and then highly applauded the
open generous tempers of the English traders: for a considerable
time, he contrasted them with each other, not forgetting, in
every point of comparison, to give us the preference in a high
degree. He was endued with so much eloquence and skill as to
move the passions, and obtain his point. A considerable number
of Chikkasah warriors who were present, told me soon after, that
his skilful method of addressing me for a bottle of spirituous
liquors, seemed to them astonishing: an old beloved man replied,
that the worst sort of snakes were endued with the greatest skill
to insnare and suck their prey, whereas, the harmless have no
such power.
The Indians in general do not chuse to drink any spirits, unless
they can quite intoxicate themselves. When in that helpless
and sordid condition, weeping and asking for more ookka hoome,
“bitter waters,” I saw one of the drunkard’s relations, who some
time before had taken a like dose, hold the rum-bottle to the
other’s head, saying, when he had drank deep, “Hah, you were
very poor for drinking.” Though I appealed to all the Chikkasah
warriors present, that rum never stood on hand with me,
when the {305} people were at home, and several time affirmed
to the importunate Choktah, that it was entirely expended; yet
my denial served only to make him more earnest: upon this, I
told him, that though I had no ookka hoome, I had a full bottle
of the water of ane hoome, “bitter ears,” meaning long pepper,
of which he was ignorant, as he had seen none of that kind. We
were of opinion that his eager thirst for liquor, as well as his
ignorance of the burning quality of the pepper, and the resemblance
of the words, which signify things of a hot, though different
nature, would induce the bacchanal to try it. He accordingly
applauded my generous disposition, and said, “his heart had all
327the while told him I would not act beneath the character I bore
among his country-people.” The bottle was brought: I laid it
on the table, and told him, as he was then spitting very much,
(a general custom with the Indians, when they are eager for
any thing) “if I drank it all at one sitting, it would cause me to
spit in earnest, as I used it, only when I ate, and then very
moderately; but though I loved it, if his heart was very poor
for it, I should be silent, and not in the least grudge him for
pleasing his mouth.” He said, “your heart is honest indeed; I
thank you, for it is good to my heart, and makes it greatly to
rejoice.” Without any farther ceremony, he seized the bottle,
uncorked it, and swallowed a large quantity of the burning
liquid, till he was near strangled. He gasped for a considerable
time, and as soon as he recovered his breath, he said Hah, and
soon after kept stroaking his throat with his right hand. When
the violence of this burning draught was pretty well over, he
began to flourish away, in praise of the strength of the liquor,
and bounty of the giver. He then went to his companion, and
held the bottle to his mouth, according to custom, till he took
several hearty swallows. This Indian seemed rather more sensible
of its fiery quality, than the other, for it suffocated him for
a considerable time; but as soon as he recovered his breath, he
tumbled about on the floor in various postures like a drunken
person, overcome by the force of liquor. In this manner, each
of them renewed their draught, till they had finished the whole
bottle, into which two others had been decanted. The Chikkasah
spectators were surprised at their tasteless and voracious
appetite, and laughed heartily at them, mimicking the actions,
language, and gesture of drunken savages. The burning liquor
so highly inflamed their bodies that one of the Choktah to cool
his inward parts, drank water till he almost burst: the other
rather than bear the ridicule of the people, and the inward fire
that {306} distracted him, drowned himself the second night
after in a broad and shallow clay hole, contiguous to the dwelling
house of his uncle, who was the Chikkasah Archimagus.
There was an incident, something similar, which happened in
the year 1736, in Kanootare, the most northern town of the Cheerake.
When all the liquor was expended, the Indians went home,
leading with them at my request, those who were drunk. One,
however, soon came back, and earnestly importuned me for more
Nawohti, which signifies both physic and spirituous liquors.
328They, as they are now become great liars, suspect all others of
being infected with their own disposition and principles. The
more I excused myself, the more anxious he grew, so as to become
offensive. I then told him, I had only one quarter of a
bottle of strong physic, which sick people might drink in small
quantities, for the cure of inward pains: and laying it down before
him, I declared I did not on any account choose to part with
it, but as his speech of few words, had become very long and
troublesome, he might do just as his heart directed him concerning
it. He took it up, saying his heart was very poor for physic,
but that would cure it, and make it quite streight. The bottle
contained almost three gills of strong spirits of turpentine, which
in a short time, he drank off. Such a quantity of the like physic
would have demolished me, or any white person. The Indians
in general, are either capable of suffering exquisite pain longer
than we are, or of shewing more constancy and composure in
their torments. The troublesome visitor soon tumbled down
and foamed prodigiously.—I then sent for some of his relations
to carry him home. They came—I told them he drank greedily,
and too much of the physic. They said, it was his usual custom,
when the red people bought the English physic. They gave him
a decoction of proper herbs and roots, the next day sweated him,
repeated the former draught, and he soon got well. As those
turpentine spirits did not inebriate him, but only inflamed his
intestines, he well remembered the burning quality of my favourite
physic, which he had so indiscreetly drank up, and
cautioned the rest from ever teizing me for any physic I had
concealed, in any sort of bottles, for my own use; otherwise they
might be sure it would spoil them, like the eating of fire.
The Choktah are in general more slender than any other nation
of savages I have seen. They are raw-boned, and surprisingly
active in ball-playing; {307} which is a very sharp
exercise, and requires great strength and exertion. In this manly
exercise, no persons are known to be equal to them, or in running
on level ground, to which they are chiefly used from their
infancy, on account of the situation of their country, which hath
plenty of hills, but no mountains; these lie at a considerable
distance between them and the Muskohge. On the survey of a
prodigious space of fertile land up the Missisippi, and its numberless
fine branches, we found the mountains full three hundred
miles from that great winding mass of waters.
329Though the lands of West-Florida, for a considerable distance
from the sea-shore, are very low, sour, wet, and unhealthy, yet
it abounds with valuable timber for ship-building, which could
not well be expended in the long space of many centuries. This
is a very material article to so great a maritime power, as Great
Britain, especially as it can be got with little expence and trouble.
The French were said to deal pretty much that way; and the
Spaniards, it is likely, will now resume it, as the bounty of our
late ministry has allowed the French to transfer New-Orleans to
them, and by that means they are able to disturb the British
colonies at pleasure. It cannot fail of proving a constant bone
of contention: a few troops could soon have taken it during the
late war, for it was incapable of making any considerable resistance;
and even French effrontery could not have presumed
to withhold the giving it up, if the makers of our last memorable
peace had not been so extremely modest, or liberal to them. If
it be allowed that the first discoverers and possessors of a foreign
waste country, have a just title to it, the French by giving up
New Orleans to Great Britain, would have only ceded to her,
possessions, which they had no right to keep; for Col. Wood[169]
was the first discoverer of the Missisippi, who stands on public
record, and the chief part of ten years he employed in searching
its course. This spirited attempt he began in the year 1654, and
ended 1664. Capt. Bolton made the like attempt, in the year
1670. Doctor Cox[170] of New Jersey sent two ships Anno 1698,
which discovered the mouth of it; and having failed a hundred
miles up, he took possession of the whole country, and called it
Carolana: whereas the French did not discover it till the year
1699,[171] when they gave it the name of Colbert’s-river, in honour
330of their favourite minister, and the whole country they called
Loisinana, which may soon be exchanged for Philippiana—till the
Americans give it another and more desirable name. {308}
The Choktah being employed by the French, together with
their other red confederates, against the English Chikkasah, they
had no opportunity of inuring themselves to the long-winded
chace, among a great chain of steep craggy mountains. They
are amazingly artful however in deceiving an enemy; they will
fasten the paws and trotters of panthers, bears, and buffalos,
to their feet and hands, and wind about like the circlings of such
animals, in the lands they usually frequent. They also will
mimick the different notes of wild fowl, and thus often outwit
the savages they have disputes with. Their enemies say, that
when at war, it is impossible to discover their track, unless they
should be so lucky as to see their persons. They act very timorously
against the enemy abroad, but behave as desperate
veterans when attacked in their own country. ’Till they were
supplied by the English traders with arms and ammunition, they
had very little skill in killing deer; but they improve very fast
in that favourite art: no savages are equal to them in killing
bears, panthers, wild cats, &c. that resort in thick cane-swamps;
which swamps are sometimes two or three miles over, and an
hundred in length, without any break either side of the stream.
About Christmas, the he and she bears always separate. The
former usually snaps off a great many branches of trees, with
which he makes the bottom of his winter’s bed, and carefully
raises it to a proper height, with the green tops of large canes;
he chooses such solitary thickets as are impenetrable by the sunbeams.
The she bear takes an old large hollow tree for her
yeaning winter-house, and chuses to have the door above, to enable
her to secure her young ones from danger. When any thing
disturbs them, they gallop up a tree, champing their teeth, and
bristling their hair, in a frightful manner: and when they are
wounded, it is surprising from what a height they will pitch on
the ground, with their weighty bodies, and how soon they get
up, and run off. When they take up their winter-quarters, they
continue the greater part of two months, in almost an entire
state of inactivity: during that time, their tracks reach no farther
than to the next water, of which they seldom drink, as they frequently
suck their paws in their lonely recess, and impoverish
their bodies, to nourish them. While they are employed in that
331surprising task of nature, they cannot contain themselves in
silence, but are so well pleased with their repast, that they continue
singing hum um um: as their pipes are none of the weakest,
the Indians by this {309} means often are led to them from a
considerable distance, and then shoot them down. But they
are forced to cut a hole near the root of the tree, wherein the
she bear and her cubs are lodged, and drive them out by the
force of fire and suffocating smoke; and as the tree is partly
rotten, and the inside dry, it soon takes fire. In this case, they
become very fierce, and would fight any kind of enemy; but,
commonly, at the first shot, they are either killed or mortally
wounded. However, if the hunter chance to miss his aim, he
speedily makes off to a sappling, which the bear by over-clasping
cannot climb: the crafty hunting dogs then act their part, by
biting behind, and gnawing its hams, till it takes up a tree. I
have been often assured both by Indians and others, who get
their bread by hunting in the woods, that the she-bear always
endeavours to keep apart from the male during the helpless state
of her young ones; otherwise he would endeavour to kill them;
and that they had frequently seen the she bear kill the male on
the spot, after a desperate engagement for the defence of her
young ones. Of the great numbers I have seen with their young
cubs, I never saw a he bear at such times, to associate with them:
so that it seems one part of the Roman Satyrist’s fine moral
lesson, inculcating peace and friendship, is not just, Scœvis inter
se convenit Ursis.
At the time Mobille (that grave-yard for Britons) was ceded
to Great-Britain, the lower towns of the Choktah brought down
all the Chikkasah scalps they had taken, in their thievish way
of warring, and had them new painted, and carried them in procession
on green boughs of pine, by way of bravado, to shew
their contempt of the English. They would not speak a word
to the Chikkasah traders, and they sollicited the French for their
consent to re-commence war against us, and establish them again
by force of arms, in their western possessions; but they told
them, their king had firmly concluded upon the cession, through
his own benevolence of heart, to prevent the further effusion of
innocent blood.—By this artful address, they supported their
credit with the savages, in the very point which ought to have
ruined it.
When the Choktah found themselves dipped in war with the
332Muskohge; they sollicited the English for a supply of ammunition,
urging with much truth, that common sense ought to direct
us to assist them, and deem the others our enemies as much as
theirs. But Tumbikpe-garrison was evacuated through the unmanly
fear of giving umbrage to the Muskohge, {310} at the
very time it would have been of the utmost service to the general
interest of our colonies to have continued it.
The commander concealed his timorous and precipitate retreat,[172]
even from me and another old trader, till the very night
he confusedly set off for Mobille by water, and left to us the
trouble of apologizing to the savages for his misconduct. But
after he got to a place of safety, he flourished away of his wisdom
and prowess. As a just stigma on those who abuse their
public trust, I cannot help observing, that in imitation of some
other rulers, he persuaded the Indians not to pay us any of our
numerous out-standing debts, though contrary to what was
specified in our trading licences. They have not courage enough
to venture their own valuable lives to those red marts of trade;
if they had, they would persuade the Indians rather to pay their
debts honestly, year by year, as we trust them in their want,
and depend on their promise and fidelity. The gentlemen, who
formerly traded with the Muskohge, told me that the Georgia-governor,
through a like generous principle, forgave that nation
once all the numerous debts they owed the traders. But as soon
as the Indians understood they would not be credited again,
under any circumstances whatsoever, they consented to pay their
debts, and declared the Governor to be a great mad-man, by pretending
to forgive debts contracted for valuable goods, which
he never purchased, nor intended to pay for.
Though the French Louisianians were few, and far dispersed,
as well as surrounded by the savages, yet close application and
abilities in their various appointments, sufficiently made up their
lack of numbers. When, and where, their security seemed to
require it, they with a great deal of art fomented divisions among
their turbulent red neighbours, and endeavoured to keep the
balance of power pretty even between them. Though they had
only one garrison in the country of the Muskohge, and another
in that of the Choktah, yet the commanders of those two posts,
managed so well, that they intimidated those two potent nations,
333by raising misunderstandings between them, and threatening
(when occasion required) to set the one against the other, with
their red legions of the north, unless ample satisfaction was
speedily given by the offending party, and solemn promises of a
strict observance of true friendship for the time to come. How
far our super-intendants, and commissioners of Indian affairs,
have imitated that wise {311} copy, our traders can feelingly
describe: and it will be a happiness, if our three western colonies
have not the like experience, in the space of a few years. We
assure them, that either the plan, or the means, for producing
such an effect, has been pretty well concerted by the authors of
that dangerous and fatal peace between the Muskohge and Choktah.
Their own party indeed will greatly applaud it, and so
will the much obliged Spaniards, especially if they soon enter
into a war with Great Britain. It is to be wished, that those
who preach peace and good-will to all the savage murderers of
the British Americans, would do the same as to their American
fellow-subjects,—and not, as some have lately done, cry peace
to the Indians, and seek to plunge the mercenary swords of soldiers
into the breasts of those of our loyal colonists, who are
the most powerful of us, because they oppose the measures of
an arbitrary ministry, and will not be enslaved.
In the year 1766, the Choktah received a considerable blow
from the Muskohge. Their old distinguished war-leader, before
spoken of, Minggo Humma Echéto, set off against the Muskohge,
with an hundred and sixty warriors, to cut off by surprise
one of their barrier towns: as the waters were low, a couple of
runners brought him a message from the nation, acquainting
him there were two white men on their way to the Muskohge,
and therefore desired him to send them back, lest they should inform
them of the expedition, and by that means, endanger the
lives of the whole. But though he treated these traders kindly at
his war camp, and did not shew the least diffidence of them respecting
their secrecy; and sent this account back by the running
messengers to his advisers, that the English were his friends, and
could not be reasonably suspected of betraying them, if it were
only on the situation of their own trading business, which frequently
called them to various places,—yet those base-minded
and perfidious men violated the generous faith reposed in them,
and betrayed the lives of their credulous friends. They set off
with long marches, and as soon as they arrived in the country
334of the Muskohge, minutely informed them of the Choktah’s
hostile intentions, and number, and the probable place of attacking
the aforesaid camp, to the best advantage. The news was
joyfully received, and, as they had reason to believe they could
surprise the enemy, or take them at a disadvantage, in some
convenient {312} place near their own barriers, a number of
chosen warriors well prepared, set off in order to save their former
credit, by revenging the repeated affronts the Choktah leader
had given them in every engagement. He, in the most insulting
manner, had often challenged their whole nation to meet him and
his at any fixt time of a moon, and place, and fight it out, when
the conquerors should be masters of the conquered—for the Muskohge
used to ridicule the Choktah by saying, they were like
wolf-cubs, who would not take the water, but the thick swamp,
as their only place of security against the enemy. It must here
be remembered, that the Indians in general, are guided by their
dreams when they attend their holy ark to war, reckoning them
so many oracles, or divine intimations, designed for their good:
by virtue of those supposed, sacred dictates, they will sometimes
return home, by one, two, or three at a time, without the least
censure, and even with applause, for this their religious conduct.
Thus, one hundred and twenty of these Choktah, after having intimidated
themselves apart from the rest, with visionary notions,
left the war-camp and returned home. Our gallant friend, Minggo
Humma Echeto, addressed his townsmen on this, and persuaded
them to follow him against the enemy, saying, it was the part of
brave warriors to keep awake, and not dream like old women.
He told them their national credit was at stake for their warlike
conduct under him; and that honour prompted him to proceed
against the hateful enemy, even by himself, though he was certain
his townsmen and warlike relations would not forsake him.
Forty of them proceeded, and next day they were surrounded by
an hundred and sixty of the Muskohge, several of whom were on
horseback to prevent their escape. When the Choktah saw
their dangerous situation, and that they had no alternative but
a sudden, or lingering death, they fought as became desperate
men, deprived of hope. While their arrows and ammunition
lasted, they killed and wounded a considerable number of the
opposite party: but the enemy observing their distressed situation,
drew up into a narrow circle, and rushed upon the remaining
and helpless few, with their guns, darts, clubs, and tomohawks,
335and killed thirty-eight. They were not able to captivate
but two, whom they destined for the fiery torture: but at night,
when the camp was asleep in too great security, one of them
fortunately made his escape out of a pair of wooden stocks. They
had flattered him with the hopes of being redeemed; but he told
them he was {313} too much of a warrior to confide in their
false promises. He got safe home, and related the whole affair.
Formerly, by virtue of the pressing engagement of a prime
magistrate of South-Carolina,[173] I undertook to open a trade with
the Choktah, and reconcile their old-standing enmity with the
Chikkasah. I was promised to be indemnified in all necessary
charges attending that attempt. As the Choktah, by the persuasions
of the French, had killed my partner in the trade, I was
desirous of any favourable opportunity of retaliating: especially,
as we were exposed to perpetual dangers and losses, by the
French rewards offered either for our scalps or horses-tails; and
as the French were usually short of goods, while Great Britain
was at war with them, we were liable to most damages from them
in time of peace. They used to keep an alphabetical list of all
the names of leading savages, in the various nations where they
ingarrisoned themselves; and they duly paid them, every year,
a certain quantity of goods besides, for all the damages they did
to the Chikkasah, and our traders; which tempted them constantly
to exert their abilities, to the good liking of their political
employers. It happened, however, that one of the French of
Tumbikpe-fort, being guided by Venus instead of Apollo, was
detected in violating the law of marriage with the favourite wife
of the warlike chieftain of Quansheto, Shulashummashtabe,[174]336who by his several transcendant qualities, had arrived to the
highest pitch of the red glory. He was well known in Georgia
and South-Carolina, by the name of Red Shoes; as formerly
noticed. As there lived in his town, a number of the Chokchoomah,
the senior tribe of the Chikkasah and Choktah, and
who had a free intercourse with each of their countries, we soon
had an account of every material thing that passed there. I
therefore resolved to improve so favourable an opportunity as
seemed to present itself, and accordingly soon privately convened
two of the leading men of the Chikkasah nation, to assist
me to execute the plan I had in view. One was the Archimagus,
Pastabe, known in our colonies, by the name of “the Jockey,”—and
the other, by that of Pahemingo-Amalahta, who was the
only Indian I ever knew to die of a consumption; which he contracted
by various engagements with the enemy when far off at
war, contrary to their general rule of martial purification. The
violent exercise of running a great distance under the violent rays
of the sun, and over sandy, or hilly grounds, would not allow
him to {314} inswamp, and he fired his blood to such a degree,
that a few years after this, when on a visit to our English settlement,
he died at Augusta with this ailment. It is needful to mention
those well-known circumstances, as the following relation
of facts, depends in a considerable measure on them.
We three agreed to send some presents to Red Shoes, with a
formal speech, desiring him to accept them with a kind heart,
and shake hands with us as became brothers, according to the old
337beloved speech. Their own friendly messages, and treaties of
peace, are always accompanied with so many sorts of presents,
as their chiefs number. We in a few days packed up a sufficient
quantity, to bury the tomohawk which the French had thrust
into their unwilling hands, and to dry up the tears of the injured,
and set their hearts at ease, for the time to come, by joining with
the English and their old friendly Chikkasah, Inggona Sekanoopa
toochenase, “in the triple knot of friendship,” in order to cut off
the dangerous snake’s head, and utterly destroy the power of its
forked tongue. As our real grievances were mutually the same,
and numerous, we gave liberally. Having every thing as well
concerted for the embassy, as such occasions require, my two
red friends sent a trusty messenger for a couple of the foresaid
neutral Indians, who had been a few days in the Chikkasah
country, to accompany him late at night to my trading house.
They readily obeyed; and, as the good-natured men and their
families, through friendship to us, must infallibly have been
sacrificed to French policy, if we failed of success, or they were
discovered by captives, or any other means, we used the greatest
secresy, and placed a centinel to keep off all other persons during
our private congress. After we had conversed with them a considerable
time, on the necessity of the proposed attempt, and the
certainty of succeeding in it, we opened our two large budgets,
and read over the strong emblematical contents, according to
their idiom, till we gave them a true impression of the whole.
The next day we took care to send them off well pleased: and as
several material circumstances conspired to assure us they would
faithfully discharge the office of trust, which we reposed in them,
we in a short time had the satisfaction to hear by other private
runners of their countrymen, from our brave and generous patron,
Red Shoes, that they were so far from breaking the public faith,
that they read to him every material head of our embassy, and
urged it with all their powers. {315}
That red chieftain introduced our friendly embassy, with such
secresy and address to all the head-men he could confide in, that
he soon persuaded most of them in all the neighbouring towns,
to join heartily with him in his laudable plan. The sharpness
of his own feelings for the base injury he had received from the
French, and the well-adapted presents we sent him and his wife
and gallant associates, contributed greatly to give a proper weight
to our embassy. Such motives as these are too often the mainsprings
338that move the various wheels of government, even in the
christian world. In about a month from the time we began to
treat with Red-Shoes, he sent a considerable body of his warriors,
with presents to me, as the representative of the English
traders, and to my Chikkasah friends, consisting of swans-wings,
white beads, pipes and tobacco; which was a strong confirmation
of our treaty of peace,—and he earnestly requested of me to inform
them with that candour, which should always be observed
by honest friends, whether I could firmly engage that our traders
would live, and deal among them, as we did with the Chikkasah;
for a disappointment that way, he said, would prove fatal,
should we entangle them with the French, in resentment of the
many injuries they had long unprovokedly done us. I quieted
their apprehensions on that material point of jealousy, to their
entire satisfaction, and my two Chikkasah friends soon expatiated
upon the subject to him, with a great deal of that life, wit and
humour, so peculiar to the red Americans. We explained and
confirmed anew, the whole contents of our former talk concerning
the dangerous French snake; assuring them, that if they did
not soon exert themselves against it, as became brave free-men,
they would still continue not only poor, and shamefully naked,
below the state of other human beings, but be despised, and
abused, in proportion to their mean passive conduct,—their
greatest and most favourite war-chieftains not excepted, as they
saw verified in their chief leader, Shoolashummashtabe. But if
they exerted themselves, they would be as happy as our friendly,
brave, and free Chikkasah, whom the French armies, and all their
red confederates, could no way damage but as hidden snakes,
on account of their own valour, and the steady friendship of the
English,[175]—who were always faithful to their friends even to
death, as every river and creek sufficiently testified, all the way
from the English settlements to the Chikkasah country. We
mentioned how many were killed at several places, as they were
going in a warlike manner to supply their beloved friends, without
any being ever captivated by the numerous enemy, {316}
though often attacked at a disadvantage—which ought to assure
them, that whenever the English shaked hands with people, their
hearts were always honest. We requested them therefore to
339think, and act, as our brotherly Chikkasah, who by strongly holding
the chain of friendship between them and the English, were
able in their open fields, to destroy the French armies, and in the
woods bravely to fight, and baffle all the efforts of their despicable
mercenary enemies, though their numbers of fighting
men consisted of few more than one hundred to what the Choktah
contained in old hundreds, or thousands. The French, we
added, were liberal indeed; but to whom, or for what? They gave
presents to the head-men, and the most eloquent speakers of
their country, to inslave the rest, but would not supply them
with arms and ammunition, without the price of blood against
our traders and the friendly Chikkasah; that they themselves
were witnesses, a whole town of sprightly promising young men
had not now more than five or six guns; but they would learn to
kill as many deer as the distinguished Chikkasah hunters, if
they firmly shook hands with the English. We convinced them,
that the true emblem of the English was a drest white deer-skin,
but that the French dealt with them only in long scalping knives;
that we had a tender feeling, when we heard the mourning voice
of the tender-hearted widow, and only supplied our friends in
their own defence, or in revenge of crying blood; but that the
French delighted in blood, and were always plotting how to destroy
them, and take away their lands, by setting them at war
against those who loved them, and would secure their liberties,
without any other view than as became brothers, who fairly
exchanged their goods. We desired them to view the Chikkasah
striplings, how readily their kindly hearts led them to listen to
the friendly speech of their English trading speaker, because
they knew we loved them, and enabled them to appear in the
genteel dress of red people.
At the whoop, they soon appeared, and cheerfully complied with
our various requests, to the great satisfaction of our new Choktah
friends. The Chikkasah head-men told them with pleasure, that
they were glad their own honest eyes had seen the pure effects
of love to their English trader; and that their old people, time
out of mind, had taught them so. Then they humourously enlarged
on the unfriendly conduct of the French in a comparative
manner, and persuaded them to keep their eyes open, and remember {317}
well what they had seen and heard, and to tell
it to all their head-men.
We adjusted every thing in the most friendly manner, to the
340intire satisfaction of the Choktah. I supplied each of them with
arms, ammunition, and presents in plenty—gave them a French
scalping knife which had been used against us, and even vermilion,
to be used in the flourishing way, with the dangerous
French snakes, when they killed and scalped them. They returned
home extremely well pleased, echoed every thing they had
seen and heard; and declared that the Chikkasah, in their daily
dress, far exceeded the best appearance their country-men could
make in the most showy manner, except those whom the French
paid to make their lying mouths strong. They soon went to work—they
killed the strolling French pedlars,—turned out against
the Missisippi Indians and Mobillians, and the flame speedily
raged very high. One of the Choktah women, ran privately to
inform a French pedlar of the great danger he was in, and urged
him immediately to make his escape. He soon saddled a fine
strong sprightly horse he chanced to have at hand: just as he
mounted, the dreadful death whoo whoop was sounded in pursuit
of him, with the swift-footed red Asahel, Shoolashummashtabe,
leading the chace. Though, from that place, the land-path was
mostly level to Tumpikbe-garrison (about half a day’s march)
and though the Chikkasah and Choktah horses are Spanish
barbs,[176] and long winded, like wolves; yet Red-Shoes, far ahead
341of the rest, ran him down in about the space of fifteen miles, and
had scalped the unfortunate rider some time before the rest
appeared.
It is surprising to see the long continued speed of the Indians
in general—though some of us have often ran the swiftest of
them out of sight, when on the chase in a collective body, for
about the distance of twelve miles; yet, afterward, without any
seeming toil, they would stretch on, leave us out of sight, and
out-wind any horse.[177] When this retaliating scheme was planned
and executing, I was the only British subject in the Chikkasah
country; and as I had many goods on hand, I staid in the nation,
while we sent down our horses to the first English settlements,—which
was full eight hundred miles distant, before the two
Floridas were ceded to us. Seventeen were the broken days, according
to the Indian phrase, when the Choktah engaged to
return with the French scalps, as a full confirmation of their
having {318} declared war against them, and of their ardent
desire of always shaking hands with the English. The power
of the French red mercenaries was however so very great, that
Red Shoes could not with safety comply with his deputy’s promise
to me, to send the French snake’s head, in the time appointed
by our sticks hieroglyphically painted, and notched in due form.
The fall time drawing on, obliged me to set off for the Koosah-town,
which is the most western of the Muskohge nation, about
three hundred miles distant. I was accompanied by my two
cheerful and gallant Chikkasah friends, already mentioned, with
forty of their chosen warriors, brave as ever trod the ground,
and faithful under the greatest dangers even to the death.[178] On
342our way down, escorting the returning cargo, four Chikkasah,
who were passing home through the woods, having discovered
us, and observing in the evening a large camp of 80 French
Choktah in pursuit of us; they returned on our tracks at full
speed, to put us on our guard; but though we were so few,
and had many women and children to protect, besides other
incumbrances, yet as the enemy knew by our method of camping,
343and marching, we had discovered them, they durst not attack
us.
Another time there was a hunting camp of only seventeen
Chikkasah, with their wives and children, who were attacked by
above sixty Choktah; but they fought them a long time, and so
desperately, that they killed and wounded several, and drove
them shamefully off, without any loss. It is usual for the women
to sing the enlivening war song in the time of an attack; and it
inflames the men’s spirits so highly, that they become as fierce
as lions. I never knew an instance of the Indians running off,
though from a numerous enemy, and leaving their women and
children to their barbarous hands.
Soon after we arrived at the upper western town of the Muskohge,
which was called Ooe-Asah, and settled by the Chikkasah
and Nahchee,[179] a great company of Red Shoes warriors came up
with me, with the French scalps, and other trophies of war: but
because a body of our Muskohge mercenary traders found their
account in dealing with the French at the Alebahma-fort, they
to the great risk of their own country’s welfare, lodged so many
caveats in my way by the mediation {319} of the Muskohge,
that I found it necessary to consent that the scalps should be
sent with the other trophies, in a Muskohge white deer-skin, to
the French fort at the distance of seventy miles, to be buried
deep in the ground, instead of sending them by the Choktah
runners, to his excellency the governor of South-Carolina, who
had engaged me to strive to open a trade with those Indians.
These opulent and mercenary white savages being now dead, I
shall not disgrace the page with their worthless names. Soon
after we had reached the Chikkasah country, Red Shoes came to
pay us a friendly visit, accompanied with a great many head-men
and warriors, both to be relieved in their poverty, and to
concert the best measures of still annoying the common enemy.
We behaved kindly and free to them, to their entire satisfaction,
and sent considerable presents to many head-men who staid at
home, in confirmation of our strong friendship; acquainting them
of our various plans of operation against the enemy, in defence
of their lives, freedom, and liberty of trade, in which the English
and Chikkasah would faithfully support them. Every thing was
delivered to them according to our intention, and as kindly received.
344And as all the Indians are fond of well-timed novelty,
especially when they expect to be gainers by it, the name of the
friendly and generous English was now echoed, from town to
town, except in those few which had large pensions from the
French.
In the beginning of the following spring, which was 1747,[180]
above fifty warriors from several towns of the Muskohge, came
to the Chikkasah country, on their way to war against the Aquahpah
Indians,[181] on the western side of the Missisippi, one hundred
and fifty miles above the Nahchee old fields. By our good treatment
of them, and well-timed application, they joined a body of
Chikkasah warriors under Payah Matahah, and made a fleet of
large cypress-bark-canoes, in which they embarked under the
direction of three red admirals, in long pettiaugers that had been
taken from the French, as they were passing from New Orleans
up to the Illinois. They proceeded down the Missisippi to the
French settlements, and attacked and burned a large village at
break of day, though under the command of a stockade-fort;
from which the Chikkasah leader was wounded with a grapeshot
in his side. On this, as they despaired of his life, according
to their universal method in such a case, they killed most of their
unfortunate captives on the western bank of the Missisippi; and
enraged with {320} fury, they overspread the French settlements,
to a great distance, like a dreadful whirlwind, destroying every
thing before them, to the astonishment and terror even of those
who were far remote from the skirts of the direful storm. The
French Louisianians were now in a desponding state, as we had
beaten them in their own favourite political element, in which
they had too often been successful even at the British court, after
our troops and navies had scoured them out of the field and the
ocean. They had no reason here to expect any favour of us, as
we were only retaliating the long train of innocent blood of our
fellow-subjects they had wantonly caused to be shed by their
red mercenaries, and their fears now became as great as their
danger—but they were needless; for though the Alebahma
French, and many towns of the Muskohge, were in a violent
345ferment, when the foresaid warriors returned home, yet by the
treacherous mediation of the above-mentioned traders and their
base associates, the breach was made up. Had they been blest
with the least spark of that love for the good of their country,
which the savages and French are, they could have then persuaded
the Indians, to have driven the French from the dangerous
Alebahma; and an alliance with the Chikkasah and Choktah
would have effectually destroyed the dangerous line of circumvallation
they afterwards drew around our valuable colonies.
And as the Cheerake, by their situation, might easily have been
induced to join in the formidable treaty, they with encouragement,
would have proved far superior to all the northern red
legions the French were connected with.
At that time I sent to the Governor of South Carolina, a large
packet, relating the true situation of our Indian affairs, directed
on his majesty’s service: but though it contained many things
of importance, (which the French, under such circumstances,
would have faithfully improved) and required immediate dispatch;
our Muskohge traders, to whose care I had sent it by
some Chikkasah runners, were so daringly base as to open it,
and destroy what their self-interested views seemed to require,
and delayed the conveyance of the rest a considerable time, to
prevent others from reaping the benefit of the trade before them.
When I went down, I complained of their misconduct, and the
Governor having promised me a public seal, threatened them
loudly; but some after circumstances in trade made him to think
it not worth while to put his threats in execution. When the
French were destitute of goods at Tumbikpe-garrisons, while {321}
they were at war with the English, their policy allowed
them to suffer several of our traders to deal with the Choktah,
without any interruption, in order to keep them quiet; but as
soon as they had a proper supply, they excited their treacherous
friends to plunder, and kill our people. They, who had the
fortune to get safe away, made great returns; which induced
some to entertain too high notions of their profits, and so strangers
hazarded too much at once. While the French had possession
of Tumbikpe, we, who knew them, used to send there only small
cargoes from the Chikkasah country, to avoid tempting them
too far: but one of our great men was reported to have persuaded
a couple of gentlemen to join in company with his brother
346(well known by the name of the Sphynx company)[182] in the
Choktah trade, and to have supplied them very largely. They
loaded, and sent off 360 valuable horses, which with all other
concomitant charges, in going to such a far-distant country,
swelled it to a high amount. The traders,[183] who were employed
to vend the valuable cargo, gave large presents to six of the Muskohge
leaders, known to be most attached to the British interest,
to escort them, with a body of the Choktah, into the country.
They passed by Alebahma, in the usual parade of the Indian-traders,
to the terror of the people in the fort. They proceeded
as far as a powerful body of our Choktah friends had appointed
to meet them, but considerably overstaid the fixed time there, in
want of provisions, as their common safety would not allow them
to go a hunting: by the forcible persuasion of the Muskohge
head-men, they unluckily returned about one hundred and forty
miles back on a north-east-course. But a few days after, a party
of Choktah friends came to their late camp, in order to encourage
them to come on without the least dread, as a numerous
party were watching an opportunity to attack the French, and
their own slavish countrymen; and that they would surely engage
them very successfully, while the traders were fording
Mobille-river, eight miles above Tumbikpe-fort, under a powerful
escortment of their faithful friends. So wisely had they laid
their plan, though it was disconcerted by the cautious conduct
of the Muskohge head-men: for they are all so wary and jealous,
that when they send any of their people on a distant errand,
they fix the exact time they are to return home; and if they exceed
but one day, they on the second send out a party on discovery[LVI]. {322}
LVI. I shall here mention an instance of that kind: at this time, a hunting
camp of the Chikkasah went out to the extent of their winter-limits between
the Choktah and Muskohge countries: but being desirous of
enlarging their hunt, they sent off a sprightly young warrior to discover
certain lands they were unacquainted with, which they pointed to by the
course of the sun, lying at the distance of about thirty miles. Near that
place, he came up with a camp of Choktah, who seemed to treat him
kindly, giving him venison and parched corn to eat: but while he was
eating what some of the women had laid before him, one of the Choktah
creeped behind him, and sunk his tomohawk into his head. His associates
helped him to carry away the victim, and they hid it in a hollow tree,
at a considerable distance from their camp; after which they speedily
removed. When the time for his return was elapsed, the Chikkasah,
next day, made a place of security for their women and children, under
the protection of a few warriors; and the morning following, painted
themselves red and black, and went in quest of their kinsman. Though
they were strangers to the place, any farther than by their indications
to him before he set off, yet so swift and skilful woods-men were they,
that at twelve o’clock that day, they came to the Choktah camping place,
where, after a narrow search, they discovered the trace of blood on a
fallen tree, and a few drops of fresh blood on the leaves of trees, in
the course they had dragged the corpse; these directed them to the
wooden urn, wherein the remains of their kinsman were inclosed. They
said, as they were men and warriors, it belonged to the female relations
to weep for the dead, and to them to revenge it. They soon concluded
to carry off the corpse, to the opposite side of a neighboring swamp,
and then to pursue. Having deposited the body out of the reach of
beasts of prey, they set off in pursuit of the Choktah: they came up
with them before day-light, surrounded their camp, attacked them, killed
one, and wounded several, whooping aloud, “that they were Chikkasah,
who never first loosed the friend-knot between them and others, nor
failed in revenging blood; but ye are roguish Choktah; you know you are
likewise cowards; and that you are worse than wolves, for they kill, only
that they may eat, but you give your friends something to eat, that you
may kill them with safety.” They told them, as they had left their
gallant relation unscalped in a tree, they left their cowardly one in like
manner, along-side of another tree. They put up the death whoo whoop,
returned, scaffolded their dead kinsman, and joined their own camp
without any interruption. The reader will be able to form a proper
judgment of the temper and abilities of the Indian savages, from these
facts.
347Our Choktah traders having been thus induced to return to the
Muskohge country, proceeded soon afterwards seventy miles on
almost a northern course, and from thence to the Chikkasah
about west by north—300 miles of very mountainous land, till
within forty miles of that extensive and fertile country—afterward,
on a southern direction to the Choktah, 160 miles. This
was a very oblique course, somewhat resembling the letter G
reverted, its tail from Charles-town, consisting of 720 miles, and
the head of 530, in all 1250 miles—a great distance to travel
through woods, with loaded horses, where they shifted as they
could, when the day’s march was over; and through the varying
seasons of the year. These traders were charged with great
348neglect, in being so long {323} before they reached the Choktah
country; this was to invalidate the pretensions of two other
gentlemen, towards obtaining bills of exchange on the government,
according to the strong promises they had, for any losses
they might sustain in their Choktah cargo of goods, &c. Notwithstanding
the former were utter strangers to the Chikkasah
and Choktah, and in justice could only expect the common privilege
of British subjects, yet his Excellency bestowed on them a
large piece of written sheep-skin, bearing the impression of the
threatening lion and unicorn, to frighten every other trader from
dealing with the Choktah, at their peril. The Chikkasah traders
were much terrified at the unusual sight of the enlivened
pictures of such voracious animals. My situation caused me
then to be silent, on that strange point; but when the chief of
them, who carried those bees-wax-pictures, came to my trading
house, chiefly to inlarge on the dreadful power of those fierce
creatures,—I told him, as they answered the design, in making
so many trembling believers, among the Indians, I did not
imagine him so weak as to attempt to impose his scare-crows
upon me; but that, as his Excellency had dipped me too deep in
a dangerous and very expensive affair, and had done me the
honour to send for me to Charles-town on his majesty’s service,
at the very time I could have secured them in the esteem of the
fickle Choktah, I should not by any means oppose their aim of
grasping the whole Choktah trade, be their plan ever so unwise
and unfair. The letter the gentleman delivered to me was dated
April 22, Anno 1747, in which his excellency acknowledged, in
very obliging terms, that I had been very serviceable to the
government, by my management among the Choktah, and might
be assured of his countenance and friendship. As the rest of it
concerned myself in other matters, and contained some things of
the measures of government relating to the point in view, it may
be right not to publish it: but it is among the public records in
Charles-town, and may be seen in the secretary’s office. The
traders, after this interview, set off for the Choktah; and I in a
few days to South Carolina.
Soon after I arrived at Charles-town, I could not but highly
resent the governor’s ungenerous treatment of, and injustice to
me, in sending for me to the neglect of my trade, only to carry
on his unparalleled favourite scheme,—and I soon set off for the
Chikkasah, without taking the least formal leave of his Excellency.
349By some means, he soon knew of my departure, {324}
and persuaded G. G——n, Esq;[184] (one of the two friends in
South-Carolina, who only could influence me against my own
liking) to follow till he overtook me, and urge me to return, and
accompany me to his Excellency’s house. At his earnest sollicitations,
the gentleman complied, came up with me, and prevailed
on me to go back according to request. I had plenty of
courtly excuses for my complaints and grievances, and in the
hearing of my friend was earnestly pressed to forget and forgive
all that was past; with solemn promises of full redress, according
to his former engagement of drawing bills of exchange in my
favour, on the government, if South-Carolina had not honour
enough to repay me what I had expended in opening a trade with
the numerous Choktah—besides gratuities for hardships, hazards,
&c.
I wish I could here also celebrate his sincerity and faithfulness
on this occasion—As I could not well suspect a breach of public
faith, after it had been pledged in so solemn a manner, he had
not much difficulty in detaining me on sundry pretexts, till the
expected great Choktah crop of deer-skins and beaver must have
been gathered, before I could possibly return to the Chikkasah
country, and from thence proceed to rival the Sphynx-company.
Under those circumstances, I was detained so late in November,
that the snow fell upon me at Edisto, the first day, in company
with Captain W——d,[185] an old trader of the Okwhuske, who
was going to Savanah. In the severity of winter, frost, snow,
hail, and heavy rains succeed each other, in these climes, so that
I partly rode, and partly swam to the Chikkasah country; for
not expecting to stay long below, I took no leathern canoe.
Many of the broad deep creeks, that were almost dry when I
went down, had now far overflowed their banks, ran at a rapid
rate, and were unpassable to any but desperate people: when I
got within forty miles of the Chikkasah, the rivers and swamps
were dreadful, by rafts of timber driving down the former, and
the great fallen trees floating in the latter, for near a mile in
length. Being forced to wade deep through cane-swamps or
woody thickets, it proved very troublesome to keep my fire arms
dry, on which, as a second means, my life depended; for, by the
350high rewards of the French, some enemies were always rambling
about in search of us. On the eastern side of one of the rivers,
in taking a sweep early in a wet morning, in quest of my horses,
I discovered smoke on a small piece of rising ground in a swamp,
pretty near the edge; I {325} moved nearer from tree to tree,
till I discovered them to be Choktah creeping over the fire. I
withdrew without being discovered, or the least apprehension of
danger, as at the worst, I could have immediately inswamped,
secured a retreat with my trusty fire-arms, and taken through
the river and the broad swamp, which then resembled a mixt
ocean of wood and water. I soon observed the tracks of my
horses, found them, and set off. At the distance of an hundred
yards from the river, there was a large and deep lagoon, in the
form of a semi-circle. As soon as I swam this, and got on the
bank, I drank a good draught of rum:—in the middle of the
river, I was forced to throw away one of my belt-pistols, and a
long French scalping knife I had found, where the Choktah
killed two of our traders. When I got on the opposite shore, I
renewed my draught, put my fire-arms in order, and set up the
war-whoop. I had often the like scenes, till I got to the Chikkasah
country, which was also all afloat. The people had been
saying, a little before I got home, that should I chance to be on
the path, it would be near fifty days before I could pass the
neighbouring deep swamps; for, on account of the levelness of
the land, the waters contiguous to the Chikkasah, are usually in
winter so long in emptying, before the swamps become passable.
As I had the misfortune to lose my tomohawk, and wet all the
punk in my shot-pouch by swimming the waters, I could not
strike fire for the space of three days, and it rained extremely
hard, during that time. By being thoroughly wet so long, in the
cold month of December, and nipped with the frost, seven months
elapsed before I had the proper use of the fingers of my right-hand.
On that long and dangerous war-path, I was exposed to
many dangers, and yet so extricated myself, that it would appear
like Quixotism to enumerate them.
I often repented of trusting to the governor’s promises, and
so have many others. The Cheerake, Attah Kullah Kullah,
whose name is the superlative of a skilful cutter of wood, called
by us, “The Little Carpenter,” had equal honour with me of receiving
from his Excellency a considerable number of letters,
which he said were not agreeable to the old beloved speech. He
351kept them regularly piled in a bundle, according to the time he
received them, and often shewed them to the traders, in order to
expose their fine promising contents. The first, he used to say,
contained a little {326} truth, and he excused the failure of the
greater part of it, as he imagined much business might have
perplexed him, so as to occasion him to forget complying with
his strong promise. “But count, said he, the lying black marks
of this one:” and he descanted minutely on every circumstance
of it. His patience being exhausted, he added, “they were an
heap of black broad papers, and ought to be burnt in the old
years fire.”
Near the Muskohge country, on my way to the Chikkasah,
I met my old friends, Pa Yah-Matahah, the Chikkasah head
war-chieftain, and Minggo Pushkoosh, the great Red-Shoes’
brother, journeying to Charles-town, with one of the beaus of the
Sphynx-company, to relate the loss of the most part of that
great cargo they so unwisely carried at once, and to solicit for a
further supply. Those traders, one excepted, were very indiscreet,
proud and stubborn. They strove who could out-dress, or
most vilify the other even before the Indians, who were surprised,
as they never heard the French to degrade one another. The
haughty plan they laid, against the repeated persuasions of the
other, was the cause of all their losses—they first lost the affection
of the free, and equally proud Choktah; for they fixed as
an invariable rule, to keep them at a proper distance, as they
termed it; whereas I, according to the frequent, sharp, upbraiding
language of the familiar savages to them, sat and smoked
with the head-men on bear-skins, set the young people to their
various diversions, and then viewed them with pleasure.
Notwithstanding the bad treatment I had received; as I was
apprehensive of the difficulties they would necessarily be exposed
to, on account of their ignorance and haughtiness, I wrote
to them, by a few Chikkasah warriors, truly informing them of
the temper of the Indians, and the difficulties they would probably
be exposed to, from the policy of the French at Tumbikpe;
and that though I had purposed to set off for South-Carolina, I
would postpone going so soon, if they were of my opinion, that
Mr. J. C——l[186] (who joined with me in the letter) and I could
352be of any service to their mercantile affairs. They received our
well-intended epistle, and were so polite as to order their black
interpretress to bid our red couriers tell us, they thanked us for
our friendly offer, but did not stand in need of our assistance.
They walked according to the weak crooked rule they had received
below, and fared accordingly: for the dis$2 $1 ged
savages took most part of the tempting cargo. At this time, the
French had only two towns and a half in their interest, and they
were so wavering, that they could not rely on their friendship,
much less on their ability of resisting the combined power of
the rest of the nation; and they were on the very point of removing
that useful and commanding garrison Tumbikpe, and settling
one on another eastern-branch of the river, called Potagahatche,
in order to decoy many of the Choktah to settle there by degrees,
and intercept the English traders, on their way up from our
settlements. This was as wise a plan as could possibly have been
concerted, under the difficult circumstances they laboured at that
time. But the unjust and unwise measures of the governor of
South-Carolina, in sending his favourite traders with a scarecrow
of bees-wax, to keep off others who were more intelligent,
gave the desponding French a favourable opportunity to exert
their powers, and regain the lost affections of a considerable
number of our red allies; for none of our traders had now any
goods in the Choktah country, nor were likely soon to carry any
there.
Mr. C——l, the trader I just mentioned, was of a long standing
among the Chikkasah, and indefatigable in serving his
country, without regarding those dangers that would chill the
blood of a great many others; and he was perfect master of the
Indian language. About a year after this period, he went to Red
Shoes’ town, and in a summer’s night, when he was chatting
with our great English friend along-side of his Chikkasah wife,
a party of the corrupt savages, that had been sent by the French,
shot him through the shoulder, and her dead on the spot. Red
Shoes afterwards fared the same fate, by one of his own countrymen,
for the sake of a French reward, while he was escorting
the foresaid gallant trader, and others, from the Chikkasah to
his own country. He had the misfortune to be taken very sick
on the path, and to lye apart from the camp, according to their
usual custom: a Judas, tempted by the high reward of the French
for killing him, officiously pretended to take great care of him.
353While Red Shoes kept his face toward him, the barbarian had
such feelings of awe and pity, that he had not power to perpetrate
his wicked design; but when he turned his back, then he
gave the fatal shot. In a moment the wretch ran off, and though
the whole camp were out in an instant, to a considerable breadth,
he evaded their pursuit, by darting himself like a snake, into a
deep crevice of the {328} earth. The old trader, who was shot
through the shoulder, going two years after the death of this
our brave red friend, unfortunately a quarter of a mile into the
woods, from the spacious clearing of the Chikkasah country,
while all the men were on their winter hunt, and having only a
tomohawk in his hand, the cowardly French Indians attacked
him by surprise, shot him dead, and carried his scalp to Tumbikpe-fort:
another white man unarmed, but out of the circle
they had suddenly formed, ran for his fire-arms; but he and
the traders came too late to overtake the blood-hounds. In this
manner, fell those two valuable brave men, by hands that would
have trembled to attack them on an equality.
The French having drawn off some towns from the national
confederacy, and corrupted them, they began to shew themselves
in their proper colours, and publicly offered rewards for our
scalps. Of this I was soon informed by two Choktah runners,
and in a few days time, I sent them back well pleased. I desired
them to inform their head-men, that about the time those days
I had marked down to them, were elapsed, I would be in their
towns with a cargo, and dispose of it in the way of the French,
as they were so earnest in stealing the English people. I charged
them with a long relation of every thing I thought might be conducive
to the main point in view; which was, the continuance of a
fair open trade with a free people, who by treaty were become
allies of Great Britain; not subjects, as our public records often
wrongly term them—but people of one fire. As only merit in war-exploits,
and flowing language and oratory, gives any of them the
least preference above the rest, they can form no other idea of
kings and subjects than that of tyrants domineering over base
slaves: of course, their various dialects have no names for such.
I left the Chikkasah, and arrived in the Choktah country
before the expiration of the broken days, or time we had appointed,
with a considerable cargo. By the intended monopoly
of our great beloved man, in frightening the Chikkasah traders,
there were no English goods in the nation, when I went: and
354the necessity of the times requiring a liberal distribution, according
to my former message, that alone must have fallen heavy
upon me under the public faith, without any additional expences.
A day before I got there, Minggo Pushkoosh, the half-brother of
Red Shoes, was returned home from Charles-town,[187] and by him
I had the honour of receiving {329} a friendly and polite letter
from the governor. His main aim, at this sickened time of
Indian trade, was to recover the value of the goods that had been
lost in the Choktah country. He recommended one of the traders
of the Sphynx-company to my patronage, pressing me to
assist him as far as I possibly could, and likewise to endeavour
to storm Tumbikpe-fort, promising at the same time, to become
answerable to me for all my reasonable charges in that affair. I
complied with every tittle of the gentleman’s request, as far as
I could, without charging him for it in the least. As I had then,
the greatest part of my cargo on hand, I lent the other what he
stood in need of, that he might regain what his former pride and
folly had occasioned to be lost. At that time, powder and ball
were so very scarce, that I could have sold to the Choktah, as
much as would have produced fifteen hundred buck-skins, yet
the exigency was so pressing, I gave them the chief part of my
ammunition, though as sparingly as I could—for the French by
our pursuit of wrong measures, (already mentioned) and their
own policy, had dipped them into a civil war. As I had then no
call to sacrifice my private interest for the emolument of the
public, without indemnity, so I was not willing to suspect another
breach of public faith. Red Shoes’ brother came up freighted
with plenty of courtly promises, and for his own security he was
not backward in relating them to his brethren; otherwise, they
would have killed both him and me; which would have reconciled
them to the French, who a few days before, had proposed
our massacre by a long formal message to them, as they afterwards
informed me. I plainly saw their minds were unfixed,
for their civil war proved very sharp. Minggo Pushkoosh and
several head-men conducted me from town to town, to the crowd
of the seven lower towns, which lie next to New Orleans: but
355they took proper care to make our stages short enough, that I
might have the honour to converse with all their beloved men
and chief warriors, and have the favour to give them plenty of
presents, in return for so great an obligation. The Indian headmen
deem it a trifle to go hundreds of miles, on such a gladsome
errand; and very few of them are slow in honouring the traders
with a visit, and a long, rapid, poetic speech. They will come
several miles to dispose of a deer-skin.
When I arrived at the thick settlement of these lower towns, I
began to imagine they had opened a communication with their
subterranean brethren of Nanne Yah;[188] I was honoured with
the company of a greater number {330} of red chiefs of war, and
old beloved men, than probably ever appeared in imperial Rome.
They in a very friendly manner, tied plenty of bead-garters
round my neck, arms, and legs, and decorated me, a la mode
America. I did myself the honour to fit them out with silver
arm-plates, gorgets, wrist-plates, ear-bobs, &c. &c. which they
kindly received, and protested they would never part with them,
for the sake of the giver. However, by all my persuasions, they
would not undertake to storm Tumbikpe-fort, though I offered
to accompany them, and put them in a sure way of carrying it.
They told me I was mad, for the roaring of the cannon was as
dreadful as the sharpest thunder, and that the French with one
of their great balls would tear me in pieces, as soon as I appeared
in view.
While they declined a French war, their own civil war became
bitter beyond expression. They frequently engaged, one party
against the other, in the open fields: when our friends had fired
away all their ammunition, they took to their hiccory-bows and
barbed arrows, and rushed on the opposite party, with their bare
tomohawks, like the most desperate veterans, regardless of life.
They did not seem to regard dying so much, as the genteel appearance
they made when they took the open field, on purpose
to kill or be killed. They used to tell the English traders they
were going on such a day to fight, or die for them, and earnestly
importuned them for a Stroud blanket, or white shirt a-piece,
that they might make a genteel appearance in English cloth,
356when they died. It was not safe to refuse them, their minds
were so distracted by the desperate situation of their affairs; for
as they were very scarce of ammunition, the French wisely
headed their friend-party, with small cannon, battered down the
others stockaded-forts, and in the end reduced them to the necessity
of a coalition. These evils were occasioned merely by the
avarice and madness of those I have stiled the Sphynx-Company.[189]
At this dangerous time, the small-pox also was by some unknown
means conveyed into the Choktah country, from below:
and it depopulated them as much as the civil war had done. The
Choktah who escorted me into the Chikkasah nation, were infected
with that malady in the woods, and soon spread it among
others; these, a little time after, among the Muskohge, who were
in company with me, on our way to Charles-town. I unluckily
had {331} the honour to receive from the Governor, another
polite letter, dated September 17th, anno 1749, citing me, under
the great seal of the province, to come down with a party of
Indians, as I had given his excellency notice of their desire of
paying a friendly visit to South Carolina. And having purchased
and redeemed three French captives which the Chikkasah
had taken in war, under their leader Pa-Yah-Matahah, I now
bestowed them on him, to enable him to make a flourishing entrance
into Charles-town, after the manner of their American
triumphs. He was very kind to them, though their manners
were as savage as his own: excepting a few beads they used to
count, with a small silver cross fastened to the top of them, they
had nothing to distinguish them, and were ignorant of every
point of Christianity. I set off with above twenty warriors, and
a few women, along with the aforesaid war-leader, for Charles-town.
As the French kept a watchful eye on my conduct, and
the commanding officers of Tumbikpe garrison in the Choktah,
and the Alebahma in the Muskohge country kept a continual
communication with each other, the former equipped a party of
their Choktah to retake the French captives by force, if we did
not previously deliver them to a French party of the Muskohge,
who were sent by the latter as in the name of the whole nation,
though falsely, to terrify us into a compliance. We had to pass
357through the Muskohge country in our way to the British settlements;
and though the French were at a great distance, yet
they planned their schemes with consummate wisdom: for the
two companies met at the time appointed, from two opposite
courses of about a hundred and fifty miles apart, on the most difficult
pass from Charles-town to the Missisippi, where the path
ran through a swamp of ten miles, between high mountains;
which were impassable in any other place for a great distance, on
either side. Here, the Muskohge left the Choktah company,
and met us within half-a-day’s march of their advantageous
camping place. The foremost of our party had almost fired on
those Muskohge who were a-head of the rest; but, as soon as
they saw their white emblems of peace, they forebore, and we
joined company. As soon as I heard them tell their errand, I
sent out three warriors to reconnoitre the place, lest we should
unawares be surrounded by another party of them; but there was
no ambuscade. The Muskohge leader was called by the traders,
“the Lieutenant,” and had been a steady friend to their interest,
till by our usual mismanagement in Indian affairs, he became {332}
entirely devoted to the French; his behaviour was confident,
and his address artful.
The red ambassador spoke much of the kindly disposition of
the French to such of his countrymen as were poor, and of their
generous protection to the whole; contrasted with the ambitious
views of the English, who were not content with their deer-skins
and beaver, but coveted their lands. He said, “the Muskohge
were sorry and surprised that their old friends the Chikkasah,
in concert with a mad Englishman, should seduce their warriors
to join with them to spill the blood of their French beloved
friends, when they were by national consent, only to revenge
crying blood against the Aquahpah; and that the former would
be ashamed to allow the latter to carry those captives, who were
their friends, through their nation to Charles-town. But, said
he, as the Muskohge are desirous always to shake hands with the
Chikkasah, the head-men have sent me in their name, to request
you Pa-Yah-Matahah[190] and other beloved warriors, to deliver
358to me those unfortunate prisoners, as a full proof you are desirous
of tying fast the old friend-knot, which you have loosed in some
measure.” In this manner, the red ambassador of the dangerous
Alebahma French captain flourished away and waited for a
favourable answer, according to the confident hopes his employer
had taught him to entertain, by the strong motive of self-interest.
But though the daring Chikkasah leader, and each of us, according
to custom were silent, during the recital of the disagreeable
harangue, only by stern-speaking countenances, Pa-Yah-Matahah
replied, “O you Muskohge corrupted chieftain, who
are degenerated so low as to become a strong-mouthed friend of
the French, whose tongues are known of a long time, to be
forked like those of the dangerous snakes; your speech has run
through my ears, like the noise of a threatening high wind, which
attacks the traveller as soon as he climbs to the top of a rugged
steep mountain: though as he came along, the air was scarcely
favourable enough for him to breathe in. You speak highly in
praise of the French; and so do the baser sort of the Choktah,
because every year they receive presents to make their lying
mouths strong. That empty sounding kettle, fastened at the top
of your bundle along side of you, I know to be French, and a
true picture both of their messages, and methods of sending
them. The {333} other things it contains, I guess, are of the
same forked-tongued family; for if your speech had come from
your own heart, it must have been straighter. What can be
more crooked than it now is? Though I have no occasion to
make any reply to your unjust complaints against the English
people, as their chieftain, my friend, has his ears open, and can
easily confute all you said against his people and himself; yet to
prevent any needless delay on our day’s march, I shall give as full
an answer to your speech, as the short time we can stay here
will allow. Since the time the English first shaked hands with
you, have not they always held you fast by the arm, close to
their heart, contrary to the good liking of your favourite French?
And had they not helped you with a constant supply of every
thing you stood in need of, in what manner could you have lived
at home? Besides, how could you have secured your land from
being spoiled by the many friendly red people of the French, issuing
359from the cold north? Only for their brotherly help, the
artful and covetous French, by the weight of presents and the
skill of their forked tongues, would before now, have set you to
war against each other, in the very same manner they have done
by the Choktah; and when by long and sharp struggles, you had
greatly weakened yourselves, they by the assistance of their
northern red friends, would have served you in the very same
manner, their lying mouths, from their own guilty hearts, have
taught you so unjustly and shamefully to repeat of the English.
You have openly acknowledged your base ingratitude to your
best and old steady friends, who, I believe, could damage you as
much as they have befriended you, if you provoke them to it.
Allowing the speech you have uttered with your mouth to be
true, that you are sent by all the red chieftains of your Muskohge
people, were your hearts so weak as to imagine it could
any way frighten the Chikkasah? Ye well know, the ugly yellow
French have proved most bitter enemies to us, ever since we
disappointed them in their spiteful design of inslaving and murdering
our poor, defenceless, and inoffensive red brethren, the
Nahchee, on the banks of the Meshesheepe water-path. Ye may
love them, if it seems good to your hearts; your example that way
shall have no weight with us. We are born and bred in a state
of war with them: and though we have lost the greater part of
our people, chiefly through the mean spirit of their red hirelings,
who were continually stealing our people for the sake of a reward;
yet they feelingly know we beat them, and their employers, in
every public engagement. We are the same people, and we shall
certainly live and die, in {334} such a manner as not to sully the
ancient character of our warlike fore-fathers. As the French
constantly employed their red people in acts of enmity against
our English traders, as well as us,—my beloved friend, standing
there before you, complained of it to the Goweno-Minggo in
Charles-town, (the Governor of South-Carolina) and he gave
him Hoolbo Hooreso Paraska Orehtoopa, (their method of expressing
our provincial seal, for hoolbo signifies a picture, hooreso
marked, or painted, paraska made bread of, and oretoopa beloved,
or of high note or power,) I and my warriors gladly
shaked hands with his speech; and so did those of your own
country, who assured us, they always scorned to be servants to
the crafty lying French. At their own desire, our old beloved
men crowned them warriors, in the most public and solemn
360manner. They were free either to shut or open their ears to the
English beloved speech. And why should we not be as free to
go to war against our old enemies, as you are against yours?
We are your friends by treaty; but we scorn a mean compliance
to any demand, that would cast a disgrace on our national
character. You have no right to demand of me those ugly
French prisoners. We took them in war, at the risque of blood:
and at home in our national council, we firmly agreed not to
part with any of them, in a tame manner, till we got to Charles-town.
If the Muskohge are as desirous as we to continue to
hold each other firmly by the hand, we shall never loose the
friend-knot: we believe such a tie is equally profitable to each
of us, and hope to continue it, to the latest times.”
When the French ambassador found he must fail in his chief
aim, he with a very submissive tone, requested the Chikkasah
war-leader to give him a token, whereby he might get the other
captives who were left at home: but as they usually deny with
modesty, he told him, he could not advise him to take the trouble
to go there, as he believed the head-men had kept them behind
on purpose that they should be burnt at the stake, if any mischance
befell him and his warriors, before they returned home,
on account of his French prisoners. Finding that his threats and
entreaties both proved ineffectual, he was obliged to acquiesce.
Soon after, we set off, and he and his chagrined mercenaries
quietly took up their travelling bundles, and followed us.
On that day’s march, a little before we entered the long swamp,
all our Chikkasah friends staid behind, killing and cutting up
buffalo: {335} By this means, I was a considerable way before
the pack-horses, when we entered into that winding and difficult
pass, which was a continued thicket. After riding about a mile,
I discovered the fresh tracks of three Indians. I went back, put
the white people on their guard, gave my horse and sword to a
corpulent member of the Sphynx-company, and set off a-head,
shunning the path in such places where the savages were most
likely to post themselves. Now and then I put up the whoop
on different sides of the path, both to secure myself and intimidate
the opposite scout-party; otherwise, I might have paid dear
for it, as I saw from a rising point, the canes where they were
passing, to shake. I became more cautious, and they more fearful
of being inclosed by our party. They ran off to their camp,
and speedily from thence up the craggy rocks, as their tracks
361testified. Their lurking place was as artfully chosen, as a wolf
could have fixed on his den. When our friendly Indians came to
our camp, it was too late to give chase: they only viewed their
tracks. At night, the Chikkasah war-leader gave out a very
enlivening war speech, well adapted to the circumstances of time
and place, and each of us lay in the woodland-form of a war-camp.
As we were on our guard, the enemy did not think it
consistent with their safety to attack us—ambuscading is their
favourite plan of operation. The next day by agreement, the
Indians led the van, and I brought up the rear with the French
prisoners. A short way from our camp, there were steep rocks,
very difficult for loaded horses to rear and ascend. Most of
them had the good fortune to get safe up, but some which I escorted,
tumbled backwards; this detained us so long, that the
van gained near three miles upon us. I posted myself on the top
of one of the rocks, as a centinel to prevent our being surprised
by the Choktah, and discovered them crawling on the ground
behind trees, a considerable way off, on the side of a steep mountain,
opposite to us. I immediately put up the war whoop, and
told a young man with me the occasion of it; but he being fatigued
and vexed with his sharp exercise, on account of the
horses, only cursed them, and said, we were warriors, and would
fight them, if they durst come near enough. As I was cool, I
helped and hastened him off: in the mean while, I cautioned the
captives against attempting to fly to the enemy in case they
attacked us, as their lives should certainly pay for it—and they
promised they would not. We at last set off, and met with no
interruption: the enemy having a sharp {336} dread of our party
ahead, who would have soon ran back to our assistance, had
they attacked us—About an hour after our company, we got to
camp. The Choktah at night came down from the mountains,
and creeped after us. Our camp was pitched on very convenient
ground, and as they could not surprise us, they only
viewed at a proper distance, and retired. But they used an artful
stratagem, to draw some of us into their treacherous snares; for
they stole one of the bell horses, and led it away to a place near
their den, which was about a mile below us, in a thicket of reeds,
where the creek formed a semi-circle. This horse was a favourite
with the gallant and active young man I had escorted the day
before to camp.
As he was of a chearful and happy temper, the people were
362much surprised to find him at night peevish and querulous, contrary
to every part of his past conduct; and though he delighted
in arms, and carried them constantly when he went from camp,
yet he went out without any this night, though I pressed him
to take them. In less than an hour, he returned safe, but confused
and dejected. When he sat down, he drooped his head on
his hands, which were placed on his knees, and said, the enemy
were lurking, and that we should soon be attacked, and some of
us killed. As I pitied the state of his mind, I only told him, that
yesterday, he and I knew the French savages were watching to
take an advantage of us; but for his satisfaction I would take a
sweep, on foot, while the Chikkasah painted themselves, according
to their war-custom when they expect to engage an enemy.
I went out with my gun, pouch, and belt-pistols, and within two-hundred
yards of the camp, discovered the enemies tracks; they
had passed over a boggy place of the creek, upon an old hurricane-tree.
I proceeded with the utmost caution, posting myself
now and then behind large trees, and looking out sharply lest I
should fall into an ambuscade, which the Choktah are cunning
artists in forming. In this manner I marched for three quarters
of an hour, and then took to high ground, a little above the
enemies camp, in order to return for help to attack them. But
the aforesaid brave youth, led on by his ill genius, at this time
mounted a fiery horse, which soon ran into the ambuscade, where
they shot him with a bullet in his breast, and another entered a
little below the heart. The horse wheeled round in an instant,
and sprung off, but in pitching over a large fallen tree, the unfortunate
rider, by reason of his mortal wounds, {337} fell off, a
victim to the barbarians. One of them soon struck a tomohawk
into his head, just between his eyes, and jerked off a piece of
scalp about the bigness of a dollar—they took also his Indian
breeches, and an handkerchief he had on his head, and immediately
flew through a thicket of briars, to secure their retreat.
When they fired their two guns, I immediately gave the shrill
war-whoop, which was resounded by one of the Chikkasah that
had been out a hunting from the camp. They instantly set off
full speed, naked, except their Indian breeches and moccasenes.
I put myself in the same flying trim, on the enemies firing; we
soon came to the tragical spot, but without stopping, we took
their tracks, gave chase, and continued it a great way: unluckily,
as we were running down a steep hill, they discovered us from
363the top of another, and soon dispersed themselves; by which
means, not being able to discover one track of those foxes on the
hard hilly ground, we were obliged to give over the chace, and
returned to camp. We buried our friend, by fixing in a regular
manner a large pile of great logs for the corpse, with big tough
sapplings bent over it, and on each side, thrust deep into the
ground, to secure it from the wild beasts. Though the whole
camp at first imagined the enemy had killed me and captivated
the other, yet the warriors did not shew the least emotion of
gladness, nor even my favourite friend, the war-leader, when they
first saw me safe: but the women received me with tears of joy.
I mention this to shew the force of education and habit—those
who are used to scenes of war and blood, become obdurate and
are lost to all the tender feelings of nature; while they, whose
employment it is to mourn for their dead, are susceptible of the
tender impressions they were originallyoriginally endued with by Deity.
As the French frequently had been great sufferers by the Chikkasah,
ever since the year 1730, necessity obliged them to bear
their losses with patience, till they could get them revenged by
the friendly hands of their red mercenaries. As soon as they
had ingratiated themselves into the affections of all those Indians
who were incorporated among the Muskohge, and had settled
them near the Alebahma-garrison; and other towns, besides headmen,
in sundry parts of the nation, being devoted to their service,
they imagined they had now interest enough to get several of
those warriors killed, who had joined the Chikkasah against their
people over the Missisippi. But the old head-men of the Muskohge
convened together, {338} and agreed to send a peremptory
message to the French, ordering them, forthwith, to desist from
their bloody politics, otherwise the river should carry their blood
down to Mobille, and tell that garrison, their own treachery
was the sole occasion of it, by mischievously endeavouring to
foment a civil war between them, as they boasted they had done
among the foolish Choktah. With much regret they laid aside
their scheme, and were forced openly to wipe away the memory
of every thing which had before given them offence; and to include
all indiscriminately in the treaty of friendship, as all had
only one fire. This proved a mortifying stroke to the French on
sundry accounts: and during the continuance of this distracted
scene, if any British governor of capacity and public spirit, had
properly exerted himself, they must have withdrawn to Mobille,
364without any possibility of ever returning. For the enmity would
soon have advanced to a most implacable hatred, as in the case
of the Chikkasah and French: but such a conduct was incompatible
with the private views of some among us.
As the small-pox broke out in our camp, when we got nigh to
the Muskohge country, and detained the Indians there till they
recovered, I set off without them for Charles-town. By the
benefit of the air, and their drinking a strong decoction of hot
roots, they all recovered. A Choktah warrior of Yahshoo-town,
humorously told me afterwards, that ookka hoomeh, “the bitter
waters,” meaning spirituous liquors, cured some people, while it
killed others. He, by the advice of one of the English traders,
administered it in pretty good doses to seven of his children in
the small-pox, which kept out the corrupt humour, and in a
short time perfectly cured each of them, he said, without the
least appearance of any dangerous symptoms; whereas the disorder
proved very mortal to the young people in the neighbourhood,
who pursued a different course of physic. As most of the
Indian traders are devotees of Bacchus, their materia medica
consists of spirituous liquors, compounded with strong herbs and
roots, of which they commonly have a good knowledge: and I
have observed those who have left off the trade, and reside in
the British settlements, to give their negroes for an anti-venereal,
a large dose of old Jamaica and qualified mercury mixt together,—which,
they say, the blacks cheerfully drink, without making
a wry face, contrary to their usage {339} with every other kind
of physic; and it is affirmed, that by this prescription, they soon
get well.
The small pox with which the upper towns of the Muskohge
were infected, was of the confluent sort, and it would have
greatly depopulated them, if the officious advice of some among
us, of all the other towns to cut off every kind of communication
with them, on the penalty of death to any delinquent, had
not been given and pursued. They accordingly posted centinels
at proper places, with strict orders to kill such, as the most dangerous
of all enemies: and these cautious measures produced the
desired effect. And by the mean mediation of several of our
principal traders, joined with the interest of their red friends,
the commandant of the Alebahma fort, prevailed at last on the
Chikkasah chieftain to take the three French prisoners to him,
as he would pay him to his own satisfaction, give him presents,
365and drink with him as a friend, who had buried the bloody tomohawk
deep in the ground. They were delivered up; and by that
means the French were enabled to discourage those Muskohge
warriors, who had joined the Chikkasah in the aforesaid acts of
hostility against the Missisippi inhabitants. In about the space
of three months from the time the Chikkasah left their own
country with me, they arrived at the late New-Windsor garrison,
the western barrier of South-Carolina, and beautifully situated
on a high commanding bank of the pleasant meandering Savanah
river; so termed on account of the Shawano Indians having formerly
lived there, till by our foolish measures, they were forced
to withdraw northward in defence of their freedom.
At the request of the governor and council I rode there, to
accompany our Chikkasah friends to Charles-town, where, I
believe, on my account, they met with a very cold reception:
for as something I wrote to the two gentlemen who fitted out,
and sustained the loss of the Sphynx-company, had been inserted
in the “modest reply to his Excellency the Governor,” formerly
mentioned, in order to obtain bills of exchange on Great Britain,
I was now become the great object of his displeasure, and of a
certain sett, who are known to patronise any persons if they
chance to be born in the same corner of the world with themselves.
The Chikkasah had a very ungracious audience: On
account {340} of the excessive modesty of this warlike people,
their chieftain gave out a short oration, without hinting in the
most distant manner, at any difficulties they underwent, by
reason of their strong attachment to the British Americans,—concluding,
that as the English beloved men were endowed with
a surprising gift of expressing a great deal in few words, long
speeches would be troublesome to them. He intended to have
spoken afterwards of the Choktah affairs, and that I was a great
sufferer by them, without any just retribution, and accordingly
was very desirous of a second public interview; but our cunning
beloved man artfully declined it, though they staid as late as the
middle of April. It was a custom with the colony of South-Carolina
towards those Indians who came on a friendly visit, to
allow them now and then a tolerable quantity of spirituous
liquors, to cheer their hearts, after their long journey; but, if I
am not mistaken, those I accompanied, had not a drop, except
at my cost. And when the Governor gave them, at the entrance
of the council-chamber, some trifling presents, he hurried them
366off with such an air as vexed them to the heart; which was aggravated
by his earnestly pointing at a noted war-leader, and
myself, with an angry countenance, swearing that Indian had
been lately down from Savanah, and received presents. They
had so much spirit that they would not on any account have
accepted his presents, but for my persuasions. As for myself,
I could not forbear saying, honour compelled me as solemnly
to declare that his assertion was not true, and that I had often
given more to the Choktah at one time, than he had ever given
to the Chikkasah, in order to rivet their enmity against the
French of Louisiana, and thereby open a lasting trade with them,
from which I was unfairly excluded, on account of a friendly
monopoly, granted by him for a certain end to mere strangers.
My words seemed to lie pretty sharp upon him, and I suppose
contributed not a little to the uncourtly leave he took of our
gallant, and faithful old friends. Soon after, at the request of
the Governor and council however, I accompanied them the first
day’s march, on their way home from Charles-town: they had
no public order of credit for their needful travelling charges,
though I sollicited his Excellency and the council to grant them
one, according to the ancient, hospitable, and wise custom of
South-Carolina, to all Indians who paid them a friendly visit,
whose journey was far shorter, were often uninvited, and of
much less service, than the Chikkasah to the British interest.
As their horses were {341} very poor, I told the Governor they
could travel only at a slow pace, and as the wild game was
scarce in our settlements, hunger, and resentment for their unkind
usage, would probably tempt them to kill the planters stock,
which might produce bad consequences, and ought to be cautiously
guarded against; but I was an unfortunate solicitor.
With a flow of contrary passions I took my leave of our gallant
Chikkasah friends. I viewed them with a tender eye, and revolved
in my mind the fatigues, difficulties, and dangers, they
had cheerfully undergone, to testify the intense affection they
bore to the British Americans,—with the ill treatment they had
received from our chief magistrate, on account of his own
disappointments, and sharp-felt censures, for some supposed mismanagement,
or illicit measures in trade. He is reported to have
been no way churlish to several of the dastardly Choktah, notwithstanding
his unprecedented and unkind treatment of our
warlike Chikkasah—two hundred of which would attack five
367hundred of the others, and defeat them with little loss. Their
martial bravery has often testified this against enemies even of
a greater spirit.
Not long after the Chikkasah returned homeward, I advertised
in the weekly paper, that as I intended to leave Charles-town
in a short time, I was ready and willing to answer any of
the legislative body such questions as they might be pleased to
propose to me concerning our Indian affairs, before the expiration
of such a time; and that if his Excellency desired my attendance,
and either notified it in writing, or by a proper officer,
I might be found at my old lodgings. On the evening of the very
last day I had proposed to stay, he sent me a peremptory written
order to attend that night, on public business, concerning
Indian affairs; I punctually obeyed, with respect to both time
and place. He was now in a dilemma, by reason of his (supposed)
self-interested conduct concerning the Choktah trade,
which occasioned the aforesaid modest reply, that arraigned his
proceedings with severity and plainness. As I came down with
the Indians, and was detained by his Excellency, under the great
seal of the province, till this period, April 1750, I had just reason
to expect that good faith would have been kept with me—that I
should have been paid according to promise, at least for all the
goods I gave the Indians, by virtue thereof; and have had a just
compensation for the great expenses I {342} was at in serving the
government;—but except the trifling sum of four pounds sterling,
when I was setting off for the Indian country, I never received
one farthing of the public money, for my very expensive, faithful,
and difficult services.[191]
In most of our American colonies, there yet remain a few of
the natives, who formerly inhabited those extensive countries:
and as they were friendly to us, and serviceable to our interests,
the wisdom and virtue of our legislature secured them from being
injured by the neighbouring nations. The French strictly pursued
the same method, deeming such to be more useful than any
others on alarming occasions. We called them “Parched-corn-Indians,”[192]
because they chiefly use it for bread, are civilized,
368and live mostly by planting. As they had no connection with
the Indian nations, and were desirous of living peaceable under
the British protection, none could have any just plea to kill or
inslave them. But the grasping plan of the French required
those dangerous scout-parties, as they termed them, to be removed
out of the way; and the dormant conduct of the South-Carolina
chief, gave them an opportunity to effect that part of
their design; though timely notice, even years before, had been
given by the Cheerake traders, that the French priests were
poisoning the minds of those Indians against us, who live among
the Apalahche mountains, and were endeavouring to reconcile
them to all the various nations of the Missisippi and Canada
savages; and that there was the greatest probability they would
accomplish their dangerous plan, unless we soon took proper
measures to prevent it. The informers had ill names and resentment
for their news, and the assembly was charged with mispending
their time, in taking notice of the wild incoherent reports of
illiterate obscure persons. But it afterwards appeared, that
according to their testimony, the interest and security of South-Carolina
were in great danger. By the diligence of the French,
their Indians entered into a treaty of friendship with the Cheerake:
and their country became the rendezvous of the red pupils
of the black Jesuits. Hence they ravaged South-Carolina, beginning
at the frontier weak settlements, and gradually advanced
through the country, for the space of eight years, destroying the
live stock, insulting, frightening, wounding, and sometimes killing
the inhabitants, burning their houses, carrying away their
slaves, and committing every kind of devastation, till they proceeded
so low as within thirty miles of Charles-town.[193] The
sufferers often exhibited their complaints, in the most pathetic
and public manner; and {343} the whole country felt the ill
effects of the late over-bearing and negligent conduct. False
colouring could serve no longer, and a few inconsiderable parties
were sent out—but not finding any enemy, they were in a few
months disbanded, and peaceable accounts were again sent home.
Our Settlement-Indians were at this time closely hunted, many
were killed, and others carried off. A worthy gentleman, G. H.
369Esq;[194] who lived at the Conggarees, suffered much on the occasion—he
was employed to go to the Cheerake country, in quest
of valuable minerals, in company with an Indian commissioner:[195]—in
one of their middle towns, he retook some of our Settlement-Indians
from the Canada-savages, whom a little before they had
captivated and carried off from South-Carolina in triumph.
While they were beating the drum, singing, dancing, and pouring
the utmost contempt on the English name, honour prompted him
to prefer the public credit to his own safety. By the earnest
mediation of one of the traders, the head-men of the town consented
to be neutral in the affair, and act as impartial friends
to both parties. He then, with Col. F—x,[196] and some of the
traders, went in a warlike gallant manner, and regardless of the
savages threats, took and brought to a trader’s house, our captivated
friends:—they stood all night on their arms, and at a convenient
interval, supplied those whom they had liberated, with
necessaries to carry them to our settlements, where their trusty
heels soon carried them safe. The gallant behaviour of those
gentlemen gained the applause of the Cheerake—and each soon
returned in safety, without any interruption, to their respective
homes, where I wish they had ever after continued. But Mr.
G. H. having considerably engaged himself in trade with the
Katahba Indians, set off afterwards in company with an half-bred
Indian of that nation, the favourite son of Mr. T. B. a
famous old trader: in their way to the Katahba, they were intercepted,
and taken by some of the very savages who had threatened
him among the Cheerake, when he released our domestic
Indians. The government of South-Carolina was soon informed
of the unhappy affair: and they dispatched a friendly embassy
to the lower towns of the Cheerake, requesting them to intercept
and retake the prisoners, if they passed near their country, and
offered a considerable reward. Our friends were carried a little
to the northward of the Cheerake nation, where their captors
camped several days, and the Cheerake held with them an open
370friendly intercourse, as in despite to the English. The head
men of the lower towns, not only stopped the traders and their
red friends from going to rescue them, {344} but likewise threatened
them for their generous intention. The savages, instead of
keeping a due northern course homeward, took a large compass
north-west, by the side of the Cheerake mountains, being afraid
of a pursuit from the Katahba Indians. They marched fast with
their two captives, to secure their retreat till they got within
the bounds of the French treaty of peace, and then steered a due
northern course, continuing it till they got nigh to their respective
countries, where they parted in two bodies, and each took
one of the prisoners with them. But as travelling so great a way
in the heat of summer, was what Mr. G. H. was unaccustomed
to, he was so much overcome by fatigue and sickness, that for
several days before, he could not possibly walk. He then requested
them to put him out of his misery, but they would not;
for they reckoned his civil language to them proceeded from bodily
pains, and from a martial spirit, which they regarded. They
consented to carry him on a bier, which they did both with care
and tenderness. But on parting with his companion, he refused
absolutely to proceed any farther with them, when they
tomohawked him, just as his parted friend was out of the hearing
of it. The last afterwards got home, and told us this melancholy
exit of our worthy and much-lamented friend—who died as he
lived, always despising life, when it was to be preserved only in
a state of slavery. Though he was thus lost to his family and
the community, by a manly performance of the duties of his
office, in which he engaged by the pressing entreaties of the
Governor, yet his widow was treated ungenerously and basely,
as was Capt. J. P. at the Conggarees.—But there would be no
end, if we were to enter into particulars of court policy, and
government honor and gratitude.
—
If our watch-men had not been quite remiss, they would
have at least opposed the French emissaries on their first approach
to our colonies, and have protected our valuable civilized
Indians; for our negroes were afraid to run away, lest they
should fall into their hands. The scheming French knew of
what importance they were to us, and therefore they employed
their red friends to extirpate them. And while those remote
savages of Missisippi and Canada were pretending to seek the
revenge of some old grievance, they wounded us at the same time
371in two very material points,—in getting a thorough knowledge
of the situation of our most valuable, but weak southern colonies,
and thus could strike us the {345} deeper,—and in destroying
such of our inhabitants, as were likely to prove the greatest check
to their intended future depredations. By our own misconduct,
we twice lost the Shawano Indians; who have since proved very
hurtful to our colonies in general. When the French employed
them to weaken South-Carolina, a small company of them were
surrounded and taken in a remote house of the lower settlements:
and though they ought to have been instantly put to death, in
return for their frequent barbarities to our people, yet they were
conveyed to prison, confined a considerable time, and then discharged,
to the great loss of many innocent lives. For as
the Indians reckon imprisonment to be inslaving them, they
never forgive such treatment; and as soon as these got clear, they
left bloody traces of their vindictive tempers, as they passed
along. About this time, a large company of French savages
came from the head-streams of Monongahela-river to the Cheerake,
and from thence were guided by one of them to where our
settlement-Indians resided. They went to a small town of the
Euhchee, about twelve miles below Savanah-town, and two below
Silver-bluff, where G. G. Esq; lives, and there watched like
wolves, till by the mens making a day’s hunt, they found an opportunity
to kill the women and children. Immediately after
which, they scouted off different ways, some through Savanah-river,
which is about 200 yards broad; and others to the hunting
place, both for their own security, and to give the alarm: We
had on this occasion, a striking instance of the tender affection
of the Indian women to their children, for all those who escaped,
carried off their little ones. The men, by the alarming signal
of the shrill-sounding war-cry, soon joined, ran home, and without
staying to view the bloody tragedy, instantly took the
enemies tracks, and eagerly gave chase. To avoid the dreaded
pursuit, the Cheerake guide led the French mercenaries a northern
course, as far as the thick woods extended, which was
about fifteen miles from the place of their murders. From thence
they shifted toward the north-west, and were stretching away
about 10 miles to the north of Augusta, for Ninety-Six, which
lay in a direct line to the lower towns of the Cheerake; when
unluckily for them, just as they were entering into the open, and
long-continued pine-barren, they were discovered by one of our
372hunting white men, who was mounted on an excellent white
horse, and therefore a fine mark to be shot, which they would
have done for their own security, only he outstripped them, and
kept in their back-tracks, to trace them to their theatre of
blood—their posture and countenances plainly told him what
they had done, on {346} some of our barriers. He had not proceeded
far, when he met the enraged Euhchee, on the hot pursuit.
He told them their course, and that their number was twenty-six.
In running about twelve miles farther, they came in sight
of the objects of their hatred and rage: presently, they ran on
each side of them, engaged them closely, and killed several.
Those who escaped, were forced to throw away nine guns, (they
had taken from some of our people) and almost every thing,
even their light breeches, to save their lives. They were so exceedingly
terrified, lest the enraged pursuers should continue the
chase, that they passed wide of our then weak settlement of
Ninety-Six, and kept on day and night, till they got near to
their conductor’s mountainous country. This was in the beginning
of May 1750: and in our Indian-trading way, we say
that, when the heat of the new year enables the snakes to crawl
out of their lurking holes, the savages are equally moved to
turn out to do mischief. Many have experimentally felt the
truth of this remark.
I had at this time occasion to go to the Cheerake country; and
happened to have a brave chearful companion, Mr. H. F.[197] of
Ninety-Six settlement. We had taken a hearty draught of
punch, about ten miles from Keeohwhee-town, opposite to which
the late Fort-Prince-George stood, and were proceeding along,
when we discovered the fresh tracks of Indians in the path, who
were gone a-head. As we could not reasonably have the least
suspicion of their being enemies, we rode quite carelessly: but
they proved to be the above-mentioned Monongahela-Indians.
Their watchfulness, and our singing, with the noise of our horses
feet, made them hear us before they could possibly see us,—when
they suddenly posted themselves off the path, behind some
trees, just in the valley of Six-mile-creek, in order to revenge
their loss by the Euhchee, which they ascribed to the information
of the white man. But their Cheerake guide prevented them
373from attempting it, by telling them, that as his country was not
at war with us, his life must pay for it, if they chanced to kill
either of us; and as we were fresh and well-armed, they might
be sure we would fight them so successfully, as at least one of
us should escape and alarm the towns: with this caution they
forbore the hazardous attempt. They squatted, and kept close
therefore, so as we did not see one of them; and we suspected
no danger. By the discontinuance of their tracks, we soon knew
we had passed them: but, just when we had hidden two cags
of {347} rum, about two miles from the town, four of them appeared,
unarmed, stark naked, and torn by the thickets. When
we discovered them, we concluded they had been below on mischief.
If we had not been so nigh the town, my companion
would have fired at them. We went into the town, and the
traders there soon informed us of their cowardly design.
We went as far as the mid-settlements, and found most of the
towns much disaffected to us, and in a fluctuating situation,
through the artifice of the French. In a few days we returned,
but found they had blocked up all the trading paths, to prevent
our traders from making their escape. Just as we descended a
small mountain, and were about to ascend a very steep one, a
hundred yards before us, which was the first of the Apalahche,
or blue ridge of mountains, a large company of the lower town
Indians started out from the sloping rocks, on the north side of
the path, a little behind us. As they were naked except their
breech-cloth, were painted red and black, and accoutered every
way like enemies, I bid my companion leave the luggage-horses
and follow me: but as he left his arms at the lower town, and
was not accustomed to such surprises, it shocked him, till they
ran down upon him. On this I turned back, and stood on my
arms, expecting they would have fired upon us. However, they
proposed some questions, which I answered, as to where we had
been, and were going, and that we were not any of their traders.
Had it been otherwise, the dispute would have been dangerous.
We got over the mountain, and safe to Tymahse; here we rested
two nights, and found the people distracted for mischief, to
which the many causes before mentioned prompted them. The
governor, in less than a month after this period, had the strongest
confirmation of the ill intention of these savages and their
allies. Many expresses with intelligence I sent, but the news
was pocketed, and my services traduced—because I would not
374assist the prime magistrate in a bad cause, he and his humble
servants depreciated the long series of public services I had
faithfully performed, and called them mere accidental trifles;
contrary to his former acknowledgments, both verbal and in
writing. The French, however, had a different opinion of my
services; they were so well acquainted with the great damages
I had done to them, and feared others I might occasion, as to
confine me a close prisoner for a fortnight when I went to the
Alebahma-garrison, in {348} the Muskohge country. They were
fully resolved to have sent me down to Mobille or New Orleans,
as a capital criminal, to be hanged for having abetted the
Muskohge, Chikkasah, and Choktah, to shed a torrent of their
christian blood; though I had only retaliated upon them, the
long train of blood they had years before wantonly spilled. They
wanted to have confronted me with the French prisoners I
formerly mentioned, and with the Long Lieutenant, whom we
met two days before the Choktah killed one of our people below
Book’pharaah, or the long swamp. I was well assured, he was
to have gone down to be baptized, and so become a good West-Florida-French
christian, in order to condemn me, the poor
bloody heretic. I saw him, and they had by this time taught
him to count beads; but I doubted not of being able to extricate
myself some way or other. They appointed double centries over
me, for some days before I was to be sent down in the French
king’s large boat. They were strictly charged against laying
down their weapons, or suffering any hostile thing to be in the
place where I was kept, as they deemed me capable of any mischief.
I was not indeed locked up, only at night, lest it should
give umbrage to our friendly Indians, but I was to have been
put in irons, as soon as the boat passed the Indian towns, that
lay two miles below the fort, in the forks of the Koosah and
Okwhuske rivers. About an hour before we were to set off by
water, I escaped from them by land: and though they had horses
near at hand, and a corrupt town of savages settled within 150
yards of the garrison, yet under those disadvantages, besides
heavy rains that loosened the ground the very night before, I
took through the middle of the low land covered with briers, at
full speed. I heard the French clattering on horse-back along
the path, a great way to my left hand, and the howling savages
pursuing my tracks with careful steps, but my usual good fortune
enabled me to leave them far enough behind, on a needless
375pursuit. As they had made my arms prisoners, I allowed them
without the least regret to carry down my horses, clothes, &c.
and punish them by proxy, in the manner they intended to have
served the owner, for his faithful services to his country.
While Governor G— presided in South-Carolina, it was needless
to apply for a payment of the large debt the government
owed me: but on his being succeeded by his Excellency W. H.
L. Esq; I imagined this a {349} favourable time to make my
address. This worthy patriot had been well informed, by several
Indian trading merchants of eminent character, of the expensive,
difficult, and faithful services I had cheerfully done my
country, to the amount of above one thousand pounds sterling
on the public faith, and of the ungenerous returns I had received:
he according to his natural kindness and humanity,
promised to assist me. I then laid my case, with the well-known
and important facts, before the members of the house of assembly
in Charles town; and when they convened, presented a
memorial to the legislative body. But several of the country
representatives happened to be absent; and as the governor
could not be reasonably expected in a short time, to purify the infected
air which had prevailed in that house for fourteen years, a
majority of the members had evidently determined not to alleviate
my long complaint of grievances. To invalidate its force,
they objected, that my claim was old; but did not attempt to
prove the least tittle of what I exhibited to them to be false; they
knew they could not. After a long and warm debate, when my
secret enemies observed the clerk of the house was drawing
near to the conclusion of my memorial, they seized on a couple
of unfortunate monosyllables. I had said, that “the Indian
Choktah had a great many fine promises;” the word fine was
put to the torture, as reflecting on the very fine-promising gentleman.
And in another sentence, I mentioned the time his excellency
the late Governor of South-Carolina did me the honour
to write me a very smooth artful letter, by virtue of which I
went all the way to Charles-town, &c. The words smooth, so
highly ruffled the smooth tempers of those gentlemen, that they
carried a vote by a majority, and had it registered, importing,
that they objected against the indelicacy, or impropriety, of the
language in my memorial,[198] but not against the merit of its
376contents. The minute, I here in a more public manner record
anew, to the lasting honour of the persons who promoted it.
The voice of oppressed truth, and injured innocence, can never
be wholly stifled. Lest my memorial should again appear at
the public bar of justice, in a less infected time, it was not sent
to the office; which indicates that the former art of pocketing
was not yet entirely forgotten. Indeed every state suffers more
or less, from some malign influence, one time or other; but I
have the happiness to say that the infection was not universal.
South-Carolina has always been blessed with steady patriots,
even in the most corrupt times: and may she abound with firm
pillars of the constitution, according to our Magna Charta Americana,
as {350} in the present trying æra of blessed memory,
so long as the heavenly rays shall beam upon us!
As the power and happiness of Great Britain greatly depends
on the prosperity of her American colonies, and the heart-soundness
of her civil and ecclesiastical rulers—and as the welfare of
America hangs on the balance of a proper intercourse with their
Indian neighbours, and can never be continued but by observing
and inforcing on both sides, a strict adherence to treaties, supporting
public faith, and allowing only a sufficient number of
such faithful and capable subjects to deal with them, as may gain
their affections, and prove centinels for the public security—I
presume that the above relations, and observations, instead of
being thought to be foreign, will be deemed essential to an history
of the Indians. The remarks may be conducive also to the
public welfare. Ignorance, or self-interest, has hitherto wrongly
informed the community of the true situation of our Indian
affairs westward. {351}
377ACCOUNT
OF THE
CHIKKASAH NATION.
The Chikkasah country lies in about 35 Deg. N. L. at the distance
of 160 miles from the eastern side of the Missisippi; 160
miles to the N. of the Choktah, according to the course of the
trading path; about half way from Mobille, to the Illinois, from
S. to N; to the W. N. W. of the Muskohge (Creeks) about 300
computed miles, and a very mountainous winding path; from
the Cheerake nearly W. about 540 miles; the late Fort-Loudon
is by water 500 miles to the Chikkasah landing place, but only
95 computed miles by land.[199]
The Chikkasah[200] are now settled between the heads of two
of the most western branches of Mobille-river; and within
twelve miles of the eastern main source of Tahre Hache, which
lower down is called Chokchooma-river, as that nation made
their first settlements there, after they came on the other side
of the Missisippi. Where it empties into this, they call it Yahshoo-river.
Their tradition says they had ten thousand men fit
for war, when they first came from the west, and this account
seems very probable; as they, and the Choktah, and also the
Chokchooma, who in process of time were forced by war to settle
between the two former nations, came together from the west
as one family.[201] The Chikkasah in the year 1720, had four
378large contiguous settlements, which lay nearly in the form of
three parts of a square, only that the eastern side was five miles
shorter than the western, with the open part toward the Choktah.
One was called Yaneka, about a mile wide, and six miles
long, at the distance of twelve {352} miles from their present
towns. Another was ten computed miles long, at the like distance
from their present settlements, and from one to two miles
broad. The towns were called Shatara, Chookheereso, Hykehah,
Tuskawillao, and Phalacheho. The other square was single,
began three miles from their present place of residence, and ran
four miles in length, and one mile in breadth. This was called
Chookka Pharáah, or “the long house.” It was more populous
than their whole nation contains at present. The remains of this
once formidable people make up the northern angle of that
broken square. They now scarcely consist of four hundred and
fifty warriors, and are settled three miles westward from the
deep creek, in a clear tract of rich land, about three miles square
running afterward about five miles toward the N. W. where the
old fields are usually a mile broad. The superior number of
their enemies forced them to take into this narrow circle, for
social defence; and to build their towns, on commanding ground,
at such a convenient distance from one another, as to have their
enemies, when attacked, between two fires.[202]
379Some of the old Nahchee Indians[203] who formerly lived on
the Missisippi, two hundred miles west of the Choktah, told me
the French demanded from every one of their warriors a drest
buck-skin, without any value for it, i. e. they taxed them; but
that the warriors hearts grew very cross, and loved the deer-skins.
According to the French accounts of the Missisippi-Indians,
this seems to have been in the year 1729. As those
Indians were of a peaceable and kindly disposition, numerous
and warlike, and always kept a friendly intercourse with the
Chikkasah, who never had any good-will to the French; these
soon understood their heart-burnings, and by the advice of the
old English traders, carried them white pipes and tobacco in
their own name and that of South-Carolina,—persuading them
with earnestness and policy to cut off the French, as they were
resolved to inslave them in their own beloved land. The Chikkasah
succeeded in their embassy. But as the Indians are slow
in their councils on things of great importance, though equally
close and intent, it was the following year before they could put
their grand scheme in execution. Some of their head-men indeed
opposed the plan, yet they never discovered it. But when these
went a hunting in the woods, the embers burst into a raging
flame. They attacked the French, who were flourishing away
in the greatest security; and, as was affirmed, they entirely cut
off the garrison, and neighbouring settlements, {353} consisting
of fifteen hundred men, women, and children—the misconduct
of a few indiscreet persons, occasioned so great a number of
innocent lives to be thus cut off.
The Nahchee afterwards built and settled a strong stockade
fort, westward of their old fields, near a lake that communicates
with Bayouk Dargent; but the ensuing summer, near 2000
French regulars and provincials, besides a great body of the
380Choktah and other savages invested it. The besieged sallied on
them, with the utmost fury, killed a considerable number, and
in all probability, would have totally destroyed the white soldiery,
but for the sharp opposition of the Choktah in their own
method of fighting. The Nahchee were at length repulsed, and
bombarded with three mortars, which forced them to fly off
different ways. The soldiers were too slow footed to pursue; but
the Choktah, and other red allies, captivated a great number of
them, and carried them to New Orleans, where several were
burned, and the rest sent as slaves to the West India Islands:
the greater part however went to the Chikkasah, where they
were secured from the power of their French enemies. The
French demanded them, but being absolutely refused, unluckily
for many thousands of them, they formally declared war against
the Chikkasah. In the open fields the Chikkasah bravely withstood,
and repelled the greatest combined armies they were able
to bring against them, north and south, and gave them and their
swarms of red allies several notable defeats.[204]
A body of the lower French, and about fourteen hundred
Choktah, attacked the Long House Town, when only sixty warriors
were at home; yet they fought so desperately, as to secure
themselves, their women and children, till some of the hunters,
who had been immediately sent for, came home to their assistance;
when, though exceedingly inferior in number, they drove
them off with great loss. Another time, the lower and upper
Louisiana-French, and a great body of red auxiliaries, surprised
late at night all their present towns, except Amalahta, that had
about forty warriors, and which stood at some distance from
the others. A considerable number of the enemy were posted
at every door, to prevent their escape; and what few ran out
were killed on the spot. The French seemed quite sure of their
prey, having so well inclosed it. But, at the dawn of day, when
they were capering and using those flourishes, that are peculiar
381{354} to that volatile nation, the other town drew round them
stark naked, and painted all over red and black; thus they attacked
them, killed numbers on the spot, released their brethren,
who joined them like enraged lions, increasing as they swept
along, and in their turn incircled their enemies. Their release
increased they joy and fury, and they rent the sky with their
sounds. Their flashy enemies, now changed their boasting tune,
into “Oh morblieu!” and gave up all for lost. Their red allies
out-heel’d them, and left them to receive their just fate. They
were all cut off but two, an officer, and a negroe who faithfully
held his horse till he mounted, and then ran along side of him.
A couple of swift runners were sent after them, who soon came
up with them, and told them to live and go home and inform
their people, that as the Chikkasah hogs had now a plenty of
ugly French carcases to feed on till next year, they hoped then
to have another visit from them and their red friends; and that,
as messengers, they wished them safe home. They accordingly
returned with heavy hearts to the Chikkasah landing place, N.
W. on the Missisippi, at the distance of 170 miles, where they
took boat, and delivered their unexpected message:—grief and
trembling spread through the country,—and the inhabitants
could not secure themselves from the fury of these war-like, and
enraged Chikkasah. Every one of their prisoners was put to
the fiery torture, without any possibility of redemption, their
hearts were so exceedingly imbittered against them.
Flushed with this success, many parties turned out against
the French, and from time to time hunted them far and near:—some
went to the Missisippi, made a fleet of cypress-bark canoes,
watched their trading boats, and cut off many of them without
saving any of the people.[205] The French finding it impracticable
for a few boats to pass those red men of war, were obliged to
go in a fleet, carry swivel-guns in their long pettiaugres, with
plenty of men; but always shunning the Chikkasah side of the
river, and observing the strictest order in their movements by
day, and in their stations at night. The walking of a wild beast,
I have been assured, has frequently called them to their arms,
and kept them awake for the whole night, they were in so great
382a dread of this warlike nation. The name of a Chikkasah became
as dreadful, as it was hateful to their ears.[206] And had it
not been more owing to French policy than bravery, in uniting
all the Missisippi and Canada-Indians in a confederacy and
enmity against them, Louisiana-settlements {355} would have
been long since, either entirely destroyed, or confined to garrisons.
When any of the French armies made a tolerable retreat, they
thought themselves very happy. Once, when the impression was
pretty much worn out of their minds, and wine inspired them
with new stratagems, and hopes of better success, a great body
of them, mixed with a multitude of savages, came to renew their
attack. But as their hostile intentions were early discovered,
the Chikkasah had built a range of strong stockade forts on
ground which could not safely be approached, as the contiguous
land was low, and chanced then to be wet. A number of the
French and their allies drew near the western fort, but in the
manner of hornets, flying about to prevent their enemies from
taking a true aim, while several ranks followed each other in a
slow and solemn procession, like white-robed, tall, midnight-ghosts,
and as if fearless, and impenetrable. The Indians did
not at first know what sort of animals they were, for several
shots had been fired among them, without incommoding them,
or retarding their direct course to the fort:—as they advanced
nearer, the Chikkasah kept a continual fire at them, with a sure
aim, according to their custom; this was with as little success as
before, contrary to every attempt they had ever made before
against their enemies. The warriors concluded them to be wizards,
or old French-men carrying the ark of war against them.
In their council, they were exceedingly perplexed: but just as
they had concluded to oppose some of their own reputed prophets
to destroy the power of those cunning men, or powerful spirits
of the French, lo! those uncommon appearances spread themselves
in battle-array, along the south-side of the fort, and threw
hand-granadoes into the fort. Hoop Hoop Ha was now joyfully
sounded every where by the Chikkasah, being convinced they
had skin and bone to fight with, instead of spirits. The matches
of the few shells the French had time to throw, were too long;
383and as our traders had joined their friends by this time, they
pulled out some, and threw out other shells, as near to the enemy
as they possibly could. They soon found those dreadful phantoms
were only common French-men, covered with wool-packs,
which made their breasts invulnerable to all their well-aimed
bullets. They now turned out of the fort, fell on, fired at their
legs, brought down many of them and scalped them, and drove
the others with considerable loss quite away to the southern hills,
where the {356} trembling army had posted themselves out of
danger. In the midst of the night they decamped, and saved
themselves by a well-timed retreat, left the Chikkasah triumphant,
and inspired them with the fierceness of so many tygers;
which the French often fatally experienced, far and near, till the
late cession of West-Florida to Great Britain. I have two of
these shells, which I keep with veneration, as speaking trophies
over the boasting Monsieurs, and their bloody schemes.
In the year 1748, the French sent a party of their Indians to
storm some of the Chikkasah traders’ houses. They accordingly
came to my trading house first, as I lived in the frontier: finding
it too dangerous to attempt to force it, they patted with their
hands a considerable time on one of the doors, as a decoy, imitating
the earnest rap of the young women who go a visiting
that time of night. Finding their labour in vain, one of them
lifted a billet of wood, and struck the side of the house, where
the women and children lay; so as to frighten them and awake
me—my mastiffs had been silenced with their venison. At last,
the leader went a-head with the beloved ark, and pretending to
be directed by the divine oracle, to watch another principal
trader’s house, they accordingly made for it, when a young woman,
having occasion to go out of the house, was shot with a
bullet that entered behind one of her breasts and through the
other, ranging the bone; she suddenly wheeled round, and
tumbled down, within the threshold of the house—the brave
trader instantly bounded up, sounding the war whoop, and in a
moment grasped his gun, (for the traders beds are always hung
round with various arms of defence) and rescued her—the Indian
physician also, by his skill in simples, soon cured her.
As so much hath been already said of the Chikkasah, in the
accounts of the Cheerake, Muskohge, and Choktah, with whose
history, theirs was necessarily interwoven, my brevity here, I
hope will be excused.—The Chikkasah live in as happy a region,
384as any under the sun. It is temperate; as cool in summer, as
can be wished, and but moderately cold in winter. There is
frost enough to purify the air, but not to chill the blood; and
the snow does not lie four-and-twenty hours together. This extraordinary
benefit, is not from its situation to the equator, for
the Cheerake country, among the Apalahche mountains is colder,
in a surprising degree; but from the nature and levelness of the
extensive circumjacent lands, which in general are very fertile.
They have no running stream in {357} their present settlement.
In their old fields, they have banks of oyster-shells, at the distance
of four hundred miles from the sea-shore; which is a visible
token of a general deluge, when it swept away the loose earth
from the mountains, by the force of a tempestuous north-east
wind, and thus produced the fertile lands of the Missisippi,
which probably was sea, before that dreadful event.
As the Chikkasah fought the French and their red allies, with
the utmost firmness, in defense of their liberties and lands, to
the very last, without regarding their decay, only as an incentive
to revenge their losses; equity and gratitude ought to induce
us to be kind to our steady old friends, and only purchase so
much of their land, as they would dispose of, for value.[207] With
proper management, they would prove extremely serviceable to
a British colony, on the Missisippi.[208] I hope no future misconduct
will alienate their affections, after the manner of the
super-intendant’s late deputy, which hath been already mentioned.
The skilful French could never confide in the Choktah,
and we may depend on being forced to hold hot disputes with
them, in the infant state of the Missisippi settlements: it is wisdom
to provide against the worst events that can be reasonably
expected to happen. The remote inhabitants of our northern
colonies are well acquainted with the great value of those lands,
385from their observations on the spot.[209] The soil and climate are
fit for hemp, silk, indigo, wine, and many other valuable productions,
which our merchants purchase from foreigners, sometimes
at a considerable disadvantage—The range is so good for
horses, cattle, and hogs, that they would grow large, and multiply
fast, without the least occasion of feeding them in winter,
or at least for a long space of time, by reason of the numberless
branches of reeds and canes that are interspersed, with nuts of
various kinds. Rice, wheat, oats, barley, Indian corn, fruit-trees,
and kitchen plants, would grow to admiration. As the ancients
tell us, “Bacchus amat montes,” so grape-vines must thrive extremely
well on the hills of the Missisippi, for they are so rich
as to produce winter-canes, contrary to what is known at any
distance to the northward. If British subjects could settle West-Florida
in security, it would in a few years become very valuable
to Great Britain: and they would soon have as much profit, as
they could desire, to reward their labour. Here, five hundred
families would in all probability, be more beneficial to our
mother-country, then the whole colony of North Carolina: besides
innumerable branches toward Ohio and Monongahela. {358}
Enemies to the public good, may enter caveats against our
settling where the navigation is precarious; and the extraordinary
kindness of the late ministry to the French and Spaniards
prevented our having an exclusive navigation on the Missisippi.
Aberville might still become a valuable mart to us; and from
New Orleans it is only three miles to Saint John’s Creek, where
people pass through the lake of Saint Louis, and embark for
Mobille and Pensacola. The Spaniards have wisely taken the
advantage of our misconduct, by fortifying Louisiana, and employing
the French to conciliate the affections of the savages;
while our legislators, fermented with the corrupt lees of false
power, are striving to whip us with scorpions. As all the Florida
Indians are grown jealous of us, since we settled E. and W.
Florida, and are unacquainted with the great power of the
Spaniards in South America, and have the French to polish their
rough Indian politics, Louisiana is likely to prove more beneficial
to them, than it did to the French. They are fortifying their
Missisippi settlements like a New Flanders, and their French
386artists, on account of our ministerial lethargy, will have a good
opportunity, if an European war should commence, to continue
our valuable western barriers as wild and waste, as the French
left them. The warlike Chikkasah proved so formidable to them,
that, except a small settlement above New Orleans, which was
covered by the Choktah bounds, they did not attempt to make
any other on the eastern side of the Missisippi, below the Illinois;
though it contains such a vast tract of fine land, as would
be sufficient for four colonies of two hundred and fifty miles
square. Had they been able by their united efforts, to have
destroyed the Chikkasah, they would not have been idle;[210] for,
in that case, the Choktah would have been soon swallowed up,
by the assistance of their other allies, as they never supplied
them with arms and ammunition, except those who went to war
against the Chikkasah.
From North-Carolina to the Missisippi, the land near the sea,
is, in general, low and sandy; and it is very much so in the two
colonies of Florida, to a considerable extent from the sea-shore,
when the lands appear fertile, level, and diversified with hills.
Trees indicate the goodness or badness of land. Pine-trees grow
on sandy, barren ground, which produces long coarse grass; the
adjacent low lands abound with canes, reeds, {359} or bay and
laurel of various sorts, which are shaded with large expanding
trees—they compose an evergreen thicket, mostly impenetrable
to the beams of the sun, where the horses, deer, and cattle,
chiefly feed during the winter: and the panthers, bears, wolves,
wild cats, and foxes, resort there, both for the sake of prey, and
a cover from the hunters. Lands of a loose black soil, such as
those of the Missisippi, are covered with fine grass and herbage,
and well shaded with large and high trees of hiccory, ash, white,
red, and black oaks, great towering poplars, black walnut-trees,
sassafras, and vines. The low wet lands adjoining the rivers,
chiefly yield cypress-trees, which are very large, and of a prodigious
height. On the dry grounds is plenty of beach, maple,
holly, the cotton-tree, with a prodigious variety of other sorts.
But we must not omit the black mulberry-tree, which, likewise,
387is plenty. It is high, and, if it had proper air and sun-shine, the
boughs would be very spreading. On the fruit, the bears and
wild fowl feed during their season; and also swarms of paroquets,
enough to deafen one with their chattering, in the time
of those joyful repasts. I believe the white mulberry-tree does
not grow spontaneously in North-America. On the hills, there is
plenty of chesnut-trees, and chesnut-oaks. These yield the largest
sort of acorns, but wet weather soon spoils them. In winter,
the deer and bears fatten themselves on various kinds of nuts,
which lie thick over the rich land, if the blossoms have not been
blasted by the north-east winds. The wild turkeys live on the
small red acorns, and grow so fat in March, that they cannot fly
farther than three or four hundred yards; and not being able soon
to take the wing again, we speedily run them down with our
horses and hunting mastiffs. At many unfrequented places of
the Missisippi, they are so tame as to be shot with a pistol, of
which our troops profited, in their way to take possession of the
Illinois-garrison. There is a plenty of wild parsley, on the banks
of that river, the roots of which are as large as those of parsnips,
and it is as good as the other sort. The Indians say, they have
not seen it grow in any woods remote from their country. They
have a large sort of plums, which their ancestors brought with
them from South-America, and which are now become plenty
among our colonies, called Chikkasah plums.[211]
To the North West, the Missisippi lands are covered with
filberts, which are as sweet, and thin-shelled, as the scaly bark
hiccory-nuts. {360} Hazel-nuts are very plenty, but the Indians
seldom eat them. Black haws grow here in clusters, free from
prickles: and pissimmons, of which they make very pleasant
bread, barbicuing it in the woods. There is a sort of fine plums
in a few places, large, and well-tasted; and, if transplanted, they
would become better. The honey-locusts are pods about a span-long,
and almost two inches broad, containing a row of large
seed on one side, and a tough sweet substance the other. The
tree is large, and full of long thorns; which forces the wild beasts
to wait till they fall off, before they can gather that part of their
harvest.—The trees grow in wet sour land, and are plenty, and
the timber is very durable. Where there is no pitch-pine, the
388Indians use this, or the sassafras, for posts to their houses; as
they last for generations, and the worms never take them.
Chinquapins are very plenty, of the taste of chesnuts, but much
less in size. There are several sorts of very wholesome and
pleasant-tasted ground nuts, which few of our colonists know
any thing of. In wet land, there is an aromatic red spice, and
a sort of cinnamon, which the natives seldom use. The Yopon,
or Cusseena, is very plenty, as far as the salt air reaches over
the low lands. It is well tasted, and very agreeable to those
who accustom themselves to use it: instead of having any noxious
quality, according to what many have experienced of the East-India
insipid and costly tea, it is friendly to the human system,
enters into a contest with the peccant humours, and expels them
through the various channels of nature: it perfectly cures a
tremor in the nerves.[212] The North-American tea has a pleasant
aromatic taste, and the very same salubrious property, as the
Cusseena. It is an evergreen, and grows on hills. The bushes
are about a foot high, each of them containing in winter a small
aromatic red berry, in the middle of the stalk: such I saw it
about Christmas, when hunting among the mountains, opposite
to the lower Mohawk Castle, in the time of a deep snow. There
is no visible decay of the leaf, and October seems to be the
proper time to gather it. The early buds of sassafras, and the
leaves of ginseng, make a most excellent tea, equally pleasant
to the taste, and conducive to health. The Chinese have sense
enough to sell their enervating and slow-poisoning teas, under
various fine titles, while they themselves prefer Ginseng-leaves.
Each of our colonies abounds with ginseng, among the hills that
lie far from the sea.[213] Ninety-six settlement, is the lowest place
where I have seen it grow in South Carolina. It is very plenty
on the fertile parts of the Cheerake {361} mountains; it resembles
Angelica, which in most places is also plenty. Its leaves
are of a darker green, and about a foot and half from the root;
the stalk sends out three equal branches, in the center of which
a small berry grows, of a red colour, in August.—The seeds are
a very strong and agreeable aromatic: it is plenty in West-Florida.
389The Indians use it on religious occasions. It is a great
loss to a valuable branch of trade, that our people neither gather
it in a proper season, nor can cure it, so as to give it a clear
shining colour, like the Chinese tea. I presume it does not turn
out well to our American traders; for, up the Mohawk river, a
gentleman who had purchased a large quantity of it, told me
that a skippel, or three bushels, cost him only nine shillings of
New York currency: and in Charles-Town, an inhabitant of the
upper Yadkin settlements in North Carolina, who came down
with me from viewing the Nahchee old fields on the Missisippi,
assured me he could not get from any of the South Carolina
merchants, one shilling sterling a pound for it, though his people
brought it from the Alehgany, and Apalahche mountains, two
hundred miles to Charles-Town.
It would be a service, worthy of a public-spirited gentleman,
to inform us how to preserve the Ginseng, so as to give it a
proper colour; for could we once effect that, it must become a
valuable branch of trade. It is an exceeding good stomachic,
and greatly supports nature against hunger and thirst. It is
likewise beneficial against asthmatic complaints, and it may
be said to promote fertility in women, as much as the East-India
tea causes sterility in proportion to the baneful use that is made
of it. A learned physician and botanist assured me, that the
eastern teas are slow, but sure poison, in our American climates;
and that he generally used the Ginseng very successfully in
clysters, to those who had destroyed their health, by that dangerous
habit. I advised my friend to write a treatise on its
medical virtues, in the posterior application, as it must redound
much to the public good. He told me, it would be needless;
for quacks could gain nothing from the best directions; and
that already several of his acquaintance of the faculty mostly
pursued his practice in curing their patients. The eastern tea
is as much inferior to our American teas, in its nourishing
quality, as their album græcum is to our pure venison, from
which we here sometimes collect it; let us, therefore, like frugal
and wise people, use our own valuable aromatic tea, and thus
induce our British {362} brethren to imitate our pleasant and
healthy regimen; shewing the utmost indifference to any duties
the statesmen of Great-Britain, in their assumed prerogative, may
think proper to lay on their East-India poisoning, and dear-bought
teas.
390The industry of the uncorrupt part of the Indians, in general,
and of the Chikkasah, in particular, extends no farther than to
support a plain simple life, and secure themselves from the power
of the enemy, and from hunger and cold. Indeed most of them
are of late grown fond of the ornaments of life, of raising live
stock, and using a greater industry than formerly, to increase
wealth. This is to be ascribed to their long intercourse with us,
and the familiar easy way in which our traders live with them,
begetting imperceptibly an emulous spirit of imitation, according
to the usual progress of human life. Such a disposition, is a
great advance towards their being civilized; which, certainly must
be effected, before we can reasonably expect to be able to bring
them to the true principles of christianity. Instead of reforming
the Indians, the monks and friars corrupted their morals: for,
in the place of inculcating love, peace, and good-will to their
red pupils, as became messengers of the divine author of peace,
they only impressed their flexible minds with an implacable
hatred against every British subject, without any distinction.
Our people will soon discover the bad policy of the late Quebec
act, and it is to be hoped that Great-Britain will in due time,
send those black croaking clerical frogs of Canada home to their
infallible mufti of Rome.
I must here beg leave to be indulged, in a few observations on
our own American missionaries. Many evils are produced by
sending out ignorant and wicked persons as clergymen. Of the
few I know,—two among them dare not venture on repeating
but a few collects in the common prayer. A heathen could say,
“if thou wouldst have me weep, thou must first weep thyself:”
and how is it possible we should be able to make good impressions
on others, unless they are first visible on ourselves? The
very rudiments of learning, not to say of religion, are wanting
in several of our missionary Evangelists; the best apology I
have heard in their behalf, is, “an English nobleman asked a
certain bishop, why he conferred holy orders on such a parcel of
arrant blockheads? He replied, because it was better to have
the ground plowed by asses, than leave it a waste full of thistles.” {363}
It seems very surprising, that those who are invested with a
power of conferring ecclesiastical orders, should be so careless in
propagating the holy gospel, and assiduous to prophane holy
things, in appointing and ordaining illiterate and irreligious persons
391to the service. What is it? but saying, “go teach the American
fools. My blessing is enough. Cherish confidence, and
depend upon it, they will not have confidence to laugh at you:
Leave the remote and poor settlements to the care of divine
providence, which is diffusive of its rich gifts. The harvest is
great elsewhere. Only endeavour to episcopize the northern
colonies; it is enough: there they are numerous, and able to pay
Peter’s pence, as well as our old jewish, and new parliamentary
tithes; and in time your labours will be crowned with success.”
That court however, which sends abroad stupid embassadors
to represent it, cannot be reasonably expected to have success,
but rather shame and derision. What can we think at this
distance, when we see the number of blind guides, our spiritual
fathers at home have sent to us, to lead us clear of the mazes of
error? but, that they think of us with indifference, and are
studiously bent on their own temporal interest, instead of our
spiritual welfare. There are thousands of the Americans, who
I believe have not heard six sermons for the space of above thirty
years—and in fact they have more knowledge than the teachers
who are sent to them, and too much religion to communicate with
them. And even the blinder sort of the laity not finding truth
sufficiently supported by their purblind guides, grow proud of
their own imaginary knowledge, and some thereby proudly
commence teachers,—by which means they rend the church
asunder; and, instead of peace and love, they plant envy, contempt,
hatred, revilings, and produce the works of the flesh,
instead of those of the spirit.
Not so act the uncivilized Indians. Their supposed holy orders
are obtained from a close attention to, and approved
knowledge of their sacred mysteries. No temptations can corrupt
their virtue on that head: neither will they convey their
divine secrets to the known impure. This conduct is worthy to
be copied, by all who pretend to any religion at all, and especially
by those who are honoured with the pontifical dignity,
and assume the name of “Right reverend, and Most reverend
Fathers in God.” I have been importunately requested at different
times, by several eminent gentlemen, {364} who wish
well to both church and state, to represent the evils resulting
from such missionaries, in hope of redress; and on this occasion,
I thought it criminal to refuse their virtuous request. The representation
392is true, and the writer is persuaded he cannot give
the least offence by it, to any but the guilty.
My situation does not allow me, to fix the bounds our legislators
claim on the Missisippi: but I have good reason to believe
that the fine court title which France, in her late dying will, has
transferred to Great-Britain, mostly consists in ideal possessions
she never enjoyed. The monopolies already made, are equally
unjust and pernicious. They, who take up valuable lands, especially
on such a barrier, ought to settle them in a reasonable
time, or be prevented from keeping out industrious inhabitants,
and causing the place to continue in a defenceless condition.
Before we can settle the Missisippi, with any reasonable view
of success, the government must build sufficient places of strength,
both to make the colony appear respectable in the eyes of the
Indians, and guard it from the evil eye of the Spaniards, who
are watching at New Orleans, and over the river, to impede our
interests, in that valuable but dangerous quarter. It might become
an impenetrable barrier, if proper encouragement was
given to the laborious and hardy inhabitants of our northern
settlements, on the various branches of the Ohio, and in the back
settlements of North Carolina, who are now almost useless to the
community. As Great-Britain would be the chief gainer by their
removal, she ought to encourage them to remove.[214] Great numbers
of them were preparing to come down,[215] even in the years
1768 and 1769; but finding too many inconveniences and hazards
in their way, they declined the attempt. As it is natural for
every colony to endeavour to increase its number of industrious
inhabitants, it cannot be expected, even if the mother country
behaved more prudently than of late, that any of them would
exert themselves much on such an occasion, as to raise dangerous
rivals in their own staple commodity.—However rice, indigo, silk,
hemp, wine, and many other valuable productions are suitable
to so fine a soil and climate; besides great quantities of beef,
pork, and every kind of useful timber for Jamaica, which is
393contiguous to the mouth of the Missisippi. So great an acquisition
of raw materials would soon prove very beneficial to Great-Britain,
as well as a great safe-guard to the best part of our
other colonies, and a very needful check to Spanish insolence. {365}
Such a material undertaking, as the colonizing of so important
a barrier, deserves public encouragement to put it in a
fair way of doing well; and the continuance of a supply, and
protection through its infant state, to secure it from any artful
attempts the Spaniards and their French subjects might plot to
disturb its tranquility, and thereby check its growth.
There might be introduced even among the Indian nations
I have described, a spirit of industry, in cultivating such productions
as would agree with their land and climates; especially,
if the super-intendency of our Indian affairs, westward, was
conferred on the sensible, public-spirited, and judicious Mr.
George Galphin, merchant, or Lachlan M’Gilwray, Esq; of
equal merit. Every Indian trader knows from long experience,
that both these gentlemen have a greater influence over the
dangerous Muskohge, than any others besides. And the security
of Georgia requires one or other of them speedily to superintend
our Indian affairs. It was, chiefly, the skilful management of
these worthy patriots, which prevented the Muskohge from joining
the Cheerake, according to treaty, against us in the year
1760 and 1761,—to their great expence and hazard of life, as
they allowed those savages to eat, drink, and sleep at Silver-Bluff,
below New Windsor garrison, and at Augusta fifteen
miles apart, and about 150 miles from Savanah. I write from
my own knowledge, for I was then on the spot, with a captain’s
commission from South Carolina. A Muskohge war against us,
could easily be prevented by either of those gentlemen, if chosen,
and the destructive plan of general licences was repealed. It
is to be hoped, that they who are invested with the power, will
retract their former error, and have the pleasure of knowing
the good effect it would produce, by giving an opportunity of
civilizing and reforming the savages; which can never be effected
by the former usual means. Admit into Indian countries, a
sufficient number of discreet orderly traders.—This needful
regulation will likewise benefit trade, which is almost ruined;
and our valuable weak frontier colonies would thereby increase
in numbers, proportionable to their security.
394Formerly, each trader[216] had a licence for two towns, or villages;
but according to the present unwise plan, two, and even
three Arab-like pedlars sculk about in one of those villages.
Several of them also frequently emigrate into the woods with
spirituous liquors, and cheating trifles, {366} after the Indian
hunting camps, in the winter season, to the great injury of a
regular trader, who supplies them with all the conveniences of
hunting: for, as they will sell even their wearing shirt for
inebriating liquors, they must be supplied anew in the fall of
the year, by the trader. At my first setting out among them, a
number of traders who lived contiguous to each other, joined
through our various nations in different companies, and were
generally men of worth: of course, they would have a living
price for their goods, which they carried on horseback to the
remote Indian countries, at very great expences. These set an
395honest copy for the imitation of the natives, for as they had
much at stake, their own interest and that of the government
co-incided. As the trade was in this wise manner kept up to its
just standard, the savages were industrious and frugal. But,
lowering it, through a mistaken notion of regaining their affections,
we made ourselves too cheap to them, and they despised
us for it. The trade ought to be raised to a reasonable fixed
price, the first convenient opportunity—thus we shall keep them
employed, and ourselves secure. Should we lower the trade,
even fifty per cent below the prime cost, they would become
only the more discontented, by thinking we had cheated them
all the years past. A mean submissive temper can never manage
our Indian affairs. The qualities of a kind friend, sensible
speaker, and active brisk warrior, must constitute the character
of a superintendant. Great care ought to be taken, not to give
the Indians offence, or a mean opinion of the people or government
our Indian superintendants represent.
At a general congress in Mobille, Anno 1765, where were
present his Excellency the learned, cheerful, patriotic Governor
of West-Florida, George Johnstone Esquire, the present superintendant
of Indian affairs, and the head-men and warriors of
the Choktah, and warlike Chikkasah nations, a tariff of trade
was settled on every material article, in the most public and
solemn manner,[217] mostly according to the Muskohge standard,
and to the great satisfaction of the Indians. The price for
which the corrupt and shamefully-indulged vagrant pedlars
forced the traders at the risque of their lives, to traffic with
them, being then about 70 per cent, below the French tariff in
Indian trade up the Missisippi. Each of these traders took out
Indian trading licences, to which the fixed prices of various
goods were annext, thereby impowering them to traffic during
the space of a twelvemonth; and they gave penal bonds of
security to the {367} secretary, for the just observance of their
instructions. This proved however, through a bare-faced partiality,
only a shameful farce on œconomy and good order. His
Excellency, and the honourable Col. W——n,[218] were so strongly
convinced of my former integrity, that in order to testify publicly
396their approbation of my good conduct, they did me the
honour to pass security in the secretary’s office, for my dealing
with the Indians in strict conformity to the laws of trade. As
I lost in the space of a year, to the amount of two and twenty
hundred dollars-worth of goods at prime cost, by the disorderly
conduct of other licensed traders, and had just reason to hope
for redress on exhibiting a well-supported complaint; I drew
up on my own account, and at the importunate request of the
Chikkasah head-men, a memorial, setting forth their having notoriously
violated every essential part of their instructions, enticing
the Indians also to get drunk, and then taught them to
blaspheme their maker. This I proved, and that some of the
lawless traders had furnished the Indians, in the space of a few
months, with so great a quantity of prohibited liquors, as either
did, or might enable some of them to decoy the savages to squander
away thousands of drest deer-skins,—but they escaped with
impunity.
A few months before this period, some family disputes rose
very high between the Chikkasah, on the following account. The
Indians being ambitious, free, and jealous of their liberties, as
well as independent of each other, where mutual consent is not
obtained; one half of the nation were exceedingly displeased
with the other, because, by the reiterated persuasions of a certain
deputy, the latter had disposed of a tract of land, twelve miles
toward the south, on the upper trading Choktah, or Mobille
path, to one of those disorderly traders. By the application of
the deputy, the head-men of both parties met him according to
appointment, and partook of a plentiful barbicued feast, with
plenty of spirituous liquors. As such conduct was against his
majesty’s proclamation, and appeared to me to be calculated,
either for a clandestine trade, or family-job, I rejected the invitation,
lest otherwise I might be charged as a party. When
they became intoxicated with liquor, a war-leader of the dissenting
party, struck his tomohawk at the head of a noted chieftain,
upbraiding him for bringing a strange fire into their land; but
happily the blow missed its aim. Their disputes consequently
rose higher every day; and the {368} dissidentsdissidents informed the
Muskohge of their then situation, and future intentions. Yah-Yah-Tustanage,
“the Great Mortar,” a bitter enemy of the
English, soon sent up a company of his war-relations, to persuade
them to guard in time, against our dangerous encroachments,
397by killing all the English, that planted their lands without
the general consent of the owners, and to take their black people
as a good prize; because they were building and planting for the
reception of an English garrison, which was to come from the
Missisippi, and be the first means of enslaving them. While
their transport of madness lasted, it was fruitless to reason with
them; but at every convenient opportunity, I used such plain,
friendly, and persuasive arguments to sooth them, as I imagined
might regain their lost affections, and procrastinate the dangerous
impending blow. They consented at last to forbear every
kind of resentment against our late suspicious conduct, on condition
of my writing to those who could redress them, and our
people speedily withdrawing from their land the intruding planters.
This I did; and at Mobile I delivered my remonstrance to
the superintendant. Upon my urging the absolute necessity of
pacifying our old steady friends, by removing the ungenerous
cause of their jealousy, he assured me, that he would gladly
comply with so just a request, especially, as it exactly coincided
with his majesty’s proclamation, then fixed on the fort-gate.
In the space of about ten days after, by order of Governor
Johnstone, all the Chikkasah and Choktah traders were cited to
appear before him and the superintendant, in order to know
the merit of, and answer to, my numerous complaints. When
they appeared, and every thing was properly adjusted, his secretary
read paragraph by paragraph, and his excellency, very
minutely examined all the reputable traders, who confirmed to
his full satisfaction, the truth of every thing in my complaint.
But tho’ the memorial set forth, among other instances, that
“but a few minutes after I had once a troublesome dispute with
the abovementioned Chikkasah leader, on account of the traders
prohibited and poisoning liquors, he went home distracted, and
finding none but his aged mother, he would have killed her with
his tomohawk, only for her earnest entreaties, and then sudden
escape,”—yet none of those disorderly people were either
suspended from trading with the Indians, or forfeited the penalty
of their bonds—neither was the Indians request complied with.
Though, I believe, the termination was to the no small mortification
of his excellency. {369}
Anno 1767, the super-intendant’s deputy convened all the
Chikkasah traders and head-men of the nation, declaring that
he had received positive orders from the superior over Indian
398affairs, to bring the trade to the late standard of the Muskohge.
The head-men replied, that if their traders, or the superintendant
acted unwisely, they were not bound to follow the
copy. We urged, that he had already exceedingly lowered the
Missisippi-Indian trade, and had, at the Mobille congress, fixed
a Tariff, a copy of which every one of us had, as well as a regular
licence, having given approved security for our peaceable
conduct, and fair dealing with the Indians, for the space of a
year: and that besides the wrong policy of such an edict, as he
now proposed, if we proved rogues to our own interest with
them, we ought to be arrested as fools below. We concluded,
by observing the great disadvantage of navigation that Mobille
lay under, to which Charles-town was no way exposed in imports
and exports; and that if the aforesaid Indian trade should, by
any act be reduced below its present standard, it must necessarily
cease of itself, unless as free-men, we said No to the command.
Which the traders did, and resolved to support it.
The deputies[219] treatment of Capt. J. C—l—b—rt,[220] who has
lived among the Chikkasah from his childhood, and speaks their
language even with more propriety than the English, deserves to
be recorded—but I hope the gentleman will soon do it himself,
to shew the higher powers the consequences of appointing improper,
mercenary, and haughty persons to such offices. Sir
William Johnson acted very differently—he was kind, intelligent,
intrepid—he knew when to frown and when to smile on the
Indian nations he was connected with, and blended the serpent
with the dove. He chose his deputies or representatives in the
Indian countries, according to their qualifications in the Indian
life; and not unskilful men, and mere strangers, like some who
have been obtruded into our southern nations. His prudent and
brave deputy Col. Craghan,[221] did our chain of colonies more
real service in a few months, than all our late southern commissioners
of Indian affairs could possibly have done in ages.
In the dangerous time of our settling the Illinois-garrison, 500
399leagues up the Missisippi, he went from Johnson’s Hall, in the
lower part of the Mohawk country, and from thence coursed
through the various nations of Indians, to the head-branches of
Canada; and in like manner, down those of the Missisippi, to
the garrison, amidst the greatest dangers; pleasing and reconciling
the savages as he proceeded. {370} The Chikkasah first
informed me of his journey and success—and I had it some time
after, circumstantially confirmed to me by Sir W. Johnson. When
I spoke to the Col. himself on his fatigues and perils, he modestly
replied “that while he was performing the needful duties of his
office, and acting the part of a beloved man with the swan’s
wing, white pipe, and white beads, for the general good of his
country, and of its red neighbours, he had no leisure to think of
any personal dangers that might befall a well-meaning peacemaker.”
Having reconciled the Kuskuske Indians,[222] whom the
French garrison had decoyed by their false painting of us, to
remove with them over the Missisippi,—he from thence proceeded
down by water to New Orleans; afterwards, along the
gulph-stream of Mexico, to the place from whence he set off,
amounting nearly to 5000 miles, in the oblique course he was
forced to take.
In brief, able superintendants of Indian affairs, and who will
often visit the Indians, are the safest and strongest barrier garrisons
of our colonies—and a proper number of prudent honest
traders dispersed among the savages would be better than all
the soldiers, which the colonies support for their defence against
them. The Indians are to be persuaded by friendly language;
but nothing will terrify them to submit to what opposes their
general idea of liberty. In the disputes between governors,
superintendants, their deputies, and the traders, care should be
taken to keep them very secret from the Indians,—for they love
such traders as are governed by principle, and are easily influenced
by them. Several agents of governors and superintendants
have experienced this, when dispatched into their countries
to seize either the goods or persons of one and another trader,
who was obnoxious by not putting the neck under their lordly
feet. Some have hardly escaped from being tomohawked and cut
to pieces on the spot by the enraged Indians, for the violence
offered to their friendly traders.—When an Indian and trader
400contract friendship, they exchange the clothes then upon them,
and afterwards they cherish it by mutual presents, and in general,
will maintain it to the death. As early as 1736 the Georgia
governor began to harrass the licensed traders, and sent a commissioner
to seize the goods of several Carolinian traders: in
executing his commission, he was soon encircled by twenty-three
Indians, and would have been instantly dispatched, but for the
intercession of one of the suffering traders, Mr. J. G—r of Tennase.[223]
When a governor of any of our colonies, is either weak
in his {371} intellects, or has self-interested pursuits in view, incompatible
with the public good, he will first oppress the Indian
traders, and misrepresent all under his government who oppose
him; and then adopt and pursue the low and tyrannical court
maxim “divide, and you will subdue and rule them.” Whether
the animosities that subsisted among the inhabitants of Georgia,
when Mr. Ellis went to preside there, sprung from any such
cause, I will not say, but I well know that by his wisdom, cheerful
and even temper, and an easy winning behaviour, he soon
reconciled the contending parties in his gay and friendly hall.
The grateful and polite in that colony, have taught their rising
families to revere his name, on account of his generous and
patriotic spirit. He instructed the inhabitants of that infant
colony, by example, how to fortify themselves against hostile
dangers. The people were few, weak, harrassed, and disheartened:
but as soon as the father and general put to his helping
hand, their drooping spirits recovered. Then, defensible garrisons
sprung up, after the manner of ancient Thebes; but as
he knew that peace with the numerous nations of neighbouring
Indians was essential to the welfare of a trading colony, he acted
the part of the Archimagus, or great beloved man, with the
swan’s wing, white pipes, and tobacco, between the mischievous
Muskohge and our colonies, at Savanah, in concert with the two
worthy gentlemen before-mentioned. At that time our Indian
affairs in general wore a most dangerous aspect—and the public
stock was expended:—when the governor saw that he could not
shake hands with the Indians, empty handed, he cheerfully
supplied their discontented head-men with his own effects, and
even his domestic utensils. They set a high value on each gift,
401chiefly for the sake of the giver, whom they adopted as brother,
friend, father. He gave the colony a strong example of public
spirit, by sacrificing his ease, and private interest, to the welfare
of the people; whom he faithfully patronized (during his
too short stay) according to the paternal intentions of his late
Majesty. He was never ordered by his Prince to inform the
legislative body of the colony, that, if the electors petitioned
his majesty for the liberty of chusing representatives, he,
through his own grace and goodness, would order his governor
to inform them he was pleased to indulge them in the object of
their submissive prayer. But had it been otherwise, Mr. Ellis
would have deemed such a ministerial order, a gross attack
upon his honour, if not on the constitutional rights of British
subjects, and {372} have rejected it with contempt. When a
gentleman of abilities employs his talents, in his proper sphere,
in promoting the general good of society (instead of forwarding
only his own interest) he is both an honour and a blessing to
the community: the grateful public always revere such a character,
and fail not to hand it down to the latest posterity, to
stimulate others to follow the example. Such was Mr. Ellis in
Georgia; and such was the learned, wise, polite, affable, and
now much lamented Sir Henry Moore Bart., the late governor of
New-York colony. His virtues so strongly endeared him to those
he governed, and to every one who had the pleasure of his
acquaintance, that his memory will never be forgotten. He came
to his government at the most confused time America ever knew.
He found the senior member of the council strongly barricaded
in the fort,—but presently he ordered away the cannon, and put
a stop to other hostile preparations. He conversed with the
people as a father. They were soon convinced of his upright
intentions, and he lived triumphant in their hearts. If strict
integrity, great abilities, and the most ardent desires and endeavours
to promote the mutual interests of prince and people,—if
the most impartial administration of justice to every denomination
of faithful subjects—if indefatigable application to public
business, and a cheerfulness to redress every grievance that had
the least tendency to affect the lives or property even of the
meanest person: if these be the characteristics of one of the best
of governors, our hearts feelingly testify, and the tears of a
grateful people plainly shewed, he enjoyed them in the most
eminent degree. His stay, however, among them was but short,
402for having given a finished copy for others to pursue, heaven
called him home to reward him for his shining virtues: and,
though the other worthy patriot is in being, yet the honest sons
of Georgia deeply lament his being lost to them.[224] {373}
GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS; DISPLAYING
403
Their love to their country—Their martial spirit—Their caution
in war—Method of fighting—Barbarity to their captives—Instances
of their fortitude and magnanimity in the view of death—Their
rewards of public services—The manner of crowning
their warriors after victory—Their games—Method of fishing,
and of building—Their utensils and manufactures—Conduct
in domestic life—Their laws, form of government, &c. &c.
405GENERAL
OBSERVATIONS
ON THE
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS.
In the following pages, the reader will find as great a variety
of entertainment, as can well be expected in describing a rude
and uncivilized people. The Indians having for a long time no
intercourse with the rest of the world, and seldom one nation
of them with another, their rites and customs are in several
respects different. But as they agree in essentials through the
whole extent of the American world, such agreement is apparently
owing to tradition, and the usage of their ancestors, before
they were subdivided as at present. Uniformity cannot be attributed
to chance.
Through the whole continent, and in the remotest woods, are
traces of their ancient warlike disposition. We frequently met
with great mounds of earth, either of a circular, or oblong form,
having a strong breast-work at a distance around them, made
of the clay which had been dug up in forming the ditch, on the
inner side of the inclosed ground, and these were their forts of
security against an enemy. Three or four of them, are in some
places raised so near to each other, as evidently for the garrison
to take any enemy that passed between them. They were
mostly built in low lands; {377} and some are overspread with
large trees, beyond the reach of Indian tradition. About 12
miles from the upper northern parts of the Choktah country,
there stand on a level tract of land, the north-side of a creek,
and within arrow-shot of it, two oblong mounds of earth, which
were old garrisons, in an equal direction with each other, and
about two arrow-shots apart. A broad deep ditch inclosed those
406two fortresses, and there they raised an high breast-work, to
secure their houses from the invading enemy. This was a
stupendous piece of work, for so small a number of savages, as
could support themselves in it; their working instruments being
only of stone and wood. They called those old fortresses Nanne
Yah, “the hills, or mounts of God.”
Probably, different parties, and even nations, were formed at
first, either by caprice, differences, or the fear of punishment for
offences. The demon of persecution however was never among
them—not an individual durst ever presume to infringe on another’s
liberties. They are all equal—the only precedence any
gain is by superior virtue, oratory, or prowess; and they esteem
themselves bound to live and die in defence of their country. A
warrior will accept of no hire for performing virtuous and heroic
actions; they have exquisite pleasure in pursuing their own
natural dictates. The head-men reward the worthy with titles
of honour, according to their merit in speaking, or the number
of enemies scalps they bring home. Their hearts are fully satisfied,
if they have revenged crying blood, enobled themselves by
war actions, given cheerfulness to their mourning country, and
fired the breasts of the youth with a spirit of emulation to guard
the beloved people from danger, and revenge the wrongs of their
country. Warriors are to protect all, but not to molest or injure
the meanest. If they attempted it, they would pay dear for
their folly. The reason they are more earnest than the rest of
mankind, in maintaining that divine law of equal freedom and
justice, I apprehend, is the notion imbibed from their (supposed)
Hebrew ancestors of the divine theocracy, and that inexpressible
abhorrence of slavery, which must have taken place after their
captivity by the Assyrians, or the Babylonians.
Every warrior holds his honour, and the love of his country,
in so high esteem, that he prefers it to life, and will suffer the
most exquisite tortures {378} rather than renounce it: there is
no such thing among the Indians as desertion in war, because
they do not fight like the Swiss for hire, but for wreaths of swan-feathers.
If the English acted on that noble principle, or were
encouraged by an able, public-spirited ministry, to cherish it,
Britannia need neither sue, nor pay any of the German princes
for protection, or alliances.
The equality among the Indians, and the just rewards they
always confer on merit, are the great and leading—the only motives
407that warm their hearts with a strong and permanent love
to their country. Governed by the plain and honest law of
nature, their whole constitution breathes nothing but liberty:
and, when there is that equality of condition, manners, and
privileges, and a constant familiarity in society, as prevails in
every Indian nation, and through all our British colonies, there
glows such a chearfulness and warmth of courage in each of
their breasts, as cannot be described. It were to be wished, that
our military and naval officers of all ranks, instead of their usual
harsh and imperious behaviour, would act the part of mild and
good-natured patrons to those under them: kind, persuasive
language has an irresistible force, and never fails to overcome
the manly and generous heart, and love is strong as death. If
the governed are convinced that their superiors have a real
affection for them, they will esteem it their duty and interest to
serve them and take pleasure in it. The late gallant Lord Howe,
General Wolfe, and Admiral Warren, are still alive in the grateful
hearts of the Americans, and also of the soldiers and seamen,
who fought under them. No service was too difficult to oblige
them, and they were ashamed to do any thing amiss. If every
British officer set the like example, there would be little occasion
for new mutiny acts, and other such like penal regulations. We
have frequent instances in America, that merely by the power
of affability, and good-natured language, the savage Indian,
drunk and foaming with rage and madness, can be overcome
and brought to weep. Lately, some came among us, inflamed
and distracted foes; we persuaded them of our constant kindly
intentions, and they repented, made atonement in regard to
themselves, and checked the mad conduct of others.
The Indians are not fond of waging war with each other,
unless prompted by some of the traders: when left to themselves,
they consider {379} with the greatest exactness and foresight,
all the attending circumstances of war. Should any of
the young warriors through forwardness, or passion, violate the
treaty of peace, the aggressing party usually send by some
neutral Indians, a friendly embassy to the other, praying them to
accept of equal retribution, and to continue their friendship,
assuring them that the rash unfriendly action did not meet with
the approbation, but was highly condemned by the head-men
of the whole nation. If the proposal be accepted, the damage
is made up, either by sacrificing one of the aggressors, of a weak
408family, or by the death of some unfortunate captive, who had
been ingrafted in a wasted tribe. If a person of note was killed,
the offended party take immediate satisfaction of their own accord,
and send back the like embassy, acquainting them, that
as crying blood is quenched with equal blood, and their beloved
relation’s spirit is allowed to go to rest, they are fond of continuing
the friend-knot, and keeping the chain of friendship clear
of rust, according to the old beloved speech: but, if they are
determined for war, they say Mattle, Mattle, “it is finished,
they are weighed, and found light.” In that case, they proceed
in the following manner.
A war captain announces his intention of going to invade the
common enemy, which he, by consent of the whole nation, declares
to be such: he then beats a drum three times round his
winter house, with the bloody colours flying, marked with large
strokes of black,—the grand war signal of blood and death.
On this, a sufficient number of warriors and others, commonly
of the family of the murdered person, immediately arm themselves,
and each gets a small bag of parched corn-flour, for his
war-stores. They then go to the aforesaid winter house, and
there drink a warm decoction of their supposed holy consecrated
herbs and roots for three days and nights, sometimes without
any other refreshment. This is to induce the deity to guard
and prosper them, amidst their impending dangers. In the most
promising appearance of things, they are not to take the least
nourishment of food, nor so much as to sit down, during that
time of sanctifying themselves, till after sunset. While on their
expedition, they are not allowed to lean themselves against a
tree, though they may be exceedingly fatigued, after a sharp
day’s march; nor must they lie by, a whole day to refresh themselves,
or kill and barbicue deer and bear for their war journey.
The more virtuous they are, they reckon the greater will be their
success against the enemy, by the bountiful smiles of the deity.
To {380} gain that favourite point, some of the aged warriors
narrowly watch the young men who are newly initiated, lest they
should prove irreligious, and prophane the holy fast, and bring
misfortunes on the out-standing camp. A gentleman of my
acquaintance, in his youthful days observed one of their religious
fasts, but under the greatest suspicion of his virtue in
this respect, though he had often headed them against the common
enemy: during their three days purification, he was not
409allowed to go out of the sanctified ground, without a trusty
guard, lest hunger should have tempted him to violate their old
martial law, and by that means have raised the burning wrath
of the holy fire against the whole camp. Other particulars of
this sacred process for war, have been related in their proper
place.[LVII]
When they have finished their fast and purifications, they set
off, at the fixed time, be it fair or foul, firing their guns, whooping,
and hallooing, as they march. The war-leader goes first,
carrying the supposed holy ark: he soon strikes up the awful
and solemn song before mentioned, which they never sing except
on that occasion. The rest follow, in one line, at the distance
of three or four steps from each other, now and then sounding
the war whoo-whoop, to make the leader’s song the more striking
to the people. In this manner they proceed, till quite out of
the sight, and hearing of their friends. As soon as they enter
the woods, all are silent; and, every day they observe a profound
silence in their march, that their ears may be quick to inform
them of danger: their small black eyes are almost as sharp also
as those of the eagle, or the lynx; and with their feet they
resemble the wild cat, or the cunning panther, crawling up to
its prey. Thus they proceed, while things promise them good
success; but, if their dreams portend any ill, they always obey
the supposed divine intimation and return home, without incurring
the least censure. They reckon that their readiness to
serve their country, should not be subservient to their own
knowledge or wishes, but always regulated by the divine impulse.
I have known a whole company who set out for war, to return
in small parties, and sometimes by single persons, and be applauded
by the united voice of the people; because they acted in
obedience to their Nana Ishtohoollo, “or guardian angels,” who
impressed them in the visions of night, with the friendly caution.
As their dreams are reckoned ominous, so there is a small uncommon
bird, called the “kind ill messenger,” which they {381}
always deem to be a true oracle of bad news. If it sings near
to them, they are much intimidated: but, if it perches, and
sings over the war-camp, they speedily break up. This superstitious
custom prevailed with the early heathens, who pretended
410to prophesy by the flight of birds, and it reached even down to
the time of the Romans.
Every war captain chuses a noted warrior,[225] to attend on him
and the company. He is called Etissû, or “the waiter.” Every
thing they eat or drink during their journey, he gives them out
of his hand, by a rigid abstemious rule—though each carries on
his back all his travelling conveniences, wrapt in a deer skin, yet
they are so bigoted to their religious customs in war, that none,
though prompted by sharp hunger or burning thirst, dares relieve
himself. They are contented with such trifling allowance
as the religious waiter distributes to them, even with a scanty
hand. Such a regimen would be too mortifying to any of the
white people, let their opinion of its violation be ever so dangerous.
When I roved the woods in a war party with the Indians,
though I carried no scrip, nor bottle, nor staff, I kept a large
hollow cane well corked at each end, and used to sheer off now
and then to drink, while they suffered greatly by thirst. The
constancy of the savages in mortifying their bodies, to gain the
divine favour, is astonishing, from the very time they beat to
arms, till they return from their campaign. All the while they
are out, they are prohibited by ancient custom, the leaning
against a tree, either sitting or standing: nor are they allowed
to sit in the day-time, under the shade of trees, if it can be
avoided; nor on the ground, during the whole journey, but on
such rocks, stones, or fallen wood, as their ark of war rests
upon. By the attention they invariably pay to those severe
rules of living, they weaken themselves much more than by the
unavoidable fatigues of war: but, it is fruitless to endeavour to
dissuade them from those things which they have by tradition,
as the appointed means to move the deity, to grant them success
against the enemy, and a safe return home.
It may be expected I should describe the number of men
their war companies consist of, but it is various, and uncertain:
sometimes, two or three only will go to war, proceed as cautiously,
and strike their prey as panthers. In {382} the year
4111747, a couple of the Mohawk Indians came against the lower
towns of the Cheerake, and so cunningly ambuscaded them
through most part of the spring and summer, as to kill above
twenty in different attacks, before they were discovered by any
part of the enraged and dejected people. They had a thorough
knowledge of the most convenient ground for their purpose, and
were extremely swift and long winded—whenever they killed any,
and got the scalp, they made off to the neighbouring mountains,
and ran over the broad ledges of rocks, in contrary courses, as
occasion offered, so as the pursuers could by no means trace
them. Once, when a large company was in chace of them, they
ran round a steep hill at the head of the main eastern branch
of Savana river, intercepted, killed, and scalped the hindmost
of the party, and then made off between them and Keeowhee:
as this was the town to which the company belonged, they
hastened home in a close body, as the proper place of security
from such enemy wizards. In this manner, did those two
sprightly gallant savages perplex and intimidate their foes for
the space of four moons, in the greatest security; though they
often were forced to kill and barbicue what they chiefly lived
upon, in the midst of their watchful enemies. Having sufficiently
revenged their relations’ blood, and gratified their own
ambition with an uncommon number of scalps, they resolved to
captivate one, and run home with him, as a proof of their having
killed none but the enemies of their country. Accordingly, they
approached very near to Keeowhee, about half-a-mile below the
late Fort Prince George, advancing with the usual caution on
such an occasion—one crawled along under the best cover of
the place, about the distance of an hundred yards a-head, while
the other shifted from tree to tree, looking sharply every way.
In the evening, however, an old beloved man discovered them
from the top of an adjoining hill, and knew them to be enemies,
by the cut of their hair, light trim for running, and their postures;
he returned to the town, and called first at the house of
one of our traders, and informed him of the affair, enjoining him
not to mention it to any, lest the people should set off against
them without success, before their tracks were to be discovered,
and he be charged with having deceived them. But, contrary
to the true policy of traders among unforgiving savages, that
thoughtless member of the Choktah Sphynx-company busied
himself as usual out of his proper sphere, sent for the head-men,
412and told them the story. As the Mohawks were our allies and
not known to molest any of the traders {383} in the paths and
woods, he ought to have observed a strict neutrality. The youth
of the town, by order of their head-men, carried on their noisy
public diversions in their usual manner, to prevent their foes
from having any suspicion of their danger, while runners were
sent from the town to their neighbours, to come silently and
assist them to secure the prey, in its state of security. They
came like silent ghosts, concerted their plan of operation, passed
over the river at the old trading ford, opposite to the late Fort,
which lay between two contiguous commanding hills, and proceeding
downward over a broad creek, formed a large semicircle
from the river bank, while the town seemed to be taking
its usual rest. They then closed into a narrower compass, and
at last discovered the two brave unfortunate men lying close
under the tops of some fallen young pine-trees. The company
gave the war signal, and the Mohawks bounding up, bravely
repeated it: but, by their sudden spring from under thick cover,
their arms were useless; they made desperate efforts however to
kill or be killed, as their situation required. One of the Cheerake,
the noted half breed of Istanare town, which lay two miles from
thence, was at the first onset, knocked down and almost killed
with his own cutlass, which was wrested from him, though he was
the strongest of the whole nation. But they were overpowered
by numbers, captivated, and put to the most exquisite tortures
of fire, amidst a prodigious crowd of exulting foes.
One of the present Choktah traders who was on the spot,
told me, that when they were were tied to the stake, the younger
of the two discovering our traders on a hill pretty near, addressed
them in English, and entreated them to redeem their lives. The
elder immediately spoke to him, in his own language, to desist—on
this, he recollected himself, and became composed like a
stoic, manifesting an indifference to life or death, pleasure or
pain, according to their standard of martial virtue; and their
dying behaviour did not reflect the least dishonour on their
former gallant actions. All the pangs of fiery torture served
only to refine their manly spirits: and as it was out of the power
of the traders to redeem them, they according to our usual
custom retired, as soon as the Indians began the diabolical
tragedy.
The common number of an Indian war company, is only from
413twenty to forty, lest their tracks should be discovered by being
too numerous: {384} but if the warring nations are contiguous
to each other, the invading party generally chuses to out-number
a common company, that they may strike the blow with greater
safety and success, as their art of war is chiefly killing by surprise;
confident that in case of a disappointment, their light
heels will ensure their return to their own country. When a
small company go to war, they always chuse to have a swamp
along side of them, with a thick covert for their shelter, because
a superior number will scarcely pursue them where they might
reasonably expect to lose any of their warriors. When they arrive
at the enemies hunting ground, they act with the greatest
caution and policy. They separate themselves, as far as each
can hear the other’s travelling signal, which is the mimicking
such birds and beasts as frequent the spot. And they can
exactly imitate the voice and sound of every quadruped and wild
fowl through the American woods. In this way of travelling,
they usually keep an hundred yards apart on the course agreed
upon at camp. When the leader thinks it the surest way of
succeeding against the enemy, he sends a few of the best runners
to form an ambuscade near their towns: there, they sometimes
fix the broad hoofs of buffalos, and bear’s paws upon their
feet, to delude the enemy: and they will for miles together,
make all the windings of these beasts with the greatest art.
But, as both parties are extremely wary and sagacious, I have
known such arts to prove fatal to the deluders. At other times,
a numerous company will walk in three different rows, by way
of a decoy, every one lifting his feet so high, as not to beat down
the grass or herbage; and each row will make only one man’s
track, by taking the steps of him who went before, and a
gigantic fellow takes the rear of each rank, and thereby smooths
the tracks with his feet. When they are convinced the enemy
is in pursuit of them, at so considerable a distance from the
country, as for themselves not to be over-powered by numbers,
they post themselves in the most convenient place, in the form
of an half-moon, and patiently wait a whole day and night, till
the enemy runs into it; and in such a case, the victory at one
broad-side is usually gained.
When they discover the tracks of enemies in their hunting
ground, or in the remote woods, it is surprising to see the caution
and art they use, both to secure themselves, and take advantage
414of the enemy. If a small company be out at war, they in the
day time crawl through {385} thickets and swamps in the manner
of wolves—now and then they climb trees, and run to the top
of hills, to discover the smoke of fire, or hear the report of guns:
and when they cross through the open woods, one of them stands
behind a tree, till the rest advance about a hundred yards, looking
out sharply on all quarters. In this manner, they will proceed,
and on tiptoe, peeping every where around; they love to
walk on trees which have been blown down, and take an oblique
course, till they inswamp themselves again, in order to conceal
their tracks, and avoid a pursuit. As we can gain nothing by
blows, with such warriors, it is certainly our interest, as a trading
people, to use proper measures to conciliate their affections;
for whether we are conquerors, or conquered, we are always
great losers in an Indian war.
When the invaders extend themselves cross the woods, in quest
of their prey, if they make a plain discovery, either of fresh
tracks, or of the enemy, they immediately pass the war-signal
to each other, and draw their wings toward the center. If the
former, they give chace, and commonly by their wild-cat-method
of crawling, they surround, and surprise the pursued, if unguarded—however,
I have known them to fail in such attempts;
for the Indians generally are so extremely cautious, that if three
of them are in the woods, their first object is a proper place for
defence, and they always sit down in a triangle, to prevent a
surprise. When enemies discover one another, and find they
can take no advantage, they make themselves known to each
other; and by way of insulting bravado, they speak aloud all
the barbarities they ever committed against them;—that they
are now, to vindicate those actions, and make the wound for
ever incurable; that they are their most bitter enemies, and
equally contemn their friendship and enmity. In the mean while,
they throw down their packs, strip themselves naked, and paint
their faces and breast red as blood, intermingled with black
streaks. Every one at the signal of the shrill-sounding war-cry,
instantly covers himself behind a tree, or in some cavity of the
ground where it admits of the best safety. The leader, on each
side, immediately blows the small whistle he carries for the occasion,
in imitation of the ancient trumpet, as the last signal of
engagement. Now hot work begins—The guns are firing; the
chewed bullets flying; the strong hiccory bows a twanging; the
415dangerous barbed arrows whizzing as they fly; the sure-shafted
javelin striking death wherever it reaches; and the well-aimed
tomohawk killing, or disabling its enemy. Nothing scarcely can
be heard {386} for the shrill echoing noise of the war and death-whoop,
every one furiously pursues his adversary from tree to
tree, striving to incircle him for his prey; and the greedy jaws
of pale death are open on all sides, to swallow them up. One
dying foe is intangled in the hateful and faltering arms of another:
and each party desperately attempts both to save their
dead and wounded from being scalped, and to gain the scalps
of their opponents. On this the battle commences anew—But
rash attempts fail, as their wary spirits always forbid them from
entering into a general close engagement. Now they retreat:
then they draw up into various figures, still having their dead
and wounded under their eye. Now they are flat on the ground
loading their pieces—then they are up firing behind trees, and
immediately spring off in an oblique course to recruit—and thus
they act till winged victory declares itself.
The vanquished party makes for a swampy thicket, as their
only asylum: but should any of them be either unarmed, or
slightly wounded, the speedy pursuers captivate them, and usually
reserve them for a worse death than that of the bullet. On
returning to the place of battle, the victors begin, with mad
rapture, to cut and slash those unfortunate persons, who fell by
their arms and power; and they dismember them, after a most
inhuman manner. If the battle be gained near home, one hero
cuts off and carries this member of the dead person, another that,
as joyful trophies of a decisive victory. If a stranger saw them
thus loaded with human flesh, without proper information, he
might conclude them to be voracious canibals, according to the
shameful accounts of our Spanish historians. Their first aim
however is to take off the scalp, when they perceive the enemy
hath a proper situation, and strength to make a dangerous resistance.
Each of them is so emulous of exceeding another in
this point of honour, that it frequently stops them in their
pursuit.
This honourable service is thus performed—They seize the
head of the disabled, or dead person, and placing one of their
feet on the neck, they with one hand twisted in the hair, extend
it as far as they can—with the other hand, the barbarous artists
speedily draw their long sharp-pointed scalping knife out of a
416sheath from their breast, give a slash round the top of the
skull, and with a few dexterous scoops, soon strip it off. {387}
They are so expeditious as to take off a scalp in two minutes.[226]
When they have performed this part of their martial virtue, as
soon as time permits, they tie with bark or deer’s sinews, their
speaking trophies of blood in a small hoop, to preserve it from
putrefaction, and paint the interior part of the scalp, and the
hoop, all round with red, their flourishing emblematical colour
of blood.
They are now satiated for the present, and return home.
Tradition, or the native divine impression on human nature, dictates
to them that man was not born in a state of war; and as
they reckon they are become impure by shedding human blood,
they hasten to observe the fast of three days, as formerly mentioned,
and be sanctified by the war-chieftain, as a priest of war,
according to law. While they are thus impure, though they had
a fair opportunity of annoying the common enemy again, yet on
this account they commonly decline it, and are applauded for
their religious conduct, by all their countrymen. Indeed, formerly,
when the whole combined power of the French, and their
Indians, was bent against the warlike Chikkasah, I have known
the last sometimes to hazard their martial virtue and success,
and to fight three or four companies of French Indians, before
they returned home; but the leaders excused themselves, by the
necessity of self-defence. They have no such phrase as the “fortune
of war.” They reckon the leader’s impurity[227] to be the
chief occasion of bad success; and if he lose several of his warriors
by the enemy, his life is either in danger for the supposed
fault, or he is degraded, by taking from him his drum, war-whistle,
and martial titles, and debasing him to his boy’s name,
from which he is to rise by a fresh gradation. This penal law
contributes, in a good measure, to make them so exceedingly
cautious and averse to bold attempts in war, and they are
usually satisfied with two or three scalps and a prisoner.
It has been long too feelingly known, that instead of observing
the generous and hospitable part of the laws of war, and saving
the unfortunate who fall into their power, that they generally
417devote their captives to death, with the most agonizing tortures.
No representation can possibly be given, so shocking to humanity,
as their unmerciful method of tormenting their devoted prisoner;
and as it is so contrary to the standard of the rest of {388} the
known world, I shall relate the circumstances, so far as to convey
proper information thereof to the reader. When the company
return from war, and come in view of their own town, they follow
the leader one by one, in a direct line, each a few yards behind
the other, to magnify their triumph. If they have not succeeded,
or any of their warriors are lost, they return quite silent; but
if they are all safe, and have succeeded, they fire off the Indian
platoon, by one, two, and three at a time, whooping and insulting
their prisoners. They camp near their town all night, in a
large square plot of ground, marked for the purpose, with a
high war-pole fixed in the middle of it, to which they secure
their prisoners. Next day they go to the leader’s house in a
very solemn procession, but stay without, round his red-painted
war-pole, till they have determined concerning the fate of their
prisoners. If any one of the captives should be fortunate enough
to get loose, and run into the house of the archi-magus, or to a
town of refuge, he by ancient custom, is saved from the fiery
torture—these places being a sure asylum to them if they were
invaded, and taken, but not to invaders, because they came to
shed blood.
Those captives who are pretty far advanced in life, as well as
in war-gradations, always atone for the blood they spilt, by the
tortures of fire.—They readily know the latter, by the blue
marks over their breasts and arms; they being as legible as our
alphabetical characters are to us.[228] Their ink is made of the
soot of pitch-pine, which sticks to the inside of a greased earthern
pot; then delineating the parts, like the ancient Picts of Britain,
with their wild hieroglyphics, they break through the skin with
gair-fish-teeth, and rub over them that dark composition, to
register them among the brave; and the impression is lasting.
I have been told by the Chikkasah, that they formerly erazed
any false marks their warriors proudly and privately gave themselves—in
418order to engage them to give real proofs of their
martial virtue, being surrounded by the French and their red
allies; and that they degraded them in a public manner, by
stretching the marked parts, and rubbing them with the juice of
green corn, which in a great degree took out the impression.
The young prisoners are saved,[229] if not devoted while the company
were sanctifying themselves for their expedition; but if
the latter be the case, {389} they are condemned, and tied to
the dreadful stake, one at a time. The victors first strip their
miserable captives quite naked, and put on their feet a pair of
bear-skin maccaseenes, with the black hairy part outwards;
others fasten with a grape-vine, a burning fire-brand to the pole,
a little above the reach of their heads. Then they know their
doom—deep black, and burning fire, are fixed seals of their
death-warrant. Their punishment is always left to the women;
and on account of their false standard of education, they are
no way backward in their office, but perform it to the entire
satisfaction of the greedy eyes of the spectators. Each of them
prepares for the dreadful rejoicing, a long bundle of dry canes,
or the heart of fat pitch-pine, and as the victims are led to the
stake, the women and their young ones beat them with these in
a most barbarous manner. Happy would it be for the miserable
creatures, if their sufferings ended here, or a merciful tomohawk
finished them at one stroke; but this shameful treatment is a
prelude to future sufferings.
The death-signal being given, preparations are made for acting
a more tragical part. The victims arms are fast pinioned, and
a strong grape-vine is tied round his neck, to the top of the war-pole,
allowing him to track around, about fifteen yards. They
fix some tough clay on his head, to secure the scalp from the
blazing torches. Unspeakable pleasure now fills the exulting
crowd of spectators, and the circle fills with the Amazon and
merciless executioners—The suffering warrior however is not
dismayed; with an insulting manly voice he sings the war-song![230]
and with gallant contempt he tramples the rattling
gourd with pebbles in it to pieces, and outbraves even death
itself. The women make a furious on-set with their burning
torches: his pain is soon so excruciating, that he rushes out from
419the pole, with the fury of the most savage beast of prey, and
with the vine sweeps down all before him, kicking, biting, and
trampling them, with the greatest despite. The circle immediately
fills again, either with the same, or fresh persons: they attack
him on every side—now he runs to the pole for shelter, but
the flames pursue him. Then with champing teeth, and sparkling
eye-balls, he breaks through their contracted circle afresh, and
acts every part, that the highest courage, most raging fury, and
blackest despair can prompt him to. But he is sure to be overpower’d
by numbers, and after some time the fire affects his
tender parts.—Then they pour over him a quantity of cold
water, and allow him a proper time of respite, {390} till his
spirits recover, and he is capable of suffering new tortures. Then
the like cruelties are repeated till he falls down, and happily
becomes insensible of pain. Now they scalp him, in the manner
before described: dismember, and carry off all the exterior
branches of the body, (pudendis non exceptis) in shameful, and
savage triumph. This is the most favourable treatment their
devoted captives receive: it would be too shocking to humanity
either to give, or peruse, every particular of their conduct in
such doleful tragedies—nothing can equal these scenes, but those
of the merciful Romish inquisition.
Not a soul, of whatever age or sex, manifests the least pity
during the prisoner’s tortures: the women sing with religious
joy, all the while they are torturing the devoted victim, and
peals of laughter resound through the crowded theatre—especially
if he fears to die. But a warrior puts on a bold
austere countenance, and carries it through all his pains:—as
long as he can, he whoops and out-braves the enemy, describing
his own martial deeds against them, and those of his nation, who
he threatens will force many of them to eat fire in revenge of his
fate, as he himself had often done to some of their relations at
their cost.[231]
Though the same things operate alike upon the organs of the
human body, and produce an uniformity of sensations; yet
weakness, or constancy of mind derived from habit, helps in a
great measure, either to heighten, or lessen the sense of pain.
By this, the afflicted party has learned to stifle nature, and shew
420an outward unconcern, under such slow and acute tortures: and
the surprising cruelty of their women, is equally owing to education
and custom. Similar instances verify this, as in Lisbon,
and other places, where tender-hearted ladies are transformed
by their bloody priests, into so many Medeas, through deluded
religious principles; and sit and see with the highest joy, the
martyrs of God, drawn along in diabolical triumph to the fiery
stake, and suffering death with lingering tortures.
I cannot forbear giving another instance or two here of the
constancy, visible unconcern, and presence of mind, of the
Indians, at the approach of death, in its most alarming dress and
terrors. {391}
About four years before the Shawano Indians were forced to
remove from the late Savanah town, they took a Muskohge warrior,
known by the name of “Old Scrany;” they bastinadoed him
in the usual manner, and condemned him to the fiery torture.
He underwent a great deal, without shewing any concern; his
countenance and behaviour were as if he suffered not the least
pain, and was formed beyond the common laws of nature. He
told them, with a bold voice, that he was a very noted warrior,
and gained most of his martial preferment at the expence of
their nation, and was desirous of shewing them in the act of
dying, that he was still as much their superior, as when he headed
his gallant countrymen against them.—That although he had
fallen into their hands, in forfeiting the protection of the divine
power, by some impurity or other, when carrying the holy ark
of war against his devoted enemies; yet he had still so much
remaining virtue, as would enable him to punish himself more
exquisitely than all their despicable ignorant crowd could possibly
do, if they gave him liberty by untying him, and would
hand to him one of the red hot gun-barrels out of the fire. The
proposal, and his method of address, appeared so exceedingly
bold and uncommon, that his request was granted. Then he
suddenly seized one end of the red barrel, and brandishing it
from side to side, he forced his way through the armed and surprised
multitude, and leaped down a prodigious steep and high
bank into a branch of the river, dived through it, ran over a
small island, and passed the other branch, amidst a shower of
bullets from the commanding ground where Fort-Moore, or New
Windsor-garrison stood; and though numbers of his eager enemies
were in close pursuit of him, he got to a bramble swamp, and in
421that naked, mangled condition, reached his own country. He
proved a sharp thorn in their side afterwards to the day of his
death.
The Shawano also captivated a warrior of the Anantooèah,[232]
and put him to the stake, according to their usual cruel solemnities.
Having unconcernedly suffered much sharp torture, he
told them with scorn, they did not know how to punish a noted
enemy, therefore he was willing to teach them, and would confirm
the truth of his assertion, if they allowed him the opportunity.
Accordingly he requested of them a pipe and some tobacco, which
was given him: as soon as he lighted it, he sat down, naked as
he was, on the women’s burning torches, that were within his
circle, and continued smoking his pipe without the least discomposure—on {392}
this a head-warrior leaped up, and said, they
had seen plain enough, that he was a warrior, and not afraid of
dying; nor should he have died, only that he was both spoiled by
the fire, and devoted to it by their laws: however, though he
was a very dangerous enemy, and his nation a treacherous
people, it should appear they paid a regard to bravery, even in
one, who was marked over the body with war streaks, at the
cost of many lives of their beloved kindred. And then by way
of favour, he, with his friendly tomohawk, instantly put an end
to all his pains:—though the merciful but bloody instrument
was ready some minutes before it gave the blow, yet I was
assured, the spectators could not perceive the sufferer to change,
either his posture, or his steady erect countenance, in the least.
A party of the Senekah Indians came to war against the
Katahba, bitter enemies to each other. In the woods, the former
discovered a sprightly warrior belonging to the latter, hunting
in their usual light dress; on his perceiving them, he sprung off
for a hollow rock, four or five miles distant, as they intercepted
him from running homeward. He was so extremely swift, and
skilful with the gun, as to kill seven of them in the running
fight, before they were able to surround and take him. They
carried him to their country in sad triumph: but, though he had
filled them with uncommon grief and shame, for the loss of so
many of their kindred, yet the love of martial virtue induced
them to treat him, during their long journey, with a great deal
more civility, than if he had acted the part of a coward. The
422women and children, when they met him at their several towns,
beat and whipped him in as severe a manner as the occasion
required, according to their law of justice, and at last he was
formally condemned to die by the fiery tortures. It might reasonably
be imagined that what he had for some time gone
through, by being fed with a scanty hand, a tedious march, lying
at night on the bare ground, exposed to the changes of the
weather, with his arms and legs extended in a pair of rough
stocks, and suffering such punishments on his entering into their
hostile towns, as a prelude to those sharp torments for which
he was destined, would have so impaired his health, and affected
his imagination, as to have sent him to his long sleep out of the
way of any more sufferings. Probably, this would have been the
case with the major part of white people, under similar circumstances;
but I never knew this with any {393} of the Indians:
and this cool-headed brave warrior did not deviate from their
rough lessons of martial virtue, but acted his part so well, as to
surprise and sorely vex his numerous enemies. For, when they
were taking him unpinioned, in their wild parade, to the place
of torture, which lay near to a river, he suddenly dashed down
those who stood in his way, sprung off, and plunged into the
water, swimming underneath like an otter, only rising to take
breath till he made the opposite shore. He now ascended the
steep bank; but though he had good reason to be in a hurry,
as many of the enemy were in the water, and others running
every way, like blood-hounds, in pursuit of him, and the bullets
flying around him, from the time he took to the river, yet his
heart did not allow him to leave them abruptly, without taking
leave in a formal manner, in return for the extraordinary favours
they had done, and intended to do him. He first turned his
backside toward them, and slapped it with his hand; then moving
round, he put up the shrill war whoo whoop, as his last salute,
till some more convenient opportunity offered, and darted off
in the manner of a beast broke loose from its torturing enemies.
He continued his speed so as to run by about midnight of the
same day, as far as his eager pursuers were two days in reaching.
There he rested, till he happily discovered five of those Indians,
who had pursued him—he lay hid a little way off their camp,
till they were sound asleep. Every circumstance of his situation
occurred to him, and inspired him with heroism. He was naked,
torn, and hungry, and his enraged enemies were come up with
423him. But there was now every thing to relieve his wants, and
a fair opportunity to save his life, and get great honour, and
sweet revenge, by cutting them off. Resolution, a convenient
spot, and sudden surprize, would effect the main object of all
his wishes and hopes. He accordingly creeped towards them,
took one of their tomohawks, and killed them all on the spot.
He then chopped them to pieces, in as horrid a manner, as
savage fury could excite, both through national and personal
resentment,—he stripped off their scalps, clothed himself, took
a choice gun, and as much ammunition and provisions as he
could well carry in a running march. He set off afresh with a
light heart, and did not sleep for several successive nights, only
when he reclined as usual a little before day, with his back to a
tree. As it were by instinct, when he found he was free from
the pursuing enemy, he made directly to the very place where
he had killed seven of his enemies, and was taken by them for
the fiery torture. {394} He digged them up, scalped them,
burned their bodies to ashes, and went home in safety with
singular triumph. Other pursuing enemies came on the evening
of the second day to the camp of their dead people, when the
sight gave them a greater shock, than they had ever known
before. In their chilled war council, they concluded, that, as he
had done such surprising things in his defence, before he was
captivated, and since that, in his naked condition, and was now
well armed, if they continued the pursuit, he would spoil them
all, for he surely was an enemy wizard. And therefore they
returned home.
When the Chikkasah were engaged in a former war with the
Muskohge, one of their young warriors set off alone against
them, to revenge the blood of a near relation:[233] his burning
heart would not allow him to delay its gratification, and proceed
with a company, after their usual forms of purification were
observed, in order to gain success. He was replete with martial
fire, and revenge prompted him to outrun his war virtue: however,
he pursued as mortifying a regimen, as if he had been
publicly fed like a dove, by the scanty hand of a religious waiter.
424But, as he would not wait a few days, and accompany the
reputed holy ark, they reckoned him irreligious, by depending on
the power of his own arms, instead of the powerful arm of the
supreme fatherly chieftain, Yo He Wah, who always bestows
victory on the more virtuous party. He went through the most
unfrequented and thick parts of the woods, as such a dangerous
enterprise required, till he arrived opposite to the great, and old
beloved town of refuge, Koosah,[234] which stands high on the
eastern side of a bold river, about 250 yards broad, that runs by
the late dangerous Alebahma fort, down to the black poisoning
Mobille, and so into the gulph of Mexico. There he concealed
himself under cover of the top of a fallen pine tree, in view of
the ford of the old trading path, where the enemy now and
then passed the river in their light poplar canoes. All his war
store of provisions consisted in three stands of barbicued venison,
till he had an opportunity to revenge blood, and return home.
He waited, with watchfulness and patience almost three days,
when a young man, a woman, and a girl passed a little wide
of him, about an hour before sunset. The former he shot down,
tomohawked the other two, and scalped each of them in a trice,
in full view of the town. By way of bravado, he shaked the
scalps before them, sounded the awful death whoop, and {395}
set off along the trading path, trusting to his heels, while a great
many of the enemy ran to their arms, and gave chace. Seven
miles from thence, he entered the great blue ridge of Apalahche
mountains. About an hour before day, he had ran over seventy
miles of that mountainous tract;—then, after sleeping two hours
in a sitting posture, leaning his back against a tree, he set off
again with fresh speed. As he threw away his venison, when he
found himself pursued by the enemy, he was obliged to support
nature with such herbs, roots, and nuts, as his sharp eyes with a
running glance, directed him to snatch up in his course. Though
I often have rode that war path alone, when delay might have
proved dangerous, and with as fine and strong horses as any in
America, it took me five days to ride from the aforesaid Koosah,
to this sprightly warrior’s place in the Chikkasah country, the
distance of 300 computed miles; yet he ran it, and got home safe
and well, at about eleven o’clock of the third day; which was
only one day and half, and two nights.
425These two well known instances of the young Katahba, and
this Chikkasah warrior, evince the surprising and superior abilities
of the Indians in their own element. And the intrepid behaviour
of the two other red stoics, their surprising contempt of,
and indifference to life or death, instead of lessening, helps to
confirm our belief of that supernatural power, which supported
the great number of primitive martyrs, who sealed the christian
faith with their blood. The Indians, as I observed in the
former part, have as much belief, and expectation of a future
state, as the greater part of the Israelites seem to have possessed.
But the christians of the first centuries, may justly be said to
exceed even the most heroic American Indians; for they bore
the bitterest persecution, with steady patience, in imitation of
their divine leader, Messiah, in full confidence of divine support,
and of a glorious recompence of reward; and, instead of even
wishing for revenge on their cruel enemies and malicious tormentors
(which is the chief principle that actuates the Indians)
they not only forgave them, but in the midst of their tortures,
earnestly prayed for them, with composed countenances, sincere
love, and unabated fervor. And not only men of different conditions,
but the delicate women and children suffered with constancy,
and died praying for their tormentors: the Indian women
and children, and their young men untrained to war, are incapable
of displaying the like patience and magnanimity. {396}
When the Indians have finished their captive tragedies, they
return to the neighbouring town in triumph, with the wild
shrieking noise of destroying demons: there, they cut the scalps
into several pieces, fix them on different twigs of the green
leaved pine, and place them on the tops of the circular winter
houses of their deceased relations—whose deaths (if by the hand
of an enemy) they esteem not revenged till then, and thus their
ghosts are enabled to go to their intermediate, but unknown
place of rest, till, after a certain time, they return again to live
for ever in that tract of land which pleased them best, when in
their former state. They perform this supposed religious duty
with great solemnity, attended by a long train of rejoicing
women, chanting with soft voices, their grateful song of triumph
to Yo He Wah; while the favoured warriors echo their praises
of the giver of victory, with awful notes, and intermix with
them the death whoo-whoop. They dance for three days and
nights, rejoicing before the divine presence, for their victory;
426and the happiness of sending the spirits of their killed relations
from the eaves of their houses which they haunted, mourning
with such painful notes as Koo-Koo-Koo, like the suffering owls
of night in pinching winter, according to their creed. In their
dance, they represent all the wild-cat movements they made in
crawling to surprise the enemy, and their wolfish conduct in
killing with safety; or the whole engagement, when they could
no way attack by surprise. Now, they lift up one foot, then put
it down slowly on tip-toe in a bent posture, looking sharply
every way. Thus, they proceed from tree to tree, till the supposed
enemy be either defeated by stratagem, or open battle.
Then they strut about in parade, and the chief will tell the
people he did not behave like a blind white man, who would
have rushed on with his eyes shut, improvident of danger; but
having wisely considered that his bare breast was not bullet
proof, he cunningly covered himself from tree to tree, and by
his skilful conduct vanquished the hateful enemy, without exposing
his own valuable life to danger. All people praise, or blame
another’s conduct, in proportion to the parity or disparity it
bears to their own standard, and notion of virtue.
In the time of their rejoicings, they fix a certain day for the
warriors to be crowned; for they cannot sleep sound or easy,
under an old title, while a new, or higher one is due.[235] On that
long-wished for day, they all appear on the field of parade, as
fine and cheerful as the birds in spring. Their martial {397}
drums beat, their bloody colours are displayed, and most of the
young people are dancing and rejoicing, for the present success
of their nation, and the safe return and preferment of their
friends and relations. Every expectant warrior on that joyful
day wears deer-skin maccaseenes, painted red, his body is
anointed with bear’s oil, a young softened otter-skin is tied on
each leg, a long collar of fine swan feathers hangs round his neck,
and his face is painted with the various streaks of the rain-bow.
Thus they appear, when two of the old magi come forth holding
as many white wands and crowns, as there are warriors to be
graduated: and in a standing posture, they alternately deliver a
long oration, with great vehemence of expression, chiefly commending
their strict observance of the law of purity, while they
427accompanied the beloved ark of war, which induced the supreme
chieftain to give them the victory, and they encourage the rest
to continue to thirst after glory, in imitation of their brave ancestors,
who died nobly in defence of their country. At the
conclusion of their orations, one of the magi calls three times
with a loud voice, one of the warriors by his new name, or war
title, and holds up the white crown, and the scepter, or wand.
He then gladly answers, and runs whooping to, and around them,
three times. One of the old beloved men puts the crown on his
head, and the wand into his hand; then he returns to his former
place, whooping with joy. In like manner, they proceed with
the rest of the graduate warriors, to the end of their triumphal
ceremony, concluding with this strong caution, “Remember what
you are (such a warrior, mentioning his titles) according to the
old beloved speech.” This is equal to the bold virtuous lessons
of the honest Romans, and uncorrupted Greeks. The concluding
caution of the magi to the warriors, points at the different duties
of their honourable station, that they should always aspire after
martial glory, and prefer their own virtue, and the welfare of
their country, more than life itself. The crown is wrought round
with the long feathers of a swan, at the lower end, where it
surrounds his temples, and it is curiously weaved with a quantity
of white down, to make it sit easy, and appear more beautiful.
To this part that wreathes his brows, the skilful artist warps
close together, a ringlet of the longest feathers of the swan, and
turning them carefully upward, in an uniform position, he, in the
exactest manner, ties them together with deer’s sinews, so as
the bandage will not appear to the sharpest eyes without handling
it. It is a little open at the top, and about fifteen inches
high. The crowns they use in constituting {398} war-leaders,
are always worked with feathers of the tail of the cherubic eagle,
which causes them to be three or four inches higher than the
former. This latter custom bears a striking resemblance to the
usage of the ancients on similar occasions, according to the constitution
of their different forms of government.
They are exceedingly pointed against our methods of war, and
conferring of titles. By the surprising conduct of a Georgia
governor, both the Muskohge and Cheerake, who attended our
army in the war before the last, against St. Augustine,[236] have
428entertained, and will continue to have the meanest opinion of
the Carolina martial disposition, till by some notable brave
actions, it wears off. The Indians concluded that there was
treachery in our letting prisoners of distinction return to the
fort to put the rest on their guard, and in our shutting up the
batteries for four or five days successively, not having our cannon
dismounted, nor annoying the enemy, but having flags of truce
frequently passing and repassing. They said, that it was plain
to their eyes, we only managed a sham fight with the Spaniards—and
they became very uneasy, and held many conferences about
our friendly intercourse with the garrison; concluding that we
had decoyed them down to be slaughtered, or delivered to the
Spaniard to purchase a firm peace for ourselves—and they no
sooner reached their own countries, than they reported the whole
affair in black colours, that we allured them to a far-distant
place, where we gave them only a small quantity of bad food;
and that they were obliged to drink saltish water, which, instead
of allaying, inflamed their thirst, while we were carousing with
various liquors, and shaking hands with the Spaniards, and sending
the white beloved speech to one another, by beat of drum,
although we had the assurance to affirm that we held fast the
bloody tomohawk. The minutest circumstance was so strongly
represented, that both nations were on the very point of commencing
war against us. But the “Raven” of Euwase, a leading
head warrior of the Cheerake, was confined in Augusta garrison,
till he sent up runners to stop a war, that his speeches and messages
had nearly fomented—his life was threatened on failure,
and he had large promises given, if he complied and succeeded.
The Indians are much addicted to gaming,[237] and will often
stake every thing they possess. Ball-playing is their chief and
most favourite game: and is such severe exercise, as to shew it
was originally calculated for a {399} hardy and expert race of
people, like themselves, and the ancient Spartans. The ball is
made of a piece of scraped deer-skin, moistened, and stuffed
hard with deer’s hair, and strongly sewed with deer’s sinews.—The
ball-sticks are about two feet long, the lower end somewhat
resembling the palm of a hand, and which are worked with deer-skin
429thongs. Between these, they catch the ball, and throw it
a great distance, when not prevented by some of the opposite
party, who fly to intercept them. The goal is about five hundred
yards in length: at each end of it, they fix two long bending
poles into the ground, three yards apart below, but slanting a
considerable way outwards. The party that happens to throw
the ball over these, counts one; but, if it be thrown underneath,
it is cast back, and played for as usual. The gamesters are equal
in number on each side; and, at the beginning of every course
of the ball, they throw it up high in the center of the ground,
and in a direct line between the two goals. When the crowd of
players prevents the one who catched the ball, from throwing it
off with a long direction, he commonly sends it the right course,
by an artful sharp twirl. They are so exceedingly expert in this
manly exercise, that, between the goals, the ball is mostly flying
the different ways, by the force of the playing sticks, without
falling to the ground, for they are not allowed to catch it with
their hands. It is surprising to see how swiftly they fly, when
closely chased by a nimble footed pursuer; when they are intercepted
by one of the opposite party, his fear of being cut by the
ball sticks, commonly gives them an opportunity of throwing
it perhaps a hundred yards; but the antagonist sometimes runs
up behind, and by a sudden stroke dashes down the ball. It is
a very unusual thing to see them act spitefully in any sort of
game, not even in this severe and tempting exercise.[238]
Once, indeed, I saw some break the legs and arms of their
opponents, by hurling them down, when on a descent, and running
at full speed. But I afterward understood, there was a
family dispute of long continuance between them: that might
have raised their spleen, as much as the high bets they had then
at stake, which was almost all they were worth. The Choktah
are exceedingly addicted to gaming, and frequently on the slightest
and most hazardous occasion, will lay their all, and as much
as their credit can procure. {400}
By education, precept, and custom, as well as strong example,
they have learned to shew an external acquiescence in every
430thing that befalls them, either as to life or death. By this
means, they reckon it a scandal to the character of a steady
warrior to let his temper be ruffled by any accidents,—their
virtue they say, should prevent it. Their conduct is equal to
their belief of the power of those principles: previous to this
sharp exercise of ball playing, notwithstanding the irreligion of
the Choktah in other respects, they will supplicate Yo He Wah,
to bless them with success. To move the deity to enable them
to conquer the party they are to play against, they mortify
themselves in a surprising manner; and, except a small intermission,
their female relations dance out of doors all the preceding
night, chanting religious notes with their shrill voices,
to move Yo He Wah to be favourable to their kindred party on
the morrow. The men fast and wake from sunset, till the ball
play is over the next day, which is about one or two o’clock in
the afternoon. During the whole night, they are to forbear
sleeping under the penalty of reproaches and shame; which
would sit very sharp upon them, if their party chanced to lose
the game, as it would be ascribed to that unmanly and vicious
conduct. They turn out to the ball ground, in a long row,
painted white, whooping, as if Pluto’s prisoners were all broke
loose: when that enthusiastic emotion is over, the leader of the
company begins a religious invocation, by saying Yah, short;
then Yo long, which the rest of the train repeat with a short
accent, and on a low key like the leader: and thus they proceed
with such acclamations and invocations, as have been already
noticed, on other occasions. Each party are desirous to gain
the twentieth ball, which they esteem a favourite divine gift.
As it is in the time of laying by the corn, in the very heat of
summer, they use this severe exercise, a stranger would wonder
to see them hold it so long at full speed, and under the scorching
sun, hungry also, and faint with the excessive use of such
sharp physic as the button snake root, the want of natural rest,
and of every kind of nourishment. But their constancy, which
they gain by custom, and their love of virtue, as the sure means
of success, enable them to perform all their exercises, without
failing in the least, be they ever so severe in the pursuit.
The warriors have another favourite game, called Chungke;[239]431which, with propriety of language, may be called “Running hard
labour.” They {401} have near their state house, a square piece
of ground well cleaned, and fine sand is carefully strewed over it,
when requisite, to promote a swifter motion to what they throw
along the surface. Only one, or two on a side, play at this
ancient game. They have a stone[240] about two fingers broad at
the edge, and two spans round: each party has a pole of about
eight feet long, smooth, and tapering at each end, the points flat.
They set off a-breast of each other at six yards from the end of
the play ground; then one of them hurls the stone on its edge,
in as direct a line as he can, a considerable distance toward the
middle of the other end of the square: when they have ran a
few yards, each darts his pole anointed with bear’s oil, with a
proper force, as near as he can guess in proportion to the motion
of the stone, that the end may lie close to the stone—when this
is the case, the person counts two of the game, and, in proportion
to the nearness of the poles to the mark, one is counted, unless
by measuring, both are found to be at an equal distance from
the stone. In this manner, the players will keep running most
part of the day, at half speed, under the violent heat of the sun,
staking their silver ornaments, their nose, finger, and ear rings;
their breast, arm, and wrist plates, and even all their wearing
apparel, except that which barely covers their middle. All the
American Indians are much addicted to this game, which to us
appears to be a task of stupid drudgery: it seems however to be
of early origin, when their fore-fathers used diversions as simple
as their manners. The hurling stones they use at present, were
time immemorial rubbed smooth on the rocks, and with prodigious
labour; they are kept with the strictest religious care,
from one generation to another, and are exempted from being
buried with the dead. They belong to the town where they are
used, and are carefully preserved.
432Their manner of rambling through the woods to kill deer, is
a very laborious exercise, as they frequently walk twenty-five
or thirty miles through rough and smooth grounds, and fasting,
before they return back to camp, loaded. Their method of fishing
may be placed among their diversions, but this is of the
profitable kind. When they see large fish near the surface of the
water, they fire directly upon them, sometimes only with powder,
which noise and surprize however so stupifies them, that they
instantly turn up their bellies and float a top, when the fisherman
secures them. If they shoot at fish not deep in the water, either
with an arrow or bullet, they aim {402} at the lower part of the
belly, if they are near; and lower, in like manner, according to
the distance, which seldom fails of killing. In a dry summer
season, they gather horse chestnuts, and different sorts of roots,
which having pounded pretty fine, and steeped a while in a
trough, they scatter this mixture over the surface of a middle-sized
pond, and stir it about with poles, till the water is sufficiently
impregnated with the intoxicating bittern. The fish
are soon inebriated, and make to the surface of the water, with
their bellies uppermost. The fishers gather them in baskets,
and barbicue the largest, covering them carefully over at night
to preserve them from the supposed putrifying influence of the
moon. It seems, that fish catched in this manner, are not poisoned,
but only stupified; for they prove very wholesome food
to us, who frequently use them. By experiments, when they
are speedily moved into good water, they revive in a few minutes.
The Indians have the art of catching fish in long crails,[241] made
with canes and hiccory splinters, tapering to a point. They
lay these at a fall of water, where stones are placed in two
sloping lines from each bank, till they meet together in the
middle of the rapid stream, where the intangled fish are soon
drowned. Above such a place, I have known them to fasten a
wreath of long grape vines together, to reach across the river,
with stones fastened at proper distances to rake the bottom;
they will swim a mile with it whooping, and plunging all the
way, driving the fish before them into their large cane pots.
With this draught, which is a very heavy one, they make a
433town feast, or feast of love, of which every one partakes in the
most social manner, and afterward they dance together, singing
Halelu-yah, and the rest of their usual praises to the divine essence,
for his bountiful gifts to the beloved people. Those
Indians who are unacquainted with the use of barbed irons, are
very expert in striking large fish out of their canoes, with long
sharp pointed green canes,[242] which are well bearded, and hardened
in the fire. In Savanah river, I have often accompanied
them in killing sturgeons with those green swamp harpoons, and
which they did with much pleasure and ease; for, when we discovered
the fish, we soon thrust into their bodies one of the
harpoons. As the fish would immediately strike deep, and rush
away to the bottom very rapidly, their strength was soon expended,
by their violent struggles against the buoyant force of
the green darts: as soon as the top end of them appeared again
on the surface {403} of the water, we made up to them, renewed
the attack, and in like manner continued it, till we secured our
game.
They have a surprising method of fishing under the edges of
rocks, that stand over deep places of a river. There, they pull
off their red breeches, or their long slip of Stroud cloth, and
wrapping it round their arm, so as to reach to the lower part of
the palm of their right hand, they dive under the rock where the
large cat-fish lie to shelter themselves from the scorching beams
of the sun, and to watch for prey: as soon as those fierce aquatic
animals see that tempting bait, they immediately seize it with
the greatest violence, in order to swallow it. Then is the time
for the diver to improve the favourable opportunity: he accordingly
opens his hand, seizes the voracious fish by his tender
parts, hath a sharp struggle with it against the crevices of the
434rock, and at last brings it safe ashore. Except the Choktah, all
our Indians, both male and female, above the state of infancy,
are in the watery element nearly equal to amphibious animals,
by practice: and from the experiments necessity has forced them
to, it seems as if few were endued with such strong natural
abilities,—very few can equal them in their wild situation of life.
There is a favourite method among them of fishing with hand-nets.[243]
The nets are about three feet deep, and of the same
diameter at the opening, made of hemp, and knotted after the
usual manner of our nets. On each side of the mouth, they tie
very securely a strong elastic green cane, to which the ends are
fastened. Prepared with these, the warriors a-breast, jump in
at the end of a long pond, swimming under water, with their
net stretched open with both hands, and the canes in a horizontal
position. In this manner, they will continue, either till their
breath is expended by the want of respiration, or till the net is
so ponderous as to force them to exonerate it ashore, or in a
basket, fixt in a proper place for that purpose—by removing one
hand, the canes instantly spring together. I have been engaged
half a day at a time, with the old-friendly Chikkasah, and half
drowned in the diversion—when any of us was so unfortunate
as to catch water-snakes in our sweep, and emptied them ashore,
we had the ranting voice of our friendly posse comitatus, whooping
against us, till another party was so unlucky as to meet with
the like misfortune. During this exercise, the women are fishing
ashore with coarse baskets, to catch the fish {404} that escape
our nets. At the end of our friendly diversion, we cheerfully
return home, and in an innocent and friendly manner, eat together,
studiously diverting each other, on the incidents of the
day, and make a cheerful night.
The Indians formerly had stone axes,[244] which in form commonly
resembled a smith’s chisel. Each weighed from one to
two, or three pounds weight—They were made of a flinty kind
of stone: I have seen several, which chanced to escape being
buried with their owners, and were carefully preserved by the
old people, as respectable remains of antiquity. They twisted
two or three tough hiccory slips, of about two feet long, round
the notched head of the axe; and by means of this simple and
435obvious invention, they deadened the trees by cutting through
the bark, and burned them, when they either fell by decay, or
became thoroughly dry. With these trees they always kept up
their annual holy fire; and they reckon it unlawful, and productive
of many temporal evils, to extinguish even the culinary
fire with water. In the time of a storm, when I have done it,
the kindly women were in pain for me, through fear of the ill
consequences attending so criminal an act. I never saw them
to damp the fire, only when they hung up a brand in the appointed
place, with a twisted grape-vine, as a threatening symbol
of torture and death to the enemy; or when their kinsman dies.
In the last case, a father or brother of the deceased, takes a
fire-brand, and brandishing it two or three times round his head,
with lamenting words, he with his right hand dips it into the
water, and lets it sink down.
By the aforesaid difficult method of deadening the trees, and
clearing the woods, the contented natives got convenient fields in
process of time. And their tradition says they did not live
straggling in the American woods, as do the Arabians, and rambling
Tartars; for they made houses with the branches and
bark of trees, for the summer-season; and warm mud-walls,
mixt with soft dry grass, against the bleak winter, according to
their present plan of building, which I shall presently describe.
Now, in the first clearing of their plantations, they only bark
the large timber, cut down the sapplings and underwood, and
burn them in heaps; as the suckers shoot up, they chop them
off close by the stump, of which they make fires to deaden the
roots, till in time they decay. Though to a stranger, this may
seem to be a {405} lazy method of clearing the wood-lands; yet
it is the most expeditious method they could have pitched upon,
under their circumstances, as a common hoe and a small hatchet
are all their implements for clearing and planting.[245]
Every dwelling-house[246] has a small field pretty close to it:
and, as soon as the spring of the year admits, there they plant
a variety of large and small beans, peas, and the smaller sort
of Indian corn, which usually ripens in two months, from the
436time it is planted; though it is called by the English, the six
weeks corn. Around this small farm, they fasten stakes in the
ground, and tie a couple of long split hiccory, or white oak-sapplings,
at proper distances to keep off the horses: though
they cannot leap fences, yet many of the old horses will creep
through these enclosures, almost as readily as swine, to the
great regret of the women, who scold and give them ill names,
calling them ugly mad horses, and bidding them “go along, and
be sure to keep away, otherwise their hearts will hang sharp
within them, and set them on to spoil them, if envy and covetousness
lead them back.” Thus they argue with them, and
they are usually as good as their word, by striking a tomohawk
into the horse, if he does not observe the friendly caution they
gave him at the last parting. Their large fields lie quite open
with regard to fencing, and they believe it to be agreeable to
the best rules of œconomy; because, as they say, they can cultivate
the best of their land here and there, as it suits their
conveniency, without wasting their time in fences and childishly
confining their improvements, as if the crop would eat itself.
The women however tether the horses with tough young bark-ropes,
and confine the swine in convenient penns, from the time
the provisions are planted, till they are gathered in—the men
improve this time, either in killing plenty of wild game, or coursing
against the common enemy, and thereby secure the women
and girls, and get their own temples surrounded with the swan-feathered
cap. In this manner, the Indians have to me, excused
their long-contracted habit and practice.
The chief part of the Indians begin to plant their out-fields,
when the wild fruit is so ripe, as to draw off the birds from
picking up the grain. This is their general rule, which is in the
beginning of May, about the time the traders set off for the
English settlements. Among several nations of Indians, each
town usually works together. Previous thereto, an old {406}
beloved man warns the inhabitants to be ready to plant on a
prefixed day. At the dawn of it, one by order goes aloft, and
whoops to them with shrill calls, “that the new year is far advanced,—that
he who expects to eat, must work,—and that he
who will not work, must expect to pay the fine according to
old custom, or leave the town, as they will not sweat themselves
for an healthy idle waster.” At such times, may be seen many
war-chieftains working in common with the people, though as
437great emperors, as those the Spaniards bestowed on the old
simple Mexicans and Peruvians, and equal in power, (i. e. persuasive
force) with the imperial and puissant Powhatan of
Virginia, whom our generous writers raised to that prodigious
pitch of power and grandeur, to rival the Spanish accounts.
About an hour after sun-rise, they enter the field agreed on by
lot, and fall to work with great cheerfulness; sometimes one of
their orators cheers them with jests and humorous old tales, and
sings several of their most agreeable wild tunes, beating also
with a stick in his right hand, on the top of an earthern pot
covered with a wet and well-stretched deer-skin: thus they proceed
from field to field, till their seed is sown.
Corn is their chief produce, and main dependance.[247] Of this
they have three sorts; one of which hath been already mentioned.
The second sort is yellow and flinty, which they call
“hommony-corn.” The third is the largest, of a very white and
soft grain, termed “bread-corn.” In July, when the chesnuts
and corn are green and full grown, they half boil the former, and
take off the rind; and having sliced the milky, swelled, long
rows of the latter, the women pound it in a large wooden mortar,
which is wide at the mouth, and gradually narrows to the bottom:
then they knead both together, wrap them up in green corn-blades
of various sizes, about an inch-thick, and boil them well,
as they do every kind of seethed food. This sort of bread is
very tempting to the taste, and reckoned most delicious to their
strong palates. They have another sort of boiled bread, which
is mixed with beans, or potatoes; they put on the soft corn till
it begins to boil, and pound it sufficiently fine;—their invention
does not reach to the use of any kind of milk. When the flour
is stirred, and. dried by the heat of the sun or fire, they sift it
with sieves of different sizes, curiously made of the coarser or
finer cane-splinters. The thin cakes mixt with bear’s oil, were
formerly baked on thin broad stones placed over a fire, or on
broad earthen bottoms fit for such a use: but now they use
kettles. When they intend to {407} bake great loaves, they make
a strong blazing fire, with short dry split wood, on the hearth.
When it is burnt down to coals, they carefully rake them off to
438each side, and sweep away the remaining ashes: then they put
their well-kneeded broad loaf, first steeped in hot water, over the
hearth, and an earthen bason above it, with the embers and
coals a-top. This method of baking is as clean and efficacious
as could possibly be done in any oven; when they take it off,
they wash the loaf with warm water, and it soon becomes firm,
and very white. It is likewise very wholesome, and well-tasted
to any except the vitiated palate of an Epicure.
The French of West-Florida, and the English colonists, got
from the Indians different sorts of beans and peas, with which
they were before entirely unacquainted. And they plant a sort
of small tobacco, which the French and English have not. All
the Indian nations we have any acquaintance with, frequently
use it on the most religious occasions. The women plant also
pompions, and different sorts of melons, in separate fields, at a
considerable distance from the town, where each owner raises an
high scaffold, to over-look this favourite part of their vegetable
possessions: and though the enemy sometimes kills them in this
their strict watch duty, yet it is a very rare thing to pass by
those fields, without seeing them there at watch. This usually
is the duty of the old women, who fret at the very shadow of a
crow, when he chances to pass on his wide survey of the fields;
but if pinching hunger should excite him to descend, they soon
frighten him away with their screeches. When the pompions
are ripe, they cut them into long circling slices, which they
barbacue, or dry with a slow heat. And when they have half
boiled the larger sort of potatoes, they likewise dry them over a
moderate fire, and chiefly use them in the spring-season, mixt
with their favourite bear’s oil. As soon as the larger sort of
corn is full-eared, they half-boil it too, and dry it either by the
sun, or over a slow fire; which might be done, as well, in a
moderately hot oven, if the heat was renewed as occasion required.
This they boil with venison, or any other unsalted
flesh. They commonly have pretty good crops, which is owing
to the richness of the soil; for they often let the weeds outgrow
the corn, before they begin to be in earnest with their
work, owing to their laziness and unskilfulness in planting: and
this method is general through all those nations that work separately {408}
in their own fields, which in a great measure
checks the growth of their crops. Besides, they are so desirous
of having multum in parvo, without much sweating, that they
439plant the corn-hills so close, as to thereby choak up the field.—They
plant their corn in straight rows, putting five or six grains
into one hole, about two inches distant—They cover them with
clay in the form of a small hill. Each row is a yard asunder,
and in the vacant ground they plant pumpkins, water-melons,
marsh-mallows, sun-flowers, and sundry sorts of beans and peas,
the last two of which yield a large increase.
They have a great deal of fruit, and they dry such kinds as
will bear it. At the fall of the leaf, they gather a number of
hiccory-nuts, which they pound with a round stone, upon a stone,
thick and hollowed for the purpose.[248] When they are beat fine
enough, they mix them with cold water, in a clay bason, where
the shells subside. The other part is an oily, tough, thick, white
substance, called by the traders hiccory milk,[249] and by the Indians
the flesh, or fat of hiccory-nuts, with which they eat their
bread. A hearty stranger would be as apt to dip into the sediments
as I did, the first time this vegetable thick milk was set
before me. As ranging the woods had given me a keen appetite,
I was the more readily tempted to believe they only tantalized
me for their diversion, when they laughed heartily at my supposed
ignorance. But luckily when the bason was in danger,
the bread was brought in piping hot, and the good-natured land-lady
being informed of my simplicity, shewed me the right way
to use the vegetable liquid. It is surprising to see the great
variety of dishes they make out of wild flesh, corn, beans, peas,
potatoes, pompions, dried fruits, herbs and roots. They can
diversify their courses, as much as the English, or perhaps the
French cooks: and in either of the ways they dress their food,
it is grateful to a wholesome stomach.
Their old fields abound with larger strawberries[250] than I have
seen in any part of the world; insomuch, that in the proper season,
one may gather a hat-full, in the space of two or three yards
square. They have a sort of wild potatoes,[251] which grow plentifully
in their rich low lands, from South-Carolina to the Missisippi,
440and partly serve them instead of bread, either in the woods
a hunting, or at home when the foregoing summer’s crop fails
them. They have a small vine, which twines, {409} chiefly round
the watry alder; and the hogs feed often upon the grapes. Their
surface is uneven, yet inclining to a round figure. They are
large, of a course grain, well-tasted, and very wholesome; in the
woods, they are a very agreeable repast. There grows a long
flag, in shallow ponds, and on the edges of running waters, with
an ever-green, broad, round leaf, a little indented where it joins
the stalk; it bears only one leaf, that always floats on the surface
of the water, and affords plenty of cooling small nuts, which
make a sweet-tasted, and favourite bread, when mixed with
Indian corn flour. It is a sort of marsh-mallows, and reckoned
a speedy cure for burning maladies, either outward or inward,—for
the former, by an outward application of the leaf; and for
the latter, by a decoction of it drank plentifully. The Choktah so
highly esteem this vegetable, that they call one of their head-towns,
by its name.
Providence hath furnished even the uncultivated parts of
America with sufficient to supply the calls of nature.—Formerly,
about fifty miles to the north-east of the Chikkasah country, I
saw the chief part of the main camp of the Shawano,[252] consisting
of about 450 persons, on a tedious ramble to the Muskohge
country, where they settled, seventy-miles above the Alabahma-garrison:
they had been straggling in the woods, for the space
of four years, as they assured me, yet in general they were more
corpulent than the Chikkasah who accompanied me, notwithstanding
they had lived during that time, on the wild products
of the American desarts. This evinces how easily nature’s wants
are supplied, and that the divine goodness extends to America
and its inhabitants. They are acquainted with a great many
herbs and roots, of which the general part of the English have
not the least knowledge. If an Indian were driven out into the
extensive woods, with only a knife and tomohawk, or a small
hatchet, it is not to be doubted but he would fatten, even where
a wolf would starve. He could soon collect fire, by rubbing two
dry pieces of wood together, make a bark hut, earthen vessels,
and a bow and arrows; then kill wild game, fish, fresh water tortoises,
gather a plentiful variety of vegetables, and live in affluence.
441Formerly, they made their knives of flint-stone, or of
split canes; and sometimes they are now forced to use the like, in
slaying wild animals, when in their winter hunt they have the
misfortune to lose their knives. {410}
I shall mention one instance, which will confirm what I have
said of their surprising skill and ability of living in desarts, inhabited
only by wild beasts. In the winter of the year 1747, one
of the Chikkasah traders went from home, about ten miles, accompanied
only by a negro; six of the miles was an old waste
field, which the Chikkasah formerly had settled, when they were
more numerous. On their return home, within two miles of
the outer-houses, while riding carelesly near two steep gullies,
there stood a couple of Canada Indians behind a tree, (beside
two others a little way off) within a few yards of the path, with
their trunk guns, watching two boys then in sight—when the
trader and his servant came abreast of them, the negro’s horse
received a mortal shot, and after carrying him about a quarter
of a mile, on leaping a difficult pass, he fell dead on the spot;
the rider’s heels carried him the rest of the way safe: but, unluckily,
it did not fare so well with the gentleman, for as he
rode a young Choktah horse, which had been used only to a
rope round his neck, the reining him with a bridle, checked him,
and the French savages had an opportunity to give the gentleman
two mortal wounds, with brass-barbed arrows, the one in
his belly, and the other a little below the heart; beside two others
in his left shoulder. His horse being frightened, sprung off
at full speed, and brought him home. The gentleman in his
rapid course twisted the murdering arrows out of his bowels,
but could not reach those that were deeply lodged in his shoulder.
He lived two nights and a day after this in most exquisite
tortures, but sensible to the last; when he had been forcibly
kept down, a considerable time on the bed, he entreated in the
most importunate manner, to be helped to lean his back against
the wall, and it would give him ease. At my request it was
allowed him—he immediately expired, and it is to be hoped, that,
according to his desire, he immediately entered into eternal rest.
While he lay a corpse, and till we the next day buried him, the
Indians were silent, and almost invisible. The negro and his
master, as soon as they discovered the Canadians, put up the
shrill whoop, both to warn the Chikkasah, and draw them against
the enemy; this made the two boys to stretch home, which they
442did a little before sun-set. But the lateness of the day, prevented
our friends pursuing, till next morning. By the distance
the enemy ran in the night, they for that time evaded their eager
pursuers. Some went to the place of ambuscade, and found that
the enemy being disappointed of the prey falling into their hands,
had pursued till they came up with the negro’s {411} horse,
which they had chopped, and the saddle, with their tomohawks,
all to pieces. However, about half way between the Chikkasah
country and the Illinois, three old Chikkasah warriors, on their
way to join the main camp, came up with those Canadians in
wet bushy ground;—they closely chased them for several miles,
and forced them by degrees to throw away every thing they
carried, and seek their safety by leaping quite naked into a deep
and broad creek, that was much frozen on the two banks; it was
for some time imagined they had perished in the woods, by the
severity of winter, but we were well informed afterwards, that
like hardy beasts of prey, they got safe home.
None of the Indians however eat any kind of raw sallads; they
reckon such food is only fit for brutes. Their taste is so very
opposite to that of cannibals, that in order to destroy the blood,
(which with them is an abomination to eat) they over-dress every
kind of animal food they use. I have often jested them for pressing
me to eat eggs, that were boiled so much as to be blue, and
told them my teeth were too bad to chew bullets. They said they
could not suck eggs after the manner of the white people, otherwise
they would have brought them raw; but they hoped I would
excuse the present, and they would take particular care not to
repeat the error, the next time I favoured them with a visit. In
the spring of the year, they use a great many valuable greens
and herbs, which nature has peculiarly adapted to their rich,
and high-situated regions: few of them have gardens, and it is
but of late they have had any angelica, or bellyach-root; this is
one of their physical greens, which they call Looksooshe.
I shall now describe the domestic life of the Indians, and the
traders among them. The Indians settle themselves in towns or
villages after an easy manner; the houses are not too close to
incommode one another, nor too far distant for social defence. If
the nation where the English traders reside, is at war with the
French, or their red confederates, which is the same, their houses
are built in the middle of the town, if desired, on account of
greater security. But if they are at peace with each other, both
443the Indians and traders chuse to settle at a very convenient
distance, for the sake of their live stock, especially the latter,
for the Indian youth are as destructive to the pigs and poultry,
as so many young wolves or foxes. {412} Their parents now
only give them ill names for such misconduct, calling them mad;
but the mischievous, and thievish, were formerly sure to be dry-scratched,
which punishment hath been already described.
Most of the Indians have clean, neat, dwelling houses, white-washed
within and without, either with decayed oyster-shells,
coarse-chalk, or white marly clay; one or other of which, each
of our Indian nations abounds with, be they ever so far distant
from the sea-shore: the Indians, as well as the traders, usually
decorate their summer-houses with this favourite white-wash.—The
former have likewise each a corn-house, fowl-house, and
a hot-house,[253] or stove for winter: and so have the traders likewise
separate store-houses for their goods, as well as to contain
the proper remittances received in exchange.
The traders hot-houses are appropriated to their young-rising
prolific family, and their well-pleased attendants, who are always
as kindly treated as brethren; and their various buildings, are
like towers in cities, beyond the common size of those of the
Indians. Before the Indians were corrupted by mercenary empirics,
their good sense led them to esteem the traders among
them as their second sun, warming their backs with the British
fleeces, and keeping in their candle of life both by plentiful support,
and continual protection and safety, from the fire-arms
and ammunition which they annually brought to them. While
the Indians were simple in manners, and uncorrupt in morals, the
traders could not be reckoned unhappy; for they were kindly
treated, and watchfully guarded, by a society of friendly and
sagacious people, and possessed all the needful things to make a
reasonable life easy. Through all the Indian countries, every
person lives at his own choice, not being forced in the least degree
to any thing contrary to his own inclination. Before that
most impolitic step of giving general licences took place, only a
sufficient number of orderly reputable traders were allowed to
444traffic, and reside among the Indians: by which means the last
were kept under proper restraint, were easy in their minds, and
peaceable, on account of the plain honest lessons daily inculcated
on them. But at present, most of their countries swarm with
white people, who are generally the dregs and off-scourings of
our colonies. The description is so exceedingly disagreeable, that
I shall only observe, the greater part of them could notably distinguish
themselves, among the most profligate {413} by land
or sea, no day of the week excepted, indeed the sabbath day
is the worst. This is the true situation of our Indian affairs,—the
unavoidable result of ignorant and wicked clergymen settled
as Missionaries on the frontiers; and of that pernicious practice
of general licences, by which crowds of disorderly people infest
the Indian countries, corrupt their morals, and put their civilization
out of the power of common means: the worst and meanest
may readily get nominal security to intitle them to a trading
licence; and ill uses are made of them with impunity.[254]
Till of late years, the honest traders[255] lived among the Indians
in the greatest plenty. They abounded with hogs, which
made very firm streaked bacon, and much preferable to that in
the English settlements chiefly owing to the acorns and hiccory-nuts
they feed on: but the Indians are now grown so proud and
lazy, by having goods too cheap and plenty, that very few raise
any. There are at least five times the number of trading houses
in all the western Indian nations, since general licences, through
the wisdom of our civil rulers, were first granted, than was formerly,
while experience directed South-Carolina to pursue and
enforce proper measures. Such a number of lewd, idle white savages
are very hurtful to the honest part of the traders, by heightening
the value of vegetables, especially in the time of light crops,
to an exorbitant price; for by inebriating the Indians with their
nominally prohibited, and poisoning spirits, they purchase the
445necessaries of life, at four or five hundred per cent cheaper, than
the orderly traders; which is a great check to the few who have
a love to the welfare of their country, and strictly observe the
laws of trade. Besides, those men decoy the intoxicated
savages to defraud the old fair dealer every winter, of many
thousand pounds of dried deer-skins, by the enchanting force of
liquors, which, on account of their indolence and improvident
disposition, interest absolutely required him to credit them for:
but when at the end of their mad career, they open their distracted
eyes, and bitterly inveigh against the tempting authors
of their nakedness, then there is the same necessity of trusting
them a-new for the next season’s hunt, and likewise the same
improbability, either of better success, or any sort of redress; for
family jobs must not be interrupted or retarded on any account. {414}
The industrious old traders have still a plenty of hogs, which
they raise in folds, mostly on the weeds of the fields during the
whole time the crops are in the ground; likewise some hundreds
of fowls at once,—plenty of venison,—the dried flesh of bears
and buffalos,—wild turkeys, ducks, geese, and pigeons, during
the proper season of their being fat and plenty; for the former
sort of fowls are lean in the summer, and the others are in these
moderate climates only during the winter, for they return northward
with the sun. The buffalos are now become scarce,[256] as
446the thoughtless and wasteful Indians used to kill great numbers
of them, only for the tongues and marrow-bones, leaving
the rest of the carcases to the wild beasts. The traders commonly
make bacon of the bears in winter; but the Indians mostly
flay off a thick tier of fat which lies over the flesh,[257] and the
latter they cut up into small pieces, and thrust them on reeds,
or suckers of sweet-tasted hiccory or sassafras, which they barbecue
over a slow fire. The fat they fry into clear well-tasted oil,
mixing plenty of sassafras and wild cinnamon with it over the
fire, which keeps sweet from one winter to another, in large
earthen jars, covered in the ground. It is of a light digestion,
and nutritive to hair. All who are acquainted with its qualities,
prefer it to any oil, for any use whatsoever: smooth Florence
is not to be compared in this respect with rough America.
I have known gentlemen of the nicest taste, who on the beginning
of their first trip into the Indian country, were so greatly
prejudiced against eating bears-flesh, that they vehemently protested,
they would as soon eat part of a barbecued rib of a
wolf, or any other beast of prey, as a spare-rib of a young bear;
but, by the help of a good appetite, which their exercise and
change of air procured, they ventured to taste a little: and presently
they fed on it more plentifully than others, to make up the
loss they had sustained by their former squeamishness and neglect.
In the spring of the year, bear-bacon is a favorite dish with
the traders, along with herbs that the woods afford in plenty;
especially with the young tops of poke, the root of which is a
very strong poison. And this method they pursue year by year,
as a physical regimen, in order to purge their blood.
Buffalo flesh is nothing but beef of a coarser grain,[258] though
of a sweeter taste than the tame sort: elk-flesh has the like affinity
447to venison. The deer {415} are very fat in winter, by reason
of the great quantities of chestnuts, and various sorts of
acorns, that cover the boundless woods. Though most of the
traders who go to the remote Indian countries, have tame stock,
as already described, and are very expert at fire-arms and ranging
the woods a hunting; yet every servant that each of them fits
out for the winter’s hunt, brings home to his master a large
heap of fat barbecued briskets, rumps, and tongues of buffalo
and deer, as well as plenty of bear-ribs, which are piled on large
racks: these are laid up and used not for necessity, but for the
sake of variety. The traders carry up also plenty of chocolate,
coffee, and sugar, which enables them with their numberless
quantity of fowls-eggs, fruit, &c. to have puddings, pyes, pastries,
fritters, and many other articles of the like kind, in as great
plenty, as in the English settlements. Several of the Indians
produce sugar out of the sweet maple-tree, by making an incision,
draining the juice, and boiling it to a proper consistence.
Though in most of the Indian nations, the water is good, because
of their high situation, yet the traders very seldom drink
any of it at home; for the women beat in mortars their flinty
corn, till all husks are taken off, which having well sifted and
fanned, they boil in large earthen pots; then straining off the
thinnest part into a pot, they mix it with cold water, till it is
sufficiently liquid for drinking: and when cold, it is both pleasant
and very nourishing; and is much liked even by the genteel
strangers. The Indians always used mortars,[259] instead of mills,
and they had them, with almost every other convenience, when
we first opened a trade with them—they cautiously burned a
large log, to a proper level and length, placed fire a-top, and wet
mortar round it, in order to give the utensil a proper form: and
when the fire was extinguished, or occasion required, they
chopped the inside with their stone-instruments, patiently continuing
the slow process, till they finished the machine to the
intended purpose. I have the pleasure of writing this by the
side of a Chikkasah female, as great a princess[260] as ever lived
448among the ancient Peruvians, or Mexicans, and she bids me
be sure not to mark the paper wrong, after the manner of most
of the traders; otherwise, it will spoil the making good bread, or
hommony, and of course beget the ill-will of our white
women. {416}
I shall now describe their method of building houses to secure
themselves and their food from injury—They are a very
dilatory people, and noted for procrastinating every thing that
admits of the least delay: but they are the readiest, and quickest
of all people in going to shed blood, and returning home; whence
the traders say, “that an Indian is never in haste, only when
the devil is at his arse.” This proverb is fully verified by their
method of building; for while the memory of the bleak pinching
winds lasts, and they are covered with their winter-blackened
skins, they turn out early in the spring, to strip clap-boards and
cypress-bark, for the covering of their houses: but in proportion
as the sun advances, they usually desist from their undertaking
during that favourable season; saying, “that in the time of warm
weather, they generally plant in the fields, or go to war; and
that building houses in the troublesome hot summer, is a needless
and foolish affair, as it occasions much sweating,”—which is the
most offensive thing in life to every red warrior of manly principles.
On this account, if we except the women chopping firewood
for daily use, it is as rare to hear the sound of an ax in
their countries, as if they lived under the unhospitable torrid
zone; or were nearly related to the South-American animal
Pigritia, that makes two or three days journey in going up a tree,
and is as long in returning. When the cold weather approaches,
they return to their work, and necessity forces them then to
449perform what a timely precaution might have executed with
much more ease. When they build, the whole town, and frequently
the nearest of their tribe in neighbouring towns, assist one
another, well knowing that many hands make speedy work of
that, which would have discouraged any of them from ever attempting
by himself. In one day, they build, daub with their
tough mortar mixed with dry grass, and thoroughly finish, a
good commodious house.
They first trace the dimensions of the intended fabric, and
every one has his task prescribed him after the exactest manner.
In a few hours they get the timber ready from the stump: every
piece being marked, it is readily applied to the proper place, in
a great hurry, and so very secure, as if it were to screen them
from an approaching hurricane. Notwithstanding they build in
this hasty manner, their houses are commonly genteel and convenient.
For their summer houses, they generally fix strong
posts of pitch-pine deep in the ground, which will last for several
ages—The trees of dried locust, and sassafras, are likewise very
durable. {417} The posts are of an equal height; and the wall-plates
are placed on top of these, in notches. Then they sink a
large post in the center of each gable end, and another in the
middle of the house where the partition is to be, in order to support
the roof-tree; to these they tie the rafters with broad splinters
of white oak, or hiccory, unless they make choice of such
long sapplings, as will reach from side to side over the ridge
hole, which, with a proper notch in the middle of each of them,
and bound as the other sort, lie very secure. Above those, they
fix either split sapplings, or three large winter canes together, at
proper distances, well tied. Again, they place above the wall-plates
of both sides the house, a sufficient number of strong
crooks to bear up the eave-boards: and they fasten each of them,
both to one of the rafters and the wall-plate, with the bandages
before described. As the poplar tree is very soft, they make
their eave-boards of it, with their small hatchets: having placed
one on each side, upon the crooks, exceeding the length of the
house, and jutting a foot beyond the wall, they cover the fabric
with pine, or cypress clap-boards, which they can split readily;
and crown the work with the bark of the same trees, all of a
proper length and breadth, which they had before provided. In
order to secure this covering from the force of the high winds,
they put a sufficient number of long split sapplings above the
450covering of each side, from end to end, and tie them fast to the
end of the laths. Then they place heavy logs above, resting on
the eave-boards, opposite to each crook, which overlap each other
on the opposite sides, about two feet a-top, whereon they fix a
convenient log, and tie them together, as well as the laths to
the former, which bind it together, and thus the fabric becomes
a savage philosopher’s castle, the side and gables of which are
bullet proof. The barrier towns cut port holes in those summer
houses, daubing them over with clay, so as an enemy cannot discover
them on the outside;—they draw a circle round each of
them in the inside of the house, and when they are attacked,
they open their port holes in a trice, and fall to work. But those,
that live more at ease, indulge themselves accordingly. Herein,
they teach us to secure our barrier settlements with proper places
of defence, before we flatter ourselves with the uncertain hope
of reaping what we plant, or grow fond of the showy parts of
life. When the British empire hath a sufficient plenty of strong
frontier garrisons to protect such as the weak, and valuable
colony of West Florida, fine and well furnished houses will soon
rise of course. The Indians always make their doors of poplar,
because the timber is large, {418} and very light when seasoned,
as well as easy to be hewed; they cut the tree to a proper length,
and split it with a maul and hard wooden wedges, when they
have indented it a little, in convenient places with their small
hatchets. They often make a door of one plank in breadth, but,
when it requires two planks, they fix two or three cross bars to
the inner side, at a proper distance, and bore each of them with
a piece of an old gun barrel, heated and battered for the purpose,
and sew them together with straps of a shaved and wet buffalo
hide, which tightens as it dries, and it is almost as strong as if
it were done with long nails, riveted in the usual manner. Thus,
they finish their summer house of pleasure, without any kind of
iron, or working tools whatsoever, except a small hatchet of
iron (that formerly was a long sharpened stone) and a knife;
which plainly shews them to be ingenious, and capable of attaining
all the liberal arts and sciences, under a proper cultivation.
The clothing of the Indians being very light, they provide
themselves for the winter with hot-houses, whose properties are
to retain, and reflect the heat, after the manner of the Dutch
stoves. To raise these, they fix deep in the ground, a sufficient
451number of strong forked posts, at a proportional distance, in a
circular form, all of an equal height, about five or six feet above
the surface of the ground: above these, they tie very securely
large pieces of the heart of white oak, which are of a tough
flexible nature, interweaving this orbit, from top to bottom, with
pieces of the same, or the like timber. Then, in the middle of
the fabric they fix very deep in the ground, four large pine posts,
in a quadrangular form, notched a-top, on which they lay a number
of heavy logs, let into each other, and rounding gradually to
the top. Above this huge pile, to the very top, they lay a number
of long dry poles, all properly notched, to keep strong hold of
the under posts and wall-plate. Then they weave them thick
with their split sapplings, and daub them all over about six or
seven inches thick with tough clay, well mixt with withered
grass: when this cement is half dried, they thatch the house with
the longest sort of dry grass, that their land produces. They
first lay on one round tier, placing a split sappling a-top, well
tied to different parts of the under pieces of timber, about fifteen
inches below the eave: and, in this manner, they proceed circularly
to the very spire, where commonly a pole is fixed, that
displays on the top the figure of a large carved eagle. At a
small distance {419} below which, four heavy logs are strongly
tied together across, in a quadrangular form, in order to secure
the roof from the power of envious blasts. The door of this
winter palace, is commonly about four feet high, and so narrow
as not to admit two to enter it abreast, with a winding passage
for the space of six or seven feet, to secure themselves both from
the power of the bleak winds, and of an invading enemy. As
they usually build on rising ground, the floor is often a yard
lower than the earth, which serves them as a breast work against
an enemy: and a small peeping window is level with the surface
of the outside ground, to enable them to rake any lurking invaders
in case of an attack. As they have no metal to reflect
the heat; in the fall of the year, as soon as the sun begins to
lose his warming power, some of the women make a large fire
of dry wood, with which they chiefly provide themselves, but
only from day to day, through their thoughtlessness of to-morrow.
When the fire is a little more than half burnt down, they
cover it over with ashes, and, as the heat declines, they strike
off some of the top embers, with a long cane, wherewith each of
the couches, or broad seats, is constantly provided; and this
452method they pursue from time to time as need requires, till the
fire is expended, which is commonly about day-light. While the
new fire is burning down, the house, for want of windows and
air, is full of hot smoky darkness; and all this time, a number of
them lie on their broad bed places, with their heads wrapped up.
The inside of their houses is furnished with genteel couches to
sit, and lie upon, raised on four forks of timber of a proper
height, to give the swarming fleas some trouble in their attack,
as they are not able to reach them at one spring: they tie with
fine white oak splinters, a sufficient quantity of middle-sized
canes of proper dimensions, to three or four bars of the same sort,
which they fasten above the frame; and they put their mattresses
a-top, which are made of long cane splinters. Their bedding
consists of the skins of wild beasts, such as of buffalos, panthers,
bears, elks, and deer, which they dress with the hair on, as soft
as velvet. Their male children they chuse to raise on the skins
of panthers, on account of the communicative principle, which
they reckon all nature is possest of, in conveying qualities according
to the regimen that is followed: and, as the panther is
endued with many qualities, beyond any of his fellow animals in
the American woods, as smelling, strength, cunning, {420} and
a prodigious spring, they reckon such a bed is the first rudiments
of war. But it is worthy of notice, they change the regimen in
nurturing their young females; these they lay on the skins of
fawns, or buffalo calves, because they are shy and timorous:
and, if the mother be indisposed by sickness, her nearest female
relation suckles the child, but only till she recovers. This practice
gives a friendly lesson to such mothers, who, ostrich like,
as soon as the tender infant sucks in the first breath of air, commit
it to the swarthy breasts of a fœtid African to graft it on her
gross stock.
Their stools they cut out of poplar wood, all of one piece, and
of a convenient height and shape. Their chests are made of clapboards
sewed to cross bars with scraped wet buffalo strings.
Their domestic utensils consist of earthen pots, pans, jugs, mugs,
jars, &c. of various antiquated sorts, which would have puzzled
Adam, to have given them significant names. Their wooden
dishes, and spoons made of wood and buffalo horn, shew something
of a newer invention and date, being of nicer workmanship,
for the sculpture of the last is plain, and represents things that
are within the reach of their own ideas.
453Every town has a large edifice,[261] which with propriety may be
called the mountain house, in comparison of those already described.
But the only difference between it, and the winter
house or stove, is in its dimensions, and application. It is usually
built on the top of a hill; and, in that separate and imperial
state house, the old beloved men and head warriors meet on material
business, or to divert themselves, and feast and dance with
the rest of the people. They furnish the inside with genteel
couches, either to sit or lie on, about seven feet wide, and a little
more in length, with a descent towards the wall, to secure them
from falling off when asleep. Every one takes his seat, according
to his reputed merit; a worthless coxcomb dare not be guilty of
the least intrusion—should he attempt it, he is ordered to his
proper place, before the multitude, with the vilest disgrace, and
bears their stinging laughter. This may not be an unprofitable
lesson to some of our young red coated men, who never traversed
the rough bloody fields of Flanders; they would be more respected
if they were more modest, and displayed superior virtues
to those whom they affect to despise. Thou, who boastest of the
noble blood of the Scipios running in thy veins, {421} dost thou
equal the brave actions of the Scipios? If not, thou art a disgrace
to them; their virtue would renounce thee, and should
make thee ashamed to own them.
Formerly, the Indians made very handsome carpets. They
have a wild hemp that grows about six feet high, in open, rich,
level lands, and which usually ripens in July: it is plenty on our
frontier settlements. When it is fit for use, they pull, steep, peel,
and beat it; and the old women spin it off the distaffs, with
wooden machines, having some clay on the middle of them, to
hasten the motion. When the coarse thread is prepared, they
put it into a frame about six feet square, and instead of a
shuttle, they thrust through the thread with a long cane, having
a large string through the web, which they shift at every second
course of the thread. When they have thus finished their arduous
labour, they paint each side of the carpet with such figures,
of various colours, as their fruitful imaginations devise; particularly
454the images of those birds and beasts they are acquainted
with; and likewise of themselves, acting in their social, and martial
stations. There is that due proportion, and so much wild
variety in the design, that would really strike a curious eye with
pleasure and admiration. J. W—t, Esq;[262] a most skilful linguist
in the Muskohge dialect, assures me, that time out of mind
they passed the woof with a shuttle;[263] and they have a couple
of threddles, which they move with the hand so as to enable
them to make good dispatch, something after our manner of
weaving. This is sufficiently confirmed by their method of working
broad garters, sashes, shot-pouches, broad belts, and the like,
which are decorated all over with beautiful stripes and chequers.
Probably, their method of weaving is similar to the practice of
the eastern nations, when they came from thence, during the
infant state of arts and sciences. People who were forced to
get their daily bread in the extensive desarts with their bows
and arrows, and by gathering herbs, roots, and nuts, would not
be fond of making new experiments, but for the necessities of
common life; and certainly they would not have chosen a more
troublesome method of clothing themselves, if they knew an
easier and quicker manner of effecting it—whoever knows anything
of an Indian, will not accuse him of that sin. {422}
The women are the chief, if not the only manufacturers; the
men judge that if they performed that office, it would exceedingly
depreciate them. The weight of the oar lies on the women,
as is the case with the German Americans. In the winter season,
the women gather buffalo’s hair, a sort of coarse brown
curled wool; and having spun it as fine as they can, and properly
doubled it, they put small beads of different colours upon the
yarn, as they work it: the figures they work in those small webs,
are generally uniform, but sometimes they diversify them on both
sides. The Choktah weave shot-pouches, which have raised
work inside and outside. They likewise make turkey feather
blankets with the long feathers of the neck and breast of that
large fowl—they twist the inner end of the feathers very fast into
a strong double thread of hemp, or the inner bark of the mulberry
tree, of the size and strength of coarse twine, as the fibres
are sufficiently fine, and they work it in the manner of fine netting.
455As the feathers are long and glittering, this sort of blankets
is not only very warm, but pleasing to the eye.
They make beautiful stone pipes;[264] and the Cheerake the
best of any of the Indians: for their mountainous country contains
many different sorts and colours of soils proper for such
uses. They easily form them with their tomohawks, and afterward
finish them in any desired form with their knives; the
pipes being of a very soft quality till they are smoked with, and
used to the fire, when they become quite hard. They are often
a full span long, and the bowls are about half as large again
as those of our English pipes. The fore part of each commonly
runs out with a sharp peak, two or three fingers broad,
and a quarter of an inch thick—on both sides of the bowl, lengthwise,
they cut several pictures with a great deal of skill and
labour; such as a buffalo and a panther on the opposite sides of
the bowl; a rabbit and a fox; and, very often, a man and a
woman puris naturalibus. Their sculpture cannot much be commended
for its modesty. The savages work so slow, that one of
their artists is two months at a pipe with his knife, before he
finishes it: indeed, as before observed, they are great enemies to
profuse sweating, and are never in a hurry about a good thing.
The stems are commonly made of soft wood about two feet
long, and an inch thick, cut into four squares, each scooped till
they join very near the hollow of the stem; the beaus always
hollow the squares, except a little at each corner to hold them
together, to which they fasten a parcel of bell-buttons, different {423}
sorts of fine feathers, and several small battered
pieces of copper kettles hammered, round deer-skin thongs, and
a red painted scalp; this is a boasting, valuable, and superlative
ornament. According to their standard, such a pipe constitutes
the possessor, a grand beau. They so accurately carve, or paint
hieroglyphic characters on the stem, that the war-actions, and
the tribe of the owner, with a great many circumstances of
things, are fully delineated. This may seem strange to those who
are unacquainted with the ancient skill of the Egyptians this
way, and the present knowledge of the Turkish mutes. But so it
is, and there is not perhaps the like number of mimic mutes on
456the face of the earth, nor ever were among the old Greek or
Roman Pantomimi, as with the Indian Americans, for representing
the great and minute things of life, by different gestures,
movements of the body, and expressive countenances; and at the
same time they are perfectly understood by each other.
They make the handsomest clothes baskets,[265] I ever saw, considering
their materials. They divide large swamp canes, into
long, thin, narrow splinters, which they dye of several colours,
and manage the workmanship so well, that both the inside and
outside are covered with a beautiful variety of pleasing figures;
and, though for the space of two inches below the upper edge
of each basket, it is worked into one, through the other parts
they are worked asunder, as if they were two joined a-top by
some strong cement. A large nest consists of eight or ten baskets,
contained within each other. Their dimensions are different,
but they usually make the outside basket about a foot
deep, a foot and a half broad, and almost a yard long.
The Indians, by reason of our supplying them so cheap with
every sort of goods, have forgotten the chief part of their ancient
mechanical skill, so as not to be well able now, at least for some
years, to live independent of us. Formerly, those baskets which
the Cheerake made, were so highly esteemed even in South Carolina,
the politest of our colonies, for domestic usefulness, beauty,
and skilful variety, that a large nest of them cost upwards of
a moidore.
They make earthen pots[266] of very different sizes, so as to
contain from two to ten gallons; large pitchers to carry water;
bowls, dishes, platters, {424} basons, and a prodigious number
of other vessels of such antiquated forms, as would be tedious to
describe, and impossible to name. Their method of glazing them,
is, they place them over a large fire of smoky pitch pine, which
makes them smooth, black, and firm. Their lands abound with
proper clay, for that use; and even with porcelain, as has been
proved by experiment.
They make perhaps the finest bows, and the smoothest barbed
457arrows, of all mankind. On the point of them is fixed either a
scooped point of buck-horn, or turkey-cock spurs, pieces of brass,
or flint stone. The latter sort our fore-fathers used, which our
witty grandmothers call elfstones, and now rub the cows with,
that are so unlucky as to be shot by night fairies. One of those
flint arrow-points is reckoned a very extraordinary blessing in
a whole neighbourhood of old women, both for the former cure,
as well as a preservative against every kind of bewitching charm.
No people are more expert than the Indians in the use of fire-arms,
and the bow and quiver: they can fresh stock their guns,
only with a small hatchet and a knife, and streighten the barrels,
so as to shoot with proper direction. They likewise alter, and
fix all the springs of the lock, with others of the sort they may
have out of use; but such a job costs the red artist about two
months work.
They are good sadlers, for they can finish a saddle with their
usual instruments, without any kind of iron to bind the work:
but the shape of it is so antiquated and mean, and so much like
those of the Dutch West-Indians, that a person would be led to
imagine they had formerly met, and been taught the art in the
same school. The Indians provide themselves with a quantity
of white oak boards, and notch them, so as to fit the saddle-trees;
which consist of two pieces before, and two behind, crossing
each other in notches, about three inches below the top ends of
the frame. Then they take a buffalo green hide, covered with
its winter curls, and having properly shaped it to the frame, they
sew it with large thongs of the same skin, as tight and secure
as need be; when it is thoroughly dried, it appears to have all
the properties of a cuirass saddle. A trimmed bearskin serves for
a pad; and formerly, their bridle was only a rope around the {425}
horse’s neck, with which they guided him at pleasure.
Most of the Choktah use that method to this day.
It is strange that all the Indians mount a horse on the off side
as we term it, especially as their horses were originally brought
from Europe. In the Choktah country, when I was going to
a great ball play, at a considerable distance off, in company with
several of the head-warriors, we alighted at a cool stream of
water, to smoke, and drink parched corn-flour and water, according
to our usual custom in the woods—when we again set
off, we jested each other for mounting on the wrong side. They
urged it was most natural, and commodious, to put the right
458foot into the stirrup, and at the same time lay hold of the mane
with the strongest hand, instead of using either of the farthermost
or opposite ones, as they term the left. They carried it
against me by a majority of voices, whooping and laughing: but,
as they were boasting highly of the swiftness of their horses, and
their skill in riding and guiding them, much better with a rope
than with a bridle, I resolved to convince them of their mistake;
for as the horse I rode was justly named Eagle, and reckoned
the swiftest of any in the Chikkasah country, I invited them to
a trial by way of diversion, in so merry a season, and they gladly
accepted the offer. We ranged ourselves in a broad row, on
each side of the wood path, which was rather narrow and
crooked, as is the case in their countries—they allowed me to
take the center, and at the whoop signal of the by-standers we
started. My horse being used to such diversion soon left them
behind, a considerable distance; presently I luckily discovered a
swampy thicket, a-head on my right hand, which ran almost
our direct course along-side of a creek. As the wild coursers
chiefly followed one another, according to their general custom,
I there flew across, and led two of them off the path, into the
thicket covered with high brambles. I had little trouble in disposing
of the rest; my whooping, and cracking the whip, sent
each of them along with his neighbour, at full speed, and I continued
them so a great way: for, as their horses were frightened,
the riders had no command over them, with their boasted neck
bridles. The horses, at last, brought them out into the open
woods, to their great joy, when they whooped and hallooed, as
despising what they had undergone; they were however in a dismal
pickle. For it being their custom to carry their ornaments,
and looking glasses over their shoulder, {426} on such public
occasions, my companions were fully trimmed out, and did not
strip themselves, as they expected no such disaster. By stooping
to save themselves from being dismounted, their favourite looking
glasses were shattered to pieces, the paint mostly rubbed off
their faces, their skins of small hawks, and tufts of fine plumes,
torn from their heads, and their other ornaments, as well as their
clothing and skin, shared also in the misfortune. As soon as
they could stop their horses, they alighted: and, when I had
done laughing at them, they according to custom, said only, La
phene, “O strange!” The Indians are very happy in not shewing
the least emotion of anger, for any mischance that befalls them,
459in their sportful exercises. I jested them in commending the
swiftness of their horses, even through a bramble thicket, and
applauded their skill in sitting, and guiding them so well, by the
help of their neck bridles. By this time, the hindmost of our
company came up, who laughed heartily at the sight of our tattered
horsemen, and told them, that they expected I would
jockey them in some such manner. But the young ambitious
heroes ascribed the whole disaster only to the viciousness of my
horse, saying “he was mad.”
From what hath been already said, it must be evident, that
with proper cultivation, they would shine in higher spheres of
life; and it is not an easy matter to seduce them from their supposed
interests, to the incoherent projects, that our home-bred
politicians confidently devise over their sparkling bowls and decanters.
The friendly and warlike Indians have an intense
affection to their country and people, and so have the British
Americans: and whatever some may think of the colonists martial
abilities, our wise statesmen may be soon convinced, that
they will be able to maintain all the invaluable blessings of free
men for themselves, and convey them to their posterity in their
purity and lustre, according to the old English constitution,
which is built on plain wholesome laws, and not on the sophisms
of tyranny.[267]
This leads me to speak of the Indian method of government.—In
general, it consists in a fœderal union of the whole society
for mutual safety. As the law of nature appoints no frail mortal
to be a king, or ruler, over his brethren; and humanity forbids
the taking away at pleasure, the {427} life or property of any
who obey the good laws of their country, they consider that the
transgressor ought to have his evil deeds retaliated upon himself
in an equal manner. The Indians, therefore, have no such titles or
persons, as emperors, or kings; nor an appellative for such, in
any of their dialects. Their highest title, either in military or
civil life, signifies only a Chieftain:[268] they have no words to express
despotic power, arbitrary kings, oppressed, or obedient
subjects; neither can they form any other ideas of the former,
than of “bad war chieftains of a numerous family, who inslaved
460the rest.” The power of their chiefs, is an empty sound. They
can only persuade or dissuade the people, either by the force of
good-nature and clear reasoning, or colouring things, so as to
suit their prevailing passions. It is reputed merit alone, that
gives them any titles of distinction above the meanest of the people.
If we connect with this their opinion of a theocracy, it
does not promise well to the reputed establishment of extensive
and puissant Indian American empires. When any national affair
is in debate, you may hear every father of a family speaking
in his house on the subject, with rapid, bold language, and the
utmost freedom that a people can use. Their voices, to a man,
have due weight in every public affair, as it concerns their welfare
alike. Every town is independent of another. Their own
friendly compact continues the union. An obstinate war leader
will sometimes commit acts of hostility, or make peace for his
own town, contrary to the good liking of the rest of the nation.
But a few individuals are very cautious of commencing war on
small occasions, without the general consent of the head men:
for should it prove unsuccessful, the greater part would be apt
to punish them as enemies, because they abused their power,
which they had only to do good to the society. They are very
deliberate in their councils, and never give an immediate answer
to any message sent them by strangers, but suffer some
nights first to elapse. They reason in a very orderly manner,
with much coolness and good-natured language, though they may
differ widely in their opinions. Through respect to the silent audience,
the speaker always addresses them in a standing posture.
In this manner they proceed, till each of the head men hath
given his opinion on the point in debate. Then they sit down
together, and determine upon the affair. Not the least passionate
expression is to be heard among them, and {428} they behave
with the greatest civility to each other. In all their stated
orations they have a beautiful modest way of expressing their
dislike of ill things. They only say, “it is not good, goodly, or
commendable.” And their whole behaviour, on public occasions,
is highly worthy of imitation by some of our British senators
and lawyers.
Most of their regulations are derived from the plain law of
nature. Nature’s school contemns all quibbles of art, and teaches
them the plain easy rule, “do to others, as you would be done
by;” when they are able, without greater damage to themselves
461than benefit to their creditor, they discharge their honest debts.
But, though no disputes pass between them on such occasions,
yet if there be some heart-burnings on particular affairs, as soon
as they are publicly known, their red Archimagus, and his old
beloved men, convene and decide, in a very amicable manner,
when both parties become quite easy. They have no compulsive
power to force the debtor to pay; yet the creditor can distrain
his goods or chattels, and justly satisfy himself without the least
interruption—and, by one of his relations, he sends back in a very
civil manner, the overplus to the owner. These instances indeed
seldom happen, for as they know each other’s temper, they are
very cautious of irritating, as the consequences might one day
prove fatal—they never scold each other when sober—they conceal
their enmity be it ever so violent, and will converse together
with smooth kind language, and an obliging easy behaviour,
while envy is preying on their heart. In general, they are very
punctual in paying what they owe among themselves, but they
are grown quite careless in discharging what they owe to the
traders, since the commencement of our destructive plan of general
licences. “An old debt,” is a proverbial expression with
them, of “nothing.”
There are many petty crimes which their young people are
guilty of,—to which our laws annex severe punishment, but
their’s only an ironical way of jesting. They commend the criminal
before a large audience, for practising the virtue, opposite to
the crime, that he is known to be guilty of. If it is for theft,
they praise his honest principles; and they commend a warrior
for having behaved valiantly against the enemy, when he acted
cowardly; they introduce the minutest circumstances of the affair,
with severe sarcasms which wound deeply. I have known
them {429} to strike their delinquents with those sweetened
darts, so good naturedly and skilfully, that they would sooner die
by torture, than renew their shame by repeating the actions. In
this they exceed many christians. They are capable of being
shamed out of their ill habits, and their method of cure is exceedingly
more proper and merciful, than what we apply. Stripes
and fines only inflame the distemper; when inflicted publicly for
petty crimes, the culprit loses what is most valuable to human
nature, the sense of shame. He that watches for persons crimes,
to benefit and enrich himself at their damage, and the ruin of
their families, is an enemy to society. If it is beneath our dignity
462to learn from the untaught Indian, let us turn to the records
of Athens, Sparta, and Rome. When their slaves were guilty of
intemperance, they exposed them before their children, and thus
shewed them its deformity. And, by that, they infused into
them an early shame and abhorrence of vice, and a great love
of virtue.
Formerly, the Indian law obliged every town to work together
in one body, in sowing or planting their crops; though their fields
are divided by proper marks, and their harvest is gathered separately.
The Cheerake and Muskohge still observe that old
custom, which is very necessary for such idle people, in their element.
The delinquent is assessed more or less, according to his
neglect, by proper officers appointed to collect those assessments,
which they strictly fulfil, without the least interruption, or exemption
of any able person. They are likewise bound to assist
in raising public edifices. They have not the least trace of any
other old compulsive law among them; and they did not stand
in need of any other in their state. As they were neither able
nor desirous to obtain any thing more than a bare support of
life, they could not credit their neighbours beyond a morsel of
food, and that they liberally gave, whenever they called. Most
of them observe that hospitable custom to this day. Their
throwing away all their old provisions, as impure food, whenever
the new harvest was sanctified, helped greatly to promote
a spirit of hospitality. Their wants, and daily exercise in search
of needful things, kept them honest. Their ignorance of the gay
part of life, helped in a great measure to preserve their virtue.
In their former state of simplicity, the plain law of nature was
enough; but, as they are degenerating very fast from their ancient
simplicity, they, without doubt, must have new laws to
terrify them from committing {430} new crimes, according to
the usage of other nations, who multiply their laws, in proportion
to the exigencies of time.
I shall now give their opinion of our social and military virtues;
which joined with the foregoing, will set the Indians in a
yet clearer light. We can trace people by their opinion of things,
as well as if we saw them practise them. Most of them blame
us for using a provident care in domestic life, calling it a slavish
temper: they say we are covetous, because we do not give our
poor relations such a share of our possessions, as would keep
463them from want.[269] There are but few of themselves we can
blame, on account of these crimes, for they are very kind and
liberal to every one of their own tribe, even to the last morsel
of food they enjoy. When we recriminate on the penurious
temper of any of their people, they say, if our accusation be true,
we by our ill examples tainted them on that head, for their fore-fathers
were endued with all the virtues. They frequently tell
us, that though we are possessed of a great deal of yellow and
white stone, of black people, horses, cows, hogs, and every thing
else our hearts delight in—yet they create us as much toil and
pain, as if we had none, instead of that ease and pleasure, which
flow from enjoyment; therefore we are truly poor, and deserve
pity instead of envy: they wish some of their honest warriors
to have these things, as they would know how to use them aright,
without placing their happiness, or merit, in keeping them, which
would be of great service to the poor, by diffusing them with a
liberal hand. They say, they have often seen a panther in the
woods, with a brace of large fat bucks at once, near a cool
stream; but that they had more sense than to value the beast,
on account of his large possessions: on the contrary, they hated
his bad principles, because he would needlessly destroy, and
covetously engross, the good things he could not use himself,
nor would allow any other creature to share of, though ever so
much pinched with hunger. They reckon, if we made a true
estimate of things, we should consider the man without any false
props, and esteem him only by the law of virtue, which ennobles
men by inspiring them with good sentiments and a generous disposition;
they say they are sure, from sundry observations, we
sell to the highest bidder, our high titles of war, which were only
due to brave men who had often fought the enemy with success
in defence of their country: that they had seen, even {431} in
Charles-town, several young, lazy, deformed white men, with big
bellies, who seemed to require as much help to move them along,
as over-grown old women; yet they understood these were paid
a great deal of our beloved yellow stone for bearing the great
name of warriors, which should be kept sacred from the effeminate
tribe, even if they offered to purchase it with their whole
possessions.—That these titles should only be conferred on those
464who excel in martial virtue; otherwise, it gives a false copy of
imitation to the young warriors, and thereby exposes the whole
body of the people to contempt and danger, by perverting the
means which ought to secure their lives and properties; for,
when a country has none but helpless people to guard it from
hostile attempts, it is liable to become a prey to any ambitious
persons, who may think proper to invade it. They allow that
corpulency is compatible with marking paper black with the
goose quill; and with strong-mouthed labour, or pleading at
law; because old women can sit best to mark, and their mouths
are always the most sharp and biting. But they reckon if our
warriors had gained high titles by personal bravery, they would
be at least in the shape of men, if not of active brisk warriors;
for constant manly exercise keeps a due temperament of body,
and a just proportion of shape. They said, some were not fit
even for the service of an old woman, much less for the difficult
and lively exercises which manly warriors pursue in their rough
element—that they could never have gone to war, but bought
their beloved, broad paper with yellow stone, or it must have
passed from father to son, like the rest of their possessions; and
that by their intemperate method of eating and drinking without
proper exercise, they had transformed themselves into those over-grown
shapes, which our weavers, taylors, and plaiters of false
hair, rendered more contemptible.
The old men tell us, they remember our colonies in their infant
state,—that when the inhabitants were poor and few in
number, they maintained prosperous wars against the numerous
combined nations of red people, who surrounded them on all
sides; because in those early days, the law of reason was their
only guide. In that time of simplicity, they lived after the temperate
manner of the red people. They copied after honest nature,
in their food, dress, and every pursuit, both in domestic and
social life. That unerring guide directed them aright, as the
event of things publicly declared. {432} But time is now grown
perverse and childish, and has brought with it a flood of corrupting
ills. Instead of observing the old beloved rule of temperance,
which their honest forefathers strictly pursued, they too
often besot themselves with base luxury, and thereby enervate
all their manly powers, so as to reduce themselves to the state
of old women, and esteem martial virtue to consist in the unmanly
bulk of their bodies, and the fineness and colour of their
465glittering coats and jackets: whereas such forms and habits only
enable the red people to sort the large buffalos, the fine-feathered
parroquets, and wood-peckers—their religious, civil, and martial
titles are conferred on the lean, as well as the fat-bodied, without
minding whether their clothes are coarse or fine, or what
colour they are of. They say, their titles of war invariably
bespeak the man, as they always make them the true attendants
of merit, never conferring the least degree of honour on the
worthless.—That corpulency, or a very genteel outward appearance
would be so far from recommending any as war-leaders,
that those qualities would render them suspected, till they gave
sufficient proof of their capacity of serving their country—that
when any distinguished themselves by martial virtue, their fine
clothes reflected new beauties on the eyes of the people, who regard
a genteel appearance, only on account of the shining virtues
of the gallant men who wear them.
They often ridicule us, in our gay hours, that they have observed
our nominal warriors to value themselves exceedingly on
those unpleasant shapes and undue covering—that like contemptible
shining lizards, they swelled their breasts almost as
big as their bellies, spoke very sharp to the poor people who were
labouring in distress, frowned with ugly faces at them (whereas
they ought to have smiled, in order to make their hearts cheerful,)
and kept them off at a great distance, with their hats in
hand, as if they were black people. But such conduct, always a
sure token of cowardice, testified with convincing clearness, they
were unable to act the part of even an honest black man. The
Indians imagine the corruption is become too general to be
cured, without a thorough change of our laws of war, because
when the head is sick, the feet cannot be well: and as our
capital towns and regular troops are much infected with that
depressing and shameful malady, they reckon our country places
suffer much more by our fat fine men. They fail not to flourish
away as much in their own favour, as against us, {433} saying,
that though they are unskilful in making the marks of our ugly
lying books, which spoil people’s honesty, yet they are duly
taught in the honest volumes of nature, which always whisper
in their ears, a strong lesson of love to all of their own family,
and an utter contempt of danger in defence of their beloved
country, at their own private cost; that they confer titles of
honour only on those who deserve them,—that the speaking
466trophies of war declare the true merit of their contented warriors,
without having the least recourse to any borrowed help.
They say, that the virtue even of their young women does not
allow them to bear the least regard to any of the young men, on
account of their glittering clothes, and that none of their warriors
would expect it, nor their laws allow it, if ever their country
should unhappily produce so contemptible an animal. Imitation
is natural, and the red people follow virtue in the old track
of their honest fore-fathers, while we are bewildered by evil
custom.
As their own affairs lie in a very narrow circle, it is difficult
to impress them with a favourable opinion of the wisdom and
justice of our voluminous laws—They say, if our laws were honest,
or wisely framed, they would be plain and few, that the poor
people might understand and remember them, as well as the rich—That
right and wrong, an honest man and a rogue, with as
many other names as our large crabbed books could contain, are
only two contraries; that simple nature enables every person to
be a proper judge of promoting good, and preventing evil, either
by determinations, rewards, or punishments; and that people
cannot in justice be accused of violating any laws, when it is
out of their power to have a proper knowledge of them. They
reckon, that if our legislators were not moved by some oblique
views, instead of acting the part of mudfish, they would imitate
the skilful bee, and extract the useful part of their unwieldy,
confused, old books, and insert it in an honest small one, that
the poor people might be able to buy, and read it, to enable
them to teach their rising families to avoid snares, and keep
them from falling into the power of our cunning speakers—who
are not ashamed to scold and lie publickly when they are well
paid for it, but if interest no longer tempted them to inforce
hurtful lies for truth, would probably throw away all their dangerous
quibbling books.—That the poor people might have easy
redress and justice, this should become a public concern, and the
Governor-Minggo, {434} all the head warriors, and old beloved
men, should either entirely destroy those books, or in an artful
manner send them to their enemy the French, in order to destroy
their constitution: but they were of opinion, common sense
would not allow even those to receive them, under any pretence
whatsoever—therefore they ought to be burnt in the old year’s
accursed fire. By that means, the honest poor could live in
467peace and quiet; for now they were unable by poverty, or backward
by their honesty, to buy justice, in paying those people of
cunning heads and strong mouths to speak the truth: and the
hearts of rich knaves must then become honest, as they would
not needlessly give those large bribes, for painting their black
actions with a white colour.
They urge, that while litigious, expensive, and tedious suits
are either encouraged by our artful speakers, or allowed by our
legislators, the honest poor man will always be a great loser;
which is a crying evil. Because he is humble, modest, and poor,
his feeble voice cannot be heard. The combined body of the
noisy rich must drown his complaints. His only satisfaction is,
that his heart is honest, though that must prove very small comfort
to a wife crying over helpless children, in a small waste
house. They say, that as no people are born rogues, truth appears
plain enough; for its native dress is always simple, and
it never resides in troubled waters, but under the striking beams
of the sun. It is not therefore just, either to compel, or tempt
people to buy justice; it should be free to all, as the poor are
not able to purchase it.
They affirm, that as all laws should be enacted by the joint
voice of the honest part of the society for mutual good, if our
great chieftain and his assistants refuse altering those that are
hurtful to the people, we ought to set them aside on account of
their ill principles, and for striving to support their own bad
actions, by bad laws—that as wise free-men, we should with all
speed chuse honest men in their room, to act the part of fathers
of their country, and continue them just as long as they behaved
such: for leading men are chosen only to do good to the people;
and whenever they make a breach of their trust, injuring the
public good, their places of course become vacant, and justly
devolve to the people, who conferred them. Our law, they say,
condemns little rogues, but why should it spare great ones? That
we hang the former with strong ropes of hemp, {435} but we
should first do so to, or shorten the heads of, the latter, with a
poisoned tomohawk, as a just emblem of their mischievous poisoning
conduct.
I told them, that the essential part of our laws was fixed and
unalterable, and also the succession of each of our great chieftains,
while they observe them faithfully, and order them to
be honestly executed, but no longer. That formerly when the
468people’s hearts became sorely aggrieved, and bitterly vexed, as
pride for unlimited power, had made some of the rulers heads
giddy, the enraged community had shortened some of them, and
drove away others from corrupting the beloved land, without
any possibility of returning in safety. May none of our present
or future statesmen, by wilful misconduct, and bad principles,
be ever forced to appear at the dreadful bar of an abused and enraged
community! for as they mete, so it will surely be meted
to them again. The Indian system seems to coincide with the
grand fundamental law—“A natura lex, a virtute rex;” which
the great conqueror of the east feelingly declared in his last moments
to be just, by willing his crown to him who most excelled
in virtue.
The ill opinion they entertain of our courts of judicature, may
have risen in some degree from the wrong information of our
interpreters, who have occasionally accompanied them to the
courts: but they generally retain a long time the first impressions
they imbibe from any one they esteem. One law cause which the
Chikkasah attended, proved tedious, and was carried contrary
to their opinion of justice and equity: on their return to their
own country, they said, that two or three of their old women
would have brought in a quicker, and honester verdict. They
compared our counsellors to the mercenary Choktah, who often
kill people, and even one another, for the sake of a French reward,
as they earnestly strove to draw suffering truth to their
own side of the debate, and painted it contrary to its native form,
with a deformed lying face.
They tell us, that when their head-men are deliberating on
public affairs, they dispassionately examine things, and always
speak the naked truth; for its honest face hates a mask, having
nothing to hide from a searching eye, and its dress plain and
simple; that people can as easily distinguish it from falshood, as
light from darkness, or clear and wholesome water from that
which is turbid and hurtful, without giving up their reason to
hired speakers, {436} who use their squint eyes and forked
tongues like the chieftains of the snakes, (meaning rattle-snakes)
which destroy harmless creatures for the sake of food. They say,
that the quotation of dark quibbles out of their old books,
should be deemed as white paint over a black man’s face; or
as black over one that is naturally white. They wonder that,
as an honest cause is always plain, judgment is not given freely
469in its favour, and without the least delay; and insist, that every
bad cause should meet with a suitable and severe award, in
order to check vice, and promote virtue in social life.
One of the red Magi asked me, whether in our scolding
houses,[270] we did not always proportion the charges of the suit
in debate, to the value of the debt, or damages. Suggesting that
it was wrong to make a perplexed science of granting equity
with any charges attending it, to honest poor people; that we
should pity them on account of the distresses they labour under,
and not in effect enslave or fine them because they are poor.
I told him and the rest of his brethren by way of excuse, that
the different nature, and multiplicity of contracts in our great
trading empire, with the immense difference that often happened
between the eloquence and abilities of the contending parties, required
a series of decisions of right and wrong to be recorded in
books, as an invariable precedent to direct future public determinations,
in disputes of the like nature; that most of our people
were more unequal to each other in fine language than the bred
lawyers; and that none were so fit to search, or could possibly
understand those registers as well as they, because they spent
the chief part of their time on such subjects. He granted that
they might be useful members of the community, but doubted
their honesty was too much exposed to the alluring temptations
of our rich people’s yellow stone; and that though our forefathers
were no doubt as wise and virtuous as we, yet they were
but men, and sometimes had passions to gratify, especially in favour
of a worthy and unfortunate friend, or relation, who was
beloved. He said, the length of stealing time must have naturally
occasioned such an event; and that our wise men ought
to be so far from quoting a wrong copy, as a fixed precedent,
that they should erase it out of their old court books, and profit
by the foibles of the old, the wise and the good. {437}
At his request, I spoke also of our skilful physicians and quack-doctors—I
told him that the former commonly cured the sick,
or diseased, unless the malady was of an uncommon nature, or
very dangerous by not applying in time, before it took root beyond
the reach of any cure; but that the empirics seldom failed
of poisoning their weak patients by slow degrees; and that we
had old women likewise who frequently did much good with
470bare simples. He said, if our physicians used simples in due
time, to assist nature, instead of burning corrosive mixtures, they
would have no occasion to dismember poor people, cutting off
their limbs in so horrid a manner, as several were reported to
do; and that, if our law was so weak as not to condemn those
to death, who took away the lives of low innocent people, yet
the strong feelings of nature ought to incite the surviving relations
of the murdered persons, to revenge their blood on the
murderers, by beating them with long knobbed poles, while they
were sensible of pain, and as soon as they recovered a little, to
cut off their ears and nose with a dull knife, as in the case of
adultery, in order to quench innocent blood, and teach unwary
people to avoid and detest the execrated criminals. Here, the
red audience highly applauded the wisdom and justice of his
medical observations, because they exactly corresponded with
their own standard in similar cases.
Well, said he, you have given us plainly to understand the
high esteem the English bear to their people of cunning heads
and strong mouths, and to the curers of ailments—If the former
continue honest when they have gained deep knowledge in their
old books; and the latter are successful in the killing, or healing
quality of their strong medicines: We should rejoice, if you
would likewise inform us, according to your written traditions,
of the first rise of Oobache, “bringers of rain,” and of Ishtohoollo
Echeto, “high-priests, popes, or arch-bishops;” whether the
supreme fatherly chieftain gave them from the beginning to the
white people, or if not, how he came to give them afterward;
and whether their lives give virtuous lessons to youth, to induce
them to a strict observance of the divine law, as modesty
and humility should always appear in the speech and behaviour
of public teachers, on account of their charming influence—Inform
us of their usefulness in religious and civil life, and the
general opinion of the disinterested and wise part of the community
concerning them; {438} as all nations of red people
have lately heard a great deal of their unpeaceable, if not cruel
disposition towards the British Americans, which their covetousness
of heart, it is said, prompted them to, because they could
not prevail upon them by their invented speeches, to give them
the tenth part of the yearly produce of their honest labour—Let
us know their true conduct over the broad water, whether
they are covetous in demanding any part of the new harvest;
471and if the young people do not violate the marriage-law when
the crops fail by the want of refreshing rains?
As the talk was disagreeable, I told him, had he been so
particular in his enquiries concerning the two former classes,
I could have much better informed him, as I had the pleasure
of being long acquainted with many of them, who were learned,
wise and benevolent, in a very great degree; and was convinced
from my own knowledge, that several of them, not only spoke
earnestly for honest poor people, and others cured them of their
lingering ailments, without pay; but supplied them with needful
utensils for planting provisions for their small families, till they
could conveniently repay the value, in their own produce: but
that as I neither had nor desired the least acquaintance with any
of our high-placed beloved men, I was very unfit to handle such a
long string of queries. He said, my denying to gratify their curiosity
on so material a point, served only to raise it higher; especially
as I had given them a very favourable opinion of the
gentlemen of the other two classes; and he hoped, the religious
men were at least as virtuous as those, that sacred office requiring
them to give an honest copy to all others, as the young people
imbibed from their teachers example either good or bad principles,
which must benefit or injure themselves, and the community.
He so earnestly importuned me to comply with his
request, that, as an Indian divine, I thus addressed the attentive
red congregation.
In past ages, most part of all nations of people sunk into
ignorance not only of the old beloved speech, (or divine law)
but of the very being of the great, supreme, holy Spirit; upon
which account, the glimmering image imprest on their hearts,
directed them to worship the sun, moon, and stars, because of
their beneficial and powerful influence,—and the fire, light, and
air, the three divine names and emblems. By {439} degrees, they
chose an idol-god of such reputed qualities, as best suited with
their own tempers, and the situation of their various countries,
in order to receive temporal good things, and avert the opposite
evils. In the length of forgetting time, they became so exceedingly
stupid, as to worship vegetables, frightful and shameful
images, filthy beasts, and dangerous snakes. Self-love seemed to
have induced them to adore the two last through fear, and the
bird also that preyed on them, became the object of their adoration.
In this miserable state of darkness the world was involved,
472when the supreme fatherly chieftain, through tender pity to
human weakness, appeared to your reputed ancestors, in the
form of a blazing fire, renewed his old divine laws with one of
their beloved men, and confirmed the whole, with dreadful thunders,
lightnings, and other striking prodigies, to impress them
with a deep awe and reverence of his majesty. In time, they
built a most magnificent beloved house, wonderful in its form,
and for the great variety of beloved utensils, and emblems it
contained. The ark was one of the three most divine symbols
in it. Ishtohoollo Eloha became their chieftain, both at home,
and at war. A wonderful emanation of the holy fire resided in
the great divine house, while they listened to the voice of Loache,
“the prophets,” which the holy chieftain sent to them in succession,
to teach them his will as the fixt rule of all his actions.
While their hearts continued honest, he enabled them to conquer
their enemies, and to gain victories over formidable armies,
which like the swarms of buzzing insects in your low lands,
could not be numbered, and at length settled them in as happy
a state as they could reasonably wish for.
A little before that time, he called himself A-Do-Ne-Yo,
Minggo Ishtohoollo, “the divine chief;” but then, to your enlightened
(and reputed) ancestors, Yo-He-Wah which signifies,
“he lived always, and will never die.” It is he, whom you invoke
in your sacred songs when you are drinking your cusseena,
and you derived that awful invocation, and your ark of war,
from them. He is the author of life and death, and consequently,
the “master of our breath,” as the red people justly term him.
He gave them Loache and Oobache, “Prophets and askers of
rain,” and prescribed to them laws that were suitable for their
own government. They chiefly consisted of sacred emblems of
an early divine promise to mankind, which he faithfully performed;
and when the end was answered, {440} those symbols
ceased. The people were enjoined a very strict purity, both in
civil and religious life, especially all the priests or beloved men;
and in a particular manner, the great beloved man, or high
priest. He was to be equally perfect in body, and pure in heart—and
was not allowed to touch the dead, as their bodies were
in a corrupting state. The old beloved speech assures us, he
was appointed as a representative of the people to Ishtohoollo
Aba and, as a lively emblem of an extraordinary divine person,
who was to be sent to instruct the whole earth, and purify them
473from all their pollutions; which the supreme fatherly chieftain
will enable us fully to inform you of, in due time. He came
according to divine appointment, taught the people, as never
man did before, cured them of their various ailments, even the
lame and the blind, by the power of his word, and a bare touch.
He had so great a command over nature, that through pity to
the tender tears of the people, he awaked some who had slept
a considerable time in the grave, in a warm country. They,
who strove to lessen the merit of the surprising miracles he
wrought, were not so weak as to deny the well known truth of
them, as they had been performed at different places, and on different
occasions, before a great many people, under the light of
the sun, and were lasting. At last, he, as an uncommon kindly
friend, gave up his innocent life to save his enemies from the
burning wrath of the holy fire: and, while the anger of Loache
Ishtohoollo lay very sharp on him, as the atoning victim, and his
enemies were tormenting him with the most exquisite tortures,
he earnestly spoke the beloved speech, and entreated in their
favour, that he would not let his heart be cross with, nor
revenge his blood upon them, as they imagined they were acting
according to the divine law. As soon as that great beloved messenger
died, all nature felt a prodigious shock. The graves
opened, and the dead arose to see the cause of that alarming
prodigy. The earth shook, the rocks burst asunder, the sun,
contrary to the stated course of nature, was immediately darkened,
the great beloved house rent asunder, and its guardian
angels flew off to other countries: his death also exceedingly
destroyed the power of Nana Ookproo, the evil spirits. On the
third day, the master of breath awaked that great chieftain,
prophet, and high priest, according to his former true speech;
and when he arose, he was seen by multitudes of people, and fulfilled
the old divine law, and confirmed every thing he formerly
taught his humble, and kind hearted scholars. {441}
Till then, there were only twelve of them; but afterwards
more were appointed in that religious station. They urged, that
their sacred office, and the faithful discharge of all the duties
attending it, engaged their close attention, and deserved an
honest maintenance; but to check a covetous spirit among all
beloved men of every rank, they freely spoke the beloved speech
through every known country of the world, and maintained
themselves by their own industry. As they travelled, eat, drank,
474and conversed daily with the great divine messenger, he perfectly
taught them the divine law, which your supposed ancestors had
received under very strong emblems. After his death, they spoke
it with great boldness, and a most amazing power. They truly
marked down on paper, most of the speeches and actions of
their beloved master and themselves, without concealing their
own foibles, for our instruction: and a great many true copies of
them are transmitted over every quarter of the world, in different
languages, which agree together, and with those early
beloved books; though it is more than seventeen hundred years,
since they were first drawn out by those beloved scholars. As
their hearts were warmed in a very high degree, by the holy spirit
of fire, the moral part of their lives were free from blemish,
after the death of their master. In imitation of him, they suffered
all kinds of hardships, difficulties, and dangers of life, that
human beings could undergo, merely through a principle of divine
love working in them, for the general good of mankind; they
cured the sick and diseased, and taught every one the true beloved
speech, to purify them. As they were not proud, they
were not drawn with beautiful prancing horses, in costly moving
houses, but walked after the manner of their divine master, and
instructed the attentive people, by their humble example, and
honest lessons, in the most assured hope of receiving from
Ishtohoollo Aba, a reward equal to their virtues, after they died,
knowing they were to live anew in a happy state, free from the
power of death. In this manner, they, by the earnest beloved
speech of the great divine messenger, were cheerfully content, and
firmly trusted in the goodness of the fatherly chieftain. Indeed,
soon after they entered into their sacred office, they were jealous
of their master’s giving preference to one, before the other of
them; but he gave a strong lesson of humility and kindness for
them, and all succeeding beloved men to pursue, by washing and
wiping their feet with his own hands: and he assured them
Ishtohoollo would always esteem them most, who acted best. {442}
All those beloved men, who do not join in religious communion
with Oobache Ishtohoollo, tell us, that ancient records
affirm, all of the priestly order (after the death of the divine
messenger) were equal in their religious office, that deference
excepted, which is always due to a virtuous seniority—and that
as wisdom and virtue equally accompany either youth, middle,
475or old age, they continued in that brotherly state of religious
simplicity, according to the true copy of the humble, all-loving,
and beloved messenger, for the space of three hundred years
after that period—and that, as the speech of the great divine
messenger was marked in a copious language, which abounded
with various words to express the same thing, the names of old
men, overseers and bishops, signify one and the same rank of
beloved men of the beloved house, according to the former
humble conduct of their divine master; but that the words are
now tortured through mercenary views, contrary to the plain
simplicity of the primitive teachers. As holy things, and white
emblems, are easily polluted and tarnished by people of impure
hearts, and unclean hands, the divine law began then to lose its
quickening influence over the beloved men of those large countries,
where the sun rises out of the broad water. Their disputes
ran high, and the longer they lasted, the sharper they grew.
They, at last, referred them to the decision of the beloved men,
toward the place where the daily sun is drowned in the great
salt water, which is called Rome. As in affairs of state, so in
religion, a remarkable precedent begets a custom, and this becomes
a law with societies. In consequence thereof, an order
of superior beloved men laid hold of this, and stretched the
divine speech, so as to answer their own mercenary views.
In process of time, there sprung up a pretended great bringer
of rain, who, like the hurtful spirits of corrupt darkness, by rejecting
the divine speech, and despising the example of the holy
messenger and his scholars, set up arrogantly for himself,
against the supreme chieftain of the rain and thunder, claimed
the tenth basket-full of the new harvest according to the obsolete
law of your supposed ancestors, and even forgave adulterers,
thieves, liars, incestuous persons, and those who accompanied
with women in their lunar retreats, without any sort of purification,
if they only paid him such a quantity of yellow stone, as
he proportioned to the various degrees of each crime they committed.
To enrich himself by their weakness, his whole tribe
of black-dressed missionaries, by strict order, frightened the
ignorant {443} and credulous, with the wild notion of wandering
after death in the accursed place of darkness, without any possibility
of avoiding that dreadful fate, unless they revealed all
their crimes to them, and paid them a fixed price. Because
pride and envy had spoiled some of the spirits above, and made
476them accursed beings; therefore, the messenger of Ishtohoollo,
as I told you, strongly checked the like disposition in its first
appearance among his scholars. But the pride of the Romish
chieftain, and desire of absolute religious and civil power, became
so unbounded, as to claim an unlimited authority over all
the great chieftains on earth; and he boasted of being so highly
actuated by the unerring divine wisdom, as to know and do
every thing perfectly. He, at the same time, ordered all his
scholars to involve the people in thick clouds of darkness, and
impress them with a firm belief, that ignorance produces virtue.
He invented a third state for the sake of his temporal interest,
fixing it half way between people’s favourite place of living anew,
and that of the horrible darkness, which was to be a vomiting
or purging state of the dead, and called it purgatory; where the
dead must unavoidably call, and be detained, till surviving relations
satisfied them for their enlargement. He became so
highly intoxicated by pride and power, that he erected images
of such dead people as most resembled himself, with various
other objects for the living to invoke, instead of the great eternal
Yo He Wah, whom you supplicate in your religious invocations:
and he marked for his black scholars, a great many very evil
speeches, and spoke them with a strong mouth and ill heart, and
enforced them by swords and fiery faggots, contrary to the old
beloved speech which was confirmed by the anointed messenger.
At length, the holy spirit of fire influenced two great beloved
men in particular, according to a former prediction, to speak to
the people with a strong mouth, as witnesses of the divine truth.
Their ears were honest in hearing the old beloved speech, and
it sunk deep into their hearts. But a great many superstitious
customs still remained, for had they aimed at a perfect establishment
of the divine law in their religious worship, probably the
high placed religious men through a covetous spirit would have
opposed the reformation with all their might; as very few of
them endeavoured to teach the young people, by honest examples,
to live a virtuous life, or enabled them to get refreshing showers
from Ishtohoollo Aba to make plentiful harvests—and yet they
claimed a great part of it, and even {444} of the seed corn, without
the least exemption of the poor, contrary to the tender
feelings even of our indigent warriors and great canoe men, who
stretch out a kindly hand to their poor brethren. That part of
the old beloved speech, the tenth basket-full, was calculated
477only for your supposed predecessors, who consisted of twelve
families; one of which was devoted to the divine service. Therefore,
they were allowed some part of the religious offerings, and
of the yearly produce of the land, to make their own and their
families hearts rejoice, and at the same time to keep them
humble, and make them hospitable to the widow, the fatherless,
and the stranger. They, like the humble scholars of the great
beloved messenger, were always poor; they honestly minded their
religious duty, and were not allowed to purchase any land, nor
to expose their virtue to the temptations of heaping up yellow
stone, or employing their minds on any thing, except the divine
law.
The lives and manners of the early teachers of the speech of
the divine messenger, as I before told you, were also strictly
just and blameless. They equally taught by precept and example;
and their lessons, like those of their great master, were
plain, simple, and holy. They were humble in their behaviour,
and moderate in their apparel, food, and drink, and faithful in
the discharge of their religious office: instead of assuming the
arrogant title of divine chieftains, they honestly gave themselves
the lowly name of Intooksare Ishtohoollo, “Servants of God,”
in imitation of the life, precept, and example of the holy messenger,
which strongly actuated their honest hearts. When they
were weary after the toils of the day, by instructing the people,
and working at their trade, as your beloved men do, they joyfully
rested themselves in their humble cottages, and refreshed
themselves with their homely fare; and there they instructed the
young people to invoke Yo-He-Wah, and speak the divine speech.
In this religious manner, they spent their time through various
countries, by the direction of divine wisdom, as a strong pointed
lesson to all succeeding beloved men to pursue, and they sealed
the truth with their blood—such were the primitive teachers of
the divine word. They lived and died in a state of equality;
and were there any different degrees to be observed in the holy
office of religion, learning and piety should recommend poor beloved
men to the high seats of profit—but only toilsome places
are now allotted them, with an allowance insufficient to support
themselves, so that they cannot stretch out their kindly hand
to the poor. {445}
The mouths and hearts of the superior beloved men in our
day, shamefully contradict one another, to the discredit of the
478lively copy of the holy messenger and his beloved scholars, and
the great danger of infecting those of inferior rank, by so pernicious
and corrupt an example; for it is natural for the feet to
follow the direction of the head. They were formerly a very
insolent, covetous, and troublesome set; and being advanced by
rich friends to the high sounding office of Mingo Ishtohoollo,
“Divine chieftains,” or in their own stile, “Right Reverend
Fathers in God,” princes and supporters of the church, great was
their arrogance and power—taking advantage of the corruption
of the times, they grafted themselves into the civil constitution,
and to preserve their high and profitable places they became the
fixed and strenuous supporters of courts, in all their measures.
But they will very soon be purified. The beloved speech of
Ishotoollo of old, has announced it, and that is always true. It
has pointed to the present and approaching time, which is near
to the end of measured time.
To shew you how well prepared those priestly princes are for
that trying period, I shall give you the general opinion of the
wise and honest people, on this and the other side of the broad
water; by which you will see how far they agree with, or differ
from, the original copy of the plain honest scholars of the
anointed holy messenger.
They boast themselves to be the embassadors of the holy
chieftain of the high church. They dwell in costly great houses,
after the superb manner of our great civil chieftain; and they
give them the same lofty name, Palaces, to distinguish them
from the dwelling-houses of other mortals. Their dress is equally
rich and singular, to strike the eye, and impress the hearts of the
vulgar with a profound reverence of the divine priestly wearers.
They have the revenue of princes to support their grandeur; and
they are most exact in having it collected by litigious mercenaries,
even to the tenth of the hive of bees, and of the unlawful and
filthy young swine; and yet they act the part of Phohe Ishto,
“Great drones, or drones of God,” as soon as they obtain their
rich high seat, not speaking the divine speech to the people
hardly three times a year. Their food consists of a great variety
of the choicest, and most delicious sorts of fish, flesh, and fowl;
their drink is of the richest white, yellow, and red grape water,
with other costly liquors which your language cannot express. {446}
They resort to the most gay assemblies in the world, for
the sake of pleasure, leaving the multitude to the divine care,
479or the speakings of poor religious men who are hired at low
wages to do their duty, as they themselves have enough to mind
and secure properly temporal concerns. In this manner, do these
lamps shine, and spend their days and nights, like the great
chieftains of the earth; and when they die, their bodies are
laid apart from the rest of mankind, in polished and costly
tombs, adorned with nice strokes of art, to perpetuate their
names—the long train of virtues they so highly possessed—their
great learning and eloquence—the simplicity of their lives and
manners—their faithful discharge of the various duties of their
religious high office—their contempt of the grandeur and vanities
of this transient world—their tenderness of heart to the cries of
the poor; and their singular modesty and humility, a shining copy
of imitation for common priests, and other spiritual chieftains,
to pursue. These fine monuments are very pleasant to the eye,
but honest men say that mercenary writers and artists do not
act right to belie the dead.
My red beloved friends, such is the reputed life and death of
those high-seated divine chieftains of the high church; your
sharp natural reason will discern the close agreement there is
between the humility and simplicity of their principles and lives,
with those of the early overseers of the lowly divine house. It
is said that some great beloved men have an earnest desire of
sending a few of their own high office, to this side of the broad
water, in order to appoint young beloved men; but we strongly
suspect a dangerous snake in the grass; and esteeming them dead
to the true interests of religion and liberty, we think they ought
to keep them at home, and even recall their present troublesome
missionaries from our settlements, and allow us to enjoy our
former peace and quiet—We wish them to go to some poor dark
countries, and instruct the people in the honest lessons of peace,
love, and charity; which they would, if they only aimed at the
good of mankind, and the honour of the supreme chieftain, according
to the plain copy of the great beloved messenger and
his kind-hearted faithful scholars. We wish the civil powers
would not tempt the religious men’s virtue by such alluring delicious
baits, as they propose to them, and that all ranks would
become frugal and virtuous. {447}
Thus ended my Lecture. The reverend old red pontiff immediately
asked, whether they had the accursed beings on the
other side of the water? I told him, I hoped not—but the religious
480men often spoke a strong speech of evil to those they
reckoned very bad, and turned them out of the beloved house,
to the evil spirits of darkness. Upon which he requested me to
mention any one of the crimes that might occasion such treatment.
I told him, “I had heard of a gentleman, whose heart did
not allow him to love his lady sufficiently, and she having by
sharp watching discovered him to give love to another, complained
of it to a great beloved man; accordingly, either for the
neglect, or wrong application of his love duty, he was ordered
to pay her a considerable sum of money—he valuing it more
than her, his heart did not allow him to give so much: whereupon
a sharp speech of evil was spoken against him, and by
that means he was said to become accursed.” My Indian friend
said, as marriage should beget joy and happiness, instead of
pain and misery, if a couple married blindfold, and could not
love each other afterwards, it was a crime to continue together,
and a virtue to part, and make a happier choice; and as the
white people did not buy their wives after the manner of the
Indians, but received value along with them, in proportion to
their own possessions, whatsoever the woman brought with her,
she ought to be allowed to take back when they separated, that
her heart might weigh even, and nothing be spoiled.—That, in
his opinion, such determinations belonged to the law, and not to
the great beloved men; and, if he understood me aright, the beloved
man threw away the gentleman to the accursed beings of
darkness, not for having acted any thing against the divine law,
but for daring to oppose the words of his mouth, in imitation
of the first presumptuous great beloved man, who spoiled the
speech of the divine messenger. Many natural, pertinent, and
humorous observations, were made by him on what he had
heard. {448}
APPENDIX. ADVICE to STATESMEN ;
481
SHEWING
The advantages of mutual affection between Great Britain, and
the North American colonies—A description of the Floridas,
and the Missisippi lands, with their productions—The benefits
of colonizing Georgiana, and civilizing the Indians—and
the way to make all the colonies more valuable to the mother
country.
483APPENDIX.
ADVICE to STATESMEN;
Though Great Britain hath been many years invested with
the Missisipi-possessions, and which she purchased at a very
high price; little hath been done to improve them. Every friend
to his country and mankind, must wish administration to pay
a due regard to the inestimable value of the American colonies—which
is best done in engaging the colonists, by wise and prudent
conduct, to exert themselves to promote her interest in the same
manner they faithfully did, till arbitrary power assailed their
maritime ports, to their grief, and her own immense loss. In
proportion as a mother loves, or hates her children, and strives
to make them either happy or miserable, they in the same degree
will exert their endeavours to make a suitable return.
Whatever scheme is unjust, it is unwise in statesmen to form,
or attempt to put in execution. Instinct moves the brutal
creation to defend their young ones and property at the peril of
their lives. The virtue of Britons will not allow them to do less
for themselves and their children. As British legislators must
be convinced that honesty is the best policy, it is to be hoped
they will studiously apply themselves to promote the general
good of their fellow-subjects, and engage the northern colonists
cheerfully to bend their force in supplying Great Britain with
such staple commodities {451} as bountiful nature has given to
them, but which through a strange kind of policy, she now
chiefly purchases from foreigners, particularly timber and iron.
The North-American trees are better in quality, than those
which are brought from the Baltic, and in a far greater variety:
and ships of a proper construction, might soon carry American
timber to England as cheap as she has it from thence. The
colonists could build either merchant-men, or men of war, of
484any size, much cheaper than can possibly be done in any European
country, which would always insure them a ready market.
French gold for their ships, would be of no disservice to
Great Britain, though perhaps it might be as disagreeable to
her, as the Spanish gold and silver was from the hands of the
British Americans: however, to consign their ships to some
British merchants, would sufficiently silence those who might
find their present account in opposing the public good.
Natural causes produce natural effects. They who sow well,
reap well; and as nature has planted a great plenty of iron ore
through the American high lands, we hope the time will soon
come, to allow her to take in so weighty a harvest. The consequence
is great, and the application ought to be proportioned
to the high value of so inviting, and complicated an acquisition.
Their hills not only abound with inexhaustible mines of iron
ore, but lie convenient to navigable rivers; such a commodious
situation would soon enable them to sell it cheaper than Britain
can ever expect from the Russians, who carry it from a distance
to Petersburgh, as far as from Georgiana on the Missisippi,[271]485to the city of New York. We have been assured by gentlemen
of veracity, that on repeated experiments, they found the American
iron to be equal in goodness to that of Russia, or Sweden.
Common sense directs Britain to live independent of such supplies,
within her own prodigious empire, and not lay herself at
the mercy of any foreign power, lest necessity should compel
her a second time, to pay as dear for her left-handed wisdom as
she did in the year 1703, for Swedish tar in Swedish bottoms,—which
was nearly four hundred per cent, more than she in a
short time paid to the American planters for the like, with her
own manufactures, to the advantage of her merchants, the employment
of her ships, and the increase of her seamen. {452}
If Britain feels a decay of her former American trade, on account
of attempting to introduce among her friendly colonies,
illegal and dangerous innovations, it is high time to retract. She
hath it yet in her power by a prudent and maternal conduct to
enlarge her trade, to a far greater extent than it ever attained,
by making it the interest of the northern planters to saw timber,
and work in iron, for the British yards and merchants. She
should invite the young, and unsettled families, to remove to
the fertile lands of the Missisippi, and raise those valuable staple
commodities she needs most. The Americans say, that, though
their hearts burn with a seraphic fire, for constitutional blessings—ever
sacred and inviolable; yet their tender feelings for the
unhappy situation of their free-minded brethren in Great Britain
and Ireland, are by sympathy, equal to their own for the sickened
condition of their mourning provinces—that the fraternal tye
will always incline their hearts to promote their welfare, if instead
of endeavouring to oppress them, they make them such a
return as brethren might justly expect on the like interesting
occasion. If British legislators design to promote the true interests
of their country, they will pay a steady regard to the
real channel of her great wealth and power,—adopt such measures,
as wisdom and honesty readily direct to, and endeavour to
dispel those uneasinesses from the hearts of all the American
colonists, produced by the unjust and invidious representations
of men, whose garb and station ought to have kept them, even
486from the suspicion of ever fomenting so dangerous a controversy.
Great Britain, on account of her extensive American possessions,
might soon and easily repair her decayed trade, and increase
it beyond conception, on a sure and permanent foundation,
by upright measures. The opposite means to whatsoever caused
its decay, would gradually recover it—But when once the channel
of trade is stopped by violent methods, it is exceedingly
difficult to make it flow again in its former cheerful course.
Force can never effect it, for that she utterly contemns. No
mistress is more sagacious and coy. She must first be courted,
and afterward treated kindly: if folly uses any violence, or
makes any material breach of good faith to her, she soon flies,
and never returns, unless she is strongly invited back, and can
reasonably hope for better usage. A powerful maritime state
may gain new colonies by the sword, but can never settle and
continue such extensive ones as the American, by force of arms,—except
over people of dastardly spirits, {453} and in the enfeebling
regions of the south. Even there, when the springs of
the state-machine are any considerable time over-stretched, the
sharp feelings of the people naturally rouse, and force them to
conquer their timorous disposition, and exert their powers to
break the torturing wheels, and free themselves of their pains.
The voice of nature is against tyranny. It execrates the abettors,
and consigns them to punishment.
As the lands in Virginia, and Maryland, are greatly exhausted
by raising that impoverishing weed, tobacco,—Great Britain may
expect to feel a gradual decay of that valuable branch of trade,
in proportion to the increase of the people in those provinces,
unless new colonies are settled on the Missisippi. Besides this
tract, there is not a sufficient space of fertile land in North
America, to invite planters to raise that staple commodity.
Though the Ohio settlements are now numerous, and increasing
fast, the settlers will only consult their own ease, as nature is
there very prolific of every convenience of life; except government
wisely encourages them to raise such products as would
suit the mother-country, and reward them for their labour.
Were proper measures adopted, the desire of gain would induce
them to plant with the utmost assiduity: and smiling industry
would soon beget a spirit of emulation among the planters,
prompting each to excel his neighbour in the annual quantity
and good quality of those staple commodities they were invited
487to fix upon. The vast tracts of fertile woods, which are now
shamefully allowed to be only the haunts of wild beasts, and
wolfish savages seeking for prey, might far easier be turned into
valuable fine plantations by bounties, than the marshes and
barren lands in Britain were, into their present flourishing condition,
by the repeated encouragements of the Royal Society,
and of parliament. Any thing that promotes greatly the public
good, ought always to be done at the expence of the public;
otherwise it will never be done, especially by labouring individuals.
Charity begins at home, and every one’s domestic
affairs demand his close attention. To preserve the Ohio lands,
cost Great Britain, and our colonies in particular, a river of
blood, in consequence of the blindness and obstinacy of a haughty
general. A legal constitutional form of government, ought immediately
to be established there, both for the general welfare,
and preventing evils that may reasonably be expected to grow up
among a remote, and numerous body of people,—hardy and {454}
warlike,—without any public religion or civil law,—in a healthful
climate, and very extensive and fertile country.
Young glittering courtiers may think their merit exceedingly
depreciated, to have the offer of the Ohio government conferred
on either of them—as it is now chiefly inhabited by long-legged,
tawny hunters, who are clothed in winter with the shaggy skins
of wild beasts, and are utterly unlearned in the polished art of
smiling, when their hearts are displeased at the rash conduct of
high-headed rulers: but unless they learned the difficult lesson,
“know thyself,” and were endued with a frank open spirit, experience
would soon convince them that they were unequal to
the task of governing, or inducing the people to promote the
general good of the community. The court sophistry of extending
the prerogative of the crown, will never do in America—Nothing
will please the inhabitants, but the old constitutional
laws of Britain. Colonel Philip Skene, who gained wreaths of
laurel under General Johnson, and now lives at Lake Champlain,
is highly esteemed in the extensive circle of his acquaintance,
and revered by all his savage neighbours, because in him is displayed
the intrepid warrior, and the open friend to all.—These,
together with his knowledge of agriculture, render him as proper
a person as any for the office—and it is to be wished that the
government would appoint him to preside over the valuable
district of Ohio, and he think proper to accept it. Such a
488measure could not fail of adding greatly to the true interests of
Great-Britain and her colonies: thus, the present inhabitants
would be incited to promote the public good, and multitudes of
the northern people would remove to settle those fruitful lands,
and cheerfully apply themselves in raising such commodities, as
would prove beneficial to the community. Though the Ohio is
far distant from any navigable port, yet we have full proof that
every article of luxury will bear great expence for its culture,
carriage by land, and freight by water: and, as the fertility of
the soil by the stream and small branches of the Missisippi, is
well known through North America, and the colonists cannot
remove there with their live stock, through the country of the
mischievous Muskohge; doubtless numbers of industrious
families would come by the Ohio, and soon enrich themselves
by increasing the riches of the public. {455}
Any European state, except Great Britain, would at once
improve their acquisitions, taken and purchased by an immense
quantity of blood and treasure, and turn them to the public
benefit. At the end of the late war, the ministry, and their
adherents, held up East and West Florida before the eyes of the
public, as greatly superior to those West-India islands, which
Spain and France were to receive back in exchange. The islands
however are rich, and annually add to the wealth and strength of
those respective powers: while East Florida, is the only place
of that extensive and valuable tract ceded to us, that we have
any way improved; and this is little more than a negative good
to our other colonies, in preventing their negroes from sheltering
in that dreary country, under the protection of Fort St. Augustine.
The province is a large peninsula, consisting chiefly of
sandy barrens; level sour ground, abounding with tussucks; here
and there is some light mixt land; but a number of low swamps,
with very unwholesome water in general. In proportion as it
is cleared, and a free circulation of air is produced, to dispel the
noxious vapours that float over the surface of this low country,
it may become more healthful; though any where out of the
influence of the sea air, the inhabitants will be liable to fevers
and agues. The favourable accounts our military officers gave of
the pure wholesome air of St. Augustine, are very just, when
they compare it with that of the sand burning Pensacola, and
the low stagnated Mobille: St. Augustine stands on a pleasant
hill, at the conflux of two salt water rivers, overlooking the land
489from three angles of the castle, and down the sound, to the
ocean. Their relation of the natural advantages of this country,
could extend no farther than their marches reached. I formerly
went volunteer, about six hundred miles through the country,
with a great body of Indians against this place; and we ranged
the woods to a great extent. The tracts we did not reach, we
got full information of, by several of the Muskohge then with
us, who had a thorough knowledge, on account of the long continued
excursions they made through the country in quest of the
Florida Indians; and even after they drove them into the islands
of Florida, to live on fish, among clouds of musketoes. The
method these Indians took to keep off those tormenting insects,
as their safety would not allow them to make a fire, lest the
smoke should guide their watchful enemies to surprise them,
was, by anointing their bodies with rank fish oil, mixed with the
juice or ashes of indigo. This perfume, and its effluvia, kept off
from them every kind of {456} insect. The Indians likewise informed
me, that when they went to war against the Floridians,
they carried their cypress bark canoes from the head of St. John’s
black river, only about half a mile, when they launched them
again into a deep river, which led down to a multitude of islands
to the N. W. of Cape Florida.
As this colony is incontestably much better situated for trade
than West Florida, or the Missisippi lands, it is surprising that
Britain does not improve the opportunity which offers, by adding
to these unhealthy low grounds a sufficient quantity of waste
high land to enable the settlers, and their families, to raise those
staples she wants. The Muskohge who claim it, might be
offered, and they would accept, what it seems to be worth in its
wild state. Justice to ourselves and neighbours, condemns the
shortening the planter’s days, by confining their industrious
families to unhealthy low lands, when nature invites them to
come out, to enjoy her bountiful gifts of health and wealth,
where only savage beasts prey on one another, and the bloodier
two-footed savages, ramble about to prey on them, or whatsoever
falls in their way. Under these, and other pressing circumstances
of a similar nature, does this part of America now
labour. A west north-west course from the upper parts of
Georgia to the Missisippi, would contain more fertile lands than
are in all our colonies on the continent, eastward. As most of
these colonies abound with frugal and industrious people, who
490are increasing very fast, and every year crowding more closely
together on exhausted land, our rulers ought not to allow so
mischievous and dangerous a body as the Muskohge to ingross
this vast forest, mostly for wild beasts. This haughty nation
is directly in the way of our valuable southern colonies, and will
check them from rising to half the height of perfection, which
the favourableness of the soil and climate allow, unless we give
them severe correction, or drive them over the Missisippi, the
first time they renew their acts of hostility against us, without
sufficient retaliation. At present, West Florida is nothing but
an expence to the public.—The name amuses indeed, at a distance;
but were it duly extended and settled, it would become
very valuable to Great Britain; and Pensocola harbour would
be then serviceable also in a time of war with Spain, being in
the gulph of Florida, and near to Cuba. Mobille is a black
trifle. Its garrison, and that at Pensacola, cannot be properly
supplied by their French neighbours though at a most exorbitant
price: and, on account {457} of our own passive conduct,
the Muskohge will not allow the inhabitants of Georgia
to drive cattle to those places for the use of the soldiers. Neither
can the northern merchant-men supply them with salt and fresh
provisions, but at a very unequal hazard; for the gulph stream
would oblige them to sail along the Cuba shore, where they
would be likely to be seized by the Spanish guarda costas, as
have many fine American vessels on the false pretence of smuggling,
and which, by a strange kind of policy, they have been
allowed to keep as legal prizes. In brief, unless Great Britain
enlarges both East and West Florida to a proper extent, and
adopts other encouraging measures, for raising those staple commodities
which she purchases from foreigners, the sagacious
public must be convinced, that the opportunity of adding to her
annual expences, by paying troops, and maintaining garrisons,
to guard a narrow slip of barren sand-hills, and a tract of low
grave-yards, is not an equivalent for those valuable improved
islands our enemies received in exchange for them.
We will now proceed to the Missisippi, and that great extent
of territory, which Great Britain also owns by exchange; and
shew the quality of those lands, and how far they may really
benefit her, by active and prudent management. As in Florida,
so to a great distance from the shore of the gulph, the lands
generally consist of burning sand, and are uninhabitable, or of
491wet ground, and very unhealthy. But, a little beyond this
dreary desart, are many level spots very fertile, and which would
suit people who are used to a low situation, and prove very valuable,
both to planters, and the inhabitants of a trading town.
As the river runs from north to south, the air is exceedingly
pure in the high lands of this extensive tract. The soil is
generally very rich; and, to the distance of six hundred miles
up, from the low lands of the sea coast, it is as happy a climate
as any under heaven, quite free from the extremities of heat
and cold. Any product of the same clime from 31 to 45 degrees
N. L. might be raised here in the greatest perfection, to the
great profit of the planter and the public. Many thousands of
us would heartily rejoice to see administration behave as wise
men—leave their mean, or mad policy, and promote a spirit of
emigration among the families of the crowded northern colonies.
Thus the industrious poor in Britain, would find more employ
in manufactures; and the public would receive from their
brethren, what they now purchase chiefly from rival powers
with gold and silver, with the balance of trade greatly against
them. {458} This fine country, Georgiana, invites Great Britain
to smile upon it, and in return to receive its grateful tribute of
tobacco, hemp, silk, flax, cotton, indigo, wine and tea, in plenty,
besides many other valuable products. Hops grow wild on the
Missisippi—and the tobacco raised at the Nahchee old settlement,
was esteemed of superior quality to any belonging France.
The lands on the extensive ramifications of the Missisippi lands
are capable of producing the like. All kind of vegetables planted,
or sowed in their fields, gardens, and orchards, either for profit
or pleasure, would grow to greater perfection, and with less
art and labour, in this tract, than any in Europe, so fruitful is
the soil, and favourable the climate. As the savages live in a
direct line between our northern colonies, and this, to the distance
of four hundred miles above New Orleans; our northern
people will be obliged to make a winding course by the Ohio,
before they can reach it with their families and necessary moveables;
which shews that it requires public spirit, and the support
of government to settle a flourishing colony here. The two
Floridas, and this, which to the great loss of the nation, lie
shamefully neglected, are the only places in the British empire,
from whence she can receive a sufficient supply of those staples
she wants. The prosperity, and even the welfare of Great
492Britain, depends on sundry accounts, in a high degree, on improving
these valuable and dear bought acquisitions; and we
hope her eyes will be opened soon, and her hands stretched out
to do it—she will provide for the necessities of her own poor at
home, by the very means that would employ a multitude of
useless people in agriculture here, and bring the savages into a
probable way of being civilized, and becoming christians, by
contracting their circle of three thousand miles, and turning
them from a lonely hunt of wild beasts, to the various good
purposes of society. Should Great Britain duly exert herself
as the value of this place requires, by the assistance of our old
Chikkasah allies, the other Indian nations would be forced to
pursue their true interest, by living peaceably with us; and be
soon enticed to become very serviceable both to our planters,
and the enlargement of trade.
As the Missisippi Indians are not likely to be soon corrupted
by the haughty stiff Spaniards, and are mostly of a tractable
disposition, consequently they might be civilized, and their wants
so greatly extended as to demand every kind of British manufactures,
in imitation of their friendly, industrious, and opulent
neighbours: and, as the small profits of hunting would not be
sufficient to purchase a variety of such new necessaries, they
might be easily {459} induced to cultivate those commodities
that would best answer their demands. Raising of silk, would
extremely well agree with them, on account of its easy process;
mulberry trees grow spontaneously to a considerable height here,
and in the low lands through all our southern colonies; which,
were they topped, and transplanted near to the houses, would
serve to feed the silk worms with their leaves. The easy culture
of this valuable commodity, silk, would not hinder the planter
from attending the inviting products of the field. Thus the Indians
would be gently led out of their uncultivated state of
nature, and a fair opportunity would be given to discreet, sensible
and pious teachers to instruct them in the plain, and easy
principles of christianity.
The prodigious number of fertile hills lying near some of
the large streams, and among the numberless smaller branches
of the Missisippi, from 33 to 37 degrees N. L. (and likewise in
the two Floridas) are as well adapted by nature, for producing
different sorts of wine, as any place whatever. The high lands
493naturally abound with a variety of wine grapes: if therefore
these extensive lands were settled, and planters met with due
encouragement, Great Britain in a few years might purchase
here, with her own manufactures, a sufficient supply of as good
wines as she buys from her dangerous rival France, at a great
disadvantage of trade, or even from Portugal. The level lands
here, as in other countries, are badly watered; which therefore
would absolutely require the colony to be extended six hundred
miles up the Missisippi, to answer the main design of settling
it. The lands in our northern colonies are too much exhausted
to raise a sufficient quantity of hemp for their own consumption:
and indigo does not grow to the north of Cape Fear river, in
North Carolina, on account of the coldness of the climate. And
as it grows only in rich lands, it is liable to be devoured the
second year by swarms of grasshoppers, and its roots are of so
penetrating a nature, as not only to impoverish the ground, but
requires more new fertile land than the planters can allow; so
that in a short time, that product will cease of course in South
Carolina, and Georgia. This favourable country will supply
that growing defect. In the Carolinas, and along the sea-coast
to the Missisippi, tea grows spontaneously; and doubtless, if
the East-India tea was transplanted into those colonies, it would
grow, as well as in the eastern regions of the same latitude. The
chief point consists in curing it well: but foreigners, or experience,
would soon overcome that difficulty by due encouragement.
Some years ago, a gentleman of South Carolina told me
he raised some {460} of the East-India tea, and it grew extremely
well. He said, he had it cured in a copper kettle, well covered,
and fixed in a common pot with water, which boiled three hours,
was then taken out, and allowed to cool before they opened it;
and that when the vessel was not filled with the leaves, they
curled in the same manner as the East-India weed imported at
a great loss of men and money, and better tasted.
I am well acquainted with near two thousand miles along
the American continent, and have frequently been in the remote
woods; but the quantity of fertile lands, in all that vast space,
exclusive of what ought to be added to East and West-Florida,
seems to bear only a small proportion to those between the
Missisippi and Mobille-river, with its N. W. branches, which
run about thirty miles north of the Chikkasah country, and
494intermix with pleasant branches of the great Cheerake river.[272]
In settling the two Floridas, and the Missisippi-lands, administration
should not suffer them to be monopolized—nor the people
to be classed and treated as slaves—Let them have a
constitutional form of government, the inhabitants will be cheerful,
and every thing will be prosperous. The country promises
to yield as plentiful harvests of the most valuable productions,
as can be wished.
There is a number of extensive and fertile Savannas, or
naturally clear land, between the Missisippi and the western
branches of Mobille river. They begin about two hundred and
fifty miles above the low lands of the coast, and are interspersed
with the woods to a great distance, probably three hundred
miles. The inland parts are unknown to any but the Indians
and the English traders—the warlike Chikkasah were so dreadful
to the French, that even their fleet of large trading boats avoided
the eastern side of the Missisippi, or near this shore under
a high point of land, for the space of two hundred leagues:[273]
so that, beyond what they barely saw from their boats, their
accounts of the interior parts of this extensive country, are
mere conjectures. The soil of the clear land, generally consists
of loose rich mould to a considerable depth, and either a kind
of chalk, or marl, underneath. We frequently find the grass with
its seeded tops as high as our heads, when on horse-back, and
very likely it would bear mowing, three or four times in one
season. As the Indians gather their wild hemp, in some of these
open fertile lands, both it and our hemp would grow to admiration,
with moderate tillage; and so would tobacco, indigo,
cotton, and flax, in perfection. If Great-Britain exerts herself
in earnest, with an helping hand {461} to this new colony;
granting only for eight years, an equal bounty with that she
gave to the bleak and barren settlement of Nova Scotia, she
would receive at the expiration of that period, in return for her
495favours, an abundant variety of valuable raw materials, for employing
a vast multitude of her poor at home, as well as luxurious
productions, for her own consumption, and that of foreigners;
greatly increase the public revenue; destroy the sale of French
wines, and tobacco, the chief sinews of their state; render herself
independent of foreign countries—and make millions of
people easy and happy, on both sides of the broad water, by
mutual industry, and reciprocal offices of friendship.
If Great Britain thus wisely improves the natural advantages
of North-America, she will soon reap sufficient fruit for her
expences of cultivating it: but she must certainly be a loser, in
proportion to any unconstitutional attempt excited by false
views, against the natural rights and chartered privileges of the
colonists. We now and then see the lamentable power that
illiberal prejudices and self-interest obtain over gentlemen of
learning, and judgment, by transforming them from honest, wise
men, into dangerous political incendiaries. Whether the colonists
are large in their British imports, or are forced to more domestic
frugality on account of the late severe restraints upon their
trade, these sophists declare them to be rivals in trade, and devote
them to destruction. The colonists however generally
proportion their expences to the annual income of their possessions.
If they gain but a little by trade, and labour, they
spend as little in luxuries. At the very worst, they can keep the
wolf of want from their doors. They are so happily situated,
as to have far less real demands for gold and silver than any
other civilized, increasing body of people. When they received
those metals abroad by their Spanish trade, they soon remitted
them to Great Britain; and they are now quite easy, if she
chuses to strike her own pocket very hard, in order to hurt
them. Our political physicians prescribe a strange sort of means
and regimen to heal the wounds of the body politic; assuredly
they will tear them open, and make them bleed fresh again, and
more than ever. It is a pity, that before they thought of hunger
and phlebotomy for the supposed unsound Americans, they had
not duly considered the solid reasonings and unanswerable arguments
of the very worthy, upright patriot, John Dickenson, Esq;
and other American gentlemen, and the speeches and publications
of some patriots at home. Smollett’s observations are also very
pertinent—“The natives of New-England acquired great glory {462}
from the success of this enterprize against Louisbourg.
496Britain, which had in some instances behaved like a stepmother
to her own colonies, was now convinced of their importance; and
treated those as brethren whom she had too long considered as
aliens and rivals. Circumstanced as the nation is, the legislature
cannot too tenderly cherish the interests of the British plantations
in America. They are inhabited by a brave, hardy, industrious
people, animated with an active spirit of commerce,
inspired with a noble zeal for liberty and independence. The
trade of Great-Britain, clogged with heavy taxes and impositions,
has for some time languished in many valuable branches.
The French have undersold our cloths, and spoiled our markets
in the Levent. Spain is no longer supplied as usual with the
commodities of England: the exports to Germany must be considerably
diminished by the misunderstanding between Great
Britain and the house of Austria;—consequently her greatest
resource must be in her communication with her own colonies,
which consume her manufactures, and make immense returns
in sugar, rum, tobacco, fish, timber, naval stores, iron, furs,
drugs, rice, and indigo. The southern plantations likewise produce
silk; and with due encouragement might furnish every
thing that could be expected from the most fertile soil and the
happiest climate. The continent of North America, if properly
cultivated, will prove an inexhaustible fund of wealth and
strength to Great Britain; and perhaps it may become the last
asylum of British liberty, when the nation is enslaved by domestic
despotism or foreign dominion; when her substance is
wasted, her spirit broke, and the laws and constitution of England
are no more: then those colonies sent off by our fathers
may receive and entertain their sons as hapless exiles and ruined
refugees.”
Evil-minded writers depreciate those Americans most, who
stand most in their way. Could their enemies subjugate them,
they might then put their hands in their pockets with impunity,
use scorpion-whips on their backs at pleasure, and establish the
most delicious part of the Jewish law, tithes, through the whole
continent.
The present Quixote scheme evidently seems to fetter the British
Americans, at all events, and force them to pay for their
fetters; to compel them to maintain a great body of imperious
red coats to rule over them, after the manner of the miserable
sons of Hibernia, without allowing them any militia, even on
497their barriers: otherwise our rulers think that, about twenty {463}
years hence, the quick increase of the British Americans,
will render the execution of their scheme impracticable. Rather
than let them be free and happy, they are for reducing them, in
effect, to poverty and a state of slavery. However, if they
conjure right, and even allowing them that success they pine
for, it cannot well be supposed that such vast multitudes of
British subjects would be so inured to slavery, in the short space
of twenty years, but that they would cut off their chains, and
set themselves free. Some statesmen have shewn themselves to
be no less strangers to the generous principles of the constitution,
and feelings of humanity, than they are to the extraordinary
martial abilities of the American provincials, especially in the
woods, which are continued almost through all our colonies, and
would prove a grave-yard to a great army of regular troops.
Tame Frenchmen might submit to the yoke intended—But
Britons, of revolution-principles, especially the Americans, contemn
it and all its supporters, far beyond the power of language
to express. Were they impoverished, and subjugated, their own
bravery would soon set them free from tyranny. When sufferings
become sharp, brave men always make desperate efforts,
in proportion to their pain. And the annals of the world uniformly
declare, that no enemies are so desperate and bitter, as
despised, abused, and persecuted friends.
They who are in the least acquainted with the principles of
our colonists, can truly testify their universal attachment to the
present line of Brunswick; and that their hearts are faithful to
the real honour and best interest of their king and country,
whose interests cannot be divided. And we hope, that they who
have the chief direction of public affairs, will soon cherish that
disposition, so peculiar to free-minded Britons; and that condign
punishment will be inflicted on those who endeavour to check it,
and to foment a civil war. Thus, a profitable intercourse, a
lasting peace, and perpetual friendship, will continue between
the honest parent and her grateful colonies, who will not fail to
be just to her, to themselves, and to their posterity. {464}
4. In Dr. James B. Adair’s Adair History and Genealogy it is stated that
Adair first settled in Pennsylvania, but Ghent in his article on Adair in
Dictionary of American Biography, I, 33, refuses to follow him, and it
seems, for good reasons. Only one reference in Adair’s book is to
Pennsylvania, and that merely to the Pennsylvania Germans.
8. A monopoly of one year’s duration had been offered McGillivray in
1749 on condition that he should win over the Choctaws.
9. Adair was not alone in the indulgence of biting criticism of Glen.
Gov. Dinwiddie, of Virginia, wrote of him (1755): “He is altogether
the strangest possitive assuming Man I ever corresponded with, and
there I leave him.” Dinwiddie Papers, I, 508.
11. This pamphlet is referred to in the book. It is not improbable that
it was composed by Adair for Roche.
12. If this work ever issued from the press, those best versed in the
bibliography of South Carolina have never seen or heard of a copy, as
they state to the writer.
13. From Beaver Creek, in 2 Indian Book (S. C. Archives), p. 56. For
other minor or incidental mention of Adair: Ibid., 23; Council Journal,
Jan. 26, 1747; Commons House Journal, Feb. 16, 1747, June 1, 1749;
May 16 and 23, 1750.
19. Book D, pp. 358, 379, S. C. Archives, and S. C. Gazette of Aug. 2,
1760. The Chickasaws, under Brown and Adair, were by no means
pleased by the inactivity of Montgomery at Fort Prince George and less
so by his decision to beat a further retreat to Charles Town. For
mention of their own activities, see S. C. Gazette of Aug. 2, 1760, based
upon communication from that fort of July 14th. “We hear that the
Chickasaws who arrived at Fort Prince George the 5th instant have left
that fort with disgust after scouting three or four days about it, and
that they got a few scalps which they carried with them.” Ibid., of
July 26th.
20. “The Virginia troops likewise kept far off in flourishing parade,
without coming to our assistance.” See notes 139-41 to text, infra.
24. About the time of Adair’s reputed death-date the Cherokees in large
numbers were influenced by British agents to move southward from their
Little Tennessee River towards and into Upper Georgia.
25. For sketch of Gen. Martin see Williams, Lost State of Franklin,
212, 323, and Early Travels in the Tennessee Country, 251, 465; also
Weeks, General Joseph Martin, passim. He was among the Overhill
Cherokees nearly ten years (1777-1787). Judge Samuel Martin Young,
of Dixon Springs, Tennessee, a descendant of Col. Wm. Martin, son of
General Martin, and who has in possession papers of both, writes the
editor: “I do not doubt that Gen. Martin and James Adair were personally
acquainted, for I think they were in the same section of country
for some time, several years, perhaps; but that they were ever in any
joint work or enterprise, I could not say.” (Jan. 25, 1930.)
26. Williams, Early Travels in the Tennessee Country, 490.
27. For the views of a Jew who was acquainted with the Southern tribes,
particularly with the Creeks, see n. 22, infra.
1. The earliest home of the Shawnee Indians in historic times was on
the Cumberland River, in Tennessee, which for a long period was called
by the French, and so named on their maps, Chaouanon (Shawnee)
Riviere. A branch of the tribe moved from there southward across the
Tennessee where the Savannah River took their name. Shortly before
1715 the Chickasaw and Cherokee Indians combined and drove the
Shawnees from their long-established settlements on the Cumberland.
Haywood says that a part of the tribe returned to the region (about
1745) to be again expelled, going to the Creeks.
The true date seems to be 1749. In a letter of May 4th of that year,
Comte de Jony wrote that the “Chaouanons, because of the antipathy
of most of the other nations to them, had decided to separate into two
bands.... The latter band, after ascending a part of the river of the
Cherokis [Tennessee] decided to go and join the Creeks.” Wis. His. Col.
XVIII. It is to this band that Adair refers, probably.
The Shawnees, after a stay in Pennsylvania, had settlements on Scioto
River in the Ohio Country. They were known as “gypsies of the forest,”
and a wandering band is referred to by Adair. Prior to 1700 the Chickasaws
and the Shawnees had as allies fought the Illinois Indians. Shea,
Early Mississippi Voyages, 60, 66, 120. Lawson (1709) describes them
as formerly living on the waters of the Mississippi, “and removed thence
to the head of one of the rivers of South Carolina” (the Savannah).
History of North Carolina, 100.
For generations, from their stronghold on the Scioto, they made war
on the Overhill Cherokees, with only brief intervals of peace. On the
Shawnees, see: Haywood, History of Tennessee, 426; Hanna, The Wilderness
Trail, II, 240; Thwaites, Jesuit Relations, XL, 145; Margry, Decouvertes,
III, 589; Schoolcraft, Historical Information ... Indian
Tribes, IV, 256; Swanton, Early History of the Creeks, 317, 415; Loskiel,
History of the Mission of the United Brethren Among the Indians, pt.
ch. 10, and Mooney’s Myths of the Cherokees, 494.
3. Since a newborn infant of Indian parentage is of varying degrees of
dusky red, Adair’s argument is that the color was produced by exposure
and the use of cosmetics by previous generations; not that each individual
is born white and later takes on a copper color.
4. Speaking of the Indians of the Mississippi River region, John Lawson
in his History of North Carolina (1710) says, p. 133: “They are
the hardiest of all Indians, and run so fast that they are never taken;
neither do any Indians outrun them if they are pursued.” See also,
Williams, Memoirs of Lieut. Henry Timberlake, 79.
5. Schoolcraft says the hair of Indians is invariably cylindrical in
structure; that of Caucasians oval.
6. Confirmation: Schoolcraft, Historical Information, II 322; Cushman,
History of the Choctaw, Chickasaw and Natchez Indians (1899),
204. Cushman says, however, that the Choctaws and Chickasaws of
unmixed blood have no hair on any part of the body except the head and,
on the chins of males, a bare patch of beard.
7. Compare the account of Wm. Bartram in Travels (1793), p. 499;
of Du Pratz in History of Louisiana, (1763) II, 231, and of Lawson,
History of Carolina (1712) p. 190.
8. Stroudwater, as Wm. Byrd II, called it at an earlier day; cloth
manufactured in Stroud, Gloustershire, England, and widely sold to
early Indian traders for blankets or garments; usually scarlet-dyed.
9. Therefore, the Choctaws were called by the traders Flat-Heads
(Fr. Têtes Plates) a term that came into general use as descriptive of
the tribe. See on artificial head deformation, Catlin, North American
Indians, and Hodge, Handbook of American Indians, I, pp. 97, 465.
Dumont gives as reason: “So that when they grow up they may be in
better condition to bear all kinds of loads.” Memoires Historique sur
La Louisiane (1753) I, 140.
10. “The Choctaws were superior orators. They spoke with good sense,
and used the most beautiful metaphors. They had the power of changing
the same words into different significations, and even their common
speech was full of these changes.” Pickett, History of Alabama, (Ed.
1896) 127.
11. Red Shoes, a noted chief of the Choctaws, is frequently mentioned
in later chapters. For sketch, p. 335M.
12. Mooney witnessed a confirmation among the Cherokees of the
Eastern Band, in North Carolina: “A man standing one night upon a
fish trap was scented by a wolf, which came so near that the man was
compelled to shoot it. He at once went home and had the gun exorcised
by a conjurer.” Myths of the Cherokees, 448.
13. Mooney gives Cherokee myths built upon Tlanuwa (the great
hawk). On the north bank of Little Tennessee River, in Blount
County, Tennessee, is a high overhanging cliff in which is a cave, the
place where lived the mythic great hawk. Myths of the Cherokees, 315.
A reciter of one of the myths insisted that the whites must also believe
in it, as evidence pointing to a coin of the United States and to what he
called the Tlanuwa, holding in its talons the arrows and in its beak the
serpent of the myth. Ibid., 466.
14. Confirmed as of later date: Cushman, op. cit., 487.
15. Bartram, Travels, p. 495, says “These Indians are by no means
idolaters, unless their puffing tobacco smoke towards the sun, and rejoicing
at the appearance of the new moon may be so termed. So far
from idolatry are they that they have no images amongst them, nor
any religious rite or ceremony that I could perceive; but adore the
Great Spirit, the giver and taker away of the breath of life, with the
most profound and respectful homage.” Timberlake’s observations as
to their belief in a Great Spirit and future rewards and punishment:
Williams, Memoirs of Timberlake, 87; see also, Hawkins, Sketch of the
Creek Country, 80. DeBrahm, who was at Fort Loudoun among the
Cherokees, (1756) says that the “Indians have a scant knowledge of a
Divine Being which extends no farther than that they believe he is good;
the Cherokees call him Hianequo, the great man, whom the Catawbas
call Rivet, the overseer; but they pay no adoration to him, nor anything
existing.” Plowden, Documents Connected with the History of South
Carolina, 221. The same testimony as to their belief in a Supreme Being
is borne by Wm. Byrd II in his History of the Dividing Line. Of the
Chickasaws, Rev. John Wesley wrote from Georgia in 1736: “They
have so firm a reliance on Providence and so settled a habit of looking
up to a Superior Being in all occurrences of life, etc.” Ga. Col. Rec.,
XXI, 220. But see as to adoration of the sun by the Natchez: Swanton,
Indian Tribes of the Lower Mississippi Valley, 381, 168 et seq., and his
Early History of the Creeks, 381; Hodge, Handbook, II, 365. The
theory has been held that the Southern Indians were advanced beyond
some others because of the teaching of the Spanish missionaries among
the Gulf and South Atlantic Indians at a very early period, such as
Cabeca de Vaca (1528) who wrote: “We told them by signs, which they
understood, there was One whom we called God, who created the heaven
and the earth.”
16. See preceding note. A native halfbreed Cherokee, Elias Boudinot,
a very intelligent man and at one time editor of the Cherokee Phoenix,
says of his people: “They cannot be called idolaters, for they never
worshipped images.” Foster, Cherokee Literature, 11. Of the Choctaws,
Israel Folsom, a Choctaw, says: “They never worshipped idols, and
believed in the existence of a Great Spirit.” Cushman, History of Choctaws,
etc., 362. Whatever may have been the case with the Southern
Indians of historic times, it cannot be denied that the mound-builders
had idols. This, numerous excavations fully prove.
18. For the Cherokee’s use of eagles’ tails in the reception of Sir
Alexander Cuming (1730) see: Williams, Early Travels in the Tennessee
Country, 126; and for Timberlake’s account of the eagle-tail dance:
Memoirs, 107; also, Mooney, Myths, 281, 492-3, and Hodge, Handbook,
I, 409.
19. Mooney, Myths, 475; Swanton, Indian Tribes of the Lower Mississippi
Valley, 351.
20. The Okmulgees were a branch of the Lower Creeks. The Yamasee
War was waged in 1715. Swanton’s Early History of the Creeks, 178.
The site was described by Bartram (1775): “Where are yet conspicuous
very wonderful remains of the power and grandeur of the ancients of this
part of America, in the ruins of a capital town and settlement.”
Travels, 379.
21. The “Lower Path” from Charles Town west is referred to. The
“Upper Path” is described in a later chapter.
22. The celebrated “black drink,” general among the Southern Indians,
a decoction of the leaves and tender tops and shoots of the cassine shrub
of the holly family. The drink repeated caused a sweating which was
supposed to purify, physically and morally. The caffeine in the plant
produced stimulation and a strong infusion was a narcotic, used as such
by the conjurers to evoke ecstasies. “No one is allowed to drink it in
council unless he has proved himself a brave warrior.” Bossu, Travels,
II, 299; John Bartram’s Observations, 23; Gatschet, Migration Legend of
the Creeks; Du Pratz, History of Louisiana, 372; and Harris, Memorials
of Oglethorpe, 108. The white people of the Carolinas prepared from
the shrub a sort of tea—“Carolina tea” or “Appalachian tea.”
23. Pickett, in his History of Alabama, 106, says: “Many of the old
Indian countrymen with whom we have conferred believe in their Jewish
origin, while others are of a different opinion. Abram Mordecai, an
intelligent Jew, who dwelt fifty years in the Creek nation, confidently
believed that the Indians were originally of his people, and he asserted
that in their Green Corn Dances he had heard them often utter in grateful
tones the word Yavoyaha! Yavoyaha! He was always informed by
the Indians that they meant Jehovah or the Great Spirit.” Cushman,
who was reared in the Choctaw Country in Mississippi, gives like testimony.
History of Choctaw, etc., Indians, 20.
24. Eleazar Wiggan. See Sir Alexander Cuming’s Journal in Williams,
Early Travels in the Tennessee Country, 123, 128.
26. Saponi, mentioned by Lawson and Byrd; later incorporated into
the Catawbas and now extinct. Hodge, Handbook, II, 464. The best
account of them is by Mooney, Siouan Tribes of The East, 35 et seq.
27. Sometimes Chakchiuma or, in Choctaw, Shakchi-humma (red crawfish).
Cushman says they were overbearing and exterminated as a tribe
by the Chickasaws and Choctaws about the year 1721. History of the
Indians, 242. But the statement is disproved by the report of Perier to
Maurepas, 1733, of a battle between the Chickasaw and Natchez Indians,
on the one side, and the Chakchiumas on the other. Rowland and
Sanders, Mississippi Provincial Arch., I, 166, 281, 340. See also, Swanton,
Lower Tribes, 29; Gatschet Migration Legend, 98; and Hodge,
Handbook, 231. They are referred to later by Adair.
28. Cyrus Byington, a missionary among the Choctaws, prepared a
dictionary and a grammar of their speech, which works are highly regarded
by philologists. For his remarks on Adair in these works:
Proceedings of Am. Philos. Soc., XII, 317-67; Bulletin 46, Bureau of
Am. Ethnology.
29. On time-keeping consult Hodge, Handbook, I, 189, where it is said
that the Creeks counted 12½ moons to the year, adding a moon at the
end of every second year, somewhat as did the Kiowas. See also Du
Pratz, History of Louisiana, II, 354 et seq. (Eng. Ed. 336).
31. The fullest accounts of the temple, high-priests and mode of worship
are those of the Natchez Indians, by Father Charlevoix in his Voyage
to America, II, 192 (1766); also in French, Hist. Collection Louisiana,
166, 170; Du Pratz, Hist. La., III, 21, and English ed. 337. Lord Kingsborough
quotes De Buisson on the sanctum sanctorum as corroboration
of Adair.
32. Of all the greater leaders of the Cherokees, Old Hop, as to his record,
most eludes a researcher. Especially is this true of date of birth, rise to
the place of emperor and date of death. Drake in his Aboriginal Races,
367, and Ramsey in his Annals of Tennessee, 85, confuse him with
Oconostota. His Indian name is variously spelled by the English in an
effort to produce the gutturals in Kanegwati: Cunnicatogue, Canacackte,
Concauchto, Connocotte, Connecorte, Conogotocke. At times such spellings
are followed by the description Old Hop, or the name of his town,
Chota. He was in power during the administrations of Govs. James Glen
in South Carolina and Robert Dinwiddie in Virginia. In August, 1754,
he seems not to have been emperor, since Gov. Dinwiddie then wrote:
“I always (till now) understood the Emperor was their Chief Man. If
Old Hop is a greater man, I shall hereafter notice him as such.” Papers,
II, 267. To the same effect, 5 Indian Book, p. 6 at Columbia (letter of
Sept. 1754 signed by both the “Emperor” and “Old Hop”). He was
reported as dead in a dispatch of January 6, 1760, relating to the siege
of ill-fated Fort Loudoun on Little Tennessee. Hamer, Fort Loudoun, 31.
33. Called by the English “Little Carpenter”; he was the greatest chief
in state-craft ever produced by the Cherokees. While a youth he accompanied
Sir Alexander Cuming to England, in 1730, and the impression
he there received of the power of Great Britain had much to do with
his friendly attitude towards the English and against the French. At
that time his name was Unwanequa (Onconecaw in South Carolina
records) but changed, according to Cherokee custom, to Chuconnunta,
and later to Attakullakulla (Little Carpenter). Timberlake (1762)
speaking of the two factions, says that he had a large faction of the
Cherokees with him since “policy and art are the greatest steps to power.”
Williams, Memoirs, 95. In 1757, he was addressed by Dinwiddie as
second in power to Old Hop, and he urged that governor to send him
again to England. His activities were too numerous to be incorporated
in a footnote. He was born in what is now East Tennessee on the Big
Island of the French Broad River (Sevier’s Island) which one of the
war-trails of the Cherokees passed. He died about 1782, “about the
termination, or a little after, of the American War” or the Revolution.
He was small of stature, slender and of delicate frame—so described by
two writers who came in contact with him: Williams, Wm. Tatham,
Wataugan, 21; Bartram, Travels, 362. Felix Walker, once a Wataugan
and later a member of Congress from North Carolina, describes his appearance
in 1775: “He was said to be about ninety years of age; a very
small man, and so lean and light-habited that I scarcely believe he would
have exceeded more in weight than a pound for each year of his life.
He was marked with two large scares or scarfs on each cheek. He was
the most celebrated and influential Indian among all the tribes then
known; considered as the Solon of his day.” Walker saw the Little
Carpenter at the Henderson-Cherokee treaty, at Sycamore Shoals of the
Watauga in March, 1775. The only portrait of him in existence is
reproduced in Williams, Early Travels in the Tennessee Country.
34. For description and illustration: Jones, Antiquities of the Southern
Indians, 516; Thruston, Antiquities of Tennessee, 321, 331; Harrington,
Cherokee and Earlier Remains on Upper Tennessee River, 246, 286;
Moore, Aboriginal Sites on Tennessee River, 381, et seq., and Jones,
Explorations of Aboriginal Remains of Tennessee, 136.
35. Lord Kingsborough says that Don Jose Cortes is in accord in his
Memorias; and seeks to reenforce the argument by citing Deut., 18th
Chapter.
36. Myths of a jewel from serpents were common among the American
Indians. Talismanic stones were carefully kept and reverently regarded.
See Williams, Memoirs of Timberlake, 73, 75, and Mooney, Myths, 459.
37. The John Howard Payne MSS. treat of the holy fire amply: “The
most active and efficient agent appointed by the Sun to take care of
mankind was supposed to be the fire. When, therefore, very special
favor was needed, it was made known to Fire, accompanied by an
offering. It was considered as an immediate being nearest the Sun and
received homage from the Cherokees as the same element did from the
Eastern Magi.... The altar in the center of the national heptagon
was constructed of a conical shape, of fresh earth. A circle was drawn
around the top to receive the fire of sacrifice. Upon this was laid, ready
for use, the inner bark of seven kinds of trees. This bark was carefully
chosen from the east side of the trees, and was clear and free of blemish....
Early in the morning seven persons who were commissioned to
kindle the fire commenced their operations.... A round hole being
made in a block of wood, a small quantity of dry golden-rod weed was
placed in it. A stick, the end of which just fitted the opening, was
whirled rapidly until the weed took fire.” Buttrick, for many years
a missionary among the Cherokees, in Tennessee and after their removal,
says the “new fire” was made by rubbing two pieces of dry wood together
with dry golden-rod between them. Antiquities, 9. Buttrick
further says golden-rod was in Cherokee anagestaluga or light-bearer;
and, of the fire, that it was required that “no torch be lighted by it, nor
a coal taken from it for common use.”
38. Kingsborough adds that the Jews believed that divination did not
fall exclusively to men, citing the instance of Huldah, II Kings, Chapter
22, also, Nehem. V: 14.
39. Adair here describes the thanksgiving ceremonial, the Green Corn
Dance, called the busk by the Creeks (puskita or boosketau). Yet
fuller accounts by John Howard Payne, the poet, who was among the
Cherokees, (1835) may be found. He made observations and wrote
voluminously of their festivals. Payne MSS. Ayers Collection, Newberry
Library, Chicago. Payne contributed an article to Continental Monthly
(New York, 1862) on the Green Corn Dance, in which it is set forth
that it is the second of the six great festivals of the year, held when
the young corn first becomes fit to eat; and that “at every green corn
festival the sacred square is strewn with soil yet untrodden.” Squier,
in his Serpent Symbol, 67, drawing on the Payne MSS., quotes the poet
as entertaining the view that the festival was a survival of the ancient
solar worship of the Cherokees. The other account referred to is by
Benjamin Hawkins in his Sketch of the Creek Country, 75, reproduced
in Bartram’s Observations on the Creek and Cherokee Indians, 67, and
in Hodge’s Handbook, I, 176. See Bartram’s own lively account in
Travels, 448, 507, and Timberlake’s in Memoirs, 64 (Williams edition)
88. A good description based on Hawkins and Swan (Schoolcraft, Indian
Tribes, V, 267) appears in Gatschet, Migration Legend of the
Creeks, 177 et seq. Gatschet concludes with the observation: “Many
analogies can be traced with well-known customs among the Aztecs and
Maya Indians.” For the Green Corn Dance of the Iroquois, kinsmen
of the Cherokees, see Morgan, League of the Iroquois, I, 176, 190. Generally,
Jones, Antiquities of Southern Indians, 99 et seq.
40. West Florida, or the present South Mississippi.
41. Sec. p. 442 post. The taboo touching raw meat and of its purification
is based upon the common belief among primitive peoples that the
soul or spirit of the animal is in its blood. Frazer in Golden Bough says
that it was held even by the Romans, Arabs and Chinese medical writers.
Payne says that the belief in the efficiency of fire “extended to smoke
which was esteemed Fire’s messenger, always ready to convey the petition
above. A child immediately after birth was waived over the fire”—a
custom, says Logan, that survived “even to this day in the practice
of the Scotch Highlanders to pass a child over the fire,” by way of
purification. Upper South Carolina, I, 213.
42. See Mooney, Sacred Formulas of the Cherokees, 335, 379.
43. See p. 7 ante. The instrument, kanuga, used in skin scratching,
is described by Mooney in his Cherokee Ball Play, 121, his Sacred
Formulas of the Cherokees, 334-5, and his Siouan Tribes of the East, 71.
44. On anointing a woman’s head and hair with bear-oil mixed with
scarlet-root, see Lawson, History of North Carolina, 101. On bear-oil
as a cosmetic, p 446 post.
45. Mooney says that the institution of the menstrual lodge obtained
among all Indian tribes. Myths, 469. Beatty in his Two Months Tour
Among the Indian Tribes, fixes the period in the lodge at seven days,
and says “the person who brings her victuals is very careful not to touch
her, and so cautious is she of touching her food with her own hands that
she makes use of a sharpened stick.... A woman who is delivered of
a child is separated likewise for a time.” For Boudinot’s treatment of
the subject: Star of the West, 277.
46. Travail. Mooney, Ib., and Hodge, Handbook, II, 973.
47. Pickett’s History of Alabama, 142; and Williams, Memoirs of Timberlake,
90. Lord Kingsborough quotes Las Casas, Historia Apologetica,
as confirming fear of pollution by touching a dead body: “All who had
touched dead bodies went to bathe themselves that no infirmity might
befall them.”
48. Mourning, confirmation; Boudinot, Star of the West, 183.
49. Adair presses the argument of Jewish descent too far as respects
the hog as food. Williams, Memoirs of Timberlake, 72; Bartram’s
Observations, 47. However, Cotton Mather in his Life of John Eliot says
of the Northern tribes: “They have a great unkindness for our swine.”
50. What is known as sympathetic or homeopathic magic. The conception
had wide acceptance among primitives. Frazer, Golden Bough,
VIII, 139; Mooney, Myths, 472.
51. Lord Kingsborough at this point takes issue with Adair so far as
concerns the Indians of South America, referring to Las Casas, op. cit.
Chapter 178; but saying, also, that Adair was led to the belief he expresses
by the customs prevailing in North America, as to which Las
Casas confirms Adair’s denial of the practice there, in his Chapter 224;
this, on the authority of Cabeza de Vaca who states that the Indians of
Florida and the Southern Mississippi Valley held cannibalism in extreme
abhorence. But that a few tribes of North America, in Texas, were
cannibals, see Swanton, Lower Tribes, 360.
52. Lord Kingsborough quotes Mackenzie as saying that the Dog-ribbed
Indians appeared to him to be all circumcised. See also, Boudinot, Star
of the West, 113.
53. “The Indians never used to eat a certain sinew in the thigh. The
name of this sinew in Cherokee is u-wa-sta-to. Some say that if they
eat the sinew they will cramp in it [the same sinew] on attempting to
run.” Buttrick, Antiquities of the Cherokees, 12. Further corroborated
by Hodgson, Letters from North America, I, 224, and as to the Canadian
Indians by Frazer, Golden Bough, VIII, 265. Also, see Mooney, Sacred
Formulas, 323, Myths, 447.
54. On marriage consult: Jones, Antiquities of Southern Indians, 65;
Swanton, Lower Tribes, 94; Bartram’s Observations, 65.
55. Punishment for adultery seems to have varied with almost every
tribe. Du Pratz, History of Louisiana, II, 197. Bossu says of the Choctaws:
“If a woman commits an infidelity, she must pass through the
meadow, i.e., all the young men, and sometimes, the old ones, satisfy
their brutality on her by turns.” Travels, I, 308. Among the Alabama
Indians he describes a different punishment. Ib., 233. Bartram’s
Travels, 512. Adair’s is by far the best and fullest account.
56. Lord Kingsborough refers here to Isaac and Rebecca, Genesis,
24: 14.
57. “In case of murder, the next of blood is obliged to kill the murderer
or else he is looked upon as infamous in the nation where he lives.”
Gen. Oglethorpe in Gentlemen’s Magazine, 1733, p. 413. See also
Cushman, History of the Indians, 495.
58. See as to these Shawnees, note on p. 2 ante.; and Swanton, Early
History of Creeks, 318-19.
59. Kingsborough refers for corroboration to the statement of Las Casas,
Historia Apologetica, Chapter 141, respecting cities of refuge among the
ancients in Mexico. As to North America: Mooney, Myths, 207.
60. Variously spelled: Chota, Chote, Echota, Chotah, Choto, Chotee,
Chateauke, Chotte, and as above. Probably the earliest English account
is that of James Needham in Williams, Early Travels in the Tennessee
Country, 27, see also pp. 152, 263, 472, and, for the reverence for “the
old beloved town,” 497. Timberlake, (1762) refers to it as the metropolis
of the country, Memoirs, 58, 99, 117; Ramsey’s Annals of Tennessee,
passim. The beloved town was spared in the destruction of the
Cherokee towns by Col. Wm. Christian, in 1776.
62. In early chronicles “Cusa” and other variations; largest town of
the Upper Creeks; entered by De Soto July 16, 1540; in the present
Talladega County, Ala., east of and near to Coosa River.
63. Kingsborough here cites Morfi in corroboration.
64. Morfi’s History of the Province of Texas, and Tanner’s Narrative
of Thirty Year’s Residence among the Indians, are cited by Lord Kingsborough.
65. Boudinot, Star of the West, 176; and Mooney, Myths, 503, quoting
Washburn, Reminiscences, 191, 121, on the capture of the ark of the
Cherokees by the Delaware Indians, to the loss of which the old priests
of the Cherokees ascribed the later degeneracy of their people. Buttrick,
Antiquities, 12, refers to the ark covered with deer-skin “to be set up
when they rested and carried when they journeyed.”
67. This is true, also, of the Sauk, Fox and Kickapoo Indians of the
West. Morse’s Rep. Ind. Affairs, Appendix, p. 130; Wilkes, Narrative of
the U. S. Expedition, III, 78, and Schoolcraft, Information Indian
Tribes, IV, 63. Frazer, in his Golden Bough, says that the custom is
observed by tribes in Australia, Malaya and Africa.
68. On treatment of captives: Hodge, Handbook, I, 203, and, in addition,
Smith, Account of Remarkable Occurrences, passim.
69. In this year the Chickasaws destroyed the French Ft. Massac on
the Ohio, near the mouth of Tennessee River, in the Illinois Country.
Alvord and Carter, New Regime, 132.
70. On the Chickasaws (led by Piomingo, the “Mountain Leader”
referred to as “leader” by Adair) in this campaign, and their great aid
to the British: Williams, Early Travels in the Tennessee Country, 216,
and his Beginnings of West Tennessee, 29.
71. See the Cherokees’ reception of Sir Alexander Cuming, described
by Cuming: Williams, Early Travels in the Tennessee Country, 135
et seq.
72. See Jones, Antiquities of the Southern Indians, 370, 500, 505, 514,
521; Harrington, Cherokee Remains on Upper Tennessee, 77, 82, 136,
286; and for gems found in the Cherokee Country, Williams, Memoirs of
Timberlake, 73.
73. The literature on the American Indians is fully corroborative.
74. A gourd or calabash set with gems was a mark of sacerdotal dignity
among the ancients of Mexico. (Kingsborough.)
75. The ancients of Mexico also had a superstitious regard for the
eagle, whose effigy they emblazoned on their shields. (Lord Kingsborough.)
76. Natchez Indians, as refugees among the Chickasaws after the wars
with the French.
77. There was a similar superstition as to the power of witches—that
they could assume animal forms. Kingsborough, Antiquities of Mexico,
VI, 121. Supplementing incantations, the Indians resorted to the
regimen of abstinence, but also to herbs. Among these: lobelia, sassafras,
white nettle, swamp-lily, may-apple, ginseng, white-root, wild senna,
etc. The best list and account is by Mooney, Sacred Formulas, 322 et
seq. See others mentioned by Adair, on p. 388 post.
79. For illustrations of scaffolds, Hodge, Handbook, I, 946.
80. To same effect: Jones, Antiquities of Southern Indians, 202, citing
Brickell’s Natural History of North Carolina, 380; and see Swanton,
Lower Tribes, 365. Starr, a Cherokee historian, says that these aboriginal
burial customs were abandoned for those of the white race, by 1800.
Early History of the Cherokees, 20.
81. Bartram, practically in accord, describes the burial customs of
the Creeks. Travels, 514; and see Roman, A Concise Natural History
of East and West Florida, 71, 89; Bossu, Travels, I, 257.
82. Mourning customs varied in different tribes. See, generally, Hodge,
Handbook, 951, and Swanton, Early Creeks, 372 et seq. Twelve months
was the period for the widow’s mourning among the Chickasaws. Cushman,
History of the Indians, 497.
83. Confirmed by Juan Morfi in his History of Province of Texas.
(Kingsborough.)
86. This fact is confusing to a researcher. For example, three names,
each at various stages of their careers, were borne by the Cherokee
chiefs Attakullakulla and Ostenaco.
87. Schoolcraft, Information Indian Tribes, I, 309 et seq., gives the
story as told by old men of the Chickasaws: That tribe came from the
West; a part of the tribe remaining in the West. The migrants carried
a pole which they planted in the ground at night, and the next morning
they would go in the direction it was found to be leaning. They continued
eastward across the Mississippi until they arrived at Chickasaw
Old Fields, where, the pole standing erect, they settled. Cushman (History
of the Choctaw, etc., Indians, 62) gives the same tradition as being
handed down by old men to missionaries in 1820, and that the Indians
at the time named the “great water” Misha Sipokni (the Mississippi).
Buttrick gives a migration legend of the Chickasaws coming from the
West across a great river; and the tradition fixes the crossing place at
the bluffs, later known as the Chickasaw Bluffs, on one of which stands
the city of Memphis.
89. Lord Kingsborough’s comment: This criticism from a person
wholly ignorant of the Spanish language, as was Adair, cannot carry
weight. Adair did not know that many of the Spanish monks and
friars advocated his theory of the Indians being descendants from the
Jews. Had he been, it is probable that he would have spoken more
respectfully of them.
90. The reference here, doubtless, is to Colden’s use of yo-ha-han in
his book on the Northern Indians. Boudinot, in the Star of the West,
234, says: “The Indians to the northward are said by Mr. Colden, a
laborious sensible writer, to repeat yo-ha-han, which, if true, evinces
that their corruption advances in proportion as they are distant from
South America. It was a material, or rather an essential, mistake to
write yo-ha-han, as it is confounding two religious words together. Mr.
Adair was assured by Sir William Johnson, as well as by Rev. Mr.
Ogilvie, a missionary with the Mohawks, that the Northern Indians
always pronounced the words of their songs, y-ho-he, a or ah; and so
Mr. Colden altered them in the second edition of his history.”
91. The reference is to Girolamo Benzoni, and his book, La Historia del
Mondo Nuovo, published in Venice, 1572.
92. Kingsborough says that the Mexicans had a name for God—Tezcatlipca.
93. Kingsborough says that Adair’s dislike of Romanists leads to unfair
comments on their historians; and wonders what translation of Roman
Adair could have consulted in which it was possible to find so great an
absurdity as is here stated on Roman’s authority.
94. Kingsborough points out a mistake in the insertion of “not,” p.
370, n. 44.
95. Adair was ignorant of the nature of the llama, to which species of
animals the Spaniards gave the name “sheep.” (Kingsborough, n. 47.)
96. Published his Noticias Americanas in 1772, but seems not to be
rated high on the history of the very early Indians. Adair’s reference
to this work, published only three years before his own, shows that his
MSS. must have been added to, and perhaps after he reached London,
for the purpose of bringing it out.
97. The reference is to Thomas Thorowgood’s book entitled “Jews in
America, or Probabilities, that those Indians are Judaical, made more
probable by some Additionals to the former Conjectures. An Accurate
Discourse is promised by Mr. John Elliot, (who first preached the gospel
to the Natives in their own Language) touching their Origination, and
his Vindication of the Planters. Sm. 4th, London: Printed for Henry
Brome at the Gun in Ivie-Lane. 1660.” The book is rare, selling for
$200.00 a copy in 1930.
98. Lord Kingsborough, note 51, calls attention to the well-known fact
that William Penn, founder of Pennsylvania, entertained the same belief.
The children of the Indians reminded Penn of the children of Jews in
their quarter of London, known as Old Jewry.
100. Kingsborough adds: “Pedro Simon observes that it was customary
amongst some of the Indian Tribes for men, after the confinement of
their wives, to feign sickness and to receive visitors reclining in bed.”
Note 57, p. 374. The same thing is noticed by a later writer.
101. This is the theory at this day held by leading ethnologists. Two
curious statements appear in Boudinot’s Star of the West, p. 235:
“Charlevoix, in his history of Canada, says that Father Grillon often told
him that, after having labored sometimes in the missions in Canada, he
returned to France, and went to China. One day, as he was traveling
through Tartary, he met a Huron woman whom he had formerly known
in Canada. She told him that, having been taken in war, she had been
conducted from nation to nation till she arrived at the place where she
then was. There was another missionary, passing by Nantz on his return
from China, who related the like story of a woman he had seen from
Florida in America. She informed him that she had been taken by
certain Indians and given to those of a distant country; and by these
again to another nation till she had been thus successively passed from
country to country; had traveled regions exceedingly cold, and at last
found herself in Tartary, and had there married a Tartar who had passed
with the conquerors into China and there settled.”
102. Lord Kingsborough ends his reprint and comments here, and concludes
by saying that, while Adair had proved his ignorance of the
genuine writings of the Spanish historians, yet their frequent agreement
with his own relation of facts confirms his veracity.
103. The best accounts of the Catawbas are those of two masters in the
field of the history of Southern Indians, Mooney (Siouan Tribes of the
East, 67-88) and Gatschet (Migration Legend of the Creeks, 15). John
Lederer was among them in 1669-70, and describes them as “a cruel
generation and prey upon people”; their women “delight much in feather
ornaments, of which they have great variety; but hold Peacocks in most
esteem because rare in those parts; the men are more effeminate and
lazy.” Discoveries (1672), Harpel reprint (1879), p. 24. Lawson was
among them in 1701, and gives them the name of Kadaqua. History of
North Carolina, 71 et seq.; and Wm. Byrd in his History of the Dividing
Line has several references to them. Their country was on the border
of the two Carolinas, on the Catawba River. A remnant still resides in
York County, S. C.
104. The great trading path from Virginia to Georgia passed through
the country of the Catawbas, and was known as the “Catawba Path.”
This brought the tribe into close contact with the whites, which was unfortunate
for the redmen, as it tended to their enfeeblement and decline.
105. See accordant comments of Lederer, as early as 1670, in note above.
106. One of several attempts of the governments of South Carolina and
Georgia to persuade the Chickasaws, hard pressed by the French and
their Choctaw allies, to leave their own country and settle on the
Savannah River. In 1742 Gov. Bull, of South Carolina, warned Lord
Wilmington that French policy looked to the extirpation of the Chickasaws.
The effort to use Adair’s influence on his friends, the Chickasaws,
must have been about 1748, when Vaudreuil was concerting plans to
attack them, as he did in 1752. The Chickasaws were, indeed, sorely
pressed, and their plea went to the “King of Carolina” for the return to
the nation of the Eastern Chickasaws then living on the Savannah, in
order “to enable us to keep our land. ... We hope you will think of
us in our poverty, as we have not had the liberty of hunting for three
years. We have had enough to do to defend our lands and prevent our
women and children being made slaves of the French.” S. C. Archives
(1756) 5 Indian Book, 123. Two years before (1754) the Cherokees,
induced by the English of South Carolina, actually sent a delegation to
the Chickasaws “in order to escort the remains of that brave people into
the Cherokee nation.” All persuasion was resisted, and the Chickasaws
held their beloved land.
107. The boundary of the Eastern Chickasaws, mentioned in a preceding
note, was described by their chiefs in 1797, while in treaty at Chickasaw
Bluff, site of Memphis: “ten miles square of lands in the State of South
Carolina, opposite Augusta on the Savannah River and Horse Creek,” a
plat of which was, they said, in the possession of the Secretary of War.
This band located there about the end of the Oglethorpe campaign
against St. Augustine.
108. The South Carolina government urged that of New York to check
these attacks; and, in 1750, Governor James Glen threatened to offer a
reward for the killing of any Northern Indian in the limits of South
Carolina. The next year peace between the two nations was effected at
the Albany Conference.
109. Lawson in 1701: They were “a very large nation, containing many
thousand people.” History of North Carolina (1903 ed.) p. 20.
110. The name as given by Gallatin (Archaeologia Americana, II, 90)
is, properly, Tsalakies. Mooney goes more into detail: “In the Lower
dialect, with which the English settlers first became familiar, the form
is Tsa-ragi. In the other dialects the form is Tsa-lagi.” Myths, 182;
with Gatschet in accord, Migration Legend, 24. De Soto chroniclers
wrote it: Chalaque. The present standard form, Cherokee, dates back
at least to 1708. Mooney says (Myths, 15) that the name by which the
Cherokees call themselves is Yunwiya, signifying “real or principal
people”; and that on ceremonial occasions they frequently speak of
themselves as the Kituhwagi (or Cuttawa). The Tennessee River was in
very early times called the Cussate (Moll Map, 1715).
111. Mooney says seemingly refers to the fact that the tribe occupied
a cave country; followed by Hodge, Handbook, I, 245, “cave people.”
But Starr, the Cherokee historian, agrees with Adair: A-che (fire) ahgi
(he takes). Early History, 7.
113. Among the traders in 1730-35 were: Anthony Deane, said to have
been a learned man, Cornelius Dougherty, Eleazar Wiggan, Alexander
Long, Ludovick Grant, a man of intelligence and influence, David Dowie,
Joseph Cooper and Gregory Haines.
114. In 1715 Col. Chicken was assured that the Valley Towns alone had
by count 2,370 fighting men, one-half the number equipped with guns.
116. Compare the accordant account of DeBrahm in Williams, Early
Travels in the Tennessee Country, 193; also 477.
117. Flowing towards territory claimed by the French. Thus, it seems,
came also the name of French Broad River, in Western North Carolina
and East Tennessee.
118. Also the Catawbas in the same and in the following year. On
small-pox: Du Prazt, History, 305; Hamilton, Colonial Mobile, 209 et
seq. In September, 1739, chiefs of the Cherokees complained that their
people had been poisoned by bad rum brought in by traders, but on
inquiry it was ascertained that unlicensed traders had during the preceding
summer carried small-pox to their nation. Harris, Memorials of
Oglethorpe, 214.
120. The Indians made much use of the root of the white nettle, which
because of its caustic and detergent properties, was used for cleansing
ulcers and proud-flesh. Bartram’s Observations, 45. But the “mountain
alum” appears to be cranesbill (geranium maculatum) an astringent,
recognized as such by medical authorities today.
125. The upper or Flanders Path is described by Crane, The Southern
Frontier, 135.
126. By way of supplement to and corroboration of Adair, in respect
of this very remarkable man, Christian Gottlieb Piber, who declared in
a petition that he had a wife and four children in Saxony, the following
brief account by Ludovick Grant is given, because not so well known as
others. Priber landed at Charles Town, but, it seems, made his way to
a district in the country. Grant says that Priber went from Amelia
Township on Santee River into the Cherokee nation; that he called himself
a German but was certainly an agent of the French; that he lived
in the town of Telliquo (Great Tellico); that he trimmed his hair in the
Indian manner and painted as they did, going, generally, naked, except
for a shirt and flap; that he told the Cherokees that they had been
tricked out of a great part of their lands, and in the future they should
make no concessions, and should trade with the English and French
alike, and they would then be courted by both. He proposed a new
system of government, under which all things should be held in common;
even their wives should be so, and the children looked upon as those
of the public and taken care of as such. Priber urged that the “seat
of government be moved nearer to the French at Coosawattee, where in
ancient times a town stood belonging to the Cherokees; and that they
should admit into their society Creeks and Catawbas, French and English,
all colours and complexions; in short, all who were of their principles.”
Priber wrote a letter to the South Carolina government, signed
by him as “prime minister,” which opened the eyes of South Carolinians
to the danger of his continuing longer among the Indians. Grant confirms
Adair as to the journey to the Alabama Fort of the French on his
way to Mobile and as to his arrest. “His negro who jumped into the
river to make his escape, they shot dead.” Grant fixed the length of
Priber’s stay as “about three years [Adair says five and the true period
was six or seven years] among the Cherokees”—a “most notorious rogue
and iniquitous fellow who if he had been permitted to live much longer
in that country would undoubtedly have drawn that nation over to the
French interest.” Relation, in S. C. Hist. Mag., X, 54. See also letter
from Fredrica in S. C. Gazette of Aug. 15, 1743: “The Creek Indians
have at last brought Mr. Priber prisoner here; he is a little ugly man,
but speaks all languages fluently ... he talks very prophanely against
all religions, but chiefly the Protestant; he was for setting up a town at
the foot of the mountains among the Cherokees, which was to be a city
of refuge for all criminals, debtors and slaves. ... There was a book
found upon him in his own writing ready for the press, which he owns
and glories in and believes it is by this time printed, but will not tell
where, in which ... he lays down the rules of government which the
town is to be governed by, to which he gives the title of Paradise. He
enumerates many whimsical privileges and natural rights ... particularly
dissolving marriages and allowing community of women and all
kinds of licenciousness; the book is drawn up very methodically, and full
of learned quotations; it is extremely wicked, yet has several flights full
of invention, and it is a pity so much wit is applied to so bad a purpose.”
A comparison of the “Red Empire” with the Russian Soviet of the
present day is more than suggested. See further on Priber: Crane, A Lost
Utopia, Sewanee Review, Jan’y, 1919; Mereness, Travels in the American
Colonies, 248; Williams, Early Travels in the Tennessee Country, 154 et
seq., and Mooney, Myths, 36.
127. Col. Fox. Before he was sent in Ludovick Grant had been commissioned
to make the arrest. His Relation gives the account: “I sometime
after went up into the Townhouse to try what could be done; but
I found that he [Priber] was well apprized of my design and laughed
at me, desiring me to try it, in so insolent a manner that I could hardly
bear it.... After which Coll. Fox was sent up on the same service
with several persons to attend and assist him; and, having endeavoured
by several messages and letters to decoy and draw him out of Town,
but all in vain, he at length laid hold of him in the Townhouse, for
which he liked to have suffered. The Indians took it very much amiss
and told him that as the Country was their own they might do what
they thought proper ... wishing him [Fox] to get out of their Country
directly.” S. C. Mag. of History, X, 54 et seq.
128. The subsequent history of the Cherokees corroborates Adair’s
statement as to the attitude of the town of Great Tellico. It was there
that Lantagnac plotted for the downfall of Ft. Loudoun. Williams, Early
Travels in the Tennessee Country, 177.
129. Gov. James Glen, Adair’s dislike of whom is here and elsewhere
fully apparent.
131. Gov. Dinwiddie: “We have had 148 Cherokees, 124 Catawbas etc.
at Fort Loudown [Winchester, Va.].... The Cherokees have been
guilty of many disorders in marching through this Country and killed
a Chickasaw Warrior.” Papers, II, 633, 641, 663, 673. Cherokees were
used with good results as scouts; a party of six reported a sally of the
French from Fort DuQuesne (Pittsburgh) and Col. George Washington
(June, 1757) feared that Fort Cumberland would fall. Fernow, Ohio
Valley in Colonial Days, 150 et seq. The Chickasaws also sent warriors
to aid the British and Americans. They at Ft. Loudoun (in Virginia)
were under Washington, who wrote of them: “Those Indians who are
coming should be showed all possible respect, and the greatest care
should be taken of them, as upon them much depends. It is a critical
time, they are very humorsome, and their assistance very necessary.
One false step might lose us all that, but even turn them against us.”
Morton, Story of Winchester, 76.
132. On this occurrence consult Virginia House of Burgesses Journals,
1758-61, p. 6 et seq.; Koontz, The Virginia Frontier, 1754-1763, 92, and
Carroll’s South Carolina Collection, II, 97.
133. For Lantagnac’s intrigues in behalf of the French: Williams, Early
Travels in the Tennessee Country, 177 et seq.
134. They raided on the Yadkin River and threatened to attack the
Moravian towns: Moravian Records, I, 232.
135. Probably the Eastern band on the Savannah River.
136. Incidents at Ft. Prince George in Upper South Carolina.
138. Col. Archibald Montgomery succeeded to the title and peerage in
October, 1769; thus is shown Adair’s revision of his work to that date,
at least.
139. The retreat of Col. Montgomery led to the downfall of Fort Loudoun.
140. Under Col. Wm. Byrd III. The biting comment of Adair was
justified. Williams, Memoirs of Lt. Timberlake, 14. Timberlake was
with Byrd.
141. Adair was in active service as captain of the Eastern Chickasaws—but
he modestly and barely refers to the fact. See the editor’s Introduction
to this volume.
142. Edmund Atkins, formerly a Charles Town merchant, in partnership
with John Atkins. S. C. Gazette, Oct. 4, 1746. He was, also, member
of the Council of State in 1748.
143. Hamilton says that the true Indian name was Yaha Tasky Stonake,
called by the English The Mortar and by the French Le Loup. Colonial
Mobile, 229. He was under French influence, and gave the British and
colonials much trouble because of his power among his people, the
Creeks, and his influence with one element of the Overhill Cherokees in
the fateful year 1760. See N. C. Col. Rec., VI, 259 et seq.; 313, as to
his aiding in the downfall of Ft. Loudoun. After the surrender of the
garrison, The Mortar was taken over the fort by the Cherokees and
shown the “great guns”—the cannon. Before setting off to his own
country The Mortar and his gang of Creeks broke into the Little Carpenter’s
house and plundered it, evidently to punish the Cherokee chief
for the part he had taken in behalf of the English. The Mortar was
accompanied home by a group of the Cherokees. That he was influential,
at the incitement of Lantagnac, in the downfall of Ft. Loudoun, is manifest.
144. This savage attack on Atkins occurred among the Creeks in the
Alabama Country (Cussatah Town) Sept. 28, 1759. He was struck by a
Cherokee on the head with a tomahawk but escaped without fatal injury.
The intrigues of the French soon brought the Overhill Cherokees
to flagrant outbreak against the English.
145. It has been suggested that The Mortar began the settlement to
which resorted the disaffected of the Creeks and Cherokees—later known
as Chickamaugas, always a lawless band, rather than a tribe.
146. The best authorities on the Creeks are Hawkins and Swanton, in
the books cited ante and post.
147. A doctrine preached later by Thomas Jefferson when President.
148. Perhaps Galphin. The account is corroborated by Swanton, Early
History of Creeks, 421, 437.
149. Ft. Toulouse, near the junction of the Coosa and Tallapoosa Rivers.
150. Probably “John Ross, Indian Trader,” mentioned as grantee of land
at Augusta, in Ga. Col. Recs., VI, 229.
151. It would be interesting to know in what year Adair penned these
lines.
152. Or Tombekbe, now Jones Bluff of Tombigbee River, where the
Alabama Great Southern crosses the stream in West Alabama; established
by Bienville, 1735.
153. The Koasati Indians, once located on Tennessee River below the
present Chattanooga, are treated of in Swanton’s Early History of the
Creeks, 201-207, 211.
154. The Boiling Pot or Suck in Tennessee River, near Hale’s Bar, near
Chattanooga.
155. George Galphin and Lachlan McGillivray (McGilwray in the Dedication
of Adair’s book).
Galphin, a Scotchman, located at an early day (c. 1739) at
Silver Bluff, later Gaphinton, on Savannah River, South Carolina
side, a few miles below the site of Augusta, Ga., where he built a
trading post and engaged in the Indian trade, chiefly to the Creeks.
He is said to have been the earliest trader in that section. Ft.
Augusta dated from 1736; and it is likely that Galphin and Adair
were in close touch shortly afterwards. Galphin at the outbreak
of the Revolution sympathized with the colonists, and on Oct. 2,
1775, he was appointed commissioner of Indian affairs for the
Southern District, thus realizing the ambition of Adair for his friend.
For a number of years he had an important part in affairs affecting
the Indians, the value of which is best summarized in a letter to
him from Henry Laurens from the Continental Congress, Sept. 16,
1777: “I congratulate upon your success in treating with the Creek
Indians. I hold the States of So. Carolina and Georgia, as well as
the United States, much indebted to your unwearied labours for
the present good disposition of those Savages, and as their continuance
in this temper depends much upon your exertions, so we are
all bound to pray your life and health.” Burnett, Letters of Members
of Const. Cong., II, 494. Galphin appears to have been a considerable
trader in the town of Coweta, the principal town of the
Lower Creeks. He took a leading part in the affairs of his own
colony, and in those of Georgia just across the river. In 1754 he
was influential in keeping up the English connection with the Chickasaws—doubtless
through his partner in the trade, Adair. Through
his intervention, munitions of war were then sent to the Chickasaws
by Georgia, to enable them to hold their land, “save themselves,
wives and children from being made slaves of their enemies the
French.” Galphin was largely instrumental in the success of the
great Indian Congress held at Augusta in 1773, referred to by Adair.
Therefor in 1848 a claim, prosecuted by his family, was allowed by
the Congress of the United States. Galphin was a man of intelligence
and great force of character. He died in 1780.
Lachlan McGillivray also lived near Augusta, where his name,
alongside that of Galphin, may be found attached to early documents
relating to the defense of the neighborhood against danger. He
was also a trader, mainly to the Creeks, and many reports of his on
Indian affairs are to be found in the South Carolina Archives. He
was the father of the noted half-breed chief of the Creek Indians,
Alexander McGillivray, who played such an important part in the
South in the closing decades of the previous century. As his name
indicates, he also was a Scotchman; and a descendant of his was a
minor leader among the Chickasaws about 1815-20. Lachlan McGillivray
was a man of fine native parts, but had not the talents
and did not reach the rank of Galphin.
156. By Matthew Roche, of the “Sphynx Company,” for which see
later. A letter of Adair was incorporated in the pamphlet, and it may
not be doubted that Adair figured not a little in the preparation and
composition of its contents.
157. Capt. John Stuart, who was rescued by Attakullakulla at the downfall
of Ft. Loudoun, was principal superintendent of Indian affairs at
the South, from 1762 to the end of the colonial era.
159. The records abound in proofs of the awe in which the Chickasaws
were held by the other tribes of the Southern and Northern Indians.
160. Described by Lord Adam Gordon in 1764, Wolf King was a sensible
old man, who said he might be one hundred years old. Mereness,
Travels in the American Colonies, 385.
161. The Shawnees were hereditary enemies of the Cherokees, but usually
allies of the Creeks. By capture or intermarriage there was quite
an admixture of Shawnee blood among the Cherokees. The small party
referred to in the text may have been one of this character.
162. The reference seems to be to Gov. James Glen, who made such
an effort.
163. Lachlan McGillivray. The archives at Columbia bear out Adair’s
statements on this point.
164. Bienville gave their number of warriors in 1725-26 as 8,000 and the
Colonial Records of Georgia state a higher number. There had been a
frightful loss of life in the numerous wars fought with the Chickasaws
under French incitement. In wars with the Creeks, 1765-1771, they
lost about three hundred warriors, Gallatin, Synopsis, etc., 100. Cushman
draws a brighter picture of the Choctaws, but Milfort makes a distinction
between the Northern and Southern Choctaws, giving to the former
superior qualities. The earliest mention of them is found in the De Soto
narratives, 1540.
165. The reference is to the firms of Baynton, Wharton & Morgan, and
Franks & Co.
167. Adair was not well up on North Carolina geography. The Yadkin
does not flow into the Cape Fear River.
168. Charles Stuart, seemingly a brother of John Stuart, was deputy
superintendent.
169. The reference is to Col. Abraham Wood, of Virginia, and to his
sending out Batts and Fallam in 1671—not 1654 or 1664. Adair is here
following Cox’s Carolana. See Alvord and Bidgood, First Explorations of
the Trans-Allegheny Region, 191, and Williams, Early Travels in the
Tennessee Country, 17. Capt. Bolton made no such discovery in 1670.
170. Dr. Cox, of London, father of the author of Carolana and a proprietor
of West (New) Jersey but never in America, did send Capt.
Bond by sea to, then up the Mississippi about one hundred miles, in
1698; the vessel was turned back by Iberville acting for the French, at
a place ever since called “the English turn,” just below New Orleans.
171. Adair is yet following the Carolana of Daniel Cox, son of Dr. Cox,
taking no notice of the journeys of Marquette and Jolliet in 1673 and of
La Salle in 1682.
173. Gov. James Glen. As corroborative of Adair: “We have advices
from some of our traders that the Choctaw Indians (for many years
past in the French interest) have invited them into their towns to trade,
promising them a guard of 400 men; and as a testimony of their good
intentions they brought with them the scalps of three Frenchmen.”
S. C. Gazette, Nov. 4, 1746.
174. The celebrated and double-faced Red Shoes, leader of a faction
of the Choctaws. He took part with the French in the war of 1736;
but proving insolent after the war, Vaudreuil stopped the supply of
arms and ammunition to his party. Further incensed by the discovery of
a Frenchman from Ft. Tombekbe in adultery with his favorite wife,
Adair found him ripe for heading a faction of the Choctaws against the
French. Adair’s influence was exerted to that end in 1746, for in October
of that year, De Beauchamp was among the friendly Choctaws,
warning them against Adair, “that trader who was at the Chikachas
[Chickasaws], mentioning him by name,” and offering a reward for the
death of Red Shoes. Mereness, Travels in the American Colonies, 290
et seq. A fratricidal war broke out among the Choctaws. Red Shoes’
party with a band of the Creeks, in June, 1748, not 1747 as Adair states
from memory, made an attack on the German settlement (Quartier des
Alemands) as stated by Adair. Vaudreuil was more fortunate in compassing
the death of Red Shoes later in 1748, seemingly through Jean
Grondel. The fiat went forth that the arch-intriguer must die. He was
set upon and killed while convoying to his towns a train of English
goods from Charles Town. English traders saved the goods; and, by
making a distribution of them, managed to revive the war, placing a
brother of Red Shoes at the head of his partisans. This faction was
soon defeated and put to rout by Grandpre, then commandant at Ft.
Tombikbe. In the event, the connection of Red Shoes and Adair was
unfortunate for both.
175. The reference is to the two unsuccessful campaigns of the French
against the Chickasaws under Bienville.
176. The Chickasaws’ horses were favorites throughout the South. Barton
in his New View says: “It is a well established fact that the Chickasaws
brought with them from the West those beautiful horses called
Chickasaw breed.” Major Robert Rogers in his Concise Account of
North America, says that the Chickasaws are supposed to have introduced
the horse, and had large droves of them in 1762. But others
attribute the origin to De Soto’s visit among them. Hugh Williamson
(Observations, 80) in 1811 said: “Those Indians were originally furnished
by De Soto with a breed of Spanish horses. The Indians, towards
the middle of the last century, discovered that their horses were a
valuable article of commerce.... The traders in all cases bought
their largest horses.” Smyth (1774) in North Carolina “purchased a
beautiful Chickasaw horse, named so from a nation of Indians who are
very careful of preserving a fine breed of Spanish horses they have
long preserved, unmixed with any other.” A Tour, I, 139. In 1785
Henry Laurens, Jr., of Charleston, wrote of being “informed by a
Friend of his expectations of a string of five and forty horses from the
Chickasaws which are generally esteemed as good horses as any in
America.” So. Car. Hist. Mag., XXIV, 11. The horse, it seems, was
not introduced among the Cherokees until the beginning of the seventeenth
century, and then probably from the Chickasaws. Byrd says that
the Indians “were utter strangers to all our beasts of carriage before the
slothful Europeans came amongst them.” The Seminoles of Florida also
had horses of Andalusian breed, brought over by the Spaniards. Bartram,
Travels, 213. The Chickasaw breed was in high repute in East Tennessee
in the last decade of the eighteenth century. A celebrated sire
“Piomingo,” named for the great chief, was advertised as “a fine Spanish
horse raised in the Chickasaw nation.” Knoxville Gazette, Mar. 24, 1792.
177. For accordant statement: Williams, Memoirs of Timberlake, 79;
Lawson, History of North Carolina (1903 ed.) 133.
178. This ecomium on the Chickasaws finds full confirmation on the
part of historians and travelers, French, Spanish and English:
“The nation of the Chickasaws is very warlike. The men have
regular features, well shaped and neatly dressed; they are fierce, and
have a high opinion of themselves. The nations who border upon them
who speak the Chickasaw language best value themselves upon it.”
(Du Pratz.)
“They are accounted and esteemed the bravest Indians upon the main,
which makes good the common observation that the bravest soldiers
are generally the most civil to prisoners.” (Eveleigh.)
“They are the most indefatigable and most valiant of all the Indians.”
(Rev. John Wesley.)
“Not so numerous as the Choctaws, but more terrible on account of
their intrepidity. The Chickasaws are tall, well made, and of an unparalleled
courage.” (Bossu.)
“A brave, warlike people; tall, well-shaped and handsome featured.”
(Rogers.)
“These brave Indians, our ancient allies and steady friends; irreconciliable
enemies of the French.” (Sir Jeffrey Amherst.)
“There is no Indian nation on the continent near so handsome as the
Chickasaws; they have always been distinguished for their gallant actions
and feats of heroism which have rendered them, even individually, to
be particularly respected throughout all the nations of North America.
For which reason Chickasaw guides are more sought after and are more
serviceable than those of any other nation.” (Smyth.)
“The most intrepid warriors of the South.” (Bancroft.)
“The bravest of the brave. Admirably proportioned, athletic, active
and graceful in their movements, and possessed of open and manly
countenances.” (Pickett.)
“Their courage exceeded that of all other aborigines. Neighboring
tribes found them invincible.” (Brewer.)
“Through all the epochs of colonial history the Chickasaw people
maintained their old reputation for independence and bravery.”
(Gatschet.)
“The ancient Chickasaws have justily been regarded as the bravest
and most skillful warriors among all the American Indians.” (Cushman.)
“The smallest of the Southern nations, but they were also the bravest
and most warlike.” (Roosevelt.)
“Noted from remote times for their bravery, independence and warlike
disposition.” (Hodge.)
179. See on this town, Swanton, Early Creeks, 313, et seq.
180. Should be 1748, when “the Western Choctaws attack the Quartier
Alemands.” French Transcripts at Jackson, Miss., Vol. 32, p. 81.
181. Quapaw, a Southwestern Siouan tribe, their villages west of the
Mississippi and north of the Arkansas River. Hodge, Handbook, II, 333.
182. A name applied by Adair to a company of traders, composed of
Gov. James Glen, his brother and two others, and given official countenance.
186. James Campbell who had traded among the Chickasaws for nearly
twenty years. He had conducted a small trade among the Choctaws,
and joined Adair in the plan to win over Red Shoes.
187. “Friday last arrived 47 Indians of a very potent nation heretofore
in enmity and now come to solicit peace and the encouragement of
English traders to settle and supply them with goods, giving assurances
of fidelity and good treatment.” South Carolina Gazette, Apr. 13, 1748.
A brother of Red Shoes headed the delegation. Ib., Apr. 17.
188. The mythic place, Nani Waya (winding hill), in Winston County,
Miss. Nanna Waya Creek through the county yet is known by the
name. Gatschet, Migration Legend, 105; Cushman, History, 361.
189. The French archives, with data of the year 1748, afford ample
corroboration of “the Choctaw rebellion,” as they termed the civil war.
190. Or Paya Mattaha; he represented the Chickasaw Nation as principal
leader in the Indian Congress held by Gov. Johnstone and John
Stuart, at Mobile in March, 1765. He there made an extended speech:
“Tho’ I am a red man, my heart is white from my connection with and
the benefit I have received from the white people. I almost look upon
myself as one of them.... The English have always supported me
in my distress and never deserted or deceived me.”
191. Gov. Glen in 1748 admitted that Adair and John Campbell had
been his chief agents in bringing about the Red Shoe revolt. Adair’s
bitterness towards the governor was not without cause.
192. Identified by Swanton as the Cusabo Indians. Early Hist. Creeks,
71 et seq.
193. Adair is here recounting Cherokee raids in the early decades of
the eighteenth century.
194. George Haig who in 1748 was taken captive, with Thomas Brown’s
half-breed son, and put to death by the Indians (R. L. Meriwether).
Thomas Brown is mentioned by Adair as “T. B.” He and Haig were
associates in the Indian trade from a post on Congaree River up to
Brown’s death in 1747.
199. There must be a misprint here, since there was no such disparity
between the water and land routes, and Adair was well posted on the
point.
200. “The tribal name is Tciaca. The suffix aca denoting people collectively;
another form Tcikocokela, okela denoting tribe, is in common
use.” Frank G. Speck in Journal of American Folk Lore, XX, 50-58.
201. Adair is corroborated by Cushman (History of the Choctaws, Chickasaws,
etc., 19-20, 242-246, 361, 494). The languages were for the
most part identical. It appears that in speeches made by Chickasaw
chiefs in councils held by the British with them and the Choctaws,
jointly, the former spoke as “elders” to the Choctaws.
202. Adair does not go further back than 1720 in his account of the
Chickasaws. The expedition of De Soto in 1540-41 crossed their country,
called by its historians or narrators “Chicaca provincia,” and suffered
a defeat by the tribe. In La Salle’s own account of his expedition of
1682 he mentions the “river inhabited by the Sicachas,” as having “its
source near Carolina”—the Tennessee River, manifestly. His men came
in contact with “five of the Chikacha nation” at one of the Chickasaw
Bluffs on the Mississippi in the present West Tennessee. In 1687,
Father Anastasius Douay records respecting a party of La Salle’s force,
“we went to the Sicachas, where we had not been,” previously. “This
nation is very numerous; they count at least four thousand warriors;
have an abundance of peltry.” But Tonty, in 1693, noted the tribe
as having “2,000 warriors.” By 1720-21 that the Chickasaws were a
thorn in the side of the French is demonstrated by Charlevoix and
Diron D’Artaguette. For all their accounts, see Williams, Early Travels
in the Tennessee Country, passim. In the closing years of the seventeenth
century Carolina traders were among the Chickasaws, initiating
a commerce that Adair carried forward. For later glimpses: Du Pratz,
History of Louisiana, II, 217; for a few customs, Bossu, Travels in
Louisiana, passim; Roman’s East and West Florida, and authorities later
cited. Having in view the part played by the Chickasaws in aiding the
English in holding the Mississippi Valley against the French, all too
scant attention has been paid to that gallant and remarkable nation of
red men by the historians of America.
203. The best account of the Natchez Indians is Swanton’s Lower Tribes,
passim, supplemented by his Early History of the Creeks.
204. For the three humiliatingly unsuccessful campaigns of the French
against the Chickasaws, due to their giving asylum to the Natchez, see:
Primary, Rowland and Sanders, Mississippi Provincial Archives, I, passim;
Ga. Col. Recs., XXI and XXII, and Shea’s reprint of [Bouache] Journal
de la Guerre du Micissippi contre les Chicachas en 1739-40, translation
in Claiborne’s Mississippi. Secondary, Pickett’s History of Alabama,
Hamilton, Colonial Mobile, and Williams, Beginnings of West Tennessee,
chs. IV and V.
205. Confirmation: Williams, op. cit., chs. V and VI. Most of the
Chickasaw sallies were from the Bluffs in West Tennessee, at the site
of Memphis and above.
206. Not only the French but their Indians: “Both French and Indians
stand in awe of them.” Williams, op. cit., 29.
207. In the treaties of 1818 (Shelby-Jackson) and 1832 (Coffee-Colbert).
As to the latter, Jackson, then President, wrote: “All things considered,
I think it is a good one, and surely the religious enthusiasts or those
who have been weeping over the oppression of the Indians will not find
fault with it for want of liberality or justice to the Indians.” This
expressed hope of Adair was measurably (but barely so) proved to be
true. Bassett, Correspondence of Jackson, IV, 483, and Williams, op. cit.,
App. A and B.
209. The reference is to Gen. Phineas Lyman’s scheme for a colony,
Georgiana. Williams, op. cit., 18.
210. It is this point, well made by Adair, that our historians have failed
fully to grasp or appreciate. The fate of the lower Mississippi Valley
might have been otherwise but for the Chickasaws; not once but twice—first
against the French but later against the Spaniards.
211. Of widespread culture among other tribes. See Bartram, Travels,
38, 421.
212. Used by the Indians in concocting the “black drink”; as to which
see n. 22, p. 49 ante.
213. Ginseng is yet gathered wild and even cultivated for commerce in
the mountains. As to the use made of it by the aborigines: Mooney,
Myths, 421, 425, 505, and Sacred Formulas, 326.
214. If we assume that Adair wrote these words in 1768, then almost
at the time the first steps were being taken by such people on their
own initiative to found settlements on the Holston and Watauga Rivers,
which were to become the seed-plot of the civilization of the Upper
Southwest.
215. To the Natchez Country left open to settlement by the king’s
proclamation of 1763.
216. Charles Town was the first center of the Indian trade. From that
place prior to 1700 traders had reached the Indian tribes on the Mississippi;
in that year they were found there by the French. McCrady
says that many of the early fortunes of Charleston families were built
up by the Indian trade. This is more than can be said of the traders,
who adventured themselves into the wilderness encompassed by manifold
dangers to make possible the merchants’ fortunes. Augusta followed as
chief mart. “It was laid out in the beginning of the year 1736, and
thrives prodigiously. It is the chief place of trade with the Indians.
There are several warehouses in it well furnished with goods for the
Indian trade.... There are five large boats which belong to different
inhabitants of the town, and carry about nine thousand weight of deer
skins, each; and last year about one hundred thousand weight of skins
was brought from there. All the Indian traders from both provinces of
South Carolina and Georgia, resort thither in the spring. In June, 1739,
the traders, pack-horsemen, servants, townsmen and others dependent
upon that business, made about six hundred whites who live by the trade
in the Indian nations. Each hunter is reckoned to get three hundred
weight of deer skins in a year, which is a very advantageous trade to
England, for the deer skins, beaver and other furs are chiefly paid for
in woolen goods and iron.” An Impartial Inquiry, London, 1741, also in
Ga. Hist. Coll. I, 153 et seq. Among the traders of Adair’s early period
as a trader may be mentioned a few not elsewhere named who traded
to the Chickasaws: Thos. Welch, James Alford, John Chester, James
Welch, John Buckles, John Brown, Thomas Andrews, Wm. McMullian,
Augustine Smith, Jerome Courtonne, John Tanner, Benj. Sealey, John
Smith, Richard McCully and Francis Underwood. For traders to the
Cherokees: Rothrock, Carolina Traders Among the Overhill Cherokees,
1690-1760, E. T. Hist. Soc. Pub., I, 3 et seq.
217. Set out, article by article, with prices in the proceedings of the
Congress.
218. Lt. Col. Wedderburn, chief military officer of West Florida.
219. Charles Stuart, a younger brother of John Stuart, was deputy for
many years prior to the War of the Revolution.
220. James Colbert, who was to become a great leader of the Chickasaws.
221. George Craghan or Croghan, whose career is set forth in Volwiler,
George Croghan, and the Westward Movement. There is evidence that
Craghan or one of his agents was on the Tennessee River in the Tennessee
Country prior to 1756.
223. Was this a Joseph Greer of the Valley of Virginia? Andrew Greer,
of the Watauga Settlement, was somewhat later a trader to the Cherokees.
224. Supplementing Adair’s statements as to the strength of the Chickasaws,
only a few authorities are here quoted: Sir Nathaniel Johnson,
Sept. 17, 1708, stated in a report that “the Chikysaws have at least 600
men. These Indians are stout and warlike.... Slaves is what we have
in exchange for our goods, which these people take from several nations
of Indians that live beyond them.” Rivers, Historical Sketch of South
Carolina, 238. In 1715, the census taken by South Carolina authorities
gave 700 warriors. Gov. Bull, of South Carolina (1742): “They do not
exceed 400 men.” Royal Com. Hist. MSS., Appendix IV, 269. After
the attrition of three wars with the French, John Buckles, a trader
among them, reported this estimate in 1754: “Able gunmen, 340; old
men between 50 and 70 years, 25; young boys, 155. As to the number
of women in the nation ... every fellow has at least 2 or 3 wives; and
young girls there may be about the same number as the boys, or they
may exceed.” Maj. Robert Rogers in his Concise Account of North
America, stated that in 1762 “they can raise 500 fighting men.” Two
years later (1764) Capt. Thomas Hutchins estimated 750 warriors. For
other figures: Swanton, Early Creeks, 449.
225. On methods of warfare: Bartram, Travels, 211; Gatschet, Migration
Legend, 167; Williams, Memoirs of Timberlake, 57 et seq., 93, 102;
Smith’s Captivity, 153, 163; Hodge, Handbook, II, 915, and Morgan,
League of the Iroquois, I, 68, 72, 300 et seq.
227. An instance is given by DeBrahm. Williams, Early Travels in the
Tennessee Country, 193.
228. Tattooing was practiced by Indians generally; the ink differed; by
some charred box-elder was used, by others the dripping of rich pine-roots;
the pricking was done by sharp flint points, sharp bone or gar’s
tooth, and, in the West, cactus spines. Most tribes had one or more
persons expert in the art. See, also, Bartram, Travels, 482 et seq.
229. Instances are numerous in the history of the American Indians.
230. In which he recites his war-like deeds, as by way of a swan-song.
231. This, it is believed, is the best description extant of torture at the
stake.
232. A Seneca warrior from the North. Mooney, Myths, 491.
233. Gen. Oglethorpe: “In case of murder, the next in blood is obliged
to kill the murderer, or else he is looked upon as infamous in the nation
where he lives. There is no coersive power in that government.” Gentlemen’s
Magazine (London) for 1733, p. 413.
235. On these titles among the Cherokees: Williams, Memoirs of Timberlake,
194n.
236. For aid rendered by the Southern Indians to Oglethorpe: Harris,
Memorials, 224; and the Chickasaws, Ga. Hist. Coll., I, 270, 277.
237. All authorities are in agreement: Bartram, Travels, 212; Lawson,
History of Carolina, 287; Williams, Memoirs of Timberlake, 79; Mooney,
Myths, lxviii, 434, 465; see p. 120 ante.
238. The fullest and best account is by Mooney, The Cherokee Ball
Play, reprint from Am. Anthropologist, April, 1890; also in Myths,
passim; also, Bartram, Travels, 506. For a game played for the amusement
of the Duke of Orleans (King Louis Philippe) in 1797, Williams,
Early Travels in the Tennessee Country, 437.
239. The best account of the game and yard where played is Bartram’s
in Observations, 34, and Myer, Prehistoric Villages in Middle Tennessee,
515. See also, Mooney, Myths, 434, Williams, Memoirs of Timberlake,
99; and Jones, Antiquities, 341-2.
240. The discoidal stone used somewhat resembled the discus of the
Greek athletes; wrought of quartz. Travelers among the Creeks remark
their grace in the game. “Nearly all the fine specimens that enrich the
public and private collections of other States have been found in the
valleys of Cumberland and Tennessee Rivers.” Thurston, Antiquities of
Tennessee, 263, where illustrations may be found; also in Harrington,
Remains on Upper Tennessee River, 236.
241. Consult on modes of fishing: Jones, Antiquities of Southern Indians,
327 et seq.; Bartram’s Observations, 44.
242. In the American Pioneer, of Cincinnati, I, 143, Barker gives an
interesting account of the Chickasaws fishing in Duck River in Middle
Tennessee (1805). He observed the Indians in their canoes pursuing
large fishes which swarmed in that beautiful stream in the domain
claimed by them; and taking great numbers by the use of long cane
spears. Cane grew there in profusion. The spears “were sixteen or
eighteen feet in length, sharpened with a knife into a lancet shape at
one end, and were thrown with great dexterity twenty or thirty feet;
seldom failing to pierce a fish through at every throw. This was doubtless
an invention of great antiquity, and practiced by their fathers ages
before the use of iron was known amongst them.”
243. For a similar account: Williams, Memoirs of Timberlake, 69.
244. Consult Jones, op. cit., 269-286, and illustrations.
245. On Indian agriculture: Bartram, Travels, 509; Jones, op. cit., 296-320;
Timberlake, 68.
246. Consult on construction of dwelling houses: Jones, op. cit., 35, 39;
Bartram, Travels, 365; Timberlake, 84.
247. Maize or com was also the dependence of the pioneer whites. Its
importance in the history of the West cannot be overly emphasized. See
Jones, op. cit., 297-301; Mooney, Myths, 421, 423, 471, 481.
248. Jones describes this stone, op. cit., 315-20.
250. Wild strawberry vines matted the earth where there were barrens;
the ripe “berries covered the ground as with a red cloth.” (F. A.
Michaux, 1803.)
251. There was the wild or pig potato, indigenous and ancestors of the
cultivated potato, and the artichoke.
253. For hot-house, see Williams, Memoirs of Timberlake, 35: “A little
hut joined to the house, in which a fire is continually kept, and the heat
so great that cloaths are not to be borne the coldest day in the winter.”
Also, Jones, op. cit., 16.
254. There is no difficulty in finding ample corroboration of Adair’s
description of the lower class of Indian traders. One of the best summaries
is that of Rivers in his Topics in the History of South Carolina:
“Many were dissolute and worthless, and were despised even by the
savages. Many conciliated favor and insured safety by adopting Indian
habits and marrying among them.”
255. Rivers, also, takes Adair’s distinction: “But, on the other hand,
some were gentlemen who doubtless would have achieved renown in the
most arduous duties of a public career.”
256. Not only the Indians but the whites, particularly the French hunters
out of New Orleans, were responsible for the extirpation of the
buffalo from the region east of the Mississippi. The tale is told in
Williams, Beginnings of West Tennessee, 10 et seq., 245. In early times
the American bison ranged in great herds through the Southeast and Old
Southwest. Some writers have questioned whether it ever existed in
the Southeast below North Carolina; but in the first settlement of
Georgia they were as abundant as they were in Tennessee and Kentucky.
“Col. Wm. McIntosh, the brother of Gen. Lachland McIntosh, my
grandfather, has often told me that he had seen ten thousand buffaloes
in a herd.... My father, whose Indian establishements (as Bartram’s
book shows) extended to St. Mark’s, was constantly supplied with buffalo
tongues, until as late as 1774, as my mother has often stated to me.”
Thos. Spalding in Ga. Hist. Coll., I, 268. For the buffalo in North Carolina,
see Byrd’s Dividing Line. In East Tennessee, Williams, Memoirs
of Timberlake, 47, 71, 120. In Middle Tennessee, Haywood’s History of
Tennessee, 90. They are said to have been of late arrival, comparatively,
in the region east of the Mississippi and south of the Ohio. None of
the De Soto narrators mentions the animal. The flesh and butter
were food; the wool was used in making rough cloth; the skins for
bedding. The hide was a symbol of protection to the early Cherokees;
hence it was often given as a pledge. Worn by ardent lovers of the
tribe, it was the mute offering of protection to the maid, chosen to
preside over the warrior’s household.
257. Byrd, in Dividing Line, mentions a queer belief of the North Carolina
Indians that the eating of bear’s flesh by women promotes vitality
and makes child-bearing easy.
258. The flesh from the hump and rump was considered the choicest,
next to the tongue.
259. Jones, op. cit., 311, citing Du Pratz, II, 225, and Loskiel’s History,
etc., 67. Even the whites, in their first year on the frontier, of necessity
used the mortar, and as late as 1820 in the Old Southwest. Williams,
Beginnings of West Tennessee.
260. Some of the Chickasaw women are described as being of surpassing
beauty. In 1762 Maj. Robert Rogers described them as “far exceeding
in beauty any other nation to the Southward.” Cushman: “Seldom
have I looked upon specimens of female grace and loveliness as I have
seen among the Chickasaws three quarters of a century ago in their
former homes east of the Mississippi River.... Their eyes were
dark and full and their countenances like their native clime.... They
were truly beautiful and, best of all, unconsciously so. Oft was I at a
loss which most to admire—the graceful and seemingly perfect forms,
finely chiseled features, lustrous eyes and flowing hair, or that soft,
winning artlessness which was preëminently theirs.” History, etc., 488;
also, Du Pratz, History, 366, 376. The men are described as handsome,
beyond other tribes in the South. For mode of courtship, Cushman,
op. cit., 498; and chastity, 232, 267.
261. The town or council house is best described in Bartram’s Observations
(Creeks and Cherokees) pp. 52-57 and in Gatschet, Migration
Legend, II, 186. See also, Thomas, Cherokees in Pre-Columbian Times,
63, 64, and Myer, Prehistoric Villages in Middle Tennessee, 510 et seq.
264. Best account, with illustrations, Jones, op. cit., 383-412; also,
Timberlake Memoirs, 64, 78; Catlin, Illustrations of Manners, etc., of
American Indians, I, 235.
265. For a fairly elaborate account, see Speck’s Decorative Art and
Basketry of the Cherokee. (1920.)
266. Jones, op. cit., 440-446; Timberlake, 86; Bartram, Travels, 6. The
pottery of the Cherokees was moulded from clay and glazed by holding
in the smoke and heat of burning corn meal bran. Payne MSS., VI, 65.
See, also, Myer, Prehistoric Villages in Tennessee, 522.
267. Plain and bold words at the time of publication.
268. On titles, see n. 235, p. 426 ante. The English were insistent upon
dubbing chieftains “Emperor,” “King,” and even “General.”
269. On Cherokee charity, Williams, Memoirs of Timberlake, 92; Chickasaws,
Cushman, History, etc., 493. Also, Gatschet, op. cit., 97.
271. Adair is here the advocate of the proposed Colony of Georgiana,
which he mentions at least three times at various places in his book,
pp. 251, 294, and here. He censures the policy of the English Government
in restricting, by the king’s proclamation of 1763, settlements west
of the Alleghany Mountains, and refusing to found or encourage colonies
in the West, particularly on the Mississippi. A pamphlet appeared in
London in 1772, entitled Political Essays Concerning the Present State of
the British Empire, in which the establishment of a new colony east of
the Mississippi between the thirty-third degree of latitude stretching to
the Ohio River. This was the country of the Chickasaws. The following
year another pamphlet appeared in advocacy of the undertaking as
one already formulated. The scheme was, it seems, that of Gen.
Phineas Lyman, revived. The location earlier or first sought was the
territory between the Wolf River (Memphis) and the Illinois River,
with an eastward extent of three hundred miles. It was then proposed
to buy the Indian titles, which “could be easily obtained for a small
price, as bringing them nearer home many conveniences that results
from the neighborhood of Europeans.” The scheme was revived in
1772-3; and this time the promoters thought it wise to give the colony
the name of the king, “Georgiana”; and to ask for less territory—that
included in what is now North Mississippi, West Tennessee, and Western
Kentucky—the exact domain of the Chickasaws. Was Adair, on visiting
New York, or London, to bring out his book, approached to become one
of the promoting syndicate to get the benefit of his influence with that
tribe among whom he had resided so long? An inference in the affirmative
is not a strained one. The Revolutionary War forced the scheme
into a back eddy.
272. The Tennessee was called the Cherokee River for generations.
273. The Chickasaw Bluffs in the present West Tennessee, on the lower
of which stands the city of Memphis. For these bluffs and the region
in history, see Williams, Beginnings of West Tennessee, 1541-1841,
passim. The remarks of Adair on cotton and tobacco in this region
were proved to be true after its settlement by the white people following
the Chickasaw treaty of 1818, negotiated by Gov. Isaac Shelby and
Gen. Andrew Jackson.
Transcriber’s Note
The punctuation in the Index is not entirely consistent, and has
been corrected. Here are some other issues with the Index:
The entry for John Elliott refers to a note on p. 97. The relevant reference is note
97 on p. 223.
The entry for William McMullian mistakenly refers to a note on p. 294, which appears
on p. 394.
There is no mention of Henry Laurens on p. 34.
Although there is a cross-reference to ‘Mounds’, there is no such topic there;
and likewise for ‘Mourning’.
Incorrect references are given as printed, but the navigational
links will bring the reader to the correct place.
The editor of this volume indicated that he took care to reproduce Adair’s
“punctuation, spelling and capitalization”, an injunction honored here.
We assume that his edition was performed accurately, though several apparent
lapses have been corrected after consultation with Adair’s original 1775 text.
The long ‘ſ’ of the original was printed as a standard ‘s’, but one instance
was missed (‘enfeſtment’ on p. viii.).
The editor’s own notes (c. 1930) have been, on rare occasions, subject to
correction where those errors have been deemed most likely to be the
printer’s. All substantive corrections are noted below. The references are
to the page and line in the original, or if in a footnote, the page, note
and line.
The shape of the two brass plates,—about
a foot and a half in diameter.