A Smaller Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities

A

SMALLER   DICTIONARY

OF

Greek and Roman Antiquities.

By WILLIAM SMITH, D.C.L., LL.D.,

EDITOR OF THE ‘CLASSICAL AND LATIN DICTIONARIES,’ ETC.

ABRIDGED FROM THE LARGER DICTIONARY.

TWELFTH EDITION.

ILLUSTRATED WITH TWO HUNDRED WOODCUTS.

LONDON:

JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET.

1884.

The right of Translation is reserved.

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DR. WM. SMITH’S DICTIONARIES.

BĀLISTA, BALLISTA. [Tormentum.]

BALNĔUM or BĂLĬNĔUM (λοετρόν or λουτρόν, βαλανεῖον, also balneae or balineae), a bath. Balneum or balineum signifies, in its primary sense, a bath or bathing vessel, such as most Romans possessed in their own houses; and from that it came to mean the chamber which contained the bath. When the baths of private individuals became more sumptuous, and comprised many rooms, the plural balnea or balinea was adopted, which still, in correct language, had reference only to the baths of private persons. Balneae and balineae, which have no singular number, were the public baths. But this accuracy of diction is neglected by many of the later writers. Thermae (from θέρμη, warmth) means properly warm springs, or baths of warm water, but was afterwards applied to the structures in which the baths were placed, and which were both hot and cold. There was, however, a material distinction between the balneae and thermae, inasmuch as the former was the term used under the republic, and referred to the public establishments of that age, which contained no appliances for luxury beyond the mere convenience of hot and cold baths, whereas the latter name was given to those magnificent edifices which grew up under the empire, and which comprised within their range of buildings all the appurtenances belonging to the Greek gymnasia, as well as a regular establishment appropriated for bathing.—Bathing was a practice familiar to the Greeks of both sexes from the earliest times. The artificial warm bath was taken in a vessel called asaminthus (ἀσάμινθος) by Homer, and puelus (πύελος) by the later Greeks. It did not contain water itself, but was only used for the bather to sit in, while the warm water was poured over him. On Greek vases, however, we never find anything corresponding to a modern bath in which persons can stand or sit; but there is always a round or oval basin (λουτήρ or λουτήριον), resting on a stand, by the side of which those who are bathing are standing undressed and washing themselves. In the Homeric times it was customary to take first a cold and afterwards a warm bath; but in later times it was the usual practice of the Greeks to take first a warm or vapour, and afterwards a cold bath. At Athens the frequent use of the public baths, most of which were warm baths (βαλανεῖα, called by Homer θερμὰ λοετρά), was regarded in the time of Socrates and Demosthenes as a mark of luxury and effeminacy. Accordingly, Phocion was said to have never bathed in a public bath, and Socrates to have used it very seldom. After bathing both sexes anointed themselves, in order that the skin might not be left harsh and rough, especially after warm water. Oil (ἔλαιον) is the only ointment mentioned by Homer, but in later times precious unguents (μῦρα) were used for this purpose. The bath was usually taken before the principal meal of the day (δεῖπνον). The Lacedaemonians, who considered warm water as enervating, used two kinds of baths; namely, the cold daily bath in the Eurotas, and a dry sudorific bath in a chamber heated with warm air by means of a stove, and from them the chamber used by the Romans for a similar purpose was termed Laconicum. A sudorific or vapour bath (πυρία or πυριατήριον) is mentioned as early as the time of Herodotus. At what period the use of the warm bath was introduced among the Romans is not recorded; but we know that Scipio had a warm bath in his villa at Liternum, and the practice of heating an apartment with warm air by flues placed immediately under it, so as to produce a vapour bath, is stated to have been invented by Sergius Orata, who lived in the age of Crassus, before the Marsic war. By the time of Cicero the use of baths of warm water and hot air had become common, and in his time there were baths at Rome which were open to the public upon payment of a small fee. In the public baths at Rome the men and women used originally to bathe in separate sets of chambers; but under the empire it became the common custom for both sexes to bathe indiscriminately in the same bath. This practice was forbidden by Hadrian and M. Aurelius; and Alexander Severus prohibited any baths, common to both sexes, from being opened in Rome. The price of a bath was a quadrant, the smallest piece of coined money, from the age of Cicero downwards, which was paid to the keeper of the bath (balneator). Children below a certain age were admitted free. It was usual with the Romans to take the bath after exercise, and before the principal meal (coena) of the day; but the debauchees of the empire bathed also after eating as well as before, in order to promote digestion, and to acquire a new appetite for fresh delicacies.

Upon quitting the bath the Romans as well as the Greeks were anointed with oil. The Romans did not content themselves with a single bath of hot or cold water; but they went through a course of baths in succession, in which the agency of air as well as water was applied. It is difficult to ascertain the precise order in which the course was usually taken; but it appears to have been a general practice to close the pores, and brace the body after the excessive perspiration of the vapour bath, either by pouring cold water over the head, or by plunging at once into the piscina. To render the subjoined remarks more easily intelligible, the preceding woodcut is inserted, which is taken from a fresco painting upon the walls of the thermae of Titus at Rome. The chief parts of a Roman bath were as follow:—1. Apodyterium. Here the bathers were expected to take off their garments, which were then delivered to a class of slaves, called capsarii, whose duty it was to take charge of them. These men were notorious for dishonesty, and were leagued with all the thieves of the city, so that they connived at the robberies which they were placed to prevent. There was probably an Elaeothesium or Unctorium, as appears from the preceding cut, in connection with the apodyterium, where the bathers might be anointed with oil.—2. Frigidarium or Cella Frigidaria, where the cold bath was taken. The cold bath itself was called Natatio, Natatorium, Piscina, Baptisterium, or Puteus.—3. Tepidarium would seem from the preceding cut to have been a bathing room, for a person is there apparently represented pouring water over a bather. But there is good reason for thinking that this was not the case. In most cases the tepidarium contained no water at all, but was a room merely heated with warm air of an agreeable temperature, in order to prepare the body for the great heat of the vapour and warm baths, and upon returning from the latter, to obviate the danger of a too sudden transition to the open air.—4. The Caldarium or Concamerata Sudatio contained at one extremity the vapour bath (Laconicum), and at the other the warm bath (balneum or calda lavatio), while the centre space between the two ends was termed sudatio or sudatorium. In larger establishments the vapour bath and warm bath were in two separate cells, as we see in the preceding cut: in such cases the former part alone was called concamerata sudatio. The whole rested on a suspended pavement (suspensura), under which was a fire (hypocaustum), so that the flames might heat the whole apartment. (See cut.) The warm water bath (balneum or calda lavatio), which is also called piscina or calida piscina, labrum and solium, appears to have been a capacious marble vase, sometimes standing upon the floor, like that in the preceding cut, and sometimes either partly elevated above the floor, as it was at Pompeii, or entirely sunk into it. After having gone, through the regular course of perspiration, the Romans made use of instruments called strigiles or strigles, to scrape off the perspiration.

The strigil was also used by the Greeks, who called it stlengis (στλεγγίς) or xystra (ξύστρα). The figure in the cut on p. 24 is represented with a strigil in his hand. As the strigil was not a blunt instrument, its edge was softened by the application of oil, which was dropped upon it from a small vessel called guttus or ampulla, which had a narrow neck, so as to discharge its contents drop by drop, from whence the name is taken.

In the Thermae, spoken of above, the baths were of secondary importance. They were a Roman adaptation of the Greek gymnasium, contained exedrae for the philosophers and rhetoricians to lecture in, porticoes for the idle, and libraries for the learned, and were adorned with marbles, fountains, and shaded walks and plantations. M. Agrippa, in the reign of Augustus, was the first who afforded these luxuries to his countrymen, by bequeathing to them the thermae and gardens which he had erected in the Campus Martius. The example set by Agrippa was followed by Nero, and afterwards by Titus, the ruins of whose thermae are still visible, covering a vast extent, partly under ground and partly above the Esquiline hill. Thermae were also erected by Trajan, Caracalla, and Diocletian, of the two last of which ample remains still exist. Previously to the erection of these establishments for the use of the population, it was customary for those who sought the favour of the people to give them a day’s bathing free of expense. From thence it is fair to infer that the quadrant paid for admission into the balneae was not exacted at the thermae, which, as being the works of the emperors, would naturally be opened with imperial generosity to all, and without any charge.

BALTĔUS (τελαμών), a belt, a shoulder belt, was used to suspend the sword. See the figs. on p. 41. In the Homeric times the Greeks used a belt to support the shield. The balteus was likewise employed to suspend the quiver, and sometimes together with it the bow. More commonly the belt, whether employed to support the sword, the shield, or the quiver, was made of leather, and was frequently ornamented with gold, silver, and precious stones. In a general sense balteus was applied not only to the belt which passed over the shoulder, but also to the girdle (cingulum), which encompassed the waist. In architecture, Vitruvius applies the term Baltei to the bands surrounding the volute on each side of an Ionic capital. Other writers apply it to the praecinctiones of an amphitheatre. [Amphitheatrum.]

BĂRATHRON (βάραθρον), also called Orugma (ὄρυγμα), a deep cavern or chasm, like the Ceadas at Sparta, behind the Acropolis at Athens, into which criminals were thrown. [Ceadas.]

BARBA (πώγων, γένειον, ὑπήνη), the beard. The Greeks seem generally to have worn the beard till the time of Alexander the Great; and a thick beard was considered as a mark of manliness. The Greek philosophers in particular were distinguished by their long beards as a sort of badge. The Romans in early times wore the beard uncut, and the Roman beards are said not to have been shaved till B.C. 300, when P. Ticinius Maena brought over a barber from Sicily; and Pliny adds, that the first Roman who is said to have been shaved every day was Scipio Africanus. His custom, however, was soon followed, and shaving became a regular thing. In the later times of the republic there were many who shaved the beard only partially, and trimmed it, so as to give it an ornamental form; to them the terms bene barbati and barbatuli are applied. In the general way at Rome, a long beard (barba promissa) was considered a mark of slovenliness and squalor. The first time of shaving was regarded as the beginning of manhood, and the day on which this took place was celebrated as a festival. There was no particular time fixed for this to be done. Usually, however, it was done when the young Roman assumed the toga virilis. The hair cut off on such occasions was consecrated to some god. Thus Nero put his up in a gold box, set with pearls, and dedicated it to Jupiter Capitolinus. Under the emperor Hadrian the beard began to revive. Plutarch says that the emperor wore it to hide some scars on his face. The practice afterwards became common, and till the time of Constantine the Great, the emperors appear in busts and coins with beards. The Romans let their beards grow in time of mourning; the Greeks, on the other hand, on such occasions shaved the beard close.

BARBĬTUS (βάρβιτος), or BARBĬTON (βάρβιτον), a stringed instrument, the original form of which is uncertain. Later writers use it as synonymous with the lyra. [Lyra.]

BASCAUDA, a British basket. This term, which remains with very little variation in the Welsh “basgawd” and the English “basket,” was conveyed to Rome together with the articles denoted by it.

BĂSĬLĬCA (sc. aedes, aula, porticus—βασιλική, also regia), a building which served as a court of law and an exchange, or place of meeting for merchants and men of business. The word was adopted from the Athenians, whose second archon was styled archon basileus (ἄρχων βασιλεύς), and the tribunal where he adjudicated stoa basileius (ἡ βασίλειος στοά), the substantive aula or porticus in Latin being omitted for convenience, and the distinctive epithet converted into a substantive. The first edifice of this description at Rome was not erected until B.C. 182. It was situated in the forum adjoining the curia, and was denominated Basilica Porcia, in commemoration of its founder, M. Porcius Cato. Besides this there were twenty others erected at different periods, within the city of Rome. The forum, or, where there was more than one, the one which was in the most frequented and central part of the city, was always selected for the site of a basilica; and hence it is that the classic writers not unfrequently use the terms forum and basilica synonymously. The ground plan of all these buildings is rectangular, and their width not more than half, nor less than one-third of the length. This area was divided into three naves, consisting of a centre (media porticus), and two side aisles, separated from the centre one, each by a single row of columns. At one end of the centre aisle was the tribunal of the judge, in form either rectangular or circular, as is seen in the annexed plan of the basilica at Pompeii. In the centre of the tribunal was placed the curule chair of the praetor, and seats for the judices and the advocates. The two side aisles, as has been said, were separated from the centre one by a row of columns, behind each of which was placed a square pier or pilaster (parastata), which supported the flooring of an upper portico, similar to the gallery of a modern church. The upper gallery was in like manner decorated with columns, of lower dimensions than those below; and these served to support the roof, and were connected with one another by a parapet-wall or balustrade (pluteus), which served as a defence against the danger of falling over, and screened the crowd of loiterers above (sub-basilicani) from the people of business in the area below. Many of these edifices were afterwards used as Christian churches, and many churches were built after the model above described. Such churches were called basilicae, which name they retain to the present day, being still called at Rome basiliche.

BASTERNA, a kind of litter (lectica) in which women were carried in the time of the Roman emperors. It appears to have resembled the Lectica [Lectica] very closely; and the only difference apparently was, that the lectica was carried by slaves, and the basterna by two mules.

BAXA, or BAXĔA, a sandal made of vegetable leaves, twigs, or fibres, worn on the stage by comic actors.

BĒMA (βῆμα). [Ecclesia.]

BENDĬDEIA (βενδίδεια), a Thracian festival in honour of the goddess Bendis, who is said to be identical with the Grecian Artemis and with the Roman Diana. The festival was of a bacchanalian character. From Thrace it was brought to Athens, where it was celebrated in the Peiraeeus, on the 19th or 20th of the month Thargelion, before the Panathenaea Minora. The temple of Bendis was called Bendideion.

BĔNĔFĬCĬUM, BĔNĔFĬCĬĀRĬUS. The term beneficium is of frequent occurrence in the Roman law, in the sense of some special privilege or favour granted to a person in respect of age, sex, or condition. But the word was also used in other senses. In the time of Cicero it was usual for a general, or a governor of a province, to report to the treasury the names of those under his command who had done good service to the state: those who were included in such report were said in beneficiis ad aerarium deferri. In beneficiis in these passages may mean that the persons so reported were considered as persons who had deserved well of the state; and so the word beneficium may have reference to the services of the individuals; but as the object for which their services were reported was the benefit of the individuals, it seems that the term had reference also to the reward, immediate or remote, obtained for their services. The honours and offices of the Roman state, in the republican period, were called the beneficia of the Populus Romanus. Beneficium also signified any promotion conferred on or grant made to soldiers, who were thence called beneficiarii.

BESTIĀRĬI (θηριομάχοι), persons who fought with wild beasts in the games of the circus. They were either persons who fought for the sake of pay (auctoramentum), and who were allowed arms, or they were criminals, who were usually permitted to have no means of defence against the wild beasts.

BIBLĬŎPŌLA (βιβλιοπώλης), also called librarius, a bookseller. The shop was called apotheca or taberna libraria, or merely libraria. The Romans had their Paternoster-row; for the bibliopolae or librarii lived mostly in one street, called Argiletum. Another favourite quarter of the booksellers was the Vicus Sandalarius. There seems also to have been a sort of bookstalls by the temples of Vertumnus and Janus.

BIBLĬŎTHĒCA (βιβλιοθήκη, or ἀποθήκη βιβλίων), primarily, the place where a collection of books was kept; secondarily, the collection itself. Public collections of books appear to have been very ancient. That of Peisistratus (B.C. 550) was intended for public use; it was subsequently removed to Persia by Xerxes. About the same time Polycrates, tyrant of Samos, is said to have founded a library. In the best days of Athens, even private persons had large collections of books; but the most important and splendid public library of antiquity was that founded by the Ptolemies at Alexandria, begun under Ptolemy Soter, but increased and re-arranged in an orderly and systematic manner by Ptolemy Philadelphus, who also appointed a fixed librarian, and otherwise provided for the usefulness of the institution. A great part of this splendid library was consumed by fire in the siege of Alexandria by Julius Caesar; but it was soon restored, and continued in a flourishing condition till it was destroyed by the Arabs, A.D. 640. The Ptolemies were not long without a rival in zeal. Eumenes, king of Pergamus, became a patron of literature and the sciences, and established a library, which, in spite of the prohibition against exporting papyrus issued by Ptolemy, who was jealous of his success, became very extensive, and perhaps next in importance to the library of Alexandria. The first public library in Rome was that founded by Asinius Pollio, and was in the atrium Libertatis on Mount Aventine. The library of Pollio was followed by that of Augustus in the temple of Apollo on Mount Palatine and by another, bibliothecae Octavianae, in the theatre of Marcellus. There were also libraries on the Capitol, in the temple of Peace, in the palace of Tiberius, besides the Ulpian library, which was the most famous, founded by Trajan. Libraries were also usually attached to the Thermae. [Balneum.] Private collections of books were made at Rome soon after the second Punic war. The zeal of Cicero, Atticus, and others, in increasing their libraries is well known. It became, in fact, the fashion to have a room elegantly furnished as a library, and reserved for that purpose. The charge of the libraries in Rome was given to persons called librarii.

BĪCOS (βῖκος), the name of an earthen vessel in common use among the Greeks, for holding wine, and salted meat and fish.

BĬDENTAL, the name given to a place where any one had been struck by lightning, or where any one had been killed by lightning and buried. Such a place was considered sacred. Priests, who were called bidentales, collected the earth which had been torn up by lightning, and every thing that had been scorched, and burnt it in the ground with a sorrowful murmur. The officiating priest was said condere fulgur; he further consecrated the spot by sacrificing a two-year-old sheep (bidens), whence the name of the place and of the priest, and he also erected an altar, and surrounded it with a wall or fence. To move the bounds of a bidental, or in any way to violate its sacred precincts, was considered as sacrilege.

BIDIAEI (βιδιαῖοι), magistrates in Sparta, whose business was to inspect the gymnastic exercises. They were either five or six in number.

BĪGA or BĪGAE. [Currus.]

BĪGĀTUS. [Denarius.]

BĬPENNIS. [Securis.]

BĬRĒMIS. (1.) A ship with two banks of oars. [Navis.] Such ships were called dicrota by the Greeks, which term is also used by Cicero.—(2.) A boat rowed by two oars.

BISSEXTUS ANNUS. [Calendarium, Roman.]

BŎĒDRŎMĬA (βοηδρόμια), a festival celebrated at Athens on the seventh day of the month Boëdromion, in honour of Apollo Boëdromius. The name Boëdromius, by which Apollo was called in Boeotia and many other parts of Greece, seems to indicate that by this festival he was honoured as a martial god, who, either by his actual presence or by his oracles, afforded assistance in the dangers of war.

BOEŌTARCHĒS (βοιωτάρχης, or βοιωτάρχος), the name of the chief magistrates of the Boeotian confederacy, chosen by the different states. Their duties were chiefly of a military character. Each state of the confederacy elected one boeotarch, the Thebans two. The total number from the whole confederacy varied with the number of the independent states, but at the time of the Peloponnesian war they appear to have been ten or twelve. The boeotarchs, when engaged in military service, formed a council of war, the decisions of which were determined by a majority of votes, the president being one of the two Theban boeotarchs, who commanded alternately. Their period of service was a year, beginning about the winter solstice; and whoever continued in office longer than his time was punishable with death, both at Thebes and in other cities.

BŎNA, property. The phrase in bonis is frequently used as opposed to dominium or Quiritarian ownership (ex jure Quiritium). The ownership of certain kinds of things among the Romans could only be transferred from one person to another with certain formalities, or acquired by usucapion (that is, the uninterrupted possession of a thing for a certain time). But if it was clearly the intention of the owner to transfer the ownership, and the necessary forms only were wanting, the purchaser had the thing in bonis, and he had the enjoyment of it, though the original owner was still legally the owner, and was said to have the thing ex jure Quiritium, notwithstanding he had parted with the thing. The person who possessed a thing in bonis was protected in the enjoyment of it by the praetor, and consequently after a time would obtain the Quiritarian ownership of it by usucapion. [Usucapio.]

BŎNA CĂDŪCA. Caducum literally signifies that which falls: thus glans caduca is the mast which falls from a tree. The strict legal sense of caducum and bona caduca is as follows:—If a thing is left by testament to a person, so that he can take it by the jus civile, but from some cause has not taken it, that thing is called caducum, as if it had fallen from him. Or if a heres ex parte, or a legatee, died before the opening of the will, the thing was caducum. That which was caducum came, in the first place, to those among the heredes who had children; and if the heredes had no children, it came among those of the legatees who had children. In case there was no prior claimant the caducum belonged to the aerarium; and subsequently to the fiscus. [Aerarium.]

BŎNA FĬDES implies, generally speaking, the absence of all fraud and unfair dealing or acting. In various actions arising out of mutual dealings, such as buying and selling, lending and hiring, partnership and others, bona fides is equivalent to aequum and justum; and such actions were sometimes called bonae fidei actiones. The formula of the praetor, which was the authority of the judex, empowered him in such cases to inquire and determine ex bona fide, that is, according to the real merits of the case: sometimes aequius melius was used instead of ex bona fide.

BŎNŌRUM CESSĬO. There were two kinds of bonorum cessio, in jure and extra jus. The in jure cessio was a mode of transferring ownership by means of a fictitious suit. The bonorum cessio extra jus was introduced by a Julian law, passed either in the time of Julius Caesar or Augustus, which allowed an insolvent debtor to give up his property to his creditors. The debtor thus avoided the infamia consequent on the bonorum emtio, which was involuntary, and he was free from all personal execution. He was also allowed to retain a small portion of his property for his support. The property thus given up was sold, and the proceeds distributed among the creditors.

BŎNŌRUM COLLĀTĬO. By the strict rules of the civil law an emancipated son had no right to the inheritance of his father, whether he died testate or intestate. But, in course of time, the praetor granted to emancipated children the privilege of equal succession with those who remained in the power of the father at the time of his death; but only on condition that they should bring into one common stock with their father’s property, and for the purpose of an equal division among all the father’s children, whatever property they had at the time of the father’s death, and which would have been acquired for the father in case they had still remained in his power. This was called bonorum collatio.

BŎNŌRUM EMTĬO ET EMTOR. The expression bonorum emtio applies to a sale of the property either of a living or of a dead person. It was in effect, as to a living debtor, an execution. In the case of a dead person, his property was sold when it was ascertained that there was neither heres nor bonorum possessor, nor any other person entitled to succeed to it. In the case of the property of a living person being sold, the praetor, on the application of the creditors, ordered it to be possessed (possideri) by the creditors for thirty successive days, and notice to be given of the sale. This explains the expression in Livy (ii. 24): “ne quis militis, donec in castris esset, bona possideret aut venderet.”

BŎNŌRUM POSSESSĬO was the right of suing for or retaining a patrimony or thing which belonged to another at the time of his death. The bonorum possessio was given by the edict both contra tabulas, secundum tabulas, and intestati. 1. An emancipated son had no legal claim on the inheritance of his father; but if he was omitted in his father’s will, or not expressly exheredated, the praetor’s edict gave him the bonorum possessio contra tabulas, on condition that he would bring into hotchpot (bonorum collatio) with his brethren who continued in the parent’s power, whatever property he had at the time of the parent’s death. 2. The bonorum possessio secundum tabulas was that possession which the praetor gave, conformably to the words of the will, to those named in it as heredes, when there was no person intitled to make a claim against the will, or none who chose to make such a claim. 3. In the case of intestacy (intestati) there were seven degrees of persons who might claim the bonorum possessio, each in his order, upon there being no claim of a prior degree. The first three degrees were children, legitimi heredes, and proximi cognati. Emancipated children could claim as well as those who were not emancipated, and adoptive as well as children of the blood; but not children who had been adopted into another family. If a freedman died intestate, leaving only a wife (in manu) or an adoptive son, the patron was entitled to the bonorum possessio of one half of his property.

BŎŌNAE (βοῶναι), persons in Athens who purchased oxen for the public sacrifices and feasts. They are spoken of by Demosthenes in conjunction with the ἱεροποιοί and those who presided over the mysteries.

BORĔASMUS (βορεασμός or βορεασμοί), a festival celebrated by the Athenians in honour of Boreas, which, as Herodotus seems to think, was instituted during the Persian war, when the Athenians, being commanded by an oracle to invoke their γαμβρὸς ἐπίκουρος, prayed to Boreas. But considering that Boreas was intimately connected with the early history of Attica, we have reason to suppose that even previous to the Persian wars certain honours were paid to him, which were perhaps only revived and increased after the event recorded by Herodotus. The festival, however, does not seem ever to have had any great celebrity.

BOULĒ (βουλή—ἡ τῶν πεντακοσίων). In the heroic ages, represented to us by Homer, the boulé is simply an aristocratical council of the elders amongst the nobles, sitting under their king as president, which decided on public business and judicial matters, frequently in connection with, but apparently not subject to an agora, or meeting of the freemen of the state. [Agora.] This form of government, though it existed for some time in the Ionian, Aeolian, and Achaean states, was at last wholly abolished in these states. Among the Dorians, however, especially among the Spartans, this was not the case, for they retained the kingly power of the Heracleidae, in conjunction with the Gerousia or assembly of elders, of which the kings were members. [Gerousia.] At Athens on the contrary, the boulé was a representative, and in most respects a popular body (δημοτικόν). The first institution of the Athenian boulé is generally attributed to Solon; but there are strong reasons for supposing that, as in the case of the Areiopagus, he merely modified the constitution of a body which he found already existing. But be this as it may, it is admitted that Solon made the number of his boulé 400, 100 from each of the four tribes. When the number of the tribes was raised to ten by Cleisthenes (B.C. 510), the council also was increased to 500, fifty being taken from each of the ten tribes. The bouleutae (βουλευταί) or councillors were appointed by lot, and hence they are called councillors made by the bean (οἱ ἀπὸ τοῦ κυάμου βουλευταί), from the use of beans in drawing lots. They were required to submit to a scrutiny or docimasia, in which they gave evidence of being genuine citizens, of never having lost their civic rights by atimia, and also of being above 30 years of age. They remained in office for a year, receiving a drachma (μισθὸς βουλευτικός) for each day on which they sat: and independent of the general account (εὐθύναι), which the whole body had to give at the end of the year, any single member was liable to expulsion for misconduct by his colleagues. The senate of 500 was divided into ten sections of fifty each, the members of which were called prytanes (πρυτάνεις), and were all of the same tribe; they acted as presidents both of the council and the assemblies during thirty-five or thirty-six days, as the case might be, so as to complete the lunar year of 354 days (12×29½). Each tribe exercised these functions in turn; the period of office was called a prytany (πρυτανεία), and the tribe that presided the presiding tribe; the order in which the tribes presided was determined by lot, and the four supernumerary days were given to the tribes which came last in order. Moreover, to obviate the difficulty of having too many in office at once, every fifty was subdivided into five bodies of ten each; its prytany also being portioned out into five periods of seven days each; so that only ten senators presided for a week over the rest, and were thence called proedri (πρόεδροι). Again, out of these proedri an epistates (ἐπιστάτης) was chosen for one day to preside as a chairman in the senate, and the assembly of the people; during his day of office he kept the public records and seal. The prytanes had the right of convening the council and the assembly (ἐκκλησία). The duty of the proedri and their president was to propose subjects for discussion, and to take the votes both of the councillors and the people; for neglect of their duty they were liable to a fine. Moreover, whenever a meeting, either of the council or of the assembly, was convened, the chairman of the proedri selected by lot nine others, one from each of the non-presiding tribes; these also were called proedri, and possessed a chairman of their own, likewise appointed by lot from among themselves. But the proedri who proposed the subject for discussion to the assembly belonged to the presiding tribe. It is observed, under Areiopagus, that the chief object of Solon, in forming the senate and the areiopagus, was to control the democratical powers of the state: for this purpose he ordained that the senate should discuss and vote upon all matters before they were submitted to the assembly, so that nothing could be laid before the people on which the senate had not come to a previous decision. This decision, or bill, was called probouleuma (προβούλευμα); but then not only might this probouleuma be rejected or modified by the assembly, but the latter also possessed and exercised the power of coming to a decision completely different from the will of the senate. In addition to the bills which it was the duty of the senate to propose of their own accord, there were others of a different character, viz. such as any private individual might wish to have submitted to the people. To accomplish this, it was first necessary for the party to obtain, by petition, the privilege of access to the senate, and leave to propose his motion; and if the measure met with their approbation, he could then submit it to the assembly. A proposal of this kind, which had the sanction of the senate, was also called probouleuma, and frequently related to the conferring of some particular honour or privilege upon an individual. Thus the proposal of Ctesiphon for crowning Demosthenes is so styled. In the assembly the bill of the senate was first read, perhaps by the crier, after the introductory ceremonies were over; and then the proedri put the question to the people, whether they approved of it. The people declared their will by a show of hands (προχειροτονία). If it was confirmed it became a psephisma (ψήφισμα), or decree of the people, binding upon all classes. The form for drawing up such decrees varied in different ages. In the time of Demosthenes the decrees commence with the name of the archon; then come the day of the month, the tribe in office, and, lastly, the name of the proposer. The motive for passing the decree is next stated; and then follows the decree itself, prefaced with the formula δεδόχθαι τῇ βουλῇ καὶ τῷ δήμῳ. The senate-house was called Bouleuterion (βουλευτηριον). The prytanes also had a building to hold their meetings in, where they were entertained at the public expense during their prytany. This was called the Prytaneion, and was used for a variety of purposes. [Prytaneion.]

BRĀCAE, or BRACCAE (ἀναξυρίδες), trowsers, pantaloons, were common to all the nations which encircled the Greek and Roman population, extending from the Indian to the Atlantic ocean, but were not worn by the Greeks and Romans themselves. Accordingly the monuments containing representations of people different from the Greeks and Romans exhibit them in trowsers, thus distinguishing them from the latter people.

BRAURŌNĬA (βραυρώνια), a festival celebrated in honour of Artemis Brauronia, in the Attic town of Brauron, where Orestes and Iphigeneia, on their return from Tauris, were supposed by the Athenians to have landed, and left the statue of the Taurian goddess. It was held every fifth year, and the chief solemnity consisted in the Attic girls between the ages of five and ten years going in solemn procession to the sanctuary, where they were consecrated to the goddess. During this act the priests sacrificed a goat, and the girls performed a propitiatory rite, in which they imitated bears. This rite may have simply risen from the circumstance that the bear was sacred to Artemis, especially in Arcadia. There was also a quinquennial festival called Brauronia, which was celebrated by men and dissolute women, at Brauron, in honour of Dionysus.

BRUTTĬĀNI, slaves whose duty it was to wait upon the Roman magistrates. They are said to have been originally taken from among the Bruttians.

BUCCĬNA (βυκάνη), a kind of horn trumpet, anciently made out of a shell (buccinum), the form of which is exhibited in the specimen annexed. The buccina was distinct from the cornu; but it is often confounded with it. The buccina seems to have been chiefly distinguished by the twisted form of the shell, from which it was originally made. In later times it was carved from horn, and perhaps from wood or metal, so as to imitate the shell. The buccina was chiefly used to proclaim the watches of the day and of the night, hence called buccina prima, secunda, &c. It was also blown at funerals, and at festive entertainments both before sitting down to table and after.

BULLA, a circular plate or boss of metal, so called from its resemblance in form to a bubble floating upon water. Bright studs of this description were used to adorn the sword belt; but we most frequently read of bullae as ornaments worn by children, suspended from the neck, and especially by the sons of the noble and wealthy. Such an one is called heres bullatus by Juvenal. The bulla was usually made of thin plates of gold. The use of the bulla, like that of the praetexta, was derived from the Etruscans. It was originally worn only by the children of the patricians, but subsequently by all of free birth.

BŪRIS. [Aratrum.]

BUSTUM. It was customary among the Romans to burn the bodies of the dead before burying them. When the spot appointed for that purpose adjoined the place of sepulture, it was termed bustum; when it was separate from it, it was called ustrina. From this word the gladiators, who were hired to fight round the burning pyre of the deceased, were called bustuarii.

BUXUM or BUXUS, probably means the wood of the box-tree, but was given as a name to many things made of this wood. The tablets used for writing on, and covered with wax (tabulae ceratae), were usually made of box. In the same way the Greek πυξίον, formed from πύξος, “box-wood,” came to be applied to any tablets, whether they were made of this wood or any other substance. Tops and combs were made of box-wood, and also all wind instruments, especially the flute.

BYSSUS (βύσσος), linen, and not cotton. The word byssus appears to come from the Hebrew butz, and the Greeks probably got it through the Phoenicians.

---

CĂBEIRĬA (καβείρια), mysteries, festivals, and orgies, solemnised in all places in which the Pelasgian Cabeiri were worshipped, but especially in Samothrace, Imbros, Lemnos, Thebes, Anthedon, Pergamus, and Berytos. Little is known respecting the rites observed in these mysteries, as no one was allowed to divulge them. The most celebrated were those of the island of Samothrace, which, if we may judge from those of Lemnos, were solemnised every year, and lasted for nine days. Persons on their admission seem to have undergone a sort of examination respecting the life they had led hitherto, and were then purified of all their crimes, even if they had committed murder.

CĀDŪCĔUS (κηρύκειον, κηρύκιον), the staff or mace carried by heralds and ambassadors in time of war. This name is also given to the staff with which Hermes or Mercury is usually represented, as is shown in the following figure of that god. From caduceus was formed the word caduceator, which signified a person sent to treat of peace. The persons of the caduceatores were considered sacred.

CĂDŪCUM. [Bona Caduca.]

CĂDUS (κάδος, κάδδος), a large vessel usually made of earthenware, which was used for keeping wine, drawing water, &c. The name of cadus was sometimes given to the vessel or urn in which the counters or pebbles of the dicasts were put, when they gave their vote on a trial, but the diminutive καδίσκος was more commonly used in this signification.

CAELĀTŪRA (τορευτική), a branch of the fine arts, under which all sorts of ornamental work in metal, except actual statues, appear to be included. The principal processes, which these words were used to designate, seem to have been of three kinds: hammering metal plates into moulds or dies, so as to bring out a raised pattern; engraving the surface of metals with a sharp tool; and working a pattern of one metal upon or into the surface of another: in short, the various processes which we describe by the words chasing, damascening, &c. The objects on which the caelator exercised his art were chiefly weapons and armour—especially shields, chariots, tripods, and other votive offerings, quoits, candelabra, thrones, curule chairs, mirrors, goblets, dishes, and all kinds of gold and silver plate. The ornamental work with which the chaser decorated such objects consisted either of simple running patterns, chiefly in imitation of plants and flowers, or of animals, or of mythological subjects, and, for armour, of battles. The mythological subjects were reserved for the works of the greatest masters of the art: they were generally executed in very high relief (anaglypha). In the finest works, the ornamental pattern was frequently distinct from the vessel, to which it was either fastened permanently, or so that it could be removed at pleasure, the vessel being of silver, and the ornaments of gold, crustae aut emblemata. The art of ornamental metal-work was in an advanced stage of progress among the Greeks of the heroic period, as we see from numerous passages of Homer: but its origin, in the high artistic sense, is to be ascribed to Phidias, and its complete development to Polycletus. In the last age of the Roman Republic, the prevailing wealth and luxury, and the presence of Greek artists at Rome, combined to bring the art more than ever into requisition. After this period it suddenly fell into disuse.

CAELĬBĀTUS. [Aes Uxorium; Lex Julia et Papia Poppaea.]

CAERĬTUM TĂBŬLAE. [Aerarii.]

CAESAR, a title of the Roman emperors, was originally a family name of the Julia gens; it was assumed by Octavianus as the adopted son of the great dictator, C. Julius Caesar, and was by him handed down to his adopted son Tiberius. It continued to be used by Caligula, Claudius, and Nero, as members either by adoption or female descent of Caesar’s family; but although the family became extinct with Nero, succeeding emperors still retained the name as part of their titles, and it was the practice to prefix it to their own names, as for instance, Imperator Caesar Domitianus Augustus. When Hadrian adopted Aelius Varus, he allowed the latter to take the title of Caesar; and from this time, though the title of Augustus continued to be confined to the reigning emperor, that of Caesar was also granted to the second person in the state and the heir presumptive to the throne. [Augustus.]

CĂLĂMISTRUM, an instrument made of iron, and hollow like a reed (calamus), used for curling the hair. For this purpose it was heated, the person who performed the office of heating it in wood ashes (cinis) being called ciniflo, or cinerarius.

CĂLĂMUS, a sort of reed which the ancients used as a pen for writing. The best sorts were got from Aegypt and Cnidus.

CĂLANTĬCA. [Coma.]

CĂLĂTHUS (κάλαθος, also called τάλαρος), usually signified the basket in which women placed their work, and especially the materials for spinning. In the following cut a slave, belonging to the class called quasillariae, is presenting her mistress with the calathus. Baskets of this kind were also used for other purposes, such as for carrying fruits, flowers, &c. The name of calathi was also given to cups for holding wine. Calathus was properly a Greek word, though used by the Latin writers. The Latin word corresponding to it was qualus or quasillus. From quasillus came quasillaria, the name of the slave who spun, and who was considered the meanest of the female slaves.

CALCĔUS, CALCĔĀMEN, CALCĔĀMENTUM (ὑποδήμα, πέδιλον), a shoe or boot, anything adapted to cover and preserve the feet in walking. The use of shoes was by no means universal among the Greeks and Romans. The Homeric heroes are represented without shoes when armed for battle. Socrates, Phocion, and Cato, frequently went barefoot. The Roman slaves had no shoes. The covering of the feet was removed before reclining at meals. People in grief, as for instance at funerals, frequently went barefooted. Shoes may be divided into those in which the mere sole of a shoe was attached to the sole of the foot by ties or bands, or by a covering for the toes or the instep [Solea; Crepida; Soccus]; and those which ascended higher and higher, according as they covered the ankles, the calf, or the whole of the leg. To calceamenta of the latter kind, i.e. to shoes and boots, as distinguished from sandals and slippers, the term calceus was applied in its proper and restricted sense. There were also other varieties of the calceus according to its adaptation to particular professions or modes of life. Thus the Caliga was principally worn by soldiers; the Pero by labourers and rustics; and the Cothurnus by tragedians, hunters, and horsemen. The calcei probably did not much differ from our shoes, and are exemplified in a painting at Herculaneum, which represents a female wearing bracelets, a wreath of ivy, and a panther’s skin, while she is in the attitude of dancing and playing on the cymbals. The form and colour of the calceus indicated rank and office. Roman senators wore high shoes like buskins, fastened in front with four black thongs. They were also sometimes adorned with a small crescent: we do not find on any ancient statues the crescent, but we may regard the bottom right hand figure in the annexed cut as representing the shoe of a senator. Among the calcei worn by senators, those called mullei, from their resemblance to the scales of the red mullet, were particularly admired; as well as others called alutae, because the leather was softened by the use of alum.

CALCŬLĀTOR (λογιστής), a keeper of accounts in general, and also a teacher of arithmetic. In Roman families of importance there was a calculator or account-keeper, who is, however, more frequently called by the name of dispensator, or procurator: he was a kind of steward.

CALCŬLI, little stones or pebbles, used for various purposes, as, for instance, among the Athenians for voting. Calculi were used in playing a sort of draughts. Subsequently, instead of pebbles, ivory, or silver, or gold, or other men (as we call them) were used; but they still bore the name of calculi. Calculi were also used in reckoning; and hence the phrases calculum ponere, calculum subducere.

CALDĀRĬUM. [Balneum.]

CĂLENDAE or KĂLENDAE. [Calendarium.]

CĂLENDĀRĬUM or KĂLENDĀRĬUM, generally signified an account-book, in which were entered the names of a person’s debtors, with the interest which they had to pay, and it was so called because the interest had to be paid on the calends of each month. The word, however, was also used in the signification of a modern calendar or almanac. (1) Greek Calendar. The Greek year was divided into twelve lunar months, depending on the actual changes of the moon. The first day of the month (νουμηνία) was not the day of the conjunction, but the day on the evening of which the new moon appeared; consequently full moon was the middle of the month. The lunar month consists of twenty-nine days and about thirteen hours; accordingly some months were necessarily reckoned at twenty-nine days, and rather more of them at thirty days. The latter were called full months (πληρεῖς), the former hollow months (κοῖλοι). As the twelve lunar months fell short of the solar year, they were obliged every other year to interpolate an intercalary month (μὴν ἐμβολιμαῖος) of thirty or twenty-nine days. The ordinary year consisted of 354 days, and the interpolated year, therefore, of 384 or 383. This interpolated year (τριέτηρις) was seven days and a half too long, and to correct the error, the intercalary month was from time to time omitted. The Attic year began with the summer solstice: the following is the sequence of the Attic months and the number of days in each:—Hecatombaeon (30), Metageitnion (29), Boedromion (30), Pyanepsion (29), Maemacterion (30), Poseideon (29), Gamelion (30), Anthesterion (29), Elaphebolion (30), Munychion (29), Thargelion (30), Scirophorion (29). The intercalary month was a second Poseideon inserted in the middle of the year. Every Athenian month was divided into three decads. The days of the first decad were designated as ἱσταμένου or ἀρχομένου μηνος, and were counted on regularly from one to ten; thus, δευτέρα ἀρχομένου or ἱσταμένου is “the second day of the month.” The days of the second decad were designated as ἐπὶ δέκα or μεσοῦντος, and were counted on regularly from the 11th to the 20th day, which was called εἴκας. There were two ways of counting the days of the last decad; they were either reckoned onwards from the 20th (thus, πρώτη ἐπὶ εἰκάδι was the 21st), or backwards from the last day, with the addition φθίνοντος, παυομένου, λήγοντος, or ἀπίοντος; thus, the twenty-first day of a hollow month was ἐνάτη φθίνοντος; of a full month, δεκάτη φθίνοντος. The last day of the month was called ἕνη καὶ νέα, “the old and new,” because as the lunar month really consisted of more than twenty-nine and less than thirty days, the last day might be considered as belonging equally to the old and new month. Separate years were designated at Athens by the name of the chief archon, hence called archon eponymus (ἄρχων ἐπώνυμος), or “the name giving archon;” at Sparta, by the first of the ephors; at Argos, by the priestess of Juno, &c.—(2) Roman Calendar. The old Roman, frequently called the Romulian year, consisted of only ten months, which were called Martius, Aprilis, Maius, Junius, Quinctilis, Sextilis, September, October, November, December. That March was the first month in the year is implied in the last six names. Of these months, four, namely, Martius, Maius, Quinctilis, and October, consisted of thirty-one days, the other six of thirty. The four former were distinguished in the latest form of the Roman calendar by having their nones two days later than any of the other months. The symmetry of this arrangement will appear by placing the numbers in succession:—31, 30; 31, 30; 31, 30, 30; 31, 30, 30. The Romulian year therefore consisted of 304 days, and contained thirty-eight nundinae or weeks; every eighth day, under the name of nonae, or nundinae, being especially devoted to religious and other public purposes. Hence we find that the number of dies fasti afterwards retained in the Julian calendar tally exactly with these thirty-eight nundines; besides which, it may be observed that a year of 304 days bears to a solar year of 365 days nearly the ratio of five to six, six of the Romulian years containing 1824, five of the solar years 1825 days; and hence we may explain the origin of the well-known quinquennial period called the lustrum, which ancient writers expressly call an annus magnus; that is, in the modern language of chronology, a cycle. It was consequently the period at which the Romulian and solar years coincided. The next division of the Roman year was said to have been made by Numa Pompilius, who instituted a lunar year of 12 months and 355 days. Livy says that Numa so regulated his lunar year of twelve months by the insertion of intercalary months, that at the end of every nineteenth year (vicesimo anno) it again coincided with the same point in the sun’s course from which it started. It is well known that 19 years constitute a most convenient cycle for the junction of a lunar and solar year. It seems certain that the Romans continued to use a lunar year for some time after the establishment of the republic; and it was probably at the time of the decemviral legislation that the lunar year was abandoned. By the change which was then made the year consisted of 12 months, the length of each of which was as follows:—

Martius,	31	days.	September,	29	days.
Aprilis,	29	”	October,	31	”
Maius,	31	”	November,	29	”
Junius,	29	”	December,	29	”
Quinctilis,	31	”	Januarius,	29	”
Sextilis,	29	”	Februarius,	28	”

The year thus consisted of 355 days, and this was made to correspond with the solar year by the insertion of an intercalary month (mensis intercalaris or intercalarius), called Mercedonius or Mercidonius. This month of 22 or 23 days seems to have been inserted in alternate years. As the festivals of the Romans were for the most part dependent upon the calendar, the regulation of the latter was entrusted to the college of pontifices, who in early times were chosen exclusively from the body of patricians. It was therefore in the power of the college to add to their other means of oppressing the plebeians, by keeping to themselves the knowledge of the days on which justice could be administered, and assemblies of the people could be held. In the year 304 B.C., one Cn. Flavius, a secretary (scriba) of Appius Claudius, is said fraudulently to have made the Fasti public. The other privilege of regulating the year by the insertion of the intercalary month gave the pontiffs great political power, which they were not backward to employ. Every thing connected with the matter of intercalation was left to their unrestrained pleasure; and the majority of them, on personal grounds, added to or took from the year by capricious intercalations, so as to lengthen or shorten the period during which a magistrate remained in office, and seriously to benefit or injure the farmer of the public revenue. The calendar was thus involved in complete confusion, and accordingly we find that in the time of Cicero the year was three months in advance of the real solar year. At length, in the year B.C. 46, Caesar, now master of the Roman world, employed his authority, as pontifex maximus, in the correction of this serious evil. The account of the way in which he effected this is given by Censorinus:—“The confusion was at last carried so far that C. Caesar, the pontifex maximus, in his third consulate, with Lepidus for his colleague, inserted between November and December two intercalary months of 67 days, the month of February having already received an intercalation of 23 days, and thus made the whole year to consist of 445 days. At the same time he provided against a repetition of similar errors, by casting aside the intercalary month, and adapting the year to the sun’s course. Accordingly, to the 355 days of the previously existing year he added ten days, which he so distributed between the seven months having 29 days that January, Sextilis, and December received two each, the others but one; and these additional days he placed at the end of the several months, no doubt with the wish not to remove the various festivals from those positions in the several months which they had so long occupied. Hence in the present calendar, although there are seven months of 31 days, yet the four months, which from the first possessed that number, are still distinguishable by having their nones on the seventh, the rest having them on the fifth of the month. Lastly, in consideration of the quarter of a day, which he regarded as completing the true year, he established the rule that, at the end of every four years, a single day should be intercalated, where the month had been hitherto inserted, that is, immediately after the terminalia; which day is now called the bissextum.” The mode of denoting the days of the month will cause no difficulty, if it be recollected that the kalends always denote the first of the month; that the nones occur on the seventh of the four months of March, May, Quinctilis or July, and October, and on the fifth of the other months; that the ides always fall eight days later than the nones; and lastly, that the intermediate days are in all cases reckoned backwards upon the Roman principle of counting both extremes. For the month of January the notation will be as follows:—

1. Kal. Jan.
2. a. d. IV. Non. Jan.
3. a. d. III. Non. Jan.
4. Prid. Non. Jan.
5. Non. Jan.
6. a. d. VIII. Id. Jan.
7. a. d. VII. Id. Jan.
8. a. d. VI. Id. Jan.
9. a. d. V. Id. Jan.
10. a. d. IV. Id. Jan.
11. a. d. III. Id. Jan.
12. Prid. Id. Jan.
13. Id. Jan.
14. a. d. XIX. Kal. Feb.
15. a. d. XVIII. Kal. Feb.
16. a. d. XVII. Kal. Feb.
17. a. d. XVI. Kal. Feb.
18. a. d. XV. Kal. Feb.
19. a. d. XIV. Kal. Feb.
20. a. d. XIII. Kal. Feb.
21. a. d. XII. Kal. Feb.
22. a. d. XI. Kal. Feb.
23. a. d. X. Kal. Feb.
24. a. d. IX. Kal. Feb.
25. a. d. VIII. Kal. Feb.
26. a. d. VII. Kal. Feb.
27. a. d. VI. Kal. Feb.
28. a. d. V. Kal. Feb.
29. a. d. IV. Kal. Feb.
30. a. d. III. Kal. Feb.
31. Prid. Kal. Feb.

The letters a d are often, through error, written together, and so confounded with the preposition ad which would have a different meaning, for ad kalendas would signify by, i.e. on or before the kalends. The letters are in fact an abridgment of ante diem, and the full phrase for “on the second of January,” would be ante diem quartum nonas Januarias. The word ante in this expression seems really to belong in sense to nonas, and to be the cause why nonas is an accusative. Whether the phrase kalendae Januarii was ever used by the best writers is doubtful. The words are commonly abbreviated; and those passages where Aprilis, Decembris, &c. occur are of no avail, as they are probably accusatives. The ante may be omitted, in which case the phrase will be die quarto nonarum. In the leap year (to use a modern phrase), the last days of February were called,—

Feb. 23. a. d. VII. Kal. Mart.
Feb. 24. a. d. VI. Kal. Mart. posteriorem.
Feb. 25. a. d. VI. Kal. Mart. priorem.
Feb. 26. a. d. V. Kal. Mart.
Feb. 27. a. d. IV. Kal. Mart.
Feb. 28. a. d. III. Kal. Mart.
Feb. 29. Prid. Kal. Mart.

In which the words prior and posterior are used in reference to the retrograde direction of the reckoning. From the fact that the intercalated year has two days called ante diem sextum, the name bissextile has been applied to it. The term annus bissextilis, however, does not occur in any classical writer, but in place of it the phrase annus bissextus.—The names of two of the months were changed in honour of Julius Caesar and Augustus. Julius was substituted for Quinctilis, the month in which Caesar was born, in the second Julian year, that is, the year of the dictator’s death, for the first Julian year was the first year of the corrected Julian calendar, that is, B.C. 45. The name Augustus in place of Sextilis was introduced by the emperor himself in B.C. 27. The month of September in like manner received the name of Germanicus from the general so called, and the appellation appears to have existed even in the time of Macrobius. Domitian, too, conferred his name upon October; but the old word was restored upon the death of the tyrant.—The Julian calendar supposes the mean tropical year to be 365 d. 6 h.; but this exceeds the real amount by 11′ 12″, the accumulation of which, year after year, caused at last considerable inconvenience. Accordingly, in the year 1582, Pope Gregory XIII. again reformed the calendar. The ten days by which the year had been unduly retarded were struck out by a regulation that the day after the fourth of October in that year should be called the fifteenth; and it was ordered that whereas hitherto an intercalary day had been inserted every four years, for the future three such intercalations in the course of four hundred years should be omitted, viz., in those years which are divisible without remainder by 100, but not by 400. Thus, according to the Julian calendar, the years 1600, 1700, 1800, 1900, 2000, were to be bissextile as before. The bull which effected this change was issued Feb. 24th, 1582. The Protestant parts of Europe resisted what they called a papistical invention for more than a century. In England the Gregorian calendar was first adopted in 1752. In Russia, and those countries which belonged to the Greek church, the Julian year, or old style, as it is called, still prevails. In the ancient calendars the letters A, B, C, D, E, F, G, H, were used for the purpose of fixing the nundines in the week of eight days; precisely in the same way in which the first seven letters are still employed in ecclesiastical calendars, to mark the days of the Christian week.

CĂLĬGA, a strong and heavy sandal worn by the Roman soldiers, but not by the superior officers. Hence the common soldiers, including centurions, were distinguished by the name of caligati. The emperor Caligula received that cognomen when a boy, in consequence of wearing the caliga, and being inured to the life of a common soldier. The cuts on pp. 1, 41, show the difference between the caliga of the common soldier and the calceus worn by men of higher rank.

CĂLIX (κύλιξ). (1) a drinking-cup used at symposia and on similar occasions.—(2) A vessel used in cooking.—(3) A tube in the aquaeducts attached to the extremity of each pipe, where it entered the castellum.

CALLIS, a beaten path or track made by the feet of cattle. The sheep-walks in the mountainous parts of Campania and Apulia were the property of the Roman state; and as they were of considerable value, one of the quaestors usually had these calles assigned to him as his province, whence we read of the Callium provincia. His principal duties were to receive the scriptura, or tax paid for the pasturage of the cattle, and to protect life and property in these wild and mountainous districts. When the senate wished to put a slight upon the consuls on one occasion they endeavoured to assign to them as their provinces, the care of the woods (silvae) and sheep-walks (calles).

CALLISTEIA (καλλιστεῖα), a festival, or perhaps merely a part of one, held by the women of Lesbos; at which they assembled in the sanctuary of Hera, and the fairest received the prize of beauty. Similar contests of beauty are said to have been held in other places.

CĀLŌNES, the slaves or servants of the Roman soldiers, so called from carrying wood (κᾶλα) for their use. The word calo, however, was also applied to farm-servants. The calones and lixae are frequently spoken of together, but they were not the same: the latter were freemen, who merely followed the camp for the purposes of gain and merchandise, and were so far from being indispensable to an army, that they were sometimes forbidden to attend it.

CĂLUMNĬA. When an accuser failed in his proof, and the accused party was acquitted, there might be an inquiry into the conduct and motives of the accuser. If the person who made this judicial inquiry found that the accuser had merely acted from error of judgment, he acquitted him in the form non probasti; if he convicted him of evil intention, he declared his sentence in the words calumniatus es, which sentence was followed by the legal punishment. The punishment for calumnia was fixed by the lex Remmia, or as it is sometimes, perhaps incorrectly, named, the lex Memmia. But it is not known when this lex was passed, nor what were its penalties. It appears from Cicero, that the false accuser might be branded on the forehead with the letter K, the initial of Kalumnia. The punishment for calumnia was also exsilium, relegatio in insulam, or loss of rank (ordinis amissio); but probably only in criminal cases, or in matters relating to status.

CĂMĂRA (καμάρα), or CĂMĔRA. (1) A particular kind of arched ceiling, formed by semicircular bands or beams of wood, arranged at small lateral distances, over which a coating of lath and plaster was spread, and the whole covered in by a roof, resembling in construction the hooped awnings in use amongst us.—(2) A small boat used in early times by the people who inhabited the shores of the Palus Maeotis, capable of containing from twenty-five to thirty men. These boats were made to work fore and aft, like the fast-sailing proas of the Indian seas, and continued in use until the age of Tacitus.

CĂMILLI, CĂMILLAE, boys and girls employed in the religious rites and ceremonies of the Romans. They were required to be perfect in form, and sound in health, free born, and with both their parents alive; or, in other words, according to the expression of the Romans, pueri seu puellae ingenui, felicissimi, patrimi matrimique.

CĂMĪNUS. [Domus.]

CAMPESTRE (sc. subligar), a kind of girdle or apron, which the Roman youths wore around their loins, when they exercised naked in the Campus Martius. The campestre was sometimes worn in warm weather, in place of the tunic under the toga.

CAMPUS MARTĬUS. [See Classical Dictionary.]

CĂNĂBUS (κάναβος), a figure of wood in the form of a skeleton, round which the clay or plaster was laid in forming models. Figures of a similar kind, formed to display the muscles and veins, were studied by painters in order to acquire some knowledge of anatomy.

CĀNATHRON (κάναθρον), a carriage, the upper part of which was made of basket-work, or more properly the basket itself, which was fixed in the carriage.

CANCELLĀRĬUS. [Cancelli.]

CANCELLI, lattice-work, placed before a window, a door-way, the tribunal of a judge, or any other place. Hence was derived the word Cancellarius, which originally signified a porter, who stood at the latticed or grated door of the emperor’s palace. The cancellarius also signified a legal scribe or secretary, who sat within the cancelli or lattice-work. The chief scribe or secretary was called Cancellarius κατ’ ἐξοχήν, and was eventually invested with judicial power at Constantinople. From this word has come the modern Chancellor.

CANDĒLA, a candle, made either of wax (cerea), or tallow (sebacea), was used universally by the Romans before the invention of oil lamps (lucernae). In later times candelae were only used by the poorer classes; the houses of the more wealthy were always lighted by lucernae.

CANDĒLABRUM, originally a candlestick, but afterwards the name of a stand for supporting lamps (λυχνοῦχοι), in which signification it most commonly occurs. The candelabra of this kind were usually made to stand upon the ground, and were of a considerable height. The most common kind were made of wood; but those which have been found in Herculaneum and Pompeii are mostly of bronze. Sometimes they were made of the more precious metals, and even of jewels. The candelabra did not always stand upon the ground, but were also placed upon the table. Such candelabra usually consisted of pillars, from the capitals of which several lamps hung down, or of trees, from whose branches lamps also were suspended.

CANDĬDĀTUS. [Ambitus.]

CANDYS (κάνδυς), a robe worn by the Medes and Persians over their trowsers and other garments. It had wide sleeves, and was made of woollen cloth, which was either purple or of some other splendid colour. In the Persepolitan sculptures, from which the annexed figures are taken, nearly all the principal personages wear it.

CĂNĒPHŎROS (κανηφόρος), a virgin who carried a flat circular basket (κάνεον, canistrum) at sacrifices, in which the chaplet of flowers, the knife to slay the victim, and sometimes the frankincense were deposited. The name, however, was more particularly applied to two virgins of the first Athenian families who were appointed to officiate as canephori at the Panathaenaea. The preceding cut represents the two canephori approaching a candelabrum. Each of them elevates one arm to support the basket while she slightly raises her tunic with the other.

CANTHĂRUS (κάνθαρος), a kind of drinking cup, furnished with handles. It was the cup sacred to Bacchus, who is frequently represented on ancient vases holding it in his hand.

CANTĬCUM, an interlude between the acts of a Roman comedy, and sometimes, perhaps, of a tragedy. It consisted of flute music, accompanied by a kind of recitative performed by a single actor, or if there were two, the second was not allowed to speak with the first. In the canticum, as violent gesticulation was required, it appears to have been the custom, from the time of Livius Andronicus, for the actor to confine himself to the gesticulation, while another person sang the recitative.

CĂPILLUS. [Coma.]

CĂPISTRUM (φορβειά), a halter, or tie for horses, asses, or other animals, placed round the head or neck, and made of osiers or other fibrous materials. The Greek word φορβειά was also applied to a contrivance used by pipers and trumpeters to compress their mouths and cheeks, and thus to aid them in blowing. It is often seen in works of ancient art, and was said to be the invention of Marsyas. [Tibia.]

CĂPĬTE CENSI. [Caput.]

CĂPĬTIS DĒMĬNŪTĬO. [Caput.]

CĂPĬTŌLĪNI LŪDI. [Ludi.]

CĂPĬTŌLĬUM. [See Class. Dictionary.]

CĂPĬTŬLUM. [Columna.]

CAPSA, or SCRĪNĬUM, a box for holding books among the Romans. These boxes were of a cylindrical form. There does not appear to have been any difference between the capsa and scrinium, except that the latter word was usually applied to those boxes which held a considerable number of rolls. The slaves who had the charge of these book-chests were called capsarii, and also custodes scriniorum; and the slaves who carried in a capsa behind their young masters the books, &c. of the sons of respectable Romans, when they went to school, were called by the same name.

CAPSĀRĬI, the name of three different classes of slaves. [Balneum; Capsa.]

CĂPUT, the head. The term “head” is often used by the Roman writers as equivalent to “person,” or “human being.” By an easy transition it was used to signify “life:” thus, capite damnari, plecti, &c., are equivalent to capital punishment. Caput is also used to express a man’s status, or civil condition; and the persons who were registered in the tables of the censor are spoken of as capita, sometimes with the addition of the word civium, and sometimes not. Thus to be registered in the census was the same thing as caput habere: and a slave and a filius familias, in this sense of the word, were said to have no caput. The sixth class of Servius Tullius comprised the proletarii and the capite censi, of whom the latter, having little or no property, were barely rated as so many head of citizens.—He who lost or changed his status was said to be capite minutus, deminutus, or capitis minor. Capitis minutio or deminutio was a change of a person’s status or civil condition, and consisted of three kinds.—A Roman citizen possessed freedom (libertas), citizenship (civitas), and family (familias): the loss of all three constituted the maxima capitis deminutio. This capitis deminutio was sustained by those who refused to be registered at the census, or neglected the registration, and were thence called incensi. The incensus was liable to be sold, and so to lose his liberty. Those who refused to perform military service might also be sold.—The loss of citizenship and family only, as when a man was interdicted from fire and water, was the media capitis deminutio. [Exsilium.]—The change of family by adoption, and by the in manum conventio, was the minima capitis deminutio.—A judicium capitale, or poena capitalis, was one which affected a citizen’s caput.

CĂPUT. [Fenus.]

CĂPUT EXTŌRUM. The Roman soothsayers (haruspices) pretended to a knowledge of coming events from the inspection of the entrails of victims slain for that purpose. The part to which they especially directed their attention was the liver, the convex upper portion of which seems to have been called the caput extorum. Any disease or deficiency in this organ was considered an unfavourable omen; whereas, if healthy and perfect, it was believed to indicate good fortune. If no caput was found, it was a bad sign (nihil tristius accidere potuit); if well defined or double, it was a lucky omen.

CĂRĂCALLA, an outer garment used in Gaul, and not unlike the Roman lacerna. It was first introduced at Rome by the emperor Aurelius Antoninus Bassianus, who compelled all the people that came to court to wear it, whence he obtained the surname of Caracalla. This garment, as worn in Gaul, does not appear to have reached lower than the knee, but Caracalla lengthened it so as to reach the ankle.

CARCER (kerker, German; γοργύρα, Greek), a prison, is connected with ἕρκος and εἵργω, the guttural being interchanged with the aspirate. (1) Greek. Imprisonment was seldom used amongst the Greeks as a legal punishment for offences; they preferred banishment to the expense of keeping prisoners in confinement. The prisons in different countries were called by different names; thus there was the Ceadas (Κεάδας), at Sparta; and, among the Ionians, the Gorgyra (γοργύρα), as at Samos. The prison at Athens was in former times called Desmoterion (δεσμωτήριον), and afterwards, by a sort of euphemism, οἴκημα. It was chiefly used as a guard-house or place of execution, and was under the charge of the public officers called the Eleven.—(2) Roman. A prison was first built at Rome by Ancus Martius, overhanging the forum. This was enlarged by Servius Tullius, who added to it a souterrain, or dungeon, called from him the Tullianum. Sallust describes this as being twelve feet under ground, walled on each side, and arched over with stone work. For a long time this was the only prison at Rome, being, in fact, the “Tower,” or state prison of the city, which was sometimes doubly guarded in times of alarm, and was the chief object of attack in many conspiracies. There were, however, other prisons besides this, though, as we might expect, the words of Roman historians generally refer to this alone. In the Tullianum prisoners were generally executed, and this part of the prison was also called robur.

CARCĔRES. [Circus.]

CARCHĒSĬUM (καρχήσιον). (1) A beaker or drinking-cup, which was used by the Greeks in very early times. It was slightly contracted in the middle, and its two handles extended from the top to the bottom. It was much employed in libations of wine, milk, and honey.—(2) The upper part of the mast of a ship. [Navis.]

CARMENTĀLĬA, a festival celebrated in honour of Carmenta or Carmentis, who is fabled to have been the mother of Evander, who came from Pallantium in Arcadia, and settled in Latium: he was said to have brought with him a knowledge of the arts, and the Latin alphabetical characters as distinguished from the Etruscan. This festival was celebrated annually on the 11th of January. A temple was erected to the same goddess, at the foot of the Capitoline hill, near the Porta Carmentalis, afterwards called Scelerata. The name Carmenta is said to have been given to her from her prophetic character, carmens or carmentis being synonymous with vates. The word is, of course, connected with carmen, as prophecies were generally delivered in verse.

CARNEIA (καρνεῖα), a great national festival, celebrated by the Spartans in honour of Apollo Carneios. The festival began on the seventh day of the month of Carneios = Metageitnion of the Athenians, and lasted for nine days. It was of a warlike character, similar to the Attic Boëdromia. During the time of its celebration nine tents were pitched near the city, in each of which nine men lived in the manner of a military camp, obeying in everything the commands of a herald. The priest conducting the sacrifices at the Carneia was called Agetes (Ἀγητής), whence the festival was sometimes designated by the name Agetoria or Agetoreion (Ἀγητόρια or Ἀγητόρειον), and from each of the Spartan tribes five men (Καρνεᾶται) were chosen as his ministers, whose office lasted four years, during which period they were not allowed to marry. When we read in Herodotus and Thucydides that the Spartans during the celebration of this festival were not allowed to take the field against an enemy, we must remember that this restriction was not peculiar to the Carneia, but common to all the great festivals of the Greeks: traces of it are found even in Homer.

CARNĬFEX, the public executioner at Rome, who executed slaves and foreigners, but not citizens, who were punished in a manner different from slaves. It was also his business to administer the torture. This office was considered so disgraceful, that he was not allowed to reside within the city, but lived without the Porta Metia or Esquilina, near the place destined for the punishment of slaves, called Sestertium under the emperors.

CARPENTUM, a cart; also a two-wheeled carriage, enclosed, and with an arched or sloping cover overhead. The carpentum was used to convey the Roman matrons in the public festal processions; and this was a high distinction, since the use of carriages in the city was entirely forbidden during the whole of the republican period. Hence the privilege of riding in a carpentum in the public festivals was sometimes granted to females of the imperial family. This carriage contained seats for two, and sometimes for three persons, besides the coachman. It was commonly drawn by a pair of mules, but more rarely by oxen or horses, and sometimes by four horses like a quadriga.—Carpenta, or covered carts, were much used by the Britons, the Gauls, and other northern nations. These, together with the carts of the more common form, including baggage-waggons, appear to have been comprehended under the term carri, or carra, which is the Celtic name with a Latin termination. The Gauls took a great multitude of them on their military expeditions, and when they were encamped, arranged them in close order, so as to form extensive lines of circumvallation.

CARRĀGO, a kind of fortification, consisting of a great number of waggons placed round an army. It was employed by barbarous nations, as, for instance, the Scythians, Gauls, and Goths. Carrago also signifies sometimes the baggage of an army.

CARRŪCA, a carriage, the name of which only occurs under the emperors. It appears to have been a species of rheda [Rheda], had four wheels, and was used in travelling. These carriages were sometimes used in Rome by persons of distinction, like the carpenta; in which case they appear to have been covered with plates of bronze, silver, and even gold, which were sometimes ornamented with embossed work.

CARRUS. [Carpentum.]

CĂRỸA or CĂRỸĀTIS (καρύα, καρυατίς), a festival celebrated at Caryae, in Laconia, in honour of Artemis Caryatis. It was celebrated every year by Lacedaemonian maidens with national dances of a very lively kind.

CĂRỸĀTĬDES, female figures used in architecture instead of columns. Their name is usually derived from Caryae, a city in Arcadia, near the Laconian border, the women of which are said to have been reduced to slavery by the Greeks, because Caryae had joined the Persians at the invasion of Greece. But this tale is probably apocryphal. One of the porticos of the Erechtheum at Athens is supported by Caryatides.

CASSIS. [Galea.]

CASTELLUM ĂQUAE. [Aquae Ductus.]

CASTRA. Roman armies never halted for a single night without forming a regular entrenchment, termed castra, capable of receiving within its limits the whole body of fighting men, their beasts of burden, and the baggage. So completely was this recognised as a part of the ordinary duties of each march, that pervenire ad locum tertiis ... quartis ... septuagesimis castris are the established phrases for expressing the number of days occupied in passing from one point to another. Whenever circumstances rendered it expedient for a force to occupy the same ground for any length of time, then the encampment was distinguished as castra stativa. In wild and barbarian lands, where there were no large towns and no tribes on whose faith reliance could be placed, armies, whether of invasion or occupation, were forced to remain constantly in camps. They usually, however, occupied different ground in summer and in winter, whence arose the distinction between castra aestiva and castra hiberna, both alike being stativa. But whether a camp was temporary or permanent, whether tenanted in summer or in winter, the main features of the work were always the same for the same epoch. In hiberna, huts of turf or stone would be substituted for the open tents of the aestiva (hence aedificare hiberna), and in stativa held for long periods the defences would present a more substantial and finished aspect, but the general outline and disposition of the parts were invariable. Polybius has transmitted to us a description of a Roman camp, from which the annexed plan has been drawn up. It is such as would be formed at the close of an ordinary day’s march by a regular consular army consisting of two Roman legions with the full contingent of Socii. Each legion is calculated at 4200 infantry and 300 cavalry; the Socii furnished an equal number of infantry, and twice as many cavalry, so that the whole force would amount to 16,800 foot and 1800 horse. Skill in the selection of a spot for a camp (capere locum castris) was ever considered as a high quality in a general, and we find it recorded among the praises of the most renowned commanders that they were wont in person to perform this duty. Under ordinary circumstances, however, the task was devolved upon one of the military tribunes, and a certain number of centurions appointed from time to time for the purpose. These having gone forward in advance of the army until they reached the place near which it was intended to halt, and having taken a general survey of the ground, selected a spot from whence a good view of the whole proposed area might be obtained. This spot was considerably within the limits of the contemplated enclosure, and was marked by a small white flag. The next object was to ascertain in what direction water and fodder might be most easily and securely provided. These two preliminary points being decided, the business of measuring out the ground (metari castra) commenced, and was executed, as we learn from various sources, with graduated rods (decempedae) by persons denominated metatores. In practice the most important points were marked by white poles, some of which bore flags of various colours, so that the different battalions on reaching the ground could at once discover the place assigned to them.

The white flag A, which served as the starting point of the whole construction, marked the position of the consul’s tent, or praetorium, so called because praetor was the ancient term for any one invested with supreme command. A square area was left open, extending a hundred feet each way from the praetorium. The camp was divided into two parts, the upper and the lower. The upper part formed about a third of the whole. In it was the praetorium (A) or general’s tent. A part of the praetorium was called the Augurale, as the auguries were there taken by the general. On the right and left of the praetorium were the forum and quaestorium; the former a sort of market-place, the latter appropriated to the quaestor and the camp stores under his superintendence. On the sides of and facing the forum and quaestorium, were stationed select bodies of horse (K) taken from the extraordinaries, with mounted volunteers, who served out of respect to the consul, and were stationed near him. And parallel to these were posted similar bodies of foot-soldiers (L). Before the quaestorium and the forum were the tents of the twelve tribunes of the two legions (B), and before the select bodies of horse and infantry the tents of the praefecti sociorum were probably placed (C). Again, behind the praetorium, the quaestorium, and the forum, ran a street or via (D), 100 feet broad, from one side of the camp to the other. Along the upper side of this street was ranged the main body of the “extraordinary” horse (M): they were separated into two equal parts by a street fifty feet broad (E). At the back of this body of cavalry was posted a similar body of infantry (N), selected from the allies, and facing the opposite way, i.e. towards the ramparts of the camp. The vacant spaces (O) on each side of these troops were reserved for foreigners and occasional auxiliaries. The lower part of the camp was divided from the upper by a street, called the Via Principalis (V P), or Principia, a hundred feet broad. Here the tribunal of the general was erected, from which he harangued the soldiers, and here the tribunes administered justice. Here also the principal standards, the altars of the gods, and the images of the emperors were placed. The lower part of the camp was occupied by the two legions and the troops of the allies according to the arrangement of the preceding cut. Between the ramparts and the tents was left a vacant space of 200 feet on every side, which was useful for many purposes: thus it served for the reception of any booty that was taken, and facilitated the entrance and exit of the army. The camp had four gates, one at the top and bottom, and one at each of the sides; the top or back-gate, which was the side most away from the enemy, was called the decumana. The bottom or the front gate was the practoria, the gates of the sides were the porta principalis dextra, and the porta principalis sinistra. The whole camp was surrounded by a trench (fossa), generally nine feet deep and twelve broad, and a rampart (vallum) made of the earth that was thrown up (agger), with stakes (valli) fixed at the top of it. The labour of this work was so divided, that the allies completed the two sides of the camp alongside of which they were stationed, and the two Roman legions the rest.—In describing the Roman camp and its internal arrangements, we have confined ourselves to the information given by Polybius, which, of course, applies only to his age, and to armies constituted like those he witnessed. When the practice of drawing up the army according to cohorts, ascribed to Marius or Caesar [Exercitus], had superseded the ancient division into maniples, and the distinction of triarii, &c., the internal arrangements of the camp must have been changed accordingly. In each legion the tribunes divided themselves into three sections of two each, and each section in turn undertook for two months the superintendence of all matters connected with the camp. Out of the twenty maniples of Principes and Triarii in each legion, two were appointed to take charge of the broad passage or street called Principia, extending right across the camp in front of the tents of the tribunes. Of the remaining eighteen maniples of Principes and Hastati in each legion, three were assigned by lot to each of the six tribunes, and of these three maniples one in turn rendered each day certain services to the tribune to whom it was specially attached. One maniple was selected each day from the whole legionary force, to keep guard beside the tent of the general. Three sentinels were usually posted at the tents of the quaestor, and of the legati: and by night sentinels kept watch at every maniple, being chosen out of the maniple which they guarded. The Velites mounted guard by day and by night along the whole extent of the vallum: to them also in bodies of ten was committed the charge of the gates, while strong bodies of infantry and cavalry were thrown forward in advance of each gate, to resist any sudden onset, and give timely notice of the approach of the enemy.—Excubiae; excubias agere; excubare; are the general terms used with reference to mounting guard whether by night or by day. Vigiliae; vigilias agere; vigilare; are restricted to night duty: Excubiae and Vigiliae frequently denote not only the service itself, but also the individuals who performed it. Stationes is used specially to denote the advanced posts thrown forward in front of the gates. Custodes or Custodiae the parties who watched the gates themselves, Praesidia the sentinels on the ramparts, but all these words are employed in many other significations also. The duty of going the rounds (Vigilias circuire s. circumire) was committed to the Equites, and for this purpose each legion supplied daily four, picked out from each turma in rotation by the commander of the troop. The eight persons thus selected decided by lot in which watch they should make their rounds, two being assigned to each watch. They then repaired to the tribune, and each individual received a written order specifying the posts which he was to visit, every post being visited in each watch by one or other of the two to whom the watch belonged. Sometimes we find centurions, tribunes, and even the general in chief represented as going the rounds, but, under ordinary circumstances, the duty was performed as we have described. The watchword for the night was not communicated verbally, but by means of a small rectangular tablet of wood (πλατεῖον ἐπιγεγραμμένον—tessera) upon which it was written.—Breaking up a Camp. On the first signal being given by the trumpet, the tents were all struck and the baggage packed, the tents of the general and the tribunes being disposed of before the others were touched. At the second signal the baggage was placed upon the beasts of burden; at the third, the whole army began to move.

CĂTĂLŎGUS (κατάλογος), the catalogue of those persons in Athens who were liable to regular military service. At Athens, those persons alone who possessed a certain amount of property were allowed to serve in the regular infantry, whilst the lowest class, the thetes, had not this privilege. [Census.] Thus the former are called οἱ ἐκ καταλόγου στρατεύοντες, and the latter οἱ ἔξω τοῦ καταλόγου.

CĂTĂPHRACTA. [Lorica.]

CĂTĂPHRACTI (κατάφρακτοι). (1) Heavy-armed cavalry, the horses of which were also covered with defensive armour. Among many of the Eastern nations, who placed their chief dependence upon their cavalry, we find horses protected in this manner; but among the Romans we do not read of any troops of this description till the later times of the empire, when the discipline of the legions was destroyed, and the chief dependence began to be placed on the cavalry. This species of troops was common among the Persians from the earliest times, from whom it was adopted by their Macedonian conquerors. They were called by the Persians clibanarii.—(2) Decked vessels, in opposition to Aphracti.

CĂTĂPĪRĀTĒR (καταπειρατηρία, βολίς), the lead used in sounding (ἐν τῷ βολίζειν), or fathoming the depth of water in navigation. The mode of employing this instrument appears to have been precisely the same as that now in use.

CĂTĂPULTA. [Tormentum.]

CĂTĂRACTA (καταῤῥάκτης), a portcullis, so called because it fell with great force and a loud noise. It was an additional defence, suspended by iron rings and ropes, before the gates of a city, in such a manner that, when the enemy had come up to the gates, the portcullis might be let down so as to shut them in, and to enable the besieged to assail them from above.

CĂTEIA, a missile used in war by the Germans, Gauls, and some of the Italian nations, supposed to resemble the Aclis.

CĂTĒNA, dim. CĂTELLA (ἄλυσις, dim. ἀλύσιον, ἀλυσίδιον), a chain. The chains which were of superior value, either on account of the material or the workmanship, are commonly called catellae (ἀλύσια), the diminutive expressing their fineness and delicacy as well as their minuteness. The specimens of ancient chains which we have in bronze lamps, in scales, and in ornaments for the person, especially necklaces, show a great variety of elegant and ingenious patterns. Besides a plain circle or oval, the separate link is often shaped like the figure 8, or is a bar with a circle at each end, or assumes other forms, some of which are here shown. The links are also found so closely entwined, that the chain resembles platted wire or thread, like the gold chains now manufactured at Venice. This is represented in the lowest figure of the woodcut.

CĂTERVĀRĬI. [Gladiatores.]

CĂTHEDRA, a seat or chair, was more particularly applied to a soft seat used by women, whereas sella signified a seat common to both sexes. The cathedrae were, no doubt, of various forms and sizes; but they usually appear to have had backs to them. On the cathedra in the annexed cut is seated a bride, who is being fanned by a female slave with a fan made of peacock’s feathers. Women were also accustomed to be carried abroad in these cathedrae instead of in lecticae, which practice was sometimes adopted by effeminate persons of the other sex. The word cathedra was also applied to the chair or pulpit from which lectures were read.

CĂTĪNUS, or CĂTĪNUM, a large dish, on which fish and meat were served up at table. Hence Horace speaks of an angustus catinus as an indication of niggardliness on the part of the host.

CĂVAEDĬUM. [Domus.]

CĂVĔA. [Theatrum.]

CAUPŌNA. (1) An inn, where travellers obtained food and lodging; in which sense it answered to the Greek words πανδοκεῖον, καταγώγιον, and κατάλυσις. Inns for the accommodation of persons of all classes existed among the Greeks and Romans, although they were not equal either in size or convenience to similar places in modern times. An inn was also called taberna and taberna diversoria, or simply diversorium or deversorium.—(2) A shop, where wine and ready-dressed meat were sold, thus corresponding to the Greek καπηλεῖον. The person who kept a caupona was called caupo. In Greek κάπηλος signifies in general a retail trader, who sold goods in small quantities; but the word is more particularly applied to a person who sold ready-dressed provisions, and especially wine in small quantities. In these καπηλεῖα only persons of the very lowest class were accustomed to eat and drink. In Rome itself there were, no doubt, inns to accommodate strangers; but these were probably only frequented by the lower classes, since all persons in respectable society could easily find accommodation in the houses of their friends. There were, however, in all parts of the city, numerous houses where wine and ready-dressed provisions were sold. The houses where persons were allowed to eat and drink were usually called popinae and not cauponae; and the keepers of them, popae. They were principally frequented by slaves and the lower classes, and were consequently only furnished with stools to sit upon instead of couches. The Thermopolia, where the calida or warm wine and water was sold, appear to have been the same as the popinae. Many of these popinae were little better than the lupanaria or brothels; whence Horace calls them immundas popinas. The ganeae, which are sometimes mentioned in connection with the popinae, were brothels, whence they are often classed with the lustra. Under the emperors many attempts were made to regulate the popinae, but apparently with little success. All persons who kept inns or houses of public entertainment of any kind were held in low estimation both among the Greeks and Romans. They appear to have fully deserved the bad reputation which they possessed, for they were accustomed to cheat their customers by false weights and measures, and by all the means in their power.

CAUSĬA (καυσία), a hat with a broad brim, which was made of felt, and worn by the Macedonian kings. Its form is seen in the annexed figure. The Romans adopted it from the Macedonians.

CAUTĬO, CĂVĒRE. These words are of frequent occurrence, and have a great variety of significations, according to the matter to which they refer. Their general signification is that of security given by one person to another, or security which one person obtains by the advice or assistance of another. The cautio was most frequently a writing, which expressed the object of the parties to it; accordingly the word cautio came to signify both the instrument (chirographum or instrumentum) and the object which it was the purpose of the instrument to secure. Cicero uses the expression cautio chirographi mei. The phrase cavere aliquid alicui expressed the fact of one person giving security to another as to some particular thing or act. The word cautio was also applied to the release which a debtor obtained from his creditor on satisfying his demand; in this sense cautio is equivalent to a modern receipt; it is the debtor’s security against the same demand being made a second time. Thus cavere ab aliquo signifies to obtain this kind of security. Cavere is also applied to express the professional advice and assistance of a lawyer to his client for his conduct in any legal matter. Cavere and its derivatives are also used to express the provisions of a law, by which any thing is forbidden or ordered, as in the phrase, Cautum est lege, &c. It is also used to express the words in a will, by which a testator declares his wish that certain things should be done after his death.

CĔADAS or CAEADAS (κεάδας or καιάδας), a deep cavern or chasm, like the Barathron at Athens, into which the Spartans were accustomed to thrust persons condemned to death.

CĔLĔRES, are said by Livy to have been three hundred horsemen, who formed the body-guard of Romulus both in peace and war. There can, however, be little doubt that these Celeres were not simply the body-guard of the king, but were the same as the equites, or horsemen, a fact which is expressly stated by some writers. [Equites.] The etymology of Celeres is variously given. Some writers derived it from their leader Celer, who was said to have slain Remus, but most writers connected it with the Greek κέλης, in reference to the quickness of their service. The Celeres were under the command of a Tribunus Celerum, who stood in the same relation to the king as the magister equitum did in a subsequent period to the dictator. He occupied the second place in the state, and in the absence of the king had the right of convoking the comitia. Whether he was appointed by the king, or elected by the comitia, has been questioned, but the former is the more probable.

CELLA, in its primary sense, means a store-room of any kind. Of these there were various descriptions, which took their distinguishing denominations from the articles they contained, as, for instance, the cella penuaria or penaria, the cella olearia and cella vinaria. The slave to whom the charge of these stores was intrusted, was called cellarius, or promus, or condus, “quia promit quod conditum est,” and sometimes promus condus and procurator peni. This answers to our butler and housekeeper. Any number of small rooms clustered together like the cells of a honeycomb were also termed cellae; hence the dormitories of slaves and menials are called cellae, and cellae familiaricae, in distinction to a bed-chamber, which was cubiculum. Thus a sleeping-room at a public-house is also termed cella. Cella ostiarii, or janitoris, is the porter’s lodge. In the baths the cella caldaria, tepidaria, and frigidaria, were those which contained respectively the warm, tepid, and cold bath. [Balneae.] The interior of a temple, that is the part included within the outside shell (σηκός), was also called cella. There was sometimes more than one cella within the same peristyle or under the same roof, in which case each cell took the name of the deity whose statue it contained, as cella Jovis, cella Junonis, cella Minervae, as in the temple of Jupiter on the Capitoline.

CĔNOTĂPHĬUM, a cenotaph (κενός and τάφος), was an empty or honorary tomb, erected as a memorial of a person whose body was buried elsewhere, or not found for burial at all.

CENSOR (τιμητής), the name of two magistrates of high rank in the Roman republic. Their office was called Censura (τιμητεία or τιμητία). The Census, which was a register of Roman citizens and of their property, was first established by Servius Tullius, the fifth king of Rome. After the expulsion of the kings it was taken by the consuls; and special magistrates were not appointed for the purpose of taking it till the year B.C. 443. The reason of this alteration was owing to the appointment in the preceding year of tribuni militum with consular power in place of the consuls; and as these tribunes might be plebeians, the patricians deprived the consuls, and consequently their representatives, the tribunes, of the right of taking the census, and entrusted it to two magistrates, called Censores, who were to be chosen exclusively from the patricians. The magistracy continued to be a patrician one till B.C. 351, when C. Marcius Rutilus was the first plebeian censor. Twelve years afterwards, B.C. 339, it was provided by one of the Publilian laws, that one of the censors must necessarily be a plebeian, but it was not till B.C. 280 that a plebeian censor performed the solemn purification of the people (lustrum condidit). In B.C. 131 the two censors were for the first time plebeians.—The censors were elected in the comitia centuriata held under the presidency of a consul. As a general principle, the only persons eligible to the office were those who had previously been consuls; but a few exceptions occur. At first there was no law to prevent a person being censor a second time; but the only person, who was twice elected to the office, was C. Marcius Rutilus in B.C. 265; and he brought forward a law in this year, enacting that no one should be chosen censor a second time, and received in consequence the surname of Censorinus.—The censorship is distinguished from all other Roman magistracies by the length of time during which it was held. The censors were originally chosen for a whole lustrum, that is, a period of five years; but their office was limited to eighteen months, as early as ten years after its institution (B.C. 433), by a law of the dictator Mam. Aemilius Mamercinus. The censors also held a very peculiar position with respect to rank and dignity. No imperium was bestowed upon them, and accordingly they had no lictors. The jus censurae was granted to them by a lex centuriata, and not by the curiae, and in that respect they were inferior in power to the consuls and praetors. But notwithstanding this, the censorship was regarded as the highest dignity in the state, with the exception of the dictatorship; it was a sanctus magistratus, to which the deepest reverence was due. They possessed of course the sella curulis. The funeral of a censor was always conducted with great pomp and splendour, and hence a funus censorium was voted even to the emperors.—The censorship continued in existence for 421 years, namely, from B.C. 443 to B.C. 22; but during this period many lustra passed by without any censor being chosen at all. Its power was limited by one of the laws of the tribune Clodius (B.C. 58). After the year B.C. 22 the emperors discharged the duties of the censorship under the name of Praefectura Morum.—The duties of the censors may be divided into three classes, all of which were however closely connected with one another: I. The Census, or register of the citizens and of their property, in which were included the lectio senatus, and the recognitio equitum; II. The Regimen Morum; and III. The administration of the finances of the state, under which were classed the superintendence of the public buildings and the erection of all new public works.—I. The Census, the first and principal duty of the censors, for which the proper expression is censum agere, was always held in the Campus Martius, and from the year B.C. 435 in a special building called Villa Publica. After the auspicia had been taken, the citizens were summoned by a public crier (praeco) to appear before the censors. Each tribe was called up separately, and every paterfamilias had to appear in person before the censors, who were seated in their curule chairs. The census was conducted ad arbitrium censoris; but the censors laid down certain rules, sometimes called leges censui censendo, in which mention was made of the different kinds of property subject to the census, and in what way their value was to be estimated. According to these laws each citizen had to give an account of himself, of his family, and of his property upon oath, ex animi sententia. First he had to give his full name (praenomen, nomen, and cognomen) and that of his father, or if he were a freedman that of his patron, and he was likewise obliged to state his age. He was then asked, Tu, ex animi tui sententia, uxorem habes? and if married he had to give the name of his wife, and likewise the number, names, and ages of his children, if any. Single women (viduae) and orphans (orbi orbaeque) were represented by their tutores; their names were entered in separate lists, and they were not included in the sum total of capita. After a citizen had stated his name, age, family, &c., he then had to give an account of all his property, so far as it was subject to the census. In making this statement he was said censere or censeri, as a deponent, “to value or estimate himself,” or as a passive “to be valued or estimated:” the censor, who received the statement, was also said censere, as well as accipere censum. Only such things were liable to the census (censui censendo) as were property ex jure Quiritium. Land formed the most important article in the census; next came slaves and cattle. The censors also possessed the right of calling for a return of such objects as had not usually been given in, such as clothing, jewels, and carriages. We can hardly doubt that the censors possessed the power of setting a higher valuation on the property than the citizens themselves had put. The tax (tributum) was usually one per thousand upon the property entered in the books of the censors; but on one occasion the censors, as a punishment, compelled a person to pay eight per thousand (octuplicato censu, Liv. iv. 24). A person who voluntarily absented himself from the census, and thus became incensus, was subject to the severest punishment. It is probable that service in the army was a valid excuse for absence. After the censors had received the names of all the citizens with the amount of their property, they then had to make out the lists of the tribes, and also of the classes and centuries; for by the legislation of Servius Tullius the position of each citizen in the state was determined by the amount of his property. [Comitia Centuriata.] These lists formed a most important part of the Tabulae Censoriae, under which name were included all the documents connected in any way with the discharge of the censors’ duties. These lists, as far at least as they were connected with the finances of the state, were deposited in the aerarium, which was the temple of Saturn; but the regular depository for all the archives of the censors was in earlier times the Atrium Libertatis, near the Villa publica, and in later times the temple of the Nymphs. The censors had also to make out the lists of the senators for the ensuing lustrum, or till new censors were appointed; striking out the names of such as they considered unworthy, and making additions to the body from those who were qualified. [Senatus.] In the same manner they held a review of the equites equo publico, and added and removed names as they judged proper. [Equites.] After the lists had been completed, the number of citizens was counted up, and the sum total announced; and accordingly we find that, in the account of a census, the number of citizens is likewise usually given. They are in such cases spoken of as capita, sometimes with the addition of the word civium, and sometimes not; and hence to be registered in the census was the same thing as caput habere. [Caput.]—II. Regimen Morum. This was the most important branch of the censors’ duties, and the one which caused their office to be the most revered and the most dreaded in the Roman state. It naturally grew out of the right which they possessed of excluding unworthy persons from the lists of citizens. They were constituted the conservators of public and private virtue and morality; they were not simply to prevent crime or particular acts of immorality, but their great object was to maintain the old Roman character and habits, the mos majorum. The proper expression for this branch of their power was regimen morum, which was called in the times of the empire cura or praefectura morum. The punishment inflicted by the censors in the exercise of this branch of their duties was called Nota or Notatio, or Animadversio Censoria. In inflicting it they were guided only by their conscientious convictions of duty; they had to take an oath that they would act neither through partiality nor favour; and in addition to this, they were bound in every case to state in their lists, opposite the name of the guilty citizen, the cause of the punishment inflicted on him,—Subscriptio censoria. The consequence of such a nota was only ignominia and not infamia [Infamia], and the censorial verdict was not a judicium or res judicata, for its effects were not lasting, but might be removed by the following censors, or by a lex. A nota censoria was moreover not valid, unless both censors agreed. The ignominia was thus only a transitory capitis deminutio, which does not appear even to have deprived a magistrate of his office, and certainly did not disqualify persons labouring under it for obtaining a magistracy, for being appointed as judices by the praetor, or for serving in the Roman armies. This superintendence of the conduct of Roman citizens extended so far, that it embraced the whole of the public and private life of the citizens. Thus we have instances of their censuring or punishing persons for not marrying, for breaking a promise of marriage, for divorce, for bad conduct during marriage, for improper education of children, for living in an extravagant and luxurious manner, and for many other irregularities in private life. Their influence was still more powerful in matters connected with the public life of the citizens. Thus we find them censuring or punishing magistrates who were forgetful of the dignity of their office or guilty of bribery, as well as persons who were guilty of improper conduct towards magistrates, of perjury, and of neglect of their duties both in civil and military life. The punishments inflicted by the censors are generally divided into four classes:—1. Motio or ejectio e senatu, or the exclusion of a man from the number of senators. This punishment might either be a simple exclusion from the list of senators, or the person might at the same time be excluded from the tribes and degraded to the rank of an aerarian. The censors in their new lists omitted the names of such senators as they wished to exclude, and in reading these new lists in public, passed over the names of those who were no longer to be senators. Hence the expression praeteriti senatores is equivalent to e senatu ejecti. 2. The ademptio equi, or the taking away the equus publicus from an eques. This punishment might likewise be simple, or combined with the exclusion from the tribes and the degradation to the rank of an aerarian. [Equites.] 3. The motio e tribu, or the exclusion of a person from his tribe. If the further degradation to the rank of an aerarian was combined with the motio e tribu, it was always expressly stated. 4. The fourth punishment was called referre in aerarios or facere aliquem aerarium, and might be inflicted on any person who was thought by the censors to deserve it. [Aerarii.]—III. The Administration of the Finances of the State, was another part of the censors’ office. In the first place the tributum, or property-tax, had to be paid by each citizen according to the amount of his property registered in the census, and, accordingly, the regulation of this tax naturally fell under the jurisdiction of the censors. [Tributum.] They also had the superintendence of all the other revenues of the state, the vectigalia, such as the tithes paid for the public lands, the salt-works, the mines, the customs, &c. [Vectigalia.] All these branches of the revenue the censors were accustomed to let out to the highest bidder for the space of a lustrum or five years. The act of letting was called venditio or locatio, and seems to have taken place in the month of March. The censors also possessed the right, though probably not without the concurrence of the senate, of imposing new vectigalia, and even of selling the land belonging to the state. The censors, however, did not receive the revenues of the state. All the public money was paid into the aerarium, which was entirely under the jurisdiction of the senate; and all disbursements were made by order of this body, which employed the quaestors as its officers. [Aerarium; Senatus.]—In one important department the censors were entrusted with the expenditure of the public money; though the actual payments were no doubt made by the quaestors. The censors had the general superintendence of all the public buildings and works (opera publica); and to meet the expenses connected with this part of their duties, the senate voted them a certain sum of money or certain revenues, to which they were restricted, but which they might at the same time employ according to their discretion. They had to see that the temples and all other public buildings were in a good state of repair (aedes sacras tueri and sarta tecta exigere), that no public places were encroached upon by the occupation of private persons (loca tueri), and that the aquaeducts, roads, drains, &c. were properly attended to. The repairs of the public works and the keeping of them in proper condition were let out by the censors by public auction to the lowest bidder. The persons who undertook the contract were called conductores, mancipes, redemptores, susceptores, &c.; and the duties they had to discharge were specified in the Leges Censoriae. The censors had also to superintend the expenses connected with the worship of the gods. In these respects it is not easy to define with accuracy the respective duties of the censors and aediles: but it may be remarked in general that the superintendence of the aediles had more of a police character, while that of the censors had reference to all financial matters.—After the censors had performed their various duties and taken the census, the lustrum or solemn purification of the people followed. When the censors entered upon their office, they drew lots to see which of them should perform this purification (lustrum facere or condere), but both censors were obliged of course to be present at the ceremony. [Lustrum.]—In the Roman and Latin colonies and in the municipia there were censors, who likewise bore the name of quinquennales. They are spoken of under Colonia. A census was sometimes taken in the provinces, even under the republic; but there seems to have been no general census taken in the provinces till the time of Augustus. At Rome the census still continued to be taken under the empire, but the old ceremonies connected with it were no longer continued, and the ceremony of the lustration was not performed after the time of Vespasian.—The word census, besides the meaning of “valuation” of a person’s estate, has other significations, which must be briefly mentioned: 1. It signified the amount of a person’s property, and hence we read of census senatorius, the estate of a senator; census equestris, the estate of an eques. 2. The lists of the censors. 3. The tax which depended upon the valuation in the census.

CENSUS.—(1) Greek.—The Greek term for a man’s property as ascertained by the census, as well as for the act of ascertaining it, is τίμημα. The only Greek state concerning whose arrangement of the census we have any satisfactory information, is Athens. Previous to the time of Solon no census had been instituted at Athens. According to his census, all citizens were divided into four classes: 1. Pentacosiomedimni (Πεντακοσιομέδιμνοι), or persons possessing landed property which yielded an annual income of at least 500 medimni of dry or liquid produce. 2. Hippeis (Ἱππεῖς), i.e. knights or persons able to keep a war-horse, were those whose lands yielded an annual produce of at least 300 medimni, whence they are also called τριακοσιομέδιμνοι. 3. Zeugitae (Ζευγῖται), i.e. persons able to keep a yoke of oxen (ζεῦγος), were those whose annual income consisted of at least 150 medimni. 4. The Thetes (Θῆτες) contained all the rest of the free population, whose income was below that of the Zeugitae. The constitution of Athens, so long as it was based upon these classes, was a timocracy (τιμοκρατία, or ἀπὸ τιμημάτων πολιτεία). The highest magistracy at Athens, or the archonship, was at first accessible only to persons of the first class, until Aristides threw all the state offices open to all classes indiscriminately. The maintenance of the republic mainly devolved upon the first three classes, the last being exempted from all taxes. As the land in the legislation of Solon was regarded as the capital which yielded an annual income, he regulated his system of taxation by the value of the land, which was treated as the taxable capital. Lists of this taxable property (ἀπογραφαί) were kept at first by the naucrari, who also had to conduct the census, and afterwards by the demarchi.—As property is a fluctuating thing, the census was repeated from time to time, but the periods differed in the various parts of Greece, for in some a census was held every year, and in others every two or four years. At Athens every person had to state the amount of his property, and if there was any doubt about his honesty, it seems that a counter-valuation (ἀντιτίμησις) might be made. This system of taxation according to classes, and based upon the possession of productive estates, underwent a considerable change in the time of the Peloponnesian war, though the divisions into classes themselves continued to be observed for a considerable time after. As the wants of the republic increased, and as many citizens were possessed of large property, without being landed proprietors, the original land-tax was changed into a property-tax. This property-tax was called εἰσφορά, concerning which see Eisphora. Compare Leiturgiae; and for the taxes paid by resident aliens, Metoici.—(2) Roman. [Censor.]

CENTESĬMA, namely pars, or the hundredth part, also called vectigal rerum venalium, or centesima rerum venalium, was a tax of one per cent. levied at Rome and in Italy upon all goods that were exposed for public sale at auctions. It was collected by persons called coactores. This tax was perhaps introduced after the civil war between Marius and Sulla. Its produce was assigned by Augustus to the aerarium militare. Tiberius reduced the tax to one half per cent. (ducentesima), after he had changed Cappadocia into a province, and had thereby increased the revenue of the empire. Caligula in the beginning of his reign abolished the tax altogether for Italy.

CENTUMVĬRI, were judices, who resembled other judices in this respect, that they decided cases under the authority of a magistratus; but they differed from other judices in being a definite body or collegium. This collegium seems to have been divided into four parts, each of which sometimes sat by itself. The origin of the court is unknown. According to an ancient writer, three were chosen out of each tribe, and consequently the whole number out of the 35 tribes would be 105, who, in round numbers, were called the hundred men. If the centumviri were chosen from the tribes, this seems a strong presumption in favour of the high antiquity of the court. It was the practice to set up a spear in the place where the centumviri were sitting, and accordingly the word hasta, or hasta centumviralis, is sometimes used as equivalent to the words judicium centumvirale. The praetor presided in this court. The jurisdiction of the centumviri was chiefly confined to civil matters, but it appears that crimina sometimes came under their cognizance. The younger Pliny, who practised in this court, makes frequent allusions to it in his letters.

CENTŬRĬA. [Exercitus; Comitia.]

CENTŬRĬĀTA CŎMĪTĬA. [Comitia.]

CENTŬRĬO. [Exercitus.]

CENTUSSIS. [As.]

CĒRA (κηρός), wax. For its employment in painting, see Pictura; and for its application as a writing material, see Tabulae and Testamentum.

CĔRĔĀLĬA, a festival celebrated at Rome in honour of Ceres, whose wanderings in search of her lost daughter Proserpine were represented by women, clothed in white, running about with lighted torches. During its continuance, games were celebrated in the Circus Maximus, the spectators of which appeared in white; but on any occasion of public mourning the games and festivals were not celebrated at all, as the matrons could not appear at them except in white. The day of the Cerealia is doubtful; some think it was the ides or 13th of April, others the 7th of the same month.

CĔRĔVĪSĬA, CERVĪSĬA (ζύθος), ale or beer, was almost or altogether unknown to the Greeks and Romans; but it was used very generally by the surrounding nations, whose soil and climate were less favourable to the growth of vines. According to Herodotus, the Egyptians commonly drank “barley wine;” and Diodorus Siculus says that the Egyptian beer was nearly equal to wine in strength and flavour. The Iberians and Thracians, and the people in the north of Asia Minor, instead of drinking their beer out of cups, placed it before them in a large bowl or vase, which was sometimes of gold or silver. This being full to the brim with the grains, as well as the fermented liquor, the guests, when they pledged one another, drank together out of the same bowl by stooping down to it, although, when this token of friendship was not intended, they adopted the more refined method of sucking up the fluid through tubes of cane. The Suevi and other northern nations offered to their gods libations of beer, and expected that to drink it in the presence of Odin would be among the delights of Valhalla.

CĒRŌMA (κήρωμα), the oil mixed with wax (κηρός) with which wrestlers were anointed; also the place where they were anointed, and, in later times, the place where they wrestled.

CĔRŪCHI. [Navis.]

CESTRUM. [Pictura.]

CESTUS. (1) The thongs or bands of leather, which were tied round the hands of boxers, in order to render their blows more powerful (ἱμάντες, or ἱμάντες πυκτικοί). The cestus was used by boxers in the earliest times, and is mentioned in the Iliad; but in the heroic times it consisted merely of thongs of leather, and differed from the cestus used in later times in the public games, which was a most formidable weapon, being frequently covered with knots and nails, and loaded with lead and iron.—(2) A band or tie of any kind, but more particularly the zone or girdle of Venus, on which was represented every thing that could awaken love.

CETRA, or CAETRA, a target, i.e. a small round shield, made of the hide of a quadruped. It formed part of the defensive armour of the Osci, and of the people of Spain, Mauritania, and Britain, and seems to have been much the same as the target of the Scotch Highlanders. The Romans do not appear to have used the cetra; but we find mention of cetratae cohortes levied in the provinces. Livy compares it to the pelta of the Greeks and Macedonians, which was also a small light shield.

CHALCĬOĒCĬA (χαλκιοίκια), an annual festival, with sacrifices, held at Sparta in honour of Athena, surnamed Chalcioecus (Χαλκίοικος), i.e. the goddess of the brazen-house. Young men marched on the occasion in full armour to the temple of the goddess; and the ephors, although not entering the temple, but remaining within its sacred precincts, were obliged to take part in the sacrifice.

CHALCUS (χαλκοῦς), a denomination of Greek copper-money. Bronze or copper (χαλκός) was very little used by the Greeks for money till after the time of Alexander the Great. The χαλκία πονηρὰ at Athens issued in B.C. 406 were a peculiar exception; and they were soon afterwards called in, and the silver currency restored. It is not improbable, however, that the copper coin called χαλκοῦς was in circulation in Athens still earlier. The smallest silver coin at Athens was the quarter-obol, and the χαλκοῦς was the half of that, or the eighth of an obol. Its value was somewhat more than 3-4ths of a farthing. The χαλκοῦς in later times was divided into lepta, of which it contained seven. In later times the obol was coined of copper as well as silver.

CHĂRISTĬA (from χαρίζομαι, to grant a favour or pardon), a solemn feast among the Romans, to which none but relations and members of the same family were invited, in order that any quarrel or disagreement which had arisen amongst them might be made up. The day of celebration was the 19th of February.

CHEIRŎNŎMĬA (χειρονομία), a mimetic movement of the hands, which formed a part of the art of dancing among the Greeks and Romans. In gymnastics it was applied to the movements of the hands in pugilistic combat.

CHEIRŎTŎNĬA (χειροτονία). In the Athenian assemblies two modes of voting were practised, the one by pebbles (ψηφίζεσθαι), the other by a show of hands (χειροτονεῖν). The latter was employed in the election of those magistrates who were chosen in the public assemblies, and who were hence called χειροτονητοί, in voting upon laws, and in some kinds of trials on matters which concerned the people. We frequently find, however, the word ψηφίζεσθαι used where the votes were really given by show of hands. The manner of voting by a show of hands was as follows:—The herald said: “Whoever thinks that Meidias is guilty, let him lift up his hand.” Then those who thought so stretched forth their hands. Then the herald said again: “Whoever thinks that Meidias is not guilty, let him lift up his hand;” and those who were of this opinion stretched forth their hands. The number of hands was counted each time by the herald; and the president, upon the herald’s report, declared on which side the majority voted. It is important to understand clearly the compounds of this word. A vote condemning an accused person is καταχειροτονία: one acquitting him, ἀποχειροτονία; ἐπιχειροτονεῖν is to confirm by a majority of votes: ἐπιχειροτονία τῶν νομῶν was a revision of the laws, which took place at the beginning of every year: ἐπιχειροτονία τῶν ἀρχῶν was a vote taken in the first assembly of each prytany on the conduct of the magistrates; in these cases, those who voted for the confirmation of the law, or for the continuance in office of the magistrate, were said ἐπιχειροτονεῖν, those on the other side ἀποχειροτονεῖν: διαχειροτονία is a vote for one of two alternatives: ἀντιχειροτονεῖν, to vote against a proposition. The compounds of ψηφίζεσθαι have similar meanings.

CHĪRŎGRĂPHUM (χειρόγραφον), meant first, as its derivation implies, a hand-writing or autograph. In this its simple sense, χείρ in Greek and manus in Latin are often substituted for it. From this meaning was easily derived that of a signature to a will or other instrument, especially a note of hand given by a debtor to his creditor.

CHITON (χιτών). [Tunica.]

CHLAENA (χλαῖνα). [Pallium.]

CHLĂMỸS (χλαμύς, dim. χλαμύδιον), a scarf, denoted an article of the amictus, or outer raiment of the Greeks. It was for the most part woollen; and it differed from the himation (ἱμάτιον), or cloak, the usual amictus of the male sex, in being smaller, finer, and oblong instead of square, its length being generally about twice its breadth. The scarf does not appear to have been much worn by children. It was generally assumed on reaching adolescence, and was worn by the ephebi from about seventeen to twenty years of age, and hence was called χλαμὺς ἐφηβηική. It was also worn by the military, especially of high rank, over their body armour, and by hunters and travellers, more particularly on horseback. The usual mode of wearing the scarf was to pass one of its shorter sides round the neck, and to fasten it by means of a brooch (fibula), either over the breast (cut, Hasta), in which case it hung down the back, or over the right shoulder, so as to cover the left arm (cut, Causia). In the following cut it is worn again in another way. The aptitude of the scarf to be turned in every possible form around the body, made it useful even for defence. The hunter used to wrap his chlamys about his left arm when pursuing wild animals, and preparing to fight with them. The annexed woodcut exhibits a figure of Neptune armed with the trident in his right hand, and having a chlamys to protect the left. When Diana goes to the chase, as she does not require her scarf for purposes of defence, she draws it from behind over her shoulders, and twists it round her waist so that the belt of her quiver passes across it. (See woodcut.) Among the Romans the scarf came more into use under the emperors. Caligula wore one enriched with gold. Severus, when he was in the country or on an expedition, wore a scarf dyed with the coccus.

CHOENIX (χοῖνιξ), a Greek measure of capacity, the size of which is differently given; it was probably of different sizes in the several states. Some writers make it equal to three cotylae (nearly 1½ pints English); others to four cotylae (nearly 2 pints English); others again make it eight cotylae (nearly 4 pints English).

CHŎRĒGUS (χορηγός), a person who had to bear the expenses of the choregia (χορηγία), one of the regularly recurring state burthens (ἐγκύκλιοι λειτουργίαι) at Athens. The choregus was appointed by his tribe, though we are not informed according to what order. The same person might serve as choregus for two tribes at once; and after B.C. 412 a decree was passed allowing two persons to unite and undertake a choregia together. The duties of the choregia consisted in providing the choruses for tragedies and comedies, the lyric choruses of men and boys, the pyrrhicists, the cyclic choruses, and the choruses of flute-players for the different religious festivals at Athens. When a poet intended to bring out a play, he had to get a chorus assigned him by the archon [Chorus], who nominated a choregus to fulfil the requisite duties. He had first to collect his chorus, and then to procure a teacher (χοροδιδάσκαλος), whom he paid for instructing the choreutae. The chorus were generally maintained, during the period of their instruction, at the expense of the choregus. The choregus who exhibited the best musical or theatrical entertainment received as a prize a tripod, which he had the expense of consecrating, and sometimes he had also to build the monument on which it was placed. There was a whole street at Athens formed by the line of these tripod-temples, and called “The Street of the Tripods.”

CHŎRUS (χορός) probably signified originally a company of dancers dancing in a ring. In later times, a choric performance always implies the singing or musical recitation of a poetical composition, accompanied by appropriate dancing and gesticulation, or at least by a measured march. In all the Dorian states, especially among the Spartans, choral performances were cultivated with great assiduity. Various causes contributed to this, as, for example, their universal employment in the worship of Apollo, the fact that they were not confined to the men, but that women also took part in them, and that many of the dances had a gymnastic character given them, and were employed as a mode of training to martial exercises. [Saltatio.] Hence Doric lyric poetry became almost exclusively choral, which was not the case with the other great school of Greek lyric poetry, the Aeolian; so that the Doric dialect came to be looked upon as the appropriate dialect for choral compositions, and Doric forms were retained by the Athenians even in the choral compositions which were interwoven with their dramas. The instrument commonly used in connection with the Doric choral poetry was the cithara. A great impetus was given to choral poetry by its application to the dithyramb. This ancient Bacchanalian performance seems to have been a hymn sung by one or more of an irregular band of revellers, to the music of the flute. Arion, a contemporary of Periander, was the first who gave a regular choral form to the dithyramb. This chorus, which ordinarily consisted of fifty men or youths, danced in a ring round the altar of Dionysus. Hence such choruses were termed cyclic (κύκλιοι χοροί). With the introduction of a regular choral character, Arion also substituted the cithara for the flute. It was from the dithyramb that the Attic tragedy was developed. For details see Tragoedia. From the time of Sophocles onwards the regular number of the chorus in a tragedy was 15; but it is impossible to arrive at any definite conclusion with regard to the number of the chorus in the early dramas of Aeschylus. The fact that the number of the dithyrambic chorus was 50, and that the mythological number of the Oceanides and Danaides was the same, tempts one to suppose that the chorus in the Prometheus and the Supplices consisted of 50. Most writers, however, agree in thinking that such a number was too large to have been employed. The later chorus of 15 was arranged in a quadrangular form (τετράγωνος). It entered the theatre by the passage to the right of the spectators. [Theatrum.] Its entrance was termed πάροδος; its leaving the stage in the course of the play μετάστασις; its re-entrance ἐπιπάροδος; its exit ἄφοδος. As it entered in three lines, with the spectators on its left, the stage on its right, the middle choreutes of the left row (τρίτος ἀριστέρου) was the Coryphaeus or Hegemon, who in early times at least was not unfrequently the choregus himself. Of course the positions first taken up by the choreutae were only retained till they commenced their evolutions. To guide them in these, lines were marked upon the boards with which the orchestra was floored. The flute as well as the cithara was used as an accompaniment to the choric songs. The dance of the tragic chorus was called ἐμμέλεια.—The ordinary number of the chorus in a comedy was 24. Like the tragic chorus it was arranged in a quadrangular form, and entered the orchestra from opposite sides, according as it was supposed to come from the city or from the country. It consisted sometimes half of male and half of female choreutae. The dance of the comic chorus was the κόρδαξ. In the Satyric drama the chorus consisted of Satyrs: its number is quite uncertain. Its dance was called σίκιννις. When a poet intended to bring forward a play, he had to apply for a chorus (χορὸν αἰτεῖν) to the archons, to the king archon if the play was to be brought forward at the Lenaea, to the archon eponymus if at the great Dionysia. If the play were thought to deserve it, he received a chorus (χορὸν λαμβάνειν), the expenses of which were borne by a choregus. [Choregus.] The poet then either trained (διδάσκειν) the chorus himself, or entrusted that business to a professed chorus trainer (χοροδιδάσκαλος), who usually had an assistant (ὑποδιδάσκαλος). For training the chorus in its evolutions there was also an ὀρχηστοδιδάσκαλος.

CHOUS, or CHOEUS (χοῦς or χοεῦς), was equal to the Roman congius, and contained six ξέσται, or sextarii (nearly six pints English). It seems that there was also a smaller measure of the same name, containing two sextarii (nearly two pints English).

CHRŎNOLŎGĬA (χρονολογία), chronology. The Greeks reckoned their years generally according to their magistrates, in the early times according to the years of the reign of their kings, and afterwards according to their annual magistrates. At Athens the year was called by the name of one of the nine archons, who from this circumstance was called ἄρχων ἐπώνυμος, or the archon par excellence; and at Sparta the years were called after one of the five ephors, who for this reason was likewise termed ἐπώνυμος. In Argos time was counted according to the years of the high priestess of Hera, who held her office for life (ἡρεσίς); and the inhabitants of Elis probably reckoned according to the Olympic games, which were celebrated every fifth year during the first full moon which followed after the summer solstice. Thus there was no era which was used by all the Greeks in common for the ordinary purposes of life.—Timaeus, who flourished about B.C. 260, was the first historian who counted the years by Olympiads, each of which contained four years. The beginning of the Olympiads is commonly fixed in the year 3938 of the Julian period, or in B.C. 776. If we want to reduce any given Olympiad to years before Christ, e.g. Ol. 87, we take the number of the Olympiads actually elapsed, that is, 86, multiply it by 4, and deduct the number obtained from 776, so that the first year of the 87th Ol. will be the same as the year 432 B.C. If the number of Olympiads amounts to more than 776 years, that is, if the Olympiad falls after the birth of Christ, the process is the same as before, but from the sum obtained by multiplying the Olympiads by 4, we must deduct the number 776, and what remains is the number of the years after Christ. As the Olympic games were celebrated 293 times, we have 293 Olympic cycles, that is, 1172 years, 776 of which fall before, and 396 after Christ.—Some writers also adopted the Trojan era, the fall of Troy being placed by Eratosthenes and those who adopted this era, in the year B.C. 1184. After the time of Alexander the Great, several other eras were introduced in the kingdoms that arose out of his empire. The first was the Philippic era, sometimes also called the era of Alexander or the era of Edessa; it began on the 12th of November B.C. 324, the date of the accession of Philip Arrhidaeus. The second was the era of the Seleucidae, beginning on the 1st of October B.C. 312, the date of the victory of Seleucus Nicator at Gaza, and of his re-conquest of Babylonia. This era was used very extensively in the East. The Chaldaean era differed from it only by six months, beginning in the spring of B.C. 311. Lastly, the eras of Antioch, of which there were three, but the one most commonly used began in November B.C. 49.—The Romans during the time of the republic reckoned their years by the names of the consuls, which were registered in the Fasti. Along with this era there existed another, used only by the historians. It reckoned the years from the foundation of the city (ab urbe condita); but the year of the foundation of the city was a question of uncertainty among the Romans themselves. M. Terentius Varro placed it on the 21st of April in the third year of the 6th Olympiad, that is, B.C. 753; and this is the era most commonly used. To find out the year B.C. corresponding to the year A.U.C., subtract the year A.U.C. from 754; thus 605 A.U.C. = 149 B.C. To find out the year A.D. corresponding to the year A.U.C., subtract 753 from the year A.U.C.; thus 767 A.U.C. = 14 A.D.

CHRȲSENDĔTA, costly dishes used by the Romans at their entertainments, apparently made of silver, with golden ornaments.

CIDĂRIS. [Tiara.]

CINCTUS GABĪNUS. [Toga.]

CINGŬLUM. [Zona.]

CĬNĔRĀRĬUS. [Calamistrum.]

CĬNĔRES. [Funus.]

CĬNĬFLO. [Calamistrum.]

CIPPUS, a low column, sometimes round, but more frequently rectangular. Cippi were used for various purposes; the decrees of the senate were sometimes inscribed upon them; and with distances engraved upon them, they also served as mile-stones. They were, however, more frequently employed as sepulchral monuments. It was also usual to place at one corner of the burying-ground a cippus, on which the extent of the burying-ground was marked, towards the road (in fronte), and backwards to the fields (in agrum).

CIRCENSES LŪDI. [Circus.]

CIRCĬTŌRES, or CIRCŬĬTŌRES. [Castra.]

CIRCUS. When Tarquinius Priscus had taken the town of Apiolae from the Latins, he commemorated his success by an exhibition of races and pugilistic contests in the Murcian valley, between the Palatine and Aventine hills, around which a number of temporary platforms were erected by the patres and equites, called spectacula, fori, or foruli, from their resemblance to the deck of a ship; each one raising a stage for himself, upon which he stood to view the games. This course, with its surrounding scaffoldings, was termed circus; either because the spectators stood round to see the shows, or because the procession and races went round in a circuit. Previously, however, to the death of Tarquin, a permanent building was constructed for the purpose, with regular tiers of seats in the form of a theatre. To this the name of Circus Maximus was subsequently given, as a distinction from the Flaminian and other similar buildings, which it surpassed in extent and splendour; and hence it is often spoken of as the Circus, without any distinguishing epithet. Of the Circus Maximus scarcely a vestige now remains; but this loss is fortunately supplied by the remains of a small circus on the Via Appia, the ground-plan of which is in a state of considerable preservation: it is represented in the annexed cut, and may be taken as a model of all others. Around the double lines (A, A) were arranged the seats (gradus, sedilia, subsellia), as in a theatre, termed collectively the cavea; the lowest of which were separated from the ground by a podium, and the whole divided longitudinally by praecinctiones, and diagonally into cunei, with their vomitoria attached to each. [Amphitheatrum.] Towards the extremity of the upper branch of the cavea, the general outline is broken by an outwork (B), which was probably the pulvinar, or station for the emperor, as it is placed in the best situation for seeing both the commencement and end of the course, and in the most prominent part of the circus. In the opposite branch is observed another interruption to the uniform line of seats (C), betokening also, from its construction, a place of distinction; which might have been assigned to the person at whose expense the games were given (editor spectaculorum). In the centre of the area was a low wall (D) running lengthways down the course, which, from its resemblance to the position of the dorsal bone in the human frame, was termed spina. At each extremity of the spina were placed, upon a base (E, E), three wooden cylinders, of a conical shape, like cypress trees, which were called metae—the goals. Their situation is distinctly seen in the cut on p. 89. The most remarkable objects upon the spina were two columns (F) supporting seven conical balls, which, from their resemblance to eggs, were called ova. Their use was to enable the spectators to count the number of rounds which had been run; and they were seven in number, because seven was the number of the circuits made in each race. As each round was run, one of the ova was either put up or taken down. An egg was adopted for this purpose, in honour of Castor and Pollux. At the other extremity of the spina were two similar columns (G), sustaining dolphins, termed delphinae, or delphinarum columnae, which do not appear to have been intended to be removed, but only placed there as corresponding ornaments to the ova; and the figure of the dolphin was selected in honour of Neptune. These figures are also seen in the cut on p. 89. At the extremity of the circus in which the two horns of the cavea terminate, were placed the stalls for the horses and chariots (H, H), commonly called carceres, but more anciently the whole line of building at this end of the circus was termed oppidum: hence in the circus, of which the plan is given above, we find two towers (I, I) at each end of the carceres. The number of carceres is supposed to have been usually twelve, as in this plan.

They were vaults, closed in front by gates of open wood-work (cancelli), which were opened simultaneously upon the signal being given, by removing a rope attached to pilasters of the kind called Hermae, placed for that purpose between each stall, upon which the gates were immediately thrown open by a number of men, as represented in the preceding woodcut. The cut below represents a set of four carceres, with their Hermae, and cancelli open, as left after the chariots had started; in which the gates are made to open inwards. The preceding account and woodcuts will be sufficient to explain the meaning of the various words by which the carceres were designated in poetical language, namely, claustra, crypta, fauces, ostia, fores carceris, repagula, limina equorum. There were five entrances to the circus; one (L) in the centre of the carceres, called porta pompae, because it was the one through which the Circensian procession entered, and the others at M, M, N, and O. At the entrance of the course, exactly in the direction of the line (J, K), were two small pedestals (hermuli) on each side of the podium, to which was attached a chalked rope (alba linea), for the purpose of making the start fair, precisely as is practised at Rome for the horse-races during Carnival. Thus, when the doors of the carceres were thrown open, if any of the horses rushed out before the others, they were brought up by this rope until the whole were fairly abreast, when it was loosened from one side, and all poured into the course at once. This line was also called calx, and creta. The metae served only to regulate the turnings of the course, the alba linea answered to the starting and winning post of modern days.—From this description the Circus Maximus differed little, except in size and magnificence of embellishment. The numbers which the Circus Maximus was capable of containing are computed at 150,000 by Dionysius, 260,000 by Pliny, and 385,000 by P. Victor, all of which are probably correct, but have reference to different periods of its history. Its length, in the time of Julius Caesar, was three stadia, the width one, and the depth of the buildings occupied half a stadium. When the Circus Maximus was permanently formed by Tarquinius Priscus, each of the thirty curiae had a particular place assigned to it; but as no provision was made for the plebeians in this circus, it is supposed that the Circus Flaminius was designed for the games of the commonalty, who in early times chose their tribunes there, on the Flaminian field. However, in the latter days of the republic, these invidious distinctions were lost, and all classes sat promiscuously in the circus. The seats were then marked off at intervals by a line or groove drawn across them (linea), so that the space included between two lines afforded sitting room for a certain number of spectators. Under the empire, however, the senators and equites were separated from the common people. The seat of the emperor (pulvinar or cubiculum) was most likely in the same situation in the Circus Maximus as in the one above described.—The Circensian games (Ludi Circenses) were first instituted by Romulus, according to the legends, when he wished to attract the Sabine population to Rome, for the purpose of furnishing his own people with wives, and were celebrated in honour of the god Consus, or Neptunus Equestris, from whom they were styled Consuales. But after the construction of the Circus Maximus they were called indiscriminately Circenses, Romani, or Magni. They embraced six kinds of games:—I. Cursus; II. Ludus Trojae; III. Pugna Equestris; IV. Certamen Gymnicum; V. Venatio; VI. Naumachia. The two last were not peculiar to the circus, but were exhibited also in the amphitheatre, or in buildings appropriated for them. The games commenced with a grand procession (Pompa Circensis), in which all those who were about to exhibit in the circus, as well as persons of distinction, bore a part. The statues of the gods formed the most conspicuous feature in the show, which were paraded upon wooden platforms, called fercula and thensae. The former were borne upon the shoulders, as the statues of saints are carried in modern processions; the latter were drawn along upon wheels.—I. Cursus, the races. The carriage usually employed in the circus was drawn by two or four horses (bigae, quadrigae). [Currus.] The usual number of chariots which started for each race was four. The drivers (aurigae, agitatores) were also divided into four companies, each distinguished by a different colour, to represent the four seasons of the year, and called a factio: thus factio prasina, the green, represented the spring; factio russata, red, the summer; factio veneta, azure, the autumn; and factio alba or albata, white, the winter. Originally there were but two factions, albata and russata, and consequently only two chariots started at each race. The driver stood in his car within the reins, which went round his back. This enabled him to throw all his weight against the horses, by leaning backwards; but it greatly enhanced his danger in case of an upset. To avoid this peril, a sort of knife or bill-hook was carried at the waist, for the purpose of cutting the reins in a case of emergency. When all was ready, the doors of the carceres were flung open, and the chariots were formed abreast of the alba linea by men called moratores from their duty; the signal for the start was then given by the person who presided at the games, sometimes by sound of trumpet, or more usually by letting fall a napkin; whence the Circensian games are called spectacula mappae. The alba linea was then cast off, and the race commenced, the extent of which was seven times round the spina, keeping it always on the left. A course of seven circuits was termed unus missus, and twenty-five was the number of races run in each day, the last of which was called missus aerarius, because in early times the expense of it was defrayed by a collection of money (aes) made amongst the people. The victor descended from his car at the conclusion of the race, and ascended the spina, where he received his reward (bravium, from the Greek βραβεῖον), which consisted in a considerable sum of money.

The horse-racing followed the same rules as the chariots. The enthusiasm of the Romans for these races exceeded all bounds. Lists of the horses (libella), with their names and colours, and those of the drivers, were handed about, and heavy bets made upon each faction; and sometimes the contests between two parties broke out into open violence and bloody quarrels, until at last the disputes which originated in the circus had nearly lost the Emperor Justinian his crown.—II. Ludus Trojae, a sort of sham-fight, said to have been invented by Aeneas, performed by young men of rank on horseback, and often exhibited by the emperors.—III. Pugna equestris et pedestris, a representation of a battle, upon which occasions a camp was formed in the circus.—IV. Certamen Gymnicum. See Athletae, and the references to the articles there given.—V. [Venatio.]—VI. [Naumachia.]

CĬSĬUM, a light open carriage with two wheels, adapted to carry two persons rapidly from place to place. The cisia were quickly drawn by mules. Cicero mentions the case of a messenger who travelled 56 miles in 10 hours in such vehicles, which were kept for hire at the stations along the great roads; a proof that the ancients considered six Roman miles per hour as an extraordinary speed.

CISTA (κίστη). (1) A small box or chest, in which anything might be placed, but more particularly applied to the small boxes which were carried in procession in the festivals of Demeter and Dionysus. These boxes, which were always kept closed in the public processions, contained sacred things connected with the worship of these deities. In the representations of Dionysiac processions on ancient vases women carrying cistae are frequently introduced.—(2) The ballot-box, into which those who voted in the comitia and in the courts of justice cast their tabellae. It is represented in the annexed cut, and should not be confounded with the situla or sitella, into which sortes or lots were thrown. [Situla.]

CISTŎPHŎRUS (κιστοφόρος), a silver coin, which is supposed to belong to Rhodes, and which was in general circulation in Asia Minor at the time of the conquest of that country by the Romans. It took its name from the device upon it, which was either the sacred chest (cista) of Bacchus, or more probably a flower called κιστός. Its value is extremely uncertain: some writers suppose it to have been worth in our money about 7¼d.

CĬTHĂRA. [Lyra.]

CĪVIS. [Civitas.]

CĪVĬTAS, citizenship. (1) Greek (πολιτεία). Aristotle defines a citizen (πολίτης) to be one who is a partner in the legislative and judicial power (μέτοχος κρίσεως καὶ ἀρχῆς). No definition will equally apply to all the different states of Greece, or to any single state at different times; the above seems to comprehend more or less properly all those whom the common use of language entitled to the name. A state in the heroic ages was the government of a prince; the citizens were his subjects, and derived all their privileges, civil as well as religious, from their nobles and princes. The shadows of a council and assembly were already in existence, but their business was to obey. Upon the whole the notion of citizenship in the heroic ages only existed so far as the condition of aliens or of domestic slaves was its negative. The rise of a dominant class gradually overthrew the monarchies of ancient Greece. Of such a class, the chief characteristics were good birth and the hereditary transmission of privileges, the possession of land, and the performance of military service. To these characters the names gamori (γάμοροι), knights (ἱππεῖς), eupatridae (εὐπατρίδαι), &c. severally correspond. Strictly speaking, these were the only citizens; yet the lower class were quite distinct from bondmen or slaves. It commonly happened that the nobility occupied the fortified towns, while the demus (δῆμος) lived in the country and followed agricultural pursuits: whenever the latter were gathered within the walls, and became seamen or handicraftsmen, the difference of ranks was soon lost, and wealth made the only standard. The quarrels of the nobility among themselves, and the admixture of population arising from immigrations, all tended to raise the lower orders from their political subjection. It must be remembered, too, that the possession of domestic slaves, if it placed them in no new relation to the governing body, at any rate gave them leisure to attend to the higher duties of a citizen, and thus served to increase their political efficiency. During the convulsions which followed the heroic ages, naturalisation was readily granted to all who desired it; as the value of citizenship increased, it was, of course, more sparingly bestowed. The ties of hospitality descended from the prince to the state, and the friendly relations of the Homeric heroes were exchanged for the προξενίαι of a later period. In political intercourse, the importance of these last soon began to be felt, and the Proxenus at Athens, in after times, obtained rights only inferior to actual citizenship. [Hospitium.] The isopolite relation existed, however, on a much more extended scale. Sometimes particular privileges were granted: as ἐπιγαμία, the right of intermarriage; ἔγκτησις, the right of acquiring landed property; ἀτέλεια, immunity from taxation, especially ἀτέλεια μετοικίου, from the tax imposed on resident aliens. All these privileges were included under the general term ἰσοτέλεια, or ἰσοπολίτεια, and the class who obtained them were called ἰσοτελεῖς. They bore the same burthens with the citizens, and could plead in the courts or transact business with the people, without the intervention of a προστάτης, or patron. Respecting the division of the Athenian citizens into tribes, phratriae and demes, see the articles Tribus and Demus.—If we would picture to ourselves the true notion which the Greeks embodied in the word polis (πόλις), we must lay aside all modern ideas respecting the nature and object of a state. With us practically, if not in theory, the essential object of a state hardly embraces more than the protection of life and property. The Greeks, on the other hand, had the most vivid conception of the state as a whole, every part of which was to co-operate to some great end to which all other duties were considered as subordinate. Thus the aim of democracy was said to be liberty; wealth, of oligarchy; and education, of aristocracy. In all governments the endeavour was to draw the social union as close as possible, and it seems to have been with this view that Aristotle laid down a principle which answered well enough to the accidental circumstances of the Grecian states, that a polis must be of a certain size. This unity of purpose was nowhere so fully carried out as in the government of Sparta. The design of Spartan institutions was evidently to unite the governing body among themselves against the superior numbers of the subject population. The division of lands, the syssitia, the education of their youth, all tended to this great object. [Helotes; Perioeci.] In legal rights all Spartans were equal: but there were yet several gradations, which, when once formed, retained their hold on the aristocratic feelings of the people. First, there was the dignity of the Heraclide families; and, connected with this, a certain pre-eminence of the Hyllean tribe. Another distinction was that between the Homoioi (ὅμοιοι) and Hypomeiones (ὑπομείονες), which, in later times, appears to have been considerable. The latter term probably comprehended those citizens who, from degeneracy of manners or other causes, had undergone some kind of civil degradation. To these the Homoioi were opposed, although it is not certain in what the precise difference consisted. All the Spartan citizens were included in the three tribes, Hylleans, Dymanes or Dymanatae, and Pamphilians, each of which was divided into ten obes or phratries. The citizens of Sparta, as of most oligarchical states, were landowners, although this does not seem to have been looked upon as an essential of citizenship.—(2) Roman. Civitas means the whole body of cives, or members, of any given state, and the word is frequently used by the Roman writers to express the rights of a Roman citizen, as distinguished from those of other persons not Roman citizens, as in the phrases, dare civitatem, donare civitate, usurpare civitatem. Some members of a political community (cives) may have more political rights than others; and this was the case at Rome under the republic, in which we find a distinction made between two great classes of Roman citizens, one that had, and another that had not, a share in the sovereign power (optimo jure, non optimo jure cives). That which peculiarly distinguished the higher class, or the optimo jure cives, was the right to vote in a tribe (jus suffragiorum), and the capacity of enjoying magistracy (jus honorum). The inferior class, or the non optimo jure cives, did not possess the above rights, which the Romans called jus publicum, but they only had the jus privatum, which comprehended the jus connubii and jus commercii, and those who had not these had no citizenship.—Under the empire we find the free persons who were within the political limits of the Roman state divided into three great classes. The same division probably existed in an early period of the Roman state, and certainly existed in the time of Cicero. These classes were, Cives, Latini, and Peregrini. Civis is he who possesses the complete rights of a Roman citizen. Peregrinus was incapable of exercising the rights of commercium and connubium, which were the characteristic rights of a Roman citizen; but he had a capacity for making all kinds of contracts which were allowable by the jus gentium. The Latinus was in an intermediate state; he had not the connubium, and consequently he had not the patria potestas nor rights of agnatio; but he had the commercium or the right of acquiring quiritarian ownership, and he had also a capacity for all acts incident to quiritarian ownership, as the power of making a will in Roman form, and of becoming heres under a will. The rights of a Roman citizen were acquired in several ways, but most commonly by a person being born of parents who were Roman citizens. A slave might obtain the civitas by manumission (vindicta), by the census, and by a testamentum, if there was no legal impediment; but it depended on circumstances whether he became a civis Romanus, a Latinus, or in the number of the peregrini dediticii. [Manumissio.] The civitas could be conferred on a foreigner by a lex, as in the case of Archias, who was a civis of Heraclea, a civitas which had a foedus with Rome, and who claimed the civitas Romana under the provisions of a lex of Silvanus and Carbo, B.C. 89. By the provisions of this lex, the person who chose to take the benefit of it was required, within sixty days after the passing of the lex, to signify to the praetor his wish and consent to accept the civitas (profiteri). This lex was intended to give the civitas, under certain limitations, to foreigners who were citizens of foederate states (foederatis civitatibus adscripti). [Foederatae Civitates.] Thus the great mass of the Italians obtained the civitas, and the privileges of the former civitates foederatae were extended to the provinces, first to part of Gaul, and then to Sicily, under the name of Jus Latii or Latinitas. This Latinitas gave a man the right of acquiring the Roman citizenship by having exercised a magistratus in his own civitas; a privilege which belonged to the foederatae civitates of Italy before they obtained the Roman civitas.

CLĀRĬGĀTĬO. [Fetiales.]

CLASSĬCUM. [Cornu.]

CLĀVUS ANNĀLIS. In the early ages of Rome, when letters were yet scarcely in use, the Romans kept a reckoning of their years by driving a nail (clavus), on the ides of each September, into the side walls of the temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus, which ceremony was performed by the consul or a dictator.

CLĀVUS GŬBERNĀCŬLI. [Navis.]

CLĀVUS LĀTUS, CLĀVUS ANGUSTUS. The clavus, as an article of dress, seems to have been a purple band worn upon the tunic and toga, and was of two fashions, one broad and the other narrow, denominated respectively clavus latus and clavus angustus. The former was a single broad band of purple, extending perpendicularly from the neck down the centre of the tunic; the latter probably consisted of two narrow purple slips, running parallel to each from the top to the bottom of the tunic, one from each shoulder. The latus clavus was a distinctive badge of the senatorian order; and hence it is used to signify the senatorial dignity, and laticlavius, the person who enjoys it. The angustus clavus was the decoration of the equestrian order; but the right of wearing the latus clavus was also given to the children of equestrians, at least in the time of Augustus, as a prelude to entering the senate-house. This, however, was a matter of personal indulgence, and was granted only to persons of very ancient family and corresponding wealth, and then by special favour of the emperor. In such cases the latus clavus was assumed with the toga virilis, and worn until the age arrived at which the young equestrian was admissible into the senate, when it was relinquished and the angustus clavis resumed, if a disinclination on his part, or any other circumstances, prevented him from entering the senate, as was the case with Ovid. But it seems that the latus clavus could be again resumed if the same individual subsequently wished to become a senator, and hence a fickle character is designated as one who is always changing his clavus. The latus clavus is said to have been introduced at Rome by Tullus Hostilius, and to have been adopted by him after his conquest of the Etruscans; nor does it appear to have been confined to any particular class during the earlier periods, but to have been worn by all ranks promiscuously. It was laid aside in public mourning.

CLEPSȲDRA. [Horologium.]

CLĒRŪCHI (κληροῦχοι), the name of Athenian citizens who occupied conquered lands; their possession was called cleruchia (κληρουχία). The Athenian Cleruchi differed from the ἄποικοι or ordinary colonists. The only object of the earlier colonies was to relieve surplus population, or to provide a home for those whom internal quarrels had exiled from their country. Most usually they originated in private enterprise, and became independent of, and lost their interest in, the parent state. On the other hand, it was essential to the very notion of a cleruchia that it should be a public enterprise, and should always retain a connection more or less intimate with Athens herself. The connection with the parent state subsisted in all degrees. Sometimes, as in the case of Lesbos, the holders of land did not reside upon their estates, but let them to the original inhabitants, while themselves remained at Athens. The condition of these cleruchi did not differ from that of Athenian citizens who had estates in Attica. All their political rights they not only retained, but exercised as Athenians. Another case was where the cleruchi resided on their estates, and either with or without the old inhabitants, formed a new community. These still retained the rights of Athenian citizens, which distance only precluded them from exercising: they used the Athenian courts; and if they or their children wished to return to Athens, naturally and of course they regained the exercise of their former privileges. Sometimes, however, the connection might gradually dissolve, and the cleruchi sink into the condition of mere allies, or separate wholly from the mother country. It was to Pericles that Athens was chiefly indebted for the extension and permanence of her colonial settlements. His principal object was to provide for the redundancies of population, and raise the poorer citizens to a fortune becoming the dignity of Athenian citizens. It was of this class of persons that the settlers were chiefly composed; the state provided them with arms, and defrayed the expenses of their journey. The Cleruchiae were lost by the battle of Aegospotami, but partially restored on the revival of Athenian power.

CLĒTĒRES or CLĒTORES (κλητῆρες, κλῆτορες), summoners, were at Athens not official persons, but merely witnesses to the prosecutor that he had served the defendant with a notice of the action brought against him, and the day upon which it would be requisite for him to appear before the proper magistrate.

CLĪBĂNĀRĬI. [Cataphracti.]

CLĬENS is said to contain the same element as the verb cluere, to “hear” or “obey,” and may be accordingly compared with the German word höriger, “a dependant,” from hören, “to hear.” In the earliest times of the Roman state we find a class of persons called clientes, who must not be confounded with the plebeians, from whom they were distinct. The clients were not slaves: they had property of their own and freedom, and appear to have had votes in the comitia centuriata, but they did not possess the full rights of Roman citizens; and the peculiarity of their condition consisted in every client being in a state of dependence upon or subjection to some patrician, who was called his patronus, and to whom he owed certain rights and duties. The patronus, on the other hand, likewise incurred certain obligations towards his client. This relationship between patronus and cliens was expressed by the word clientela, which also expressed the whole body of a man’s clients. The relative rights and duties of the patrons and the clients were, according to Dionysius, as follows:—The patron was the legal adviser of the cliens; he was the client’s guardian and protector, as he was the guardian and protector of his own children; he maintained the client’s suit when he was wronged, and defended him when another complained of being wronged by him: in a word, the patron was the guardian of the client’s interests, both private and public. The client contributed to the marriage portion of the patron’s daughter, if the patron was poor; and to his ransom, or that of his children, if they were taken prisoners; he paid the costs and damages of a suit which the patron lost, and of any penalty in which he was condemned; he bore a part of the patron’s expenses incurred by his discharging public duties, or filling the honourable places in the state. Neither party could accuse the other, or bear testimony against the other, or give his vote against the other. This relationship between patron and client subsisted for many generations, and resembled in all respects the relationship by blood. The relation of a master to his liberated slave (libertus) was expressed by the word patronus, and the libertus was the cliens of his patronus. Distinguished Romans were also the protectors of states and cities, which were in a certain relation of subjection or dependence to Rome. In the time of Cicero we also find patronus in the sense of adviser, advocate, or defender, opposed to cliens in the sense of the person defended or the consultor,—a use of the word which must be referred to the original character of the patronus.

CLĬENTĒLA. [Cliens.]

CLĬPĔUS (ἀσπίς), the large shield worn by the Greeks and Romans, which was originally of a circular form, and is said to have been first used by Proetus and Acrisius of Argos, and therefore is called clipeus Argolicus, and likened to the sun. But the clipeus is often represented in Roman sculpture of an oblong oval, which makes the distinction between the common buckler and that of Argos. The outer rim was termed ἄντυξ by the Greeks; and in the centre was a projection called ὀμφάλος or umbo, which served as a sort of weapon by itself, or caused the missiles of the enemy to glance off from the shield. In the Homeric times, the Greeks merely used a leather strap (τελαμών) to support the shield, but subsequently a handle (ὄχανον or ὀχάνη). The usual form of the clipeus is exhibited in the figure of the Greek warrior on p. 41. When the census was instituted by Servius Tullius at Rome, the first class only used the clipeus, and the second were armed with the scutum [Scutum]; but after the Roman soldiery received pay, the clipeus was discontinued altogether for the scutum.

CLĪTELLAE, a pair of panniers, and therefore only used in the plural number.

CLŎĀCA, a sewer, a drain. Rome was intersected by numerous sewers, some of which were of an immense size: the most celebrated of them was the cloaca maxima, the construction of which is ascribed to Tarquinius Priscus. It was formed by three tiers of arches, one within the other, the innermost of which is a semicircular vault of 14 feet in diameter. The manner of its construction is shown in the preceding cut. Under the republic, the administration of the sewers was entrusted to the censors: but under the empire, particular officers were appointed for that purpose, called cloacarum curatores, who employed condemned criminals in cleansing and repairing them.

CŌA VESTIS, the Coan robe, was a transparent dress, chiefly worn by women of loose reputation. It has been supposed to have been made of silk, because in Cos silk was spun and woven at a very early period.

CŎACTOR, the name of collectors of various sorts, e.g. the servants of the publicani, or farmers of the public taxes, who collected the revenues for them, and those who collected the money from the purchasers of things sold at a public auction. Horace informs us that his father was a coactor of this kind. Moreover, the servants of the money-changers were so called, from collecting their debts for them. The “coactores agminis” were the soldiers who brought up the rear of a line of march.

CŎCHLĔA (κοχλίας), which properly means a snail, was also used to signify other things of a spiral form. (1) A screw, used in working clothes-presses, and oil and wine presses.—(2) A spiral pump for raising water, invented by Archimedes, from whom it has ever since been called the Archimedean screw.—(3) A peculiar kind of door through which the wild beasts passed from their dens into the arena of the amphitheatre.

COCHLĔAR. (κοχλιάριον), a kind of spoon, which appears to have terminated with a point at one end, and at the other was broad and hollow like our own spoons. The pointed end was used for drawing snails (cochleae) out of their shells, and eating them, whence it derived its name; and the broader part for eating eggs, &c. Cochlear was also the name given to a small measure like our spoonful.

CŌDEX, identical with caudex, as Claudius and Clodius, claustrum and clostrum, cauda and coda, originally signified the trunk or stem of a tree. The name codex was especially applied to wooden tablets bound together and lined with a coat of wax, for the purpose of writing upon them, and when, at a later age, parchment or paper, or other materials were substituted for wood, and put together in the shape of a book, the name of codex was still given to them. In the time of Cicero we find it also applied to the tablet on which a bill was written. At a still later period, during the time of the emperors, the word was used to express any collection of laws or constitutions of the emperors, whether made by private individuals or by public authority, as the Codex Gregorianus, Codex Theodosianus, and Codex Justinianeus.

COEMPTĬO. [Matrimonium.]

COENA (δεῖπνον), the principal meal of the Greeks and Romans, dinner. (1) Greek. Three names of meals occur in the Iliad and Odyssey—ariston (ἄριστον), deipnon (δεῖπνον), dorpon (δόρπον). The word ariston uniformly means the early, as dorpon does the late meal; but deipnon, on the other hand, is used for either, apparently without any reference to time. In the Homeric age it appears to have been usual to sit during mealtimes. Beef, mutton, and goat’s flesh were the ordinary meats, usually eaten roasted. Cheese, flour, and occasionally fruits, also formed part of the Homeric meals. Bread, brought on in baskets, and salt (ἃλς, to which Homer gives the epithet θεῖος), are mentioned. The Greeks of a later age usually partook of three meals, called acratisma (ἀκράτισμα), ariston, and deipnon. The last, which corresponds to the dorpon of the Homeric poems, was the evening meal or dinner; the ariston was the luncheon; and the acratisma, which answers to the ariston of Homer, was the early meal or breakfast. The acratisma was taken immediately after rising in the morning. It usually consisted of bread, dipped in unmixed wine (ἄκρατος), whence it derived its name. Next followed the ariston or luncheon; but the time at which it was taken is uncertain. It is frequently mentioned in Xenophon’s Anabasis, and appears to have been taken at different times, as would naturally be the case with soldiers in active service. We may conclude from many circumstances that this meal was taken about the middle of the day, and that it answered to the Roman prandium. The ariston was usually a simple meal, but of course varied according to the habits of individuals. The principal meal was the deipnon. It was usually taken rather late in the day, frequently not before sunset. The Athenians were a social people, and were very fond of dining in company. Entertainments were usually given, both in the heroic ages and later times, when sacrifices were offered to the gods, either on public or private occasions; and also on the anniversary of the birthdays of members of the family, or of illustrious persons, whether living or dead. When young men wished to dine together they frequently contributed each a certain sum of money, called symbole (συμβολή), or brought their own provisions with them. When the first plan was adopted, they were said ἀπὸ συμβολῶν δειπνεῖν, and one individual was usually entrusted with the money to procure the provisions, and make all the necessary preparations. This kind of entertainment, in which each guest contributed to the expense, is mentioned in Homer under the name of ἔρανος. An entertainment in which each person brought his own provisions with him, or at least contributed something to the general stock, was called a δεῖπνον ἀπὸ σπυρίδος, because the provisions were brought in baskets.—The most usual kind of entertainments, however, were those in which a person invited his friends to his own house. It was expected that they should come dressed with more than ordinary care, and also have bathed shortly before. As soon as the guests arrived at the house of their host, their shoes or sandals were taken off by the slaves and their feet washed. After their feet had been washed, the guests reclined on the couches. It has already been remarked that Homer never describes persons as reclining, but always as sitting at their meals; but at what time the change was introduced is uncertain. The Dorians of Crete always sat; but the other Greeks reclined. The Greek women and children, however, like the Roman, continued to sit at their meals. [Accubatio.] It was usual for only two persons to recline on each couch. After the guests had placed themselves on the couches, the slaves brought in water to wash their hands. The dinner was then served up; whence we read of τὰς τραπέζας εἰσφέρειν, by which expression we are to understand not merely the dishes, but the tables themselves, which were small enough to be moved with ease. In eating, the Greeks had no knives or forks, but made use of their fingers only, except in eating soups or other liquids, which they partook of by means of a spoon, called μυστίλη, μύστρον, or μύστρος. It would exceed the limits of this work to give an account of the different dishes which were introduced at a Greek dinner, though their number is far below those which were usually partaken of at a Roman entertainment. The most common food among the Greeks was the μάζα, a kind of frumenty or soft cake, which was prepared in different ways. Wheaten or barley bread was the second most usual species of food; it was sometimes made at home, but more usually bought at the market of the ἀρτοπῶλαι or ἀρτοπώλιδες. The vegetables ordinarily eaten were mallows (μαλάχη), lettuces (θρίδαξ), cabbages (ῥάφανοι), beans (κύαμοι), lentils (φακαῖ), &c. Pork was the most favourite animal food, as was the case among the Romans. It is a curious fact, which Plato has remarked, that we never read in Homer of the heroes partaking of fish. In later times, however, fish was one of the most favourite foods of the Greeks. A dinner given by an opulent Athenian usually consisted of two courses, called respectively πρῶται τράπεζαι and δεύτεραι τράπεζαι. The first course embraced the whole of what we consider the dinner, namely, fish, poultry, meat, &c.; the second, which corresponds to our dessert and the Roman bellaria, consisted of different kinds of fruit, sweetmeats, confections, &c. When the first course was finished, the tables were taken away, and water was given to the guests for the purpose of washing their hands. Crowns made of garlands of flowers were also then given to them, as well as various kinds of perfumes. Wine was not drunk till the first course was finished; but as soon as the guests had washed their hands, unmixed wine was introduced in a large goblet, of which each drank a little, after pouring out a small quantity as a libation. This libation was said to be made to the “good spirit” (ἀγαθοῦ δαίμονος), and was usually accompanied with the singing of the paean and the playing of flutes. After this libation mixed wine was brought in, and with their first cup the guests drank to Διὸς Σωτῆρος. With the libations the deipnon closed; and at the introduction of the dessert (δεύτεραι τράπεζαι) the πότος, συμπόσιον or κῶμος commenced, of which an account is given under Symposium.—(2) Roman. As the Roman meals are not always clearly distinguished, it will be convenient to treat of all under the most important one; and we shall confine ourselves to the description of the ordinary life of the middle ranks of society in the Augustan age, noticing incidentally the most remarkable deviations. The meal with which the Roman sometimes began the day was the jentaculum, which was chiefly taken by children, or sick persons, or the luxurious. An irregular meal (if we may so express it) was not likely to have any very regular time: two epigrams of Martial, however, seem to fix the hour at about three or four o’clock in the morning. Bread formed the substantial part of this early breakfast, to which cheese, or dried fruit, as dates and raisins, were sometimes added. Next followed the prandium or luncheon, with persons of simple habits a frugal meal, usually taken about twelve or one o’clock. The coena, or principal meal of the day, corresponding to our “dinner,” was usually taken about three o’clock in the time of Cicero and Augustus, though we read of some persons not dining till near sunset. A Roman dinner at the house of a wealthy man usually consisted of three courses. The first was called promulsis, antecoena, or gustatio, and was made up of all sorts of stimulants to the appetite. Eggs also were so indispensable to the first course that they almost gave a name to it (ab ovo usque ad mala). The frugality of Martial only allowed of lettuce and Sicenian olives; indeed he himself tells us that the promulsis was a refinement of modern luxury. It would far exceed our limits to mention all the dishes which formed the second course of a Roman dinner. Of birds, the Guinea hen (Afra avis), the pheasant (phasiana, so called from Phasis, a river of Colchis), and the thrush, were most in repute; the liver of a capon steeped in milk, and beccaficos (ficedulae) dressed with pepper, were held a delicacy. The peacock, according to Macrobius, was first introduced by Hortensius the orator, at an inaugural supper, and acquired such repute among the Roman gourmands as to be commonly sold for fifty denarii. Other birds are mentioned, as the duck (anas), especially its head and breast; the woodcock (attagen), the turtle, and flamingo (phoenicopterus), the tongue of which, Martial tells us, particularly commended itself to the delicate palate. Of fish, the variety was perhaps still greater; the charr (scarus), the turbot (rhombus), the sturgeon (acipenser), the mullet (mullus), were highly prized, and dressed in the most various fashions. Of solid meat, pork seems to have been the favourite dish, especially sucking pig. Boar’s flesh and venison were also in high repute: the former is described by Juvenal as animal propter convivia natum. Condiments were added to most of these dishes: such were the muria, a kind of pickle made from the tunny fish; the garum sociorum, made from the intestines of the mackerel (scomber), so called because brought from abroad; alec, a sort of brine; faex, the sediment of wine, &c. Several kinds of fungi are mentioned, truffles (boleti), mushrooms (tuberes), which either made dishes by themselves, or formed the garniture for larger dishes. It must not be supposed that the artistes of imperial Rome were at all behind ourselves in the preparation and arrangements of the table. In a large household, the functionaries to whom this important duty was entrusted were four, the butler (promus), the cook (archimagirus), the arranger of the dishes (structor), and the carver (carptor or scissor). Carving was taught as an art, and performed to the sound of music, with appropriate gesticulations.

In the supper of Petronius, a large round tray (ferculum, repositorium) is brought in, with the signs of the zodiac figured all round it, upon each of which the artiste (structor) had placed some appropriate viand, a goose on Aquarius, a pair of scales with tarts (scriblitae) and cheesecakes (placentae) in each scale on Libra, &c. In the middle was placed a hive supported by delicate herbage. Presently four slaves come forward dancing to the sound of music, and take away the upper part of the dish; beneath appear all kinds of dressed meats; a hare with wings to imitate Pegasus, in the middle; and four figures of Marsyas at the corners, pouring hot sauce (garum piperatum) over the fish, that were swimming in the Euripus below. So entirely had the Romans lost all shame of luxury, since the days when Cincius, in supporting the Fannian law, charged his own age with the enormity of introducing the porcus Trojanus, a sort of pudding stuffed with the flesh of other animals.—The third course was the bellaria or dessert, to which Horace alludes when he says of Tigellius ab ovo usque ad mala citaret; it consisted of fruits (which the Romans usually ate uncooked), such as almonds (amygdalae), dried grapes (uvae passae), dates (palmulae, caryotae, dactyli); of sweetmeats and confections, called edulia mellita, dulciaria, such as cheesecakes (cupediae, crustula, liba, placentae, artolagani), almond cakes (coptae), tarts (scriblitae), whence the maker of them was called pistor dulciarius, placentarius, libarius, &c. We will now suppose the table spread and the guests assembled, each with his mappa or napkin, and in his dinner dress, called coenatoria or cubitoria, usually of a bright colour, and variegated with flowers. First they took off their shoes, for fear of soiling the couch, which was often inlaid with ivory or tortoise-shell, and covered with cloth of gold. Next they lay down to eat, the head resting on the left elbow and supported by cushions. There were usually, but not always, three on the same couch, the middle place being esteemed the most honourable. Around the tables stood the servants (ministri) clothed in a tunic, and girt with napkins; some removed the dishes and wiped the tables with a rough cloth, others gave the guests water for their hands, or cooled the room with fans. Here stood an eastern youth behind his master’s couch, ready to answer the noise of the fingers, while others bore a large platter of different kinds of meat to the guests. Dinner was set out in a room called coenatio or diaeta (which two words perhaps conveyed to a Roman ear nearly the same distinction as our dining-room and parlour). The coenatio, in rich men’s houses, was fitted up with great magnificence. Suetonius mentions a supper-room in the golden palace of Nero, constructed like a theatre, with shifting scenes to change with every course. In the midst of the coenatio were set three couches (triclinia), answering in shape to the square, as the long semicircular couches (sigmata) did to the oval tables. An account of the disposition of the couches, and of the place which each guest occupied, is given in the article Triclinium.

COENĀCŬLUM. [Domus.]

COENĀTĬO. [Coena.]

COGNĀTI, COGNĀTĬO. The cognatio was the relationship of blood which existed between those who were sprung from a common pair; and all persons so related were called cognati. The foundation of cognatio is a legal marriage. The term cognatus (with some exceptions) comprehends agnatus; an agnatus may be a cognatus, but a cognatus is only an agnatus when his relationship by blood is traced through males. Those who were of the same blood by both parents were sometimes called germani; consanguinei were those who had a common father only; and uterini those who had a common mother only.

COGNĬTOR. [Actio.]

COGNŌMEN. [Nomen.]

CŎHORS. [Exercitus.]

CŌLĂCRĔTAE (κωλακρέται, also called κωλαγρέται), the name of very ancient magistrates at Athens, who had the management of all financial matters in the time of the kings. Cleisthenes deprived them of the charge of the finances, which he transferred to the Apodectae. [Apodectae.] From this time the Colacretae had only to provide for the meals in the Prytaneium, and subsequently to pay the fees to the dicasts, when the practice of paying the dicasts was introduced by Pericles.

COLLĒGĬUM. The persons who formed a collegium were called collegae or sodales. The word collegium properly expressed the notion of several persons being united in any office or for any common purpose; it afterwards came to signify a body of persons, and the union which bound them together. The collegium was the ἑταιρία of the Greeks. The legal notion of a collegium was as follows:—A collegium or corpus, as it was also called, must consist of three persons at least. Persons who legally formed such an association were said corpus habere, which is equivalent to our phrase of being incorporated; and in later times they were said to be corporati, and the body was called a corporatio. Associations of individuals, who were entitled to have a corpus, could hold property in common. Such a body, which was sometimes also called a universitas, was a legal unity. That which was due to the body, was not due to the individuals of it; and that which the body owed, was not the debt of the individuals. The common property of the body was liable to be seized and sold for the debts of the body. It does not appear how collegia were formed, except that some were specially established by legal authority. Other collegia were probably formed by voluntary associations of individuals under the provisions of some general legal authority, such as those of the publicani. Some of these corporate bodies resembled our companies or guilds; such were the fabrorum, pistorum, &c. collegia. Others were of a religious character; such as the pontificum, augurum, fratrum arvalium collegia. Others were bodies concerned about government and administration; as tribunorum plebis, quaestorum, decurionum collegia. According to the definition of a collegium, the consuls being only two in number were not a collegium, though each was called collega with respect to the other, and their union in office was called collegium. When a new member was taken into a collegium, he was said co-optari, and the old members were said with respect to him, recipere in collegium. The mode of filling up vacancies would vary in different collegia. The statement of their rules belongs to the several heads of Augur, Pontifex, &c.

CŎLŌNĬA, a colony, contains the same element as the verb colere, “to cultivate,” and as the word colonus, which probably originally signified a “tiller of the earth.” (1) Greek. The usual Greek words for a colony are ἀποικία and κληρουχία. The latter word, which signified a division of conquered lands among Athenian citizens, and which corresponds in some respects to the Roman colonia, is explained in the article Cleruchi. The earlier Greek colonies, called ἀποικίαι, were usually composed of mere bands of adventurers, who left their native country, with their families and property, to seek a new home for themselves. Some of the colonies, which arose in consequence of foreign invasion or civil wars, were undertaken without any formal consent from the rest of the community; but usually a colony was sent out with the approbation of the mother country, and under the management of a leader (οἰκιστής) appointed by it. But whatever may have been the origin of the colony, it was always considered in a political point of view independent of the mother country, called by the Greeks metropolis (μητρόπολις), the “mother-city,” and entirely emancipated from its control. At the same time, though a colony was in no political subjection to its parent state, it was united to it by the ties of filial affection; and, according to the generally received opinions of the Greeks, its duties to the parent state corresponded to those of a daughter to her mother. Hence, in all matters of common interest, the colony gave precedence to the mother state; and the founder of the colony (οἰκιστής), who might be considered as the representative of the parent state, was usually worshipped, after his death, as a hero. Also, when the colony became in its turn a parent, it usually sought a leader for the colony which it intended to found from the original mother country; and the same feeling of respect was manifested by embassies which were sent to honour the principal festivals of the parent state, and also by bestowing places of honour and other marks of respect upon the ambassadors and other members of the parent state, when they visited the colony at festivals and on similar occasions. The colonists also worshipped in their new settlement the same deities as they had been accustomed to honour in their native country: the sacred fire, which was constantly kept burning on their public hearth, was taken from the Prytaneium of the parent city; and sometimes the priests also were brought from the mother state. In the same spirit, it was considered a violation of sacred ties for a mother country and a colony to make war upon one another. The preceding account of the relations between the Greek colonies and the mother country is supported by the history which Thucydides gives us of the quarrel between Corcyra and Corinth. Corcyra was a colony of Corinth, and Epidamnus a colony of Corcyra; but the leader (οἰκιστής) of the colony of Epidamnus was a Corinthian who was invited from the metropolis Corinth. In course of time, in consequence of civil dissensions, and attacks from the neighbouring barbarians, the Epidamnians apply for aid to Corcyra, but their request is rejected. They next apply to the Corinthians, who took Epidamnus under their protection, thinking, says Thucydides, that the colony was no less theirs than the Corinthians’: and also induced to do so through hatred of the Corcyraeans, because they neglected them though they were colonists; for they did not give to the Corinthians the customary honours and deference in the public solemnities and sacrifices, which the other colonies were wont to pay to the mother country. The Corcyraeans, who had become very powerful by sea, took offence at the Corinthians receiving Epidamnus under their protection, and the result was a war between Corcyra and Corinth. The Corcyraeans sent ambassadors to Athens to ask assistance; and in reply to the objection that they were a colony of Corinth, they said, “that every colony, as long as it is treated kindly, respects the mother country: but when it is injured, is alienated from it; for colonists are not sent out as subjects, but that they may have equal rights with those that remain at home.” It is true that ambitious states, such as Athens, sometimes claimed dominion over other states on the ground of relationship; but as a general rule, colonies may be regarded as independent states, attached to their metropolis by ties of sympathy and common descent, but no further. The case of Potidaea, to which the Corinthians sent annually the chief magistrates (δημιουργοί), appears to have been an exception to the general rule.—(2) Roman. A kind of colonisation seems to have existed among the oldest Italian nations, who, on certain occasions, sent out their superfluous male population, with arms in their hands, to seek for a new home. But these were apparently mere bands of adventurers, and such colonies rather resembled the old Greek colonies, than those by which Rome extended her dominion and her name. Colonies were established by the Romans as far back as the annals or traditions of the city extend, and the practice was continued, without intermission, during the republic and under the empire. Colonies were intended to keep in check a conquered people, and also to repress hostile incursions; and their chief object was originally the extension and preservation of the Roman dominion in Italy. Cicero calls the old Italian colonies the propugnacula imperii. Another object was to increase the power of Rome by increasing the population. Sometimes the immediate object of a colony was to carry off a number of turbulent and discontented persons. Colonies were also established for the purpose of providing for veteran soldiers, a practice which was begun by Sulla, and continued under the emperors; these coloniae were called militares. The old Roman colonies were in the nature of garrisons planted in conquered towns, and the colonists had a portion of the conquered territory (usually a third part) assigned to them. The inhabitants retained the rest of their lands, and lived together with the new settlers, who alone composed the proper colony. The conquered people must at first have been quite a distinct class from, and inferior to, the colonists. No colonia was established without a lex, plebiscitum, or senatusconsultum; a fact which shows that a Roman colony was never a mere body of adventurers, but had a regular organisation by the parent state. When a law was passed for founding a colony, persons were appointed to superintend its formation (coloniam deducere). These persons varied in number, but three was a common number (triumviri ad colonos deducendos). We also read of duumviri, quinqueviri, vigintiviri for the same purpose. The law fixed the quantity of land that was to be distributed, and how much was to be assigned to each person. No Roman could be sent out as a colonist without his free consent, and when the colony was not an inviting one, it was difficult to fill up the number of volunteers. The colonia proceeded to its place of destination in the form of an army (sub vexillo), which is indicated on the coins of some coloniae. An urbs, if one did not already exist, was a necessary part of a new colony, and its limits were marked out by a plough, which is also indicated on ancient coins. The colonia had also a territory, which, whether marked out by the plough or not, was at least marked out by metes and bounds. Thus the urbs and territory of the colonia respectively corresponded to the urbs Roma and its territory. Religious ceremonies always accompanied the foundation of the colony, and the anniversary was afterwards observed. It is stated that a colony could not be sent out to the same place to which a colony had already been sent in due form (auspicato deducta). This merely means, that so long as the colony maintained its existence, there could be no new colony in the same place; a doctrine that would hardly need proof, for a new colony implied a new assignment of lands; but new settlers (novi adscripti) might be sent to occupy colonial lands not already assigned. Indeed it was not unusual for a colony to receive additions, and a colony might be re-established, if it seemed necessary, from any cause. The commissioners appointed to conduct the colony had apparently a profitable office, and the establishment of a new settlement gave employment to numerous functionaries, among whom Cicero enumerates—apparitores, scribae, librarii, praecones, architecti. The foundation of a colony might then, in many cases, not only be a mere party measure, carried for the purpose of gaining popularity, but it would give those in power an opportunity of providing places for many of their friends.—The colonies founded by the Romans were divided into two great classes of colonies of Roman citizens and Latin colonies; names which had no reference to the persons who formed the colonies, but merely indicated their political rights with respect to Rome as members of the colony. The members of a Roman colony (colonia civium Romanorum) preserved all the rights of Roman citizens. The members of a Latin colony (colonia Latina) ceased to have the full rights of Roman citizens. Probably some of the old Latin colonies were established by the Romans in conjunction with other Latin states. After the conquest of Latium, the Romans established colonies, called Latin colonies, in various parts of Italy. Roman citizens, who chose to join such colonies, gave up their civic rights for the more solid advantage of a grant of land, and became Latini. [Civitas.] Such colonies were subject to, and part of, the Roman state; but they did not possess the Roman franchise, and had no political bond among themselves.—The lex Julia, passed B.C. 90, gave the Roman franchise to the members of the Latin colonies and the Socii; and such Latin colonies and states of the Socii were then called municipia, and became complete members of the Roman state. Thus there was then really no difference between these municipia and the Roman coloniae, except in their historical origin: the members of both were Roman citizens, and the Roman law prevailed in both.—In the colonies, as at Rome, the popular assembly had originally the sovereign power; they chose the magistrates, and could even make laws. When the popular assemblies became a mere form in Rome, and the elections were transferred by Tiberius to the senate, the same thing happened in the colonies, whose senates then possessed whatever power had once belonged to the community. The common name of this senate was ordo decurionum; in later times, simply ordo and curia; the members of it were decuriones or curiales. Thus, in the later ages, curia is opposed to senatus, the former being the senate of a colony, and the latter the senate of Rome. But the terms senatus and senator were also applied to the senate and members of the senate of a colony. After the decline of the popular assemblies, the senate had the whole internal administration of a city, conjointly with the magistratus; but only a decurio could be a magistratus, and the choice was made by the decuriones. The highest magistratus of a colonia were the duumviri or quattuorviri, so called, as the members might vary, whose functions may be compared with those of the consulate at Rome before the establishment of the praetorship. The name duumviri seems to have been the most common. Their principal duties were the administration of justice, and accordingly we find on inscriptions “Duumviri J. D.” (juri dicundo), “Quattuorviri J. D.” The name consul also occurs in inscriptions to denote this chief magistracy; and even dictator and praetor occur under the empire and under the republic. The office of the duumviri lasted a year.—In some Italian towns there was a praefectus juri dicundo; he was in the place of, and not co-existent with, the duumviri. The duumviri were, as we have seen, originally chosen by the people; but the praefectus was appointed annually in Rome, and sent to the town called a praefectura, which might be either a municipium or a colonia, for it was only in the matter of the praefectus that a town called a praefectura differed from other Italian towns. Arpinum is called both a municipium and a praefectura; and Cicero, a native of this place, obtained the highest honours that Rome could confer.—The censor, curator, or quinquennalis, all which names denote the same functionary, was also a municipal magistrate, and corresponded to the censor at Rome, and in some cases, perhaps, to the quaestor also. Censors are mentioned in Livy as magistrates of the twelve Latin colonies. The quinquennales were sometimes duumviri, sometimes quattuorviri; but they are always carefully distinguished from the duumviri and quattuorviri J. D.; and their functions were those of censors. They held their office for one year, and during the four intermediate years the functions were not exercised. The office of censor or quinquennalis was higher in rank than that of the duumviri J. D., and it could only be filled by those who had discharged the other offices of the municipality.

CŎLOSSUS (κολοσσός) is used both by the Greeks and Romans to signify a statue larger than life; but as such statues were very common, the word was more frequently applied to designate figures of gigantic dimensions. Such figures were first executed in Egypt, and were afterwards made by the Greeks and Romans. Among the colossal statues of Greece, the most celebrated was the bronze colossus at Rhodes, dedicated to the sun, the height of which was about 90 feet.

CŌLUM (ἠθμός), a strainer or colander, was used for straining wine, milk, olive-oil, and other liquids. Those that were used as articles of luxury for straining wine were frequently made of some metal, such as bronze or silver. Occasionally a piece of linen cloth (σάκκος, saccus) was placed over the τρύγοιπος or colum, and the wine (σακκίας, saccatus) filtered through. The use of the saccus was considered objectionable for all delicate wines, since it was believed to injure, if not entirely to destroy their flavour, and in every instance to diminish the strength of the liquor. For this reason it was employed by the dissipated in order that they might be able to swallow a greater quantity without becoming intoxicated. The double purpose of cooling and weakening was effectually accomplished by placing ice or snow in the filter, which under such circumstances became a colum nivarium, or saccus nivarius. The preceding woodcut shows the plan and profile of a silver colum.

CŎLUMBĀRĬUM, a dovecot or pigeon-house, also signified a sepulchral chamber formed to receive the ashes of the lower orders, or dependants of great families; and in the plural, the niches in which the cinerary urns (ollae) were deposited.

CŎLUMNA (κίων, στύλος), a pillar or column. The use of the trunks of trees placed upright for supporting buildings, unquestionably led to the adoption of similar supports wrought in stone. As the tree required to be based upon a flat square stone, and to have a stone or tile of similar form fixed on its summit to preserve it from decay, so the column was made with a square base, and was covered with an abacus. [Abacus.] Hence the principal parts of which every column consists are three, the base (basis), the shaft (scapus), and the capital (capitulum). In the Doric, which is the oldest style of Greek architecture, we must consider all the columns in the same row as having one common base (podium), whereas in the Ionic and Corinthian each column has a separate base, called spira. The capitals of these two latter orders show, on comparison with the Doric, a much richer style of ornament; and the character of lightness and elegance is further obtained in them by their more slender shaft, its height being much greater in proportion to its thickness. Of all these circumstances some idea may be formed by the inspection of the three accompanying specimens of pillars. The first on the left hand is Doric, the second Ionic, and the third Corinthian. In all the orders the shaft tapers from the bottom towards the top. The shaft was, however, made with a slight swelling in the middle, which was called the entasis. It was, moreover, almost universally channelled or fluted. Columns were used in the interior of buildings, to sustain the beams which supported the ceiling. Rows of columns were often employed within a building, to enclose a space open to the sky. Beams supporting ceilings passed from above the columns to the adjoining walls, so as to form covered passages or ambulatories (στοαί). Such a circuit of columns was called a peristyle (περίστυλον), and the Roman atrium was built upon this plan. The largest and most splendid temples enclosed an open space like an atrium, which was accomplished by placing one peristyle upon another. In such cases, the lower rows of columns being Doric, the upper were sometimes Ionic or Corinthian, the lighter being properly based upon the heavier. A temple so constructed was called hypaethral (ὕπαιθρος). But it was on the exterior of public buildings, and especially of temples, that columns were displayed in the most beautiful combinations, either surrounding the building entirely, or arranged in porticoes on one or more of its fronts. [Templum.] Their original and proper use was, of course, to support the roof of the building; and, amidst all the elaborations of architectural design, this object was still kept in view. On the summit of the row of columns rests the architrave, i.e. chief beam (ἐπιστύλιον, epistylium): above this is the frieze (ζωοφόρος, ζωφόρος, zophorus), in which the most ancient order, namely the Doric, shows, in its triglyphs, what were originally the ends of the cross-beams: in the other orders these ends are generally concealed, and the frieze forms a flat surface, which is frequently ornamented by figures in relief, whence its Greek name. Above the frieze projects the cornice (κορωνίς, coronis or corona), forming a handsome finish to the entablature (for so these three members taken together are called), and also, on the sides of the building, serving to unite the ends of the rafters of the roof. The triangular gable-end of the roof, above the entablature, is called the pediment. [Fastigium.]—Columns in long rows were used in aquaeducts, and single pillars were fixed in harbours for mooring ships.—Single columns were also erected to commemorate persons or events. Among these, some of the most remarkable were the columnae rostratae, called by that name because three ship-beaks proceeded from each side of them, designed to record successful engagements at sea. The most important and celebrated of those which yet remain, is one erected in honour of the consul C. Duillius, on occasion of his victory over the Carthaginian fleet, B.C. 261. Columns were also employed to commemorate the dead. The column on the right hand in the last woodcut exhibits that which the senate erected to the honour of the Emperor Trajan. Similar columns were erected to the memory of many of the Roman emperors.

CŎLUMNĀRĬUM, a tax imposed in the time of Julius Caesar upon the pillars that supported a house. The Ostiarium was a similar tax. [Ostiarium.] The columnarium, levied by Metellus Scipio in Syria in B.C. 49-48, was a tax of a similar kind, but was simply an illegal means of extorting money from the provincials.

CŎLUS, a distaff. [Fusus.]

CŎMA (κόμη, κουρά), the hair. (1) Greek. In the earliest times the Greeks wore their hair long, and thus they are constantly called in Homer καρηκομόωντες Ἀχαιοί. The Spartan boys always had their hair cut quite short (ἐν χρῷ κείροντες); but as soon as they reached the age of puberty (ἔφηβοι), they let it grow long. Before going to battle they combed and dressed it with especial care. It seems that both Spartan men and women tied their hair in a knot over the crown of the head. The custom of the Athenians was different. They wore their hair long in childhood, and cut it off when they reached the age of puberty. The cutting off of the hair, which was always done when a boy became an ἔφηβος, was a solemn act, attended with religious ceremonies. A libation was first offered to Hercules, which was called οἰνιστήρια or οἰνιαστήρια, and the hair after being cut off was dedicated to some deity, usually a river-god. But when the Athenians passed into the age of manhood, they again let their hair grow. In ancient times at Athens the hair was rolled up into a kind of knot on the crown of the head, and fastened with golden clasps in the shape of grasshoppers. This fashion of wearing the hair was called κρωβύλος, and in the case of females κόρυμβος. The heads of females were frequently covered with a kind of band or a coif of net-work. Of these coiffures one was called σφενδόνη, which was a broad band across the forehead, sometimes made of metal, and sometimes of leather, adorned with gold. But the most common kind of head-dress for females was called by the general name of κεκρύφαλος, and this was divided into the three species of κεκρύφαλος, σάκκος, and μίτρα. The κεκρύφαλος, in its narrower sense, was a caul or coif of net-work, corresponding to the Latin reticulum. These hair-nets were frequently made of gold threads, sometimes of silk, or the Elean byssus, and probably of other materials. The σάκκος and the μίτρα were, on the contrary, made of close materials. The σάκκος covered the head entirely like a sack or bag; it was made of various materials, such as silk, byssus, and wool. The μίτρα was a broad band of cloth of different colours, which was wound round the hair, and was worn in various ways. It was originally an Eastern head-dress, and may, therefore, be compared to the modern turban. The Roman calautica or calvatica is said by Servius to have been the same as the mitra, but in a passage in the Digest they are mentioned as if they were distinct.—With respect to the colour of the hair, black was the most frequent, but blonde (ξανθὴ κόμη) was the most prized. In Homer, Achilles, Ulysses, and other heroes are represented with blonde hair. At a later time it seems to have been not unfrequent to dye hair, so as to make it either black or blonde, and this was done by men as well as by women, especially when the hair was growing gray.—(2) Roman. Besides the generic coma we also find the following words signifying the hair: capillus, caesaries, crines, cincinnus, and cirrus, the two last words being used to signify curled hair. In early times the Romans wore their hair long, and hence the Romans of the Augustan age designated their ancestors intonsi and capillati. But after the introduction of barbers into Italy about B.C. 300, it became the practice to wear the hair short. The women, too, originally dressed their hair with great simplicity, but in the Augustan period a variety of different head-dresses came into fashion. Sometimes these head-dresses were raised to a great height by rows of false curls. So much attention did the Roman ladies devote to the dressing of the hair, that they kept slaves especially for this purpose, called ornatrices, and had them instructed by a master in the art. Most of the Greek head-dresses mentioned above were also worn by the Roman ladies; but the mitrae appear to have been confined to prostitutes. One of the simplest modes of wearing the hair was allowing it to fall down in tresses behind, and only confining it by a band encircling the head. [Vitta.] Another favourite plan was platting the hair, and then fastening it behind with a large pin. Blonde hair was as much prized by the Romans as by the Greeks, and hence the Roman ladies used a kind of composition or wash to make it appear this colour (spuma caustica). False hair or wigs (φενάκη, πηνίκη, galerus) were worn both by Greeks and Romans. Among both people likewise in ancient times the hair was cut close in mourning [Funus]; and among both the slaves had their hair cut close as a mark of servitude.

CŌMISSĀTĬO (derived from κῶμος), the name of a drinking entertainment, which took place after the coena, from which, however, it must be distinguished. The comissatio was frequently prolonged to a late hour at night, whence the verb comissari means “to revel,” and the substantive comissator a “reveller,” or “debauchee.”

CŎMĬTĬA. This word is formed from co, cum, or con, and ire, and therefore comitium is a place of meeting, and comitia the meeting itself, or the assembled people. In the Roman constitution the comitia were the ordinary and legal meetings or assemblies of the people, and distinct from the contiones and concilia. All the powers of government were divided at Rome between the senate, the magistrates, and the people in their assemblies. Properly speaking, the people alone (the populus) was the real sovereign by whom the power was delegated to the magistrates and the senate. The sovereign people or populus, however, was not the same at all times. In the earliest times of Rome the populus consisted of the patricians (or patres) only, the plebs and the clients forming no part of the populus, but being without the pale of the state. The original populus was divided into thirty curiae, and the assembly of these curiae (the comitia curiata) was the only assembly in which the populus was represented. A kind of amalgamation of the patricians and the plebs afterwards appeared in the comitia of the centuries, instituted by king Servius Tullius, and henceforth the term populus was applied to the united patricians and plebeians assembled in the comitia centuriata. But Servius had also made a local division of the whole Roman territory into thirty tribes, which held their meetings in assemblies called comitia tributa, which, in the course of time, acquired the character of national assemblies, so that the people thus assembled were likewise designated by the term populus.

We shall examine in order the nature, power, and business of each of these different comitia. (1) Comitia curiata consisted of the members of the thirty curiae, that is, the patricians, who formed exclusively the populus in the early times. They were convened, in the kingly period, by the king himself, or by his tribunus celerum, and in the king’s absence by the praefectus urbi. After the death of a king the comitia were held by the interrex. In the republican period, the president was always one of the high patrician magistrates, viz. a consul, praetor, or dictator. They were called together by lictors or heralds. The votes were given by curiae, each curia having one collective vote; but within a curia each citizen belonging to it had an independent vote, and the majority of the members of a curia determined the vote of the whole curia. The meeting was always held in the comitium. The comitia curiata did not possess much power in the kingly period. They could only be called together when the king (or his representative) chose, and could only determine upon matters which the king submitted to them. The main points upon which the populus had to decide were the election of the king, the passing of laws, declarations of war, the capital punishment of Roman citizens, and, lastly, certain affairs of the curiae and gentes. The priestly officers, such as the Curiones, Flamines Curiales, were likewise either elected by the curiae, or at least inaugurated by them. The right of finally deciding upon the life of Roman citizens (judicia de capite civis Romani) is said to have been given to the populus by king Tullus Hostilius. It must further be remarked, that when the king had been elected, the populus held a second meeting, in which he was formally inducted into his new office. This formality was called lex curiata de imperio, whereby the king received his imperium, together with the right of holding the comitia. Down to the time of Servius Tullius, the comitia curiata were the only popular assemblies of Rome, and remained of course in the undiminished possession of the rights above described; but the constitution of that king brought about a great change, by transferring the principal rights which had hitherto been enjoyed by the curiae to a new national assembly or the comitia centuriata. But while the patricians were obliged to share their rights with the plebeians, they reserved for themselves the very important right of sanctioning or rejecting any measure which had been passed by the centuries. The sanction of decrees passed by the centuries is often expressed by patres auctores fiunt, and down to the time of the Publilian law no decree of the centuries could become law without this sanction. By the Publilian law (B.C. 339) it was enacted that the curiae should give their assent before the vote of the comitia centuriata; so that the veto of the curiae was thus virtually abolished. The comitia curiata thus became a mere formality, and, instead of the thirty curiae themselves giving their votes, the ceremony was performed by thirty lictors. The comitia of the curiae were also called Comitia calata or “the summoned comitia” (from calare, i.e. vocare), when summoned for the purposes mentioned below:—1. On the calends it was proclaimed to the comitia calata on what day of the new month the nones fell, and perhaps also the ides as well as the nature of the other days, namely, whether they were fasti or nefasti, comitiales, feriae, &c., because all these things were known in the early times to the pontiffs exclusively. 2. The inauguration of the flamines, and after the banishment of the kings, also that of the rex sacrorum. 3. The testamenti factio, or the making of a will. 4. The detestatio sacrorum, which was in all probability an act connected with the testamenti factio, that is, a solemn declaration, by which the heir was enjoined to undertake the sacra privata of the testator along with the reception of his property. The comitia calata were summoned by the college of pontiffs, who also presided in them.

(2) Comitia centuriata. The object of the legislation of Servius Tullius was to unite the different elements of which the Roman people consisted, into one great political body, in which power and influence were to be determined by property and age. The whole people was conceived as an army (exercitus), and was therefore divided into two parts, the cavalry (equites), and infantry (pedites). The infantry was divided into five classes, or, as Dionysius has it, into six classes, for he regards the whole body of people, whose property did not come up to the census of the fifth class, as a sixth. The class to which a citizen belonged determined the tributum, or war tax, he had to pay, as well as the kind of service he had to perform in the army and the armour in which he had to serve. But for the purpose of voting in the comitia, each class was subdivided into a number of centuries (centuriae, probably because each was conceived to contain 100 men, though the centuries may have greatly differed in the number of men they contained). Hence the name of Comitia Centuriata. Each century was divided into the seniores and the juniores. Each century, further, was counted as one vote, so that a class had as many votes as it contained centuries. In like manner, the equites were divided into a number of centuries or votes. The two principal authorities on these subdivisions are Livy and Dionysius. The annexed table will show the census as well as the number of centuries or votes assigned to each class.

	According to Livy.		According to Dionysius.
I.	Classis. Census: 100,000 asses.	I.	Classis. Census: 100 minae.
	40 centuriae seniorum.		40 centuriae seniorum.
	40 centuriae juniorum.		40 centuriae juniorum.
	2 centuriae fabrum.
II.	Classis. Census: 75,000 asses.	II.	Classis. Census: 75 minae.
	10 centuriae seniorum.		10 centuriae seniorum.
	10 centuriae juniorum.		10 centuriae juniorum.
			2 centuriae fabrum (one
			voting with the seniores
			and the other with the
			juniores).
III.	Classis. Census: 50,000 asses.	III.	Classis. Census: 50 minae.
	10 centuriae seniorum.		10 centuriae seniorum.
	10 centuriae juniorum.		10 centuriae juniorum.
IV.	Classis. Census: 25,000 asses.	IV.	Classis. Census: 25 minae.
	10 centuriae seniorum.		10 centuriae seniorum.
	10 centuriae juniorum.		10 centuriae juniorum.
			2 centuriae cornicinum and
			tubicinum (one voting with
			the seniores, and the
			other with the juniores).
V.	Classis. Census: 11,000 asses.	V.	Classis. Census: 12½ minae.
	15 centuriae seniorum.		15 centuriae seniorum.
	15 centuriae juniorum.		15 centuriae juniorum.
	3 centuriae accensorum,	VI.	Classis. Census: below 12½
	cornicinum, tubicinum.		minae.
	1 centuria capite censorum.		1 centuria capite censorum.

According to both Dionysius and Livy, the equites voted in eighteen centuries before the seniores of the first class; and hence there were, according to Livy, 194, and, according to Dionysius, 193 centuries or votes. The latter number is the more probable, since Livy’s even number of 194 centuries would have rendered it impossible to obtain an absolute majority. In this manner all Roman citizens, whether patricians or plebeians, who had property to a certain amount, were privileged to take part and vote in the centuriata comitia, and none were excluded except slaves, peregrini, women and the aerarii. The juniores were all men from the age of seventeen to that of forty-six, and the seniores all men from the age of forty-six upwards. The order of voting was arranged in such a manner, that if the eighteen centuries of the equites and the eighty centuries of the first class were agreed upon a measure, the question was decided at once, there being no need for calling upon the other classes to vote. Hence, although all Roman citizens appeared in these comitia on a footing of equality, yet by far the greater power was thrown into the hands of the wealthy.—As regards the functions of the comitia centuriata, they were—(a.) The election of magistrates. The magistrates that were elected by the centuries are the consuls (whence the assembly is called comitia consularia), the praetors (hence comitia praetoria), the military tribunes with consular power, the censors, and the decemvirs. (b.) Legislation. The legislative power of the centuries at first consisted in their passing or rejecting a measure which was brought before them by the presiding magistrate in the form of a senatus consultum, so that the assembly had no right of originating any legislative measure, but voted only upon such as were brought before them as resolutions of the senate. (c.) The decision upon war, on the ground of a senatus consultum, likewise belonged to the centuries. Peace was concluded by a mere senatus consultum, and without any co-operation of the people. (d.) The highest judicial power. The comitia centuriata were in the first place the highest court of appeal, and in the second, they had to try all offences committed against the state; hence, all cases of perduellio and majestas: and no case involving the life of a Roman citizen could be decided by any other court. The sanction of the curiae to the measures of the centuriae has been already explained.—The comitia centuriata could be held only on dies comitiales or fasti, on which it was lawful to transact business with the people, and the number of such days in every year was about 190; but on dies nefasti (that is, dies festi, feriati, comp. Dies), and, at first also on the nundinae, no comitia could be held, until in B.C. 287 the Hortensian law ordained that the nundinae should be regarded as dies fasti.—The place where the centuries met was the Campus Martius, which contained the septa for the voters, a tabernaculum for the president, and the villa publica for the augurs.—The president at the comitia was the same magistrate who convoked them, and this right was a privilege of the consuls, and, in their absence, of the praetors. An interrex and dictator also, or his representative, the magister equitum, might likewise convene and preside at the comitia. One of the main duties devolving upon the president, and which he had to perform before holding the comitia, was to consult the auspices (auspicari). When the auspices were favourable, the people were called together, which was done by three successive and distinct acts: the first was quite a general invitation to come to the assembly (inlicium). At the same time when this invitation was proclaimed circum moeros or de moeris, a horn was blown, which being the more audible signal, is mentioned by some writers alone, and without the inlicium. When upon this signal the people assembled in irregular masses, there followed the second call by the accensus, or the call ad contionem or conventionem; that is, to a regular assembly, and the crowd then separated, grouping themselves according to their classes and ages. Hereupon the consul appeared, ordering the people to come ad comitia centuriata; and led the whole exercitus—for, in these comitia, the Roman people are always conceived as an exercitus—out of the city, to the Campus Martius.—It was customary from the earliest times for an armed force to occupy the Janiculum, when the people were assembled in the Campus Martius, for the purpose of protecting the city against any sudden attack of the neighbouring people; and on the Janiculum a vexillum was hoisted during the whole time that the assembly lasted. This custom continued to be observed even at the time when Rome had no longer anything to fear from the neighbouring tribes.—When the people were thus regularly assembled, the business was commenced with a solemn sacrifice, and a prayer of the president, who then took his seat on his tribunal. The president then opened the business by explaining to the people the subject for which they had been convened, and concluded his exposition with the words, velitis, jubeatis Quirites, e.g. bellum indici, or ut M. Tullio aqua igni interdictum sit, or whatever the subject might be. This formula was the standing one in all comitia, and the whole exposition of the president was called rogatio. When the comitia were assembled for the purpose of an election, the presiding magistrate had to read out the names of the candidates, and might exercise his influence by recommending the one whom he thought most fit for the office in question. If the assembly had been convened for the purpose of passing a legislative measure, the president usually recommended the proposal, or he might grant to others, if they desired it, permission to speak about the measure, either in its favour or against it (Contionem dare). When the comitia acted as a court of justice, the president stated the crime, proposed the punishment to be inflicted upon the offender, and then allowed others to speak either in defence of the accused or against him. When the subject brought before the assembly was sufficiently discussed, the president called upon the people to prepare for voting by the words, ite in suffragium, bene juvantibus diis. He then passed the stream Petronia, and went to the septa.—Respecting the mode of voting, it is commonly supposed that the people were always polled by word of mouth, till the passing of the leges tabellariae about the middle of the second century before Christ, when the ballot by means of tabellae was introduced. [Leges Tabellariae.] It appears, however, that the popular assemblies voted by ballot, as well as by word of mouth, long before the passing of the leges tabellariae, but that instead of using tabellae, they employed stones or pebbles (the Greek ψῆφοι), and that each voter received two stones, one white and the other black, the former to be used in the approval and the latter in the condemnation of a measure. The voting by word of mouth seems to have been adopted in elections and trials, and the use of pebbles to have been confined to the enactment and repeal of laws. Previous to the leges tabellariae, the rogatores, who subsequently collected the written votes, stood at the entrance of the septa, and asked every citizen for his vote, which was taken down, and used to determine the vote of each century. After the introduction of the ballot, if the business was the passing of a law, each citizen was provided with two tabellae, one inscribed V. R. i.e. Uti Rogas, “I vote for the law,” the other inscribed A. i.e. Antiquo, “I am for the old law.” If the business was the election of a magistrate, each citizen was supplied with only one tablet, on which the names of the candidates were written, or the initials of their names; the voter then placed a mark (punctum) against the one for whom he voted, whence puncta are spoken of in the sense of votes. For further particulars respecting the voting in the comitia, see Diribitores and Situla. In judicial assemblies every citizen was provided with three tabellae, one of which was marked with A. i.e. Absolvo, “I acquit;” the second with C. i.e. Condemno, “I condemn;” and the third with N. L. i.e. Non Liquet, “It is not clear to me.” The first of these was called Tabella absolutoria and the second Tabella damnatoria, and hence Cicero calls the former litera salutaris, and the latter litera tristis.—There were in the Campus Martius septa or inclosures (whether they existed from the earliest times is unknown), into which one class of citizens was admitted after another for the purpose of voting. The first that entered were the eighteen centuries of the equites, then followed the first class and so on. It very rarely happened that the lowest class was called upon to vote, as there was no necessity for it, unless the first class did not agree with the equites. After the time when the comitia of the centuries became amalgamated with those of the tribes, a large space near the villa publica was surrounded with an enclosure, and divided into compartments for the several tribes. The whole of this enclosure was called ovile, septa, carceres, or cancelli; and in later times a stone building, containing the whole people, was erected; it was divided into compartments for the classes as well as the tribes and centuries; the access to these compartments was formed by narrow passages called pontes or ponticuli. On entering, the citizens received their tablets, and when they had consulted within the enclosures, they passed out of them again by a pons or ponticulus, at which they threw their vote into a chest (cista) which was watched by rogatores. Hereupon the rogatores collected the tablets, and gave them to the diribitores, who classified and counted the votes, and then handed them over to the custodes, who again checked them off by points marked on a tablet. The order in which the centuries voted was determined in the Servian constitution, in the manner described above; but after the union of the centuries and tribes, the order was determined by lot; and this was a matter of no slight importance, since it frequently happened that the vote of the first determined the manner in which subsequent ones voted. In the case of elections, the successful candidate was proclaimed twice, first by the praeco, and then by the president, and without this renuntiatio the election was not valid. After all the business was done, the president pronounced a prayer, and dismissed the assembly with the word discedite.—Cases are frequently mentioned in which the proceedings of the assembly were disturbed, so that it was necessary to defer the business till another day. This occurred—1, when it was discovered that the auspices had been unfavourable, or when the gods manifested their displeasure by rain, thunder, or lightning; 2, when a tribune interceded; 3, when the sun set before the business was over, for it was a principle that the auspices were valid only for one day from sunrise to sunset; 4, when a morbus comitialis occurred, i.e. when one of the assembled citizens was seized with an epileptic fit; 5, when the vexillum was taken away from the Janiculum, this being a signal which all citizens had to obey; 6, when any tumult or insurrection broke out in the city.

(3) Comitia tributa. These assemblies likewise were called into existence by the constitution of Servius Tullius, who divided the Roman territory into thirty local tribes. It is a disputed question whether the patricians were originally included in these tribes; but, whether they were or not, it is certain, that by far the majority of the people in the tribes were plebeians, and that, consequently, the character of these assemblies was essentially plebeian. After the decemvirate, the patricians had certainly the right of voting in the assemblies of the tribes, which were then also convened by the higher magistrates. The assemblies of the tribes had originally only a local power; they were intended to collect the tributum, and to furnish the contingents for the army; they may further have discussed the internal affairs of each tribe, such as the making or keeping up of roads, wells, and the like. But their influence gradually increased, and they at length acquired the following powers:—1. The election of the inferior magistrates, whose office it was to protect the commonalty or to superintend the affairs of the tribes. Hence the tribunes of the plebs were elected in the comitia tributa. In like manner, the aediles were elected by them, though the curule aediles were elected at a different time from the plebeian aediles and under the presidency of a consul. At a still later time, the quaestors and tribunes of the soldiers, who had before been appointed by the consuls, were appointed in the assemblies of the tribes. The proconsuls to be sent into the provinces, and the prolongation of the imperium for a magistrate who was already in a province, were likewise points which were determined by the tribes in later times. The inferior magistrates elected by the tribes are:—the triumviri capitales, triumviri monetales, the curatores viarum, decemviri litibus judicandis, tribuni aerarii, magistri vicorum et pagorum, praefecti annonae, duumviri navales, quinqueviri muris turribusque reficiendis, triumviri coloniae deducendae, triumviri, quatuorviri, &c., mensarii, and lastly, after the Domitian law, B.C. 104, also the members of colleges of priests. The pontifex maximus had been elected by the people from an earlier time. 2. The legislative power of the comitia tributa was at first very insignificant, for all they could do was to make regulations concerning the local affairs of the tribes. But after a time, when the tribes began to be the real representatives of the people, matters affecting the whole people also were brought before them by the tribunes, which, framed as resolutions, were laid before the senate, where they might either be sanctioned or rejected. This practice of the tributa comitia gradually acquired for them the right of taking the initiative in any measure, or the right of originating measures, until, in B.C. 449, this right was recognised and sanctioned by a law of L. Valerius Publicola and M. Horatius Barbatus. This law gave to the decrees passed by the tribes the power of a real lex, binding upon the whole people, provided they obtained the sanction of the senate and the populus, that is, the people assembled in the comitia curiata or in the comitia centuriata. In B.C. 339, the Publilian law enacted ut plebiscita omnes Quirites tenerent. This law was either a re-enactment of the one passed in B.C. 449, or contained a more detailed specification of the cases in which plebiscita should be binding upon the whole nation, or, lastly, it made their validity independent of the sanction of other comitia, so that nothing would be required except the assent of the senate. In B.C. 287, the Hortensian law was passed, which seems to have been only a revival and a confirmation of the two preceding laws, for it was framed in almost the same terms; but it may also be, that the Hortensian law made the plebiscita independent of the sanction of the senate, so that henceforth the comitia tributa were quite independent in their legislative character. 3. The judicial power of the comitia tributa was much more limited than that of the comitia centuriata, inasmuch as they could take cognizance only of offences against the majesty of the people, while all crimes committed against the state were brought before the centuries. Even patricians, when they had offended against the commonalty or its members, were tried and fined by the tribes. This again constitutes a difference between the judicial power of the centuries and that of the tribes, for the former could inflict capital punishment, but the latter only fines. The comitia tributa might assemble either within or without the city, but not farther from it than 1000 paces, because the power of the tribunes did not extend farther. For elections the Campus Martius was usually chosen, but sometimes also the forum, the Capitol, or the Circus Flaminius. The presidents were commonly the tribunes, who were supported by the aediles, and no matter could be brought before the tribes without the knowledge and consent of the tribunes. As the comitia tributa, however, more and more assumed the character of national assemblies, the higher magistrates also sometimes acted as presidents, though perhaps not without previously obtaining the permission of the tribunes. The preparations for the comitia tributa were less formal and solemn than for those of the centuries. In the case of elections, the candidates had to give in their names, and the president communicated them to the people. When a legislative measure was to be brought before the assembly, a tribune made the people acquainted with it in contiones, and that on the three preceding nundines. The same was the case when the people were to meet as a court of justice. The auspicia were not consulted for the comitia of the tribes, but the spectio alone was sufficient, and the tribunes had the right of obnuntiatio. In the comitia the tribune who had been chosen to preside sat on the tribunal supported by his colleagues, and laid before the people the subject of the meeting, concluding with the words velitis, jubeatis Quirites. The bill was never read by the tribune himself, but by a praeco, and then began the debates, in which persons might either oppose or recommend the measure, though private persons had to ask the tribunes for permission to speak. When the discussion was over the president called upon the people ite in suffragium, as at the comitia centuriata. They then formed themselves into their tribes, which, like the centuries, ascertained their own votes in enclosures (septa). Which of the 35 tribes was to give its vote first, was determined by lot, and that tribe was called praerogativa or principium (the others were termed jure vocatae). The vote of the first tribe was given by some person of distinction whose name was mentioned in the plebiscitum, if it was of a legislative nature. The manner of collecting the votes was, on the whole, the same as in the comitia centuriata. The announcing of the result of the votes was the renuntiatio. If it so happened that two candidates had the same number of votes, the question was decided by drawing lots. The circumstances which might cause the meeting to break up and defer its business till another day, are the same as those which put an end to the comitia centuriata.

(4) The comitia centuriata mixed with the comitia tributa.—The Servian constitution was retained unaltered so long as no great change took place in the republic; but when the coinage and the standard of property had become altered, when the constitution of the army had been placed on a different footing, and, above all, when the plebeians began to be recognized as a great and essential element in the Roman state, it must have been found inconvenient to leave to the equites and the first class so great a preponderance in the comitia of the centuries, and it became necessary to secure more power and influence to the democratic element. A change, therefore, took place, and the comitia centuriata became mixed with the comitia tributa; but neither the time nor the exact nature of this change is accurately ascertained. Some refer it to the censorship of C. Flaminius, B.C. 220, others to that of Q. Fabius and P. Decius, B.C. 304. But there is evidence that it must be assigned to even an earlier date than this, for the (tribus) praerogativa is mentioned as early as B.C. 396 in the election of the consular tribunes, where the pure comitia tributa cannot be meant, and a centuria praerogativa is a thing unknown. With regard to the manner of the change, the most probable opinion is, that the citizens of each tribe were divided into five property classes, each consisting of seniores and juniores, so that each of the 35 tribes contained ten centuries, and all the tribes together 350 centuries. According to this new arrangement, the five ancient classes, divided into seniores and juniores, continued to exist as before, but henceforth they were most closely united with the tribes, whereas before the tribes had been mere local divisions and entirely independent of property. The union now effected was that the classes became subdivisions of the tribes, and that accordingly centuries occur both in the classes and in the tribes. Each tribe contained ten centuries, two of the first class (one of the seniores and one of the juniores), two of the second (likewise seniores and juniores), two of the third, two of the fourth, and two of the fifth class. The equites were likewise divided according to tribes and centuries, and they seem to have voted with the first class, and to have been in fact included in it, so as to be called centuries of the first class. The centuries of the cornicines, tubicines and fabri, which are no longer mentioned, probably ceased to exist as distinct centuries. The voting by tribes can hardly be conceived, except in those cases in which the ten centuries of every tribe were unanimous; this may have been the case very often, and when it was so, the tribus praerogativa was certainly the tribe chosen by lot to give its unanimous vote first. But if there was any difference of opinion among the centuries making up a tribe, the true majority could only be ascertained by choosing by lot one of the 70 centuriae of the first class to give its vote first, or rather it was decided by lot from which tribe the two centuries of the first class were to be taken to give their vote first. (Hence the plural praerogativae.) The tribe, moreover, to which those centuries belonged which voted first, was itself likewise called tribus praerogativa. Of the two centuries, again, that of seniores gave its vote before the juniores, and in the documents both were called by the name of their tribe, as Galeria juniorum, i.e. the juniores of the first class in the tribus Galeria, Aniensis juniorum, Veturia juniorum. As soon as the praerogativa had voted, the renuntiatio took place, and the remaining centuries then deliberated whether they should vote the same way or not. When this was done all the centuries of the first tribe proceeded to vote at once, for there would not have been time for the 350 centuries to vote one after another, as was done by the 193 centuries in the comitia centuriata.—These comitia of the centuries combined with the tribes were far more democratical than the comitia of the centuries; they continued to be held, and preserved their power along with the comitia tributa, even after the latter had acquired their supreme importance in the republic. During the time of the moral and political corruption of the Romans, the latter appear to have been chiefly attended by the populace, which was guided by the tribunes, and the wealthier and more respectable citizens had little influence in them. When the libertini and all the Italians were incorporated in the old thirty-five tribes, and when the political corruption had reached its height, no trace of the sedate and moderate character was left by which the comitia tributa had been distinguished in former times. Under Augustus the comitia still sanctioned new laws and elected magistrates, but their whole proceedings were a mere farce, for they could not venture to elect any other persons than those recommended by the emperor. Tiberius deprived the people even of this shadow of their former power, and conferred the power of election upon the senate. When the elections were made by the senate the result was announced to the people assembled as comitia centuriata or tributa. Legislation was taken away from the comitia entirely, and was completely in the hands of the senate and the emperor. From this time the comitia may be said to have ceased to exist, as all the sovereign power formerly possessed by the people was conferred upon the emperor by the lex regia. [Lex Regia.]

COMMĔĀTUS, a furlough, or leave of absence from the army for a certain time.

COMMENTĀRĬUS or COMMENTĀRĬUM, a book of memoirs or memorandum-book, whence the expression Caesaris Commentarii. It is also used for a lawyer’s brief, the notes of a speech, &c.

COMMERCĬUM. [Civitas (Roman).]

CŌMOEDĬA (κωμῳδία), comedy. (1) Greek. Comedy took its rise at the vintage festivals of Dionysus. It originated with those who led off the phallic songs of the band of revellers (κῶμος), who at the vintage festivals of Dionysus gave expression to the feelings of exuberant joy and merriment which were regarded as appropriate to the occasion, by parading about, partly on foot, partly in waggons, with the symbol of the productive powers of nature, singing a wild, jovial song in honour of Dionysus and his companions. These songs were commonly interspersed with, or followed by petulant, extemporal witticisms with which the revellers assailed the bystanders. This origin of comedy is indicated by the name κωμῳδία, which undoubtedly means “the song of the κῶμος,” though it has sometimes been derived from κώμη, as if the meaning were “a village song.” It was among the Dorians that comedy first assumed any thing of a regular shape. The Megarians, both in the mother country and in Sicily, claimed to be considered as its originators, and so far as the comedy of Athens is concerned, the claim of the former appears well founded. Among the Athenians the first attempts at comedy were made at Icaria by Susarion, a native of Megara, about B.C. 578. Susarion no doubt substituted for the more ancient improvisations of the chorus and its leader premeditated compositions. There would seem also to have been some kind of poetical contest, for we learn that the prize for the successful poet was a basket of figs and a jar of wine. It was also the practice of those who took part in the comus to smear their faces with wine-lees, either to prevent their features from being recognised, or to give themselves a more grotesque appearance. Hence comedy came to be called τρυγῳδία, or lee-song. Others connected the name with the circumstance of a jar of new wine (τρύξ) being the prize for the successful poet. It was, however, in Sicily, that comedy was earliest brought to something like perfection. Epicharmus was the first writer who gave it a new form, and introduced a regular plot. In his efforts he appears to have been associated with Phormis, a somewhat older contemporary. The Megarians in Sicily claimed the honour of the invention of comedy, on account of Epicharmus having lived in Megara before he went to Syracuse. In Attica, the first comic poet of any importance whom we hear of after Susarion is Chionides, who is said to have brought out plays in B.C. 488. Euetes, Euxenides, and Myllus were probably contemporaries of Chionides; he was followed by Magnes and Ecphantides. Their compositions, however, seem to have been little but the reproduction of the old Megaric farce of Susarion, differing, no doubt, in form, by the introduction of an actor or actors, separate from the chorus, in imitation of the improvements that had been made in tragedy.—That branch of the Attic drama which was called the Old Comedy, begins properly with Cratinus, who was to comedy very much what Aeschylus was to tragedy. The old comedy has been described as the comedy of caricature, and such indeed it was, but it was also a great deal more. As it appeared in the hands of its great masters Cratinus, Hermippus, Eupolis, and especially Aristophanes, its main characteristic was that it was throughout political. Everything that bore upon the political or social interests of the Athenians furnished materials for it. The old Attic comedy lasted from Ol. 80 to Ol. 94 (B.C. 458-404). From Cratinus to Theopompus there were forty-one poets, fourteen of whom preceded Aristophanes. The later pieces of Aristophanes belong to the Middle rather than to the Old Comedy. The chorus in a comedy consisted of twenty-four. [Chorus.] The dance of the chorus was the κόρδαξ, the movements of which were capricious and licentious, consisting partly in a reeling to and fro, in imitation of a drunken man, and in various unseemly and immodest gestures. Comedies have choric songs, but no στάσιμα, or songs between acts. The most important of the choral parts was the Parabasis, when the actors having left the stage, the chorus, which was ordinarily divided into four rows, containing six each, and was turned towards the stage, turned round, and advancing towards the spectators delivered an address to them in the name of the poet, either on public topics of general interest, or on matters which concerned the poet personally, criticising his rivals and calling attention to his merits; the address having nothing whatever to do with the action of the play. The parabasis was not universally introduced: three plays of Aristophanes, the Ecclesiazusae, Lysistrata, and Plutus, have none. As the old Attic comedy was the offspring of the political and social vigour and freedom of the age during which it flourished, it naturally declined and ceased with the decline and overthrow of the freedom and vigour which were necessary for its development.—It was replaced by a comedy of a somewhat different style, which was known as the Middle Comedy, the age of which lasted from the end of the Peloponnesian war to the overthrow of liberty by Philip of Macedon. (Ol. 94-110.) The comedy of this period found its materials in satirizing classes of people instead of individuals, in criticising the systems and merits of philosophers and literary men, and in parodies of the compositions of living and earlier poets, and travesties of mythological subjects. It formed a transition from the old to the new comedy, and approximated to the latter in the greater attention to the construction of plots which seem frequently to have been founded on amorous intrigues, and in the absence of that wild grotesqueness which marked the old comedy. As regards its external form, the plays of the middle comedy, generally speaking, had neither parabasis nor chorus. The most celebrated authors of the middle comedy were Antiphanes and Alexis.—The New Comedy was a further development of the last mentioned kind. It answered as nearly as may be to the modern comedy of manners or character. Dropping for the most part personal allusions, caricature, ridicule, and parody, which, in a more general form than in the old comedy, had maintained their ground in the middle comedy, the poets of the new comedy made it their business to reproduce in a generalized form a picture of the every-day life of those by whom they were surrounded. There were various standing characters which found a place in most plays, such as we find in the plays of Plautus and Terence, the leno perjurus, amator fervidus, servulus callidus, amica illudens, sodalis opitulator, miles proeliator, parasitus edax, parentes tenaces, meretrices procaces. In the new comedy there was no chorus. It flourished from about B.C. 340 to B.C. 260. The poets of the new comedy amounted to 64 in number. The most distinguished was Menander.—(2) Roman.—The accounts of the early stages of comic poetry among the Romans are scanty. Scenic entertainments were introduced at Rome in B.C. 363 from Etruria, where it would seem they were a familiar amusement. Tuscan players (ludiones), who were fetched from Etruria, exhibited a sort of pantomimic dance to the music of a flute, without any song accompanying their dance, and without regular dramatic gesticulation. The amusement became popular, and was imitated by the young Romans, who improved upon the original entertainment by uniting with it extemporaneous mutual raillery, composed in a rude irregular measure, a species of diversion which had been long known among the Romans at their agrarian festivals under the name of Fescennina [Fescennina]. It was 123 years after the first introduction of these scenic performances before the improvement was introduced of having a regular plot. This advance was made by Livius Andronicus, a native of Magna Graecia, in B.C. 240. His pieces, which were both tragedies and comedies, were merely adaptations of Greek dramas. The representation of regular plays of this sort was now left to those who were histriones by profession, and who were very commonly either foreigners or slaves; the free-born youth of Rome confined their own scenic performances to the older, irregular farces, which long maintained their ground, and were subsequently called exodia. [Exodia; Satura.] Livius, as was common at that time, was himself an actor in his own pieces. The first imitator of the dramatic works of Livius Andronicus was Cn. Naevius, a native of Campania. He composed both tragedies and comedies, which were either translations or imitations of those of Greek writers. The most distinguished successors of Naevius were Plautus, who chiefly imitated Epicharmus, and Terence, whose materials were drawn mostly from Menander, Diphilus, Philemon, and Apollodorus. The comedy of the Romans was throughout but an imitation of that of the Greeks, and chiefly of the new comedy. Where the characters were ostensibly Greek, and the scene laid in Athens or some other Greek town, the comedies were termed palliatae. All the comedies of Terence and Plautus belong to this class. When the story and characters were Roman, the plays were called togatae. But the fabulae togatae were in fact little else than Greek comedies clothed in a Latin dress.

The togatae were divided into two classes, the trabeatae and tabernariae, according as the subject was taken from high or from low life. In the comediae palliatae, the costume of the ordinary actors was the Greek pallium. The plays which bore the name of praetextatae, were not so much tragedies as historical plays. It is a mistake to represent them as comedies. There was a species of tragi-comedy, named from the poet who introduced that style Rhinthonica. A tragedy the argument of which was Greek was termed crepidata. The mimes are sometimes classed with the Latin comedies. [Mimus.] The mimes differed from the comedies in little more than the predominance of the mimic representation over the dialogue. Latin comedies had no chorus, any more than the dramas of the new comedy, of which they were for the most part imitations. Like them, too, they were introduced by a prologue, which answered some of the purposes of the parabasis of the old comedy, so far as bespeaking the good will of the spectators, and defending the poet against his rivals and enemies. It also communicated so much information as was necessary to understand the story of the play. The prologue was commonly spoken by one of the players, or, perhaps, by the manager of the troop. Respecting the Atellanae fabulae see that article.

COMPĬTĀLĬA, also called LŪDI COMPĬTĀLĬCĬI, a festival celebrated once a year in honour of the lares compitales, to whom sacrifices were offered at the places where two or more ways met. In the time of Augustus, the ludi compitalicii had gone out of fashion, but were restored by him. The compitalia belonged to the feriae conceptivae, that is, festivals which were celebrated on days appointed annually by the magistrates or priests. The exact day on which this festival was celebrated appears to have varied, though it was always in the winter, generally at the beginning of January.

COMPLŪVĬUM. [Domus.]

CONCĬLĬUM generally has the same meaning as conventus or conventio, but the technical import of concilium in the Roman constitution was an assembly of a portion of the people as distinct from the general assemblies or comitia. Accordingly, as the comitia tributa embraced only a portion of the Roman people, viz. the plebeians, these comitia are often designated by the term concilia plebis. Concilium is also used by Latin writers to denote the assemblies or meetings of confederate towns or nations, at which either their deputies alone or any of the citizens met who had time and inclination, and thus formed a representative assembly. Such an assembly or diet is commonly designated as commune concilium, or τὸ κοινόν, e.g. Achaeorum, Aetolorum, Boeotorum, Macedoniae, and the like.

CONFARRĔĀTĬO. [Matrimonium.]

CONGĬĀRĬUM (scil. vas, from congius), a vessel containing a congius. [Congius.] In the early times of the Roman republic the congius was the usual measure of oil or wine which was, on certain occasions, distributed among the people; and thus congiarium became a name for liberal donations to the people, in general, whether consisting of oil, wine, corn, money, or other things, while donations made to the soldiers were called donativa, though they were sometimes also termed congiaria. Many coins of the Roman emperors were struck in commemoration of such congiaria. Congiarium was, moreover, occasionally used simply to designate a present or a pension given by a person of high rank, or a prince, to his friends.

CONGĬUS, a Roman liquid measure, which contained six sextarii, or the eighth part of the amphora (nearly six pints Eng.) It was equal to the larger chous of the Greeks.

CONNUBĬUM. [Matrimonium.]

CŌNŌPĒUM (κωνωπεῖον), a gnat or musquito-curtain, i.e. a covering made to be expanded over beds and couches to keep away gnats and other flying insects, so called from κώνωψ, a gnat. Conopeum is the origin of the English word canopy.

CONQUĪSĪTŌRES, persons employed to go about the country and impress soldiers, when there was a difficulty in completing a levy. Sometimes commissioners were appointed by a decree of the senate for the purpose of making a conquisitio.

CONSANGUĬNĔI. [Cognati.]

CONSĔCRĀTĬO. [Apotheosis.]

CONSĬLĬUM. [Conventus.]

CONSUĀLĬA, a festival, with games, celebrated by the Romans, according to Ovid and others, in honour of Consus, the god of secret deliberations, or, according to Livy, of Neptunus Equestris. Some writers, however, say that Neptunus Equestris and Consus were only different names for one and the same deity. It was solemnised every year in the circus, by the symbolical ceremony of uncovering an altar dedicated to the god, which was buried in the earth. For Romulus, who was considered as the founder of the festival, was said to have discovered an altar in the earth on that spot. The solemnity took place on the 21st of August with horse and chariot races, and libations were poured into the flames which consumed the sacrifices. During these festive games horses and mules were not allowed to do any work, and were adorned with garlands of flowers. It was at their first celebration that, according to the ancient legend, the Sabine maidens were carried off.

CONSUL (ὕπατος), the title of the two chief officers or magistrates of the Roman republic. The word is probably composed of con and sul, which contains the same root as the verb salio, so that consules signifies “those who come together,” just as praesul means “one who goes before,” and exsul, “one who goes out.” The consulship is said to have been instituted upon the expulsion of the kings in B.C. 509, when the kingly power was transferred to two magistrates, whose office lasted only for one year, that it might not degenerate into tyranny by being vested longer in the same persons; and for the same reason two were appointed instead of one king, as neither could undertake anything unless it was sanctioned and approved by his colleague. Their original title was praetores, or commanders of the armies, but this was changed into that of consules in B.C. 449, and the latter title remained in use until the latest periods of the Roman empire.—The consuls were at first elected from the patricians exclusively. Their office was suspended in B.C. 451, and its functions were performed by ten high commissioners (decemviri), appointed to frame a code of laws. On the re-establishment of the consulship in B.C. 449, the tribunes proposed that one of the consuls should be chosen from the plebeians, but this was strenuously resisted by the patricians, and a compromise effected by suspending the consular office, and creating in its stead military tribunes (tribuni militum) with consular power, who might be elected indifferently both from the patricians and plebeians. They were first appointed in B.C. 444. The plebeians, however, were not satisfied with this concession, and still endeavoured to attain the higher dignity of the consulship. At length, after a serious and long-protracted struggle between the two orders, it was enacted by the Licinian law, in B.C. 367, that henceforth the consulship should be divided between the patricians and plebeians, and that one of the consuls should always be a plebeian. Accordingly, in B.C. 366 L. Sextius was elected the first plebeian consul. This law, however, was not always observed, and it still frequently happened that both consuls were patricians, until, in later times, when the difference between the two orders had entirely ceased, and the plebeians were on a footing of perfect equality with the patricians, the consuls were elected from both orders indiscriminately.—During the later periods of the republic it was customary for persons to pass through several subordinate magistracies before they were elected consuls, though this rule was departed from in many particular cases. The age at which a person was eligible to the consulship was fixed in B.C. 180, by the lex annalis [Lex Annalis], at 43.—The election of the consuls always took place in the comitia of the centuries, some time before the expiration of the official year of the actual consuls, and the election was conducted either by the actual consuls themselves, or by an interrex or a dictator, and the persons elected, until they entered upon their office, were called consules designati. While they were designati, they were in reality no more than private persons, but still they might exercise considerable influence upon public affairs, for in the senate they were asked for their opinion first. If they had been guilty of any illegal act, either before or during their election, such as bribery (ambitus), they were liable to prosecution, and the election might be declared void.—The time at which the old consuls laid down their office and the consules designati entered upon theirs, differed at different times. The first consuls are said to have entered upon their office in October, then we find mention of the 1st of August, of the ides of December, the 1st of July, and very frequently of the ides of March, until, in B.C. 153, it became an established rule for the consuls to enter upon their duties on the 1st of January; and this custom remained down to the end of the republic. On that day the senators, equites, and citizens of all classes conducted in a procession (deductio or processus consularis) the new magistrates from their residence to the capitol, where, if the auspices were favourable, the consuls offered up sacrifices, and were inaugurated. From thence the procession went to the curia, where the senate assembled, and where the consuls returned thanks for their election. There they might also speak on any subject that was of importance to the republic, such as peace and war, the distribution of provinces, the general condition of the state, the feriae Latinae, and the like. During the first five days of their office they had to convoke a contio, and publicly to take a solemn oath, by which, in the earliest times, they pledged themselves not to allow any one to assume regal power at Rome, but afterwards only to maintain the laws of the republic (in leges jurare). On the expiration of their office they had to take another oath, stating that they had faithfully obeyed the laws, and not done anything against the constitution. The new consuls on entering upon their office usually invited their friends to a banquet. When a consul died during his year of office, his colleague immediately convoked the comitia to elect a new one. A consul thus elected to fill a vacancy was called consul suffectus, but his powers were not equal to those of an ordinary consul, for he could not preside at the elections of other magistrates, not even in the case of the death of his colleague. In the latter case, as well as when the consuls were prevented by illness or other circumstances, the comitia were held by an interrex or a dictator.—The outward distinctions of the consuls were, with few exceptions, the same as those which had formerly belonged to the kings. The principal distinction was the twelve lictors with the fasces, who preceded the consuls; but the axes did not appear in the fasces within the city. This outward sign of their power was taken by the consuls in turn every month, and while one consul was preceded by the twelve lictors with their fasces, the other was during the same month preceded by an accensus, and followed by the lictors; and the one was called during that month consul major, and the other consul minor. Other distinctions of the consuls were the curule chair (sella curulis), and the toga with the purple hem (toga praetexta). The ivory sceptre (scipio or sceptrum) and purple toga were not distinctions of the consuls in general, but only when they celebrated a triumph. Under the empire a consul was sometimes distinguished by the senate with a sceptre bearing an eagle on the top, but his regular ensigns consisted of the toga picta, the trabea, and the fasces, both within and without the city.—The consuls were the highest ordinary magistrates at Rome. Their power was at first quite equal to that of the kings, except that it was limited to one year, and that the office of high priest, which had been vested in the king, was at the very beginning detached from the consulship, and given to the rex sacrorum or rex sacrificulus. Yet the auspicia majora continued to belong to the consuls. This regal power of the consuls, however, was gradually curtailed by various laws, especially by the institution of the tribunes of the plebs, whose province it was to protect the plebeians against the unjust or oppressive commands of the patrician magistrates. Nay, in the course of time, whole branches of the consular power were detached from it; the reason for which was, that, as the patricians were compelled to allow the plebeians a share in the highest magistracy, they stripped it of as much of its original power as they could, and reserved these detached portions for themselves. In this manner the censorship was detached from the consulship in B.C. 443, and the praetorship in B.C. 367. But notwithstanding all this, the consuls remained the highest magistrates, and all other magistrates, except the tribunes of the plebs, were obliged to obey their commands, and show them great outward respect. The functions of the consuls during the time of the republic may be conveniently described under the following heads:—1. They were in all civil matters the heads of the state, being invested with the imperium, which emanated from the sovereign people, and which they held during the time of their office. In this capacity they had the right of convoking both the senate and the assembly of the people; they presided in each (in the comitia of the curies as well as in those of the centuries), and they took care that the resolutions of the senate and people were carried into effect. They might also convoke contiones, whenever they thought it necessary. In the senate they conducted the discussions, and put the questions to the vote, thus exercising the greatest influence upon all matters which were brought before the senate either by themselves or by others. When a decree was passed by the senate, the consuls were usually commissioned to see that it was carried into effect; though there are also instances of the consuls opposing a decree of the senate. 2. The supreme command of the armies belonged to the consuls alone by virtue of their imperium. Accordingly, when a war was decreed, they were ordered by a senatus consultum to levy the troops, whose number was determined by the senate, and they appointed most of the other military officers. While at the head of their armies they had full power of life and death over their soldiers, who, on their enrolment, had to take an oath (sacramentum) to be faithful and obedient to the commands of the consuls. When the consuls had entered upon their office, the senate assigned them their provinces, that is, their spheres of action, and the consuls either settled between themselves which province each was to have, or, which was more common, they drew lots. Usually one consul remained at Rome, while the other went out at the head of the army: sometimes both left the city, and carried on war in different quarters; and sometimes, when the danger was very pressing, both consuls commanded the armies against one and the same enemy. If it was deemed advisable, the imperium of one or of both consuls was prolonged for the particular province in which they were engaged, in which case they had the title of proconsuls [Proconsul], and their successors either remained at Rome, or were engaged in other quarters. During the latter period of the republic the consuls remained at Rome during the time of their office, and on its expiration they had a foreign province (in the real sense of the word) assigned to them, where they undertook either the peaceful administration, or carried on war against internal or external enemies. While in their provinces, both the consuls and proconsuls had the power of life and death over the provincials, for they were looked upon there as the chief military commanders; and the provincials, being peregrini, did not enjoy the privileges of Roman citizens. 3. The supreme jurisdiction was part of the consular imperium, and as such vested in the consuls so long as there were no praetors. In civil cases they administered justice to the patricians as well as plebeians, either acting themselves as judices, or appointing others as judices and arbitri. In criminal cases there appears from early times to have been this difference: that patricians charged with capital offences were tried by the curies, while the plebeians came under the jurisdiction of the consuls, whose power, however, was in this case rather limited, partly by the intercession of the tribunes of the people, and partly by the right of appeal (provocatio) from the sentence of the consuls. The consuls might, further, summon any citizen before their tribunal, and, in case of disobedience, seize him (prendere), and fine him up to a certain amount. After the institution of the praetorship, the consuls no longer possessed any regular ordinary jurisdiction; and whenever they exercised it, it was an exception to the general custom, and only by a special command of the senate. 4. Previous to the institution of the censorship the consuls had to perform all the functions which afterwards belonged to the censors: they were accordingly the highest officers of finance, held the census, drew up the lists of the senators, equites, &c. After the establishment of the censorship they still retained the general superintendence of the public economy, inasmuch as they had the keys of the aerarium, and as the quaestors or paymasters were dependent on them. But still in the management of the finances the consuls were at all times under the control of the senate. 5. In all relations with foreign states the consuls were the representatives of the Roman republic. Hence they might conclude peace or treaties with foreign nations, which had, however, to be sanctioned by the senate and people at Rome; and unless this sanction was obtained a treaty was void. They received foreign ambassadors, and introduced them into the senate, and in short all negotiations with foreign princes or nations passed through their hands. 6. In matters connected with their own official functions, the consuls, like all other magistrates, had the power of issuing proclamations or orders (edicta), which might be binding either for the occasion only, or remain in force permanently.—Although the consular power had been gradually diminished, it was in cases of imminent danger restored to its original and full extent, by a decree of the senate calling upon the consuls videant ne quid res publica detrimenti capiat. In such cases the consuls received sovereign power, but they were responsible for the manner in which they had exercised it.—It has already been observed, that to avoid collision and confusion, the two consuls did not possess the same power at the same time, but that each had the imperium every other month. The one who possessed it, as the consul major, exercised all the rights of the office, though he always consulted his colleague. In the earliest times it was customary for the elder of the two consuls to take the imperium first, afterwards the one who had had the greater number of votes at the election, and had therefore been proclaimed (renuntiare) first. In the time of Augustus it was enacted that the consul who had most children should take precedence of the other; and some distinction of rank continued to be observed down to the latest times of the empire.—Towards the end of the republic the consulship lost its power and importance. The first severe blow it received was from Julius Caesar, the dictator, for he received the consulship in addition to his dictatorship, or he arbitrarily ordered others to be elected, who were mere nominal officers, and were allowed to do nothing without his sanction. He himself was elected consul at first for five, then for ten years, and at last for life. Under Augustus the consulship was a mere shadow of what it had been: the consuls no longer held their office for a whole year, but usually for a few months only; and hence it happened that sometimes one year saw six, twelve, or even twenty-five consuls. Those who were elected the first in the year ranked higher than the rest, and their names alone were used to mark the year, according to the ancient custom of the Romans of marking the date of an event by the names of the consuls of the year in which the event occurred. During the last period of the empire it became the practice to have titular or honorary consuls, who were elected by the senate and confirmed by the emperor. Constantine appointed two consuls, one for Rome and another for Constantinople, who held their office for a whole year, and whose functions were only those of chief justices. All the other consuls were designated as honorarii or consulares. But though the consulship had thus become almost an empty title, it was still regarded as the highest dignity in the empire, and as the object of the greatest ambition. It was connected with very great expenses, partly on account of the public games which a consul had to provide, and partly on account of the large donations he had to make to the people. The last consul at Rome was Decimus Theodorus Paulinus, A.D. 536, and at Constantinople, Flavius Basilius junior, A.D. 541.

CONSŬLARIS, signified, under the republic, a person who had held the office of consul; but under the empire, it was the title of many magistrates and public officers, who enjoyed the insignia of consular dignity, without having filled the office of consul. Thus we find commanders of armies and governors of provinces called Consulares under the empire.

CONTĬO, a contraction for conventio, that is, a meeting, or a conventus. In the technical sense, however, a contio was an assembly of the people at Rome convened by a magistrate for the purpose of making the people acquainted with measures which were to be brought before the next comitia, and of working upon them either to support or oppose the measure. But no question of any kind could be decided by a contio, and this constitutes the difference between contiones and comitia. Still contiones were also convened for other purposes, e.g. of persuading the people to take part in a war, or of bringing complaints against a party in the republic. Every magistrate had the right to convene contiones, but it was most frequently exercised by the consuls and tribunes, and the latter more especially exercised a great influence over the people in and through these contiones. A magistrate who was higher in rank than the one who had convened a contio, had the right to order the people to disperse, if he disapproved of the object. It should be remarked, that the term contio is also used to designate the speeches and harangues addressed to the people in an assembly, and that in a loose mode of speaking, contio denotes any assembly of the people.

CONTŬBERNĀLES (σύσκηνοι), signified originally men who served in the same army and lived in the same tent. The word is derived from taberna (afterwards tabernaculum), which was the original name for a military tent, as it was made of boards (tabulae). Each tent was occupied by ten soldiers (contubernales), with a subordinate officer at their head, who was called decanus, and in later times caput contubernii. Young Romans of illustrious families used to accompany a distinguished general on his expeditions, or to his province, for the purpose of gaining under his superintendence a practical training in the art of war, or in the administration of public affairs, and were, like soldiers living in the same tent, called his contubernales. In a still wider sense, the name contubernales was applied to persons connected by ties of intimate friendship, and living under the same roof; and hence, when a freeman and a slave, or two slaves, who were not allowed to contract a legal marriage, lived together as husband and wife, they were called contubernales; and their connection, as well as their place of residence, contubernium.

CONTŬBERNĬUM. [Contubernales.]

CONVĔNĪRE IN MĂNUM. [Matrimonium.]

CONVENTUS, was the name applied to the whole body of Roman citizens who were either permanently or for a time settled in a province. In order to facilitate the administration of justice, a province was divided into a number of districts or circuits, each of which was called conventus, forum, or jurisdictio. Roman citizens living in a province were entirely under the jurisdiction of the proconsul; and at certain times of the year, fixed by the proconsul, they assembled in the chief town of the district, and this meeting bore the name of conventus (σύνοδος). Hence the expressions—conventus agere, peragere, convocare, dimittere. At this conventus litigant parties applied to the proconsul, who selected a number of judges from the conventus to try their causes. The proconsul himself presided at the trials, and pronounced the sentence according to the views of the judges, who were his assessors (consilium or consiliarii). These conventus appear to have been generally held after the proconsul had settled the military affairs of the province; at least, when Caesar was proconsul of Gaul, he made it a regular practice to hold the conventus after his armies had retired to their winter quarters.

CONVĪVĬUM. [Symposium.]

CŎPHĬNUS (κόφινος, Engl. coffin), a large kind of wicker basket, made of willow branches. It would seem that it was used by the Greeks as a basket or cage for birds. The Romans used it for agricultural purposes, and it sometimes formed a kind of portable hot-bed. Juvenal, when speaking of the Jews, uses the expression cophinus et foenum (a truss of hay), figuratively to designate their poverty.

CORBIS, dim. CORBŬLA, CORBĬCŬLA, a basket of very peculiar form and common use among the Romans, both for agricultural and other purposes. It was made of osiers twisted together, and was of a conical or pyramidal shape. A basket answering precisely to this description, both in form and material, is still to be seen in every-day use among the Campanian peasantry, which is called in the language of the country “la corbella.”

CORBĪTAE, merchantmen of the larger class, so called because they hung out a corbis at the mast-head for a sign. They were also termed onerariae; and hence Plautus, in order to designate the voracious appetites of some women, says, “Corbitam cibi comesse possunt.”

CORNU, a wind instrument, anciently made of horn, but afterwards of brass. Like the tuba, it differed from the tibia in being a larger and more powerful instrument, and from the tuba itself, in being curved nearly in the shape of a C, with a cross-piece to steady the instrument for the convenience of the performer. Hence Ovid says (Met. i. 98):

The classicum, which originally meant a signal, rather than the musical instrument which gave the signal, was usually sounded with the cornu.

The Cornicines and Liticines, the persons who blew the Cornu and Lituus, formed a collegium. In the preceding cut, M. Julius Victor, a member of the Collegium, holds a lituus in his right hand, and touches with his left a cornu on the ground. See engraving under Tuba.

CŎRŌNA (στέφανος), a crown, that is, a circular ornament of metal, leaves, or flowers, worn by the ancients round the head or neck, and used as a festive as well as funereal decoration, and as a reward of talent, military or naval prowess, and civil worth. Its first introduction as an honorary reward is attributable to the athletic games, in some of which it was bestowed as a prize upon the victor. It was the only reward contended for by the Spartans in their gymnic contests, and was worn by them when going to battle. The Romans refined upon the practice of the Greeks, and invented a great variety of crowns formed of different materials, each with a separate appellation, and appropriated to a particular purpose.—I. Corona Obsidionalis. Amongst the honorary crowns bestowed by the Romans for military achievements, the most difficult of attainment, and the one which conferred the highest honour, was the corona obsidionalis, presented by a beleaguered army after its liberation to the general who broke up the siege. It was made of grass, or weeds and wild flowers, thence called corona graminea, and graminea obsidionalis, gathered from the spot on which the beleaguered army had been enclosed.—II. Corona Civica, the second in honour and importance, was presented to the soldier who had preserved the life of a Roman citizen in battle. It was made of the leaves of the oak. The soldier who had acquired this crown had a place reserved next to the senate at all the public spectacles; and they, as well as the rest of the company, rose up upon his entrance. He was freed from all public burthens, as were also his father, and his paternal grandfather; and the person who owed his life to him was bound, ever after, to cherish his preserver as a parent, and afford him all such offices as were due from a son to his father.—III. Corona Navalis or Rostrata, called also Classica. It is difficult to determine whether these were two distinct crowns, or only two denominations for the same one. It seems probable that the navalis corona, besides being a generic term, was inferior in dignity to the latter, and given to the sailor who first boarded an enemy’s ship; whereas the rostrata was given to a commander who destroyed the whole fleet, or gained any very signal victory. At all events, they were both made of gold; and one at least (rostrata) decorated with the beaks of ships like the rostra in the forum. The Athenians likewise bestowed golden crowns for naval services; sometimes upon the person who got his trireme first equipped, and at others upon the captain who had his vessel in the best order.—IV. Corona Muralis, was presented by the general to the first man who scaled the wall of a besieged city. It was made of gold, and decorated with turrets.—V. Corona Castrensis or Vallaris, was presented to the first soldier who surmounted the vallum, and forced an entrance into the enemy’s camp. This crown was made of gold, and ornamented with the palisades (valli) used in forming an entrenchment.—VI. Corona Triumphalis. There were three sorts of triumphal crowns: the first was made of laurel or bay leaves, and was worn round the head of the commander during his triumph; the second was of gold, which, being too large and massive to be worn, was held over the head of the general during his triumph, by a public officer. This crown, as well as the former one, was presented to the victorious general by his army. The third kind, likewise of gold and of great value, was sent as a present from the provinces to the commander. [Aurum Coronarium.]—VII. Corona Ovalis, was given to a commander who obtained only an ovation. It was made of myrtle.—VIII. Corona Oleagina, was made of the olive leaf, and conferred upon the soldiers as well as their commanders.—The Greeks in general made but little use of crowns as rewards of valour in the earlier periods of their history, except as prizes in the athletic contests; but previous to the time of Alexander, crowns of gold were profusely distributed, amongst the Athenians at least, for every trifling feat, whether civil, naval, or military, which, though lavished without much discrimination as far as regards the character of the receiving parties, were still subjected to certain legal restrictions in respect of the time, place, and mode in which they were conferred. They could not be presented but in the public assemblies, and with the consent, that is by suffrage, of the people, or by the senators in their council, or by the tribes to their own members, or by the δημόται to members of their own δῆμος. According to the statement of Aeschines, the people could not lawfully present crowns in any place except in their assembly, nor the senators except in the senate-house; nor, according to the same authority, in the theatre, which is, however, denied by Demosthenes; nor at the public games, and if any crier there proclaimed the crowns he was subject to atimia. Neither could any person holding an office receive a crown whilst he was ὑπεύθυνος, that is, before he had passed his accounts.—The second class of crowns were emblematical and not honorary, and the adoption of them was not regulated by law, but custom. Of these there were also several kinds.—I. Corona Sacerdotalis, was worn by the priests (sacerdotes), with the exception of the pontifex maximus and his minister (camillus), as well as the bystanders, when officiating at the sacrifice. It does not appear to have been confined to any one material.—II. Corona Funebris and Sepulchralis. The Greeks first set the example of crowning the dead with chaplets of leaves and flowers, which was imitated by the Romans. Garlands of flowers were also placed upon the bier, or scattered from the windows under which the procession passed, or entwined about the cinerary urn, or as a decoration to the tomb. In Greece these crowns were commonly made of parsley.—III. Corona Convivialis. The use of chaplets at festive entertainments sprung likewise from Greece. They were of various shrubs and flowers, such as roses (which were the choicest), violets, myrtle, ivy, philyra, and even parsley.—IV. Corona Nuptialis. The bridal wreath was also of Greek origin, among whom it was made of flowers plucked by the bride herself, and not bought, which was of ill omen. Amongst the Romans it was made of verbena, also gathered by the bride herself, and worn under the flammeum, with which the bride was always enveloped. The bridegroom also wore a chaplet. The doors of his house were likewise decorated with garlands, and also the bridal couch.—V. Corona Natalitia, the chaplet suspended over the door of the vestibule, both in the houses of Athens and Rome, in which a child was born. At Athens, when the infant was male, the crown was made of olive; when female, of wool. At Rome it was of laurel, ivy, or parsley.

CŎRŌNIS (κορωνίς), the cornice of an entablature, is properly a Greek word signifying anything curved. It is also used by Latin writers, but the genuine Latin word for a cornice is corona or coronix.

CORTĪNA, the name of the table or hollow slab, supported by a tripod, upon which the priestess at Delphi sat to deliver her responses; and hence the word is used for the oracle itself. The Romans made tables of marble or bronze after the pattern of the Delphian tripod, which they used as we do our sideboards, for the purpose of displaying their plate at an entertainment. These were termed cortinae Delphicae, or Delphicae simply.

CŎRỸBANTĬCA (κορυβαντικά), a festival and mysteries celebrated at Cnossus in Crete, by the Corybantes. (See Class. Dict., Corybantes.)

CŎRYMBUS (κόρυμβος). [Coma.]

CORVUS, a sort of crane, used by C. Duilius against the Carthaginian fleet in the battle fought off Mylae, in Sicily (B.C. 260). The Romans, we are told, being unused to the sea, saw that their only chance of victory was by bringing a sea-fight to resemble one on land. For this purpose they invented a machine, of which Polybius has left a minute description. In the fore part of the ship a round pole was fixed perpendicularly, twenty-four feet in height and about nine inches in diameter; at the top of this was a pivot, upon which a ladder was set, thirty-six feet in length and four in breadth. The ladder was guarded by cross-beams, fastened to the upright pole by a ring of wood, which turned with the pivot above. Along the ladder a rope was passed, one end of which took hold of the corvus by means of a ring. The corvus itself was a strong piece of iron, with a spike at the end, which was raised or lowered by drawing in or letting out the rope. When an enemy’s ship drew near, the machine was turned outwards, by means of the pivot, in the direction of the assailant. Another part of the machine was a breast-work, let down from the ladder, and serving as a bridge, on which to board the enemy’s vessel. By means of these cranes the Carthaginian ships were either broken or closely locked with the Roman, and Duilius gained a complete victory.

CŌRȲTOS or CŌRȲTUS (γωρυτός, κωρυτός), [Arcus.]

COSMĒTAE, a class of slaves among the Romans, whose duty it was to dress and adorn ladies.

COSMI (κοσμοί), the supreme magistrates in Crete, were ten in number, and were chosen, not from the body of the people, but from certain γένη or houses, which were probably of more pure Doric or Achaean descent than their neighbours. The first of them in rank was called protocosmus, and gave his name to the year. They commanded in war, and also conducted the business of the state with the representatives and ambassadors of other cities. Their period of office was a year; but any of them during that time might resign, and was also liable to deposition by his colleagues. In some cases, too, they might be indicted for neglect of their duties. On the whole, we may conclude that they formed the executive and chief power in most of the cities of Crete.

CŎTHURNUS (κόθορνος), a boot. Its essential distinction was its height; it rose above the middle of the leg, so as to surround the calf, and sometimes it reached as high as the knees. It was worn principally by horsemen, by hunters, and by men of rank and authority. The sole of the cothurnus was commonly of the ordinary thickness; but it was sometimes made much thicker than usual, probably by the insertion of slices of cork. The object was, to add to the apparent stature of the wearer; and this was done in the case of the actors in Athenian tragedy, who had the soles made unusually thick as one of the methods adopted in order to magnify their whole appearance. Hence tragedy in general was called cothurnus. As the cothurnus was commonly worn in hunting, it is represented as part of the costume of Artemis (Diana).

COTTĂBUS (κότταβος), a social game which was introduced from Sicily into Greece, where it became one of the favourite amusements of young people after their repasts. The simplest way in which it originally was played was this:—One of the company threw out of a goblet a certain quantity of wine, at a certain distance, into a metal basin. While he was doing this, he either thought of or pronounced the name of his mistress; and if all the wine fell in the basin, and with a full sound, it was a good sign for the lover. This simple amusement soon assumed a variety of different characters, and became, in some instances, a regular contest, with prizes for the victor. One of the most celebrated modes in which it was carried on is called δι’ ὀξυβάφων. A basin was filled with water, with small empty cups (ὀξύβαφα) swimming upon it. Into these the young men, one after another, threw the remnant of the wine from their goblets, and he who had the good fortune to drown most of the bowls obtained the prize, consisting either of simple cakes, sweetmeats, or sesame-cakes.

CŎTYTTĬA (κοττύτια), a festival which was originally celebrated by the Edonians of Thrace, in honour of a goddess called Cotys, or Cotytto. It was held at night. The worship of Cotys, together with the festival of the Cotyttia, was adopted by several Greek states, chiefly those which were induced by their commercial interest to maintain friendly relations with Thrace. The festivals of this goddess were notorious among the ancients for the dissolute manner and the debaucheries with which they were celebrated.

CŎTỸLA (κοτύλη), a measure of capacity among the Romans and Greeks: by the former it was also called hemina; by the latter, τρυβλίον and ἡμίνα or ἡμίμνα. It was the half of the sextarius or ξέστης, and contained 6 cyathi, or nearly half a pint English.

CŎVĪNUS (Celtic, kowain), a kind of car, the spokes of which were armed with long sickles, and which was used as a scythe-chariot chiefly by the ancient Belgians and Britons. The Romans designated, by the name of covinus, a kind of travelling carriage, which seems to have been covered on all sides with the exception of the front. It had no seat for a driver, but was conducted by the traveller himself, who sat inside. The covinarii (this word occurs only in Tacitus) seem to have constituted a regular and distinct part of a British army. Compare Essedum.

CRĀTER (κρατήρ, Ionic κρητήρ, from κεράννυμι, I mix), a vessel in which the wine, according to the custom of the ancients, who very seldom drank it pure, was mixed with water, and from which the cups were filled. Craters were among the first things on the embellishment of which the ancient artists exercised their skill; and the number of craters dedicated in temples seems everywhere to have been very great.

CRĔPĬDA (κρηπίς), a slipper. Slippers were worn with the pallium, not with the toga, and were properly characteristic of the Greeks, though adopted from them by the Romans.

CRĪMEN. Though this word occurs so frequently, it is not easy to fix its meaning. Crimen is often equivalent to accusatio (κατηγορία); but it frequently means an act which is legally punishable. Those delicta which were punishable according to special leges, senatus consulta, and constitutiones, and were prosecuted in judicia publica by an accusatio publica, were more especially called crimina; and the penalties in case of conviction were loss of life, of freedom, of civitas, and the consequent infamia, and sometimes pecuniary penalties also.

CRISTA. [Galea.]

CRĬTES (κριτής), a judge, was the name applied by the Greeks to any person who did not judge of a thing like a δικαστής, according to positive laws, but according to his own sense of justice and equity. But at Athens a number of κριταί was chosen by ballot from a number of selected candidates at every celebration of the Dionysia: they were called οἱ κριταί, κατ’ ἐξοχήν. Their office was to judge of the merit of the different choruses and dramatic poems, and to award the prizes to the victors. Their number was five for comedy and the same number for tragedy, one being taken from every tribe.

CRŌBỸLUS. [Coma.]

CRŎCŌTA (sc. vestis, κροκωτὸν sc. ἱμάτιον, or κροκωτὸς sc. χιτών), was a kind of gala-dress, chiefly worn by women on solemn occasions, and in Greece especially, at the festival of the Dionysia. Its name was derived from crocus, one of the favourite colours of the Greek ladies.

CRŎTĂLUM. [Cymbalum.]

CRUSTA. [Caelatura.]

CRUX (σταυρός, σκόλοψ), an instrument of capital punishment, used by several ancient nations, especially the Romans and Carthaginians. Crucifixion was of two kinds, the less usual sort being rather impalement than what we should describe by the word crucifixion, as the criminal was transfixed by a pole, which passed through the back and spine and came out at the mouth. The cross was of several kinds; one in the shape of an X, called crux Andreana, because tradition reports St. Andrew to have suffered upon it; another was formed like a T. The third, and most common sort, was made of two pieces of wood crossed, so as to make four right angles. It was on this, according to the unanimous testimony of the fathers, that our Saviour suffered. The punishment, as is well known, was chiefly inflicted on slaves, and the worst kind of malefactors. The criminal, after sentence pronounced, carried his cross to the place of execution; a custom mentioned in the Gospels. Scourging appears to have formed a part of this, as of other capital punishments among the Romans; but the scourging of our Saviour is not to be regarded in this light, for it was inflicted before sentence was pronounced. The criminal was next stripped of his clothes and nailed or bound to the cross. The latter was the more painful method, as the sufferer was left to die of hunger. Instances are recorded of persons who survived nine days. It was usual to leave the body on the cross after death. The breaking of the legs of the thieves, mentioned in the Gospels, was accidental; because, by the Jewish law, it is expressly remarked, the bodies could not remain on the cross during the Sabbath-day.

CRYPTA (from κρύπτειν, to conceal), a crypt. Amongst the Romans, any long narrow vault, whether wholly or partially below the level of the earth, is expressed by this term. The specific senses of the word are:—(1) A covered portico or arcade; called more definitely crypto-porticus, because it was not supported by open columns like the ordinary portico, but closed at the sides, with windows only for the admission of light and air.—(2) A grotto, particularly one open at both extremities, forming what in modern language is denominated a “tunnel.” A subterranean vault used for any secret worship was also called crypta.—(3) When the practice of consuming the body by fire was relinquished [Funus], and a number of bodies was consigned to one place of burial, as the catacombs for instance, this common tomb was called crypta.

CRYPTEIA (κρυπτεία), the name of an atrocious practice at Sparta, said to have been introduced by Lycurgus. The following is the description given of the crypteia. The ephors, at intervals, selected from among the young Spartans, those who appeared to be best qualified for the task, and sent them in various directions all over the country, provided with daggers and their necessary food. During the day-time, these young men concealed themselves; but at night they broke forth into the high-roads, and massacred those of the helots whom they met, or whom they thought proper.

CŬBĬCŬLĀRĬI, slaves who had the care of the sleeping and dwelling rooms. Faithful slaves were always selected for this office, as they had, to a certain extent, the care of their master’s person. It was the duty of the cubicularii to introduce visitors to their master.

CŬBĬCŬLUM usually means a sleeping and dwelling room in a Roman house [Domus], but it is also applied to the pavilion or tent in which the Roman emperors were accustomed to witness the public games. It appears to have been so called, because the emperors were accustomed to recline in the cubicula, instead of sitting, as was anciently the practice, in a sella curulis.

CŬBĬTUS (πῆχυς), a Greek and Roman measure of length, originally the length of the human arm from the elbow to the wrist, or to the knuckle of the middle finger. It was equal to a foot and a half, which gives 1 foot 5·4744 inches Eng. for the Roman, and 1 foot 6·2016 inches for the Greek cubit.

CŬCULLUS, a cowl. As the cowl was intended to be used in the open air, and to be drawn over the head to protect it from the injuries of the weather, instead of a hat or cap, it was attached only to garments of the coarsest kind. The cucullus was also used by persons in the higher circles of society, when they wished to go abroad without being known.

CŪDO or CŪDON, a skull-cap made of leather or of the rough shaggy fur of any wild animal, such as were worn by the velites of the Roman armies, and apparently synonymous with galerus or galericulus.

CŪLĔUS, or CULLĔUS, a Roman measure, which was used for estimating the produce of vineyards. It was the largest liquid measure used by the Romans, containing 20 amphorae, or 118 gallons, 7·546 pints.

CŬLĪNA. [Domus, p. 143.]

CULTER (μάχαιρα, κοπίς, or σφαγίς), a knife with only one edge, which formed a straight line. The blade was pointed, and its back curved. It was used for a variety of purposes, but chiefly for killing animals either in the slaughter-house, or in hunting, or at the altars of the gods. The priest who conducted a sacrifice never killed the victim himself; but one of his ministri, appointed for that purpose, who was called either by the general name minister, or the more specific popa or cultrarius.

CULTRĀRĬUS. [Culter.]

CŬNĔUS was the name applied to a body of foot soldiers, drawn up in the form of a wedge, for the purpose of breaking through an enemy’s line. The common soldiers called it a caput porcinum, or pig’s head. The name cuneus was also applied to the compartments of seats in circular or semi-circular theatres, which were so arranged as to converge to the centre of the theatre, and diverge towards the external walls of the building, with passages between each compartment.

CŬNĪCŬLUS (ὑπόνομος), a mine or passage underground, was so called from its resemblance to the burrowing of a rabbit. Fidenae and Veii are said to have been taken by mines, which opened, one of them into the citadel, the other into the temple of Juno.

CŪPA, a wine-vat, a vessel very much like the dolium, and used for the same purpose, namely, to receive the fresh must, and to contain it during the process of fermentation. The inferior wines were drawn for drinking from the cupa, without being bottled in amphorae, and hence the term vinum de cupa. The cupa was either made of earthenware, like the dolium, or of wood, and covered with pitch. It was also used for fruits and corn, forming rafts, and containing combustibles in war, and even for a sarcophagus.

CŪRĀTOR. Till a Roman youth attained the age of puberty, which was generally fixed at fourteen years of age, he was incapable of any legal act, and was under the authority of a tutor or guardian; but with the attainment of the age of puberty, he became capable of performing every legal act, and was freed from the control of his tutor. As, however, a person of that tender age was liable to be imposed upon, the lex Plaetoria enacted that every person between the time of puberty and twenty-five years of age should be under the protection of a curator. The date of this lex is not known, though it is certain that the law existed when Plautus wrote (about B.C. 200), who speaks of it as the lex quina vicemaria. This law established a distinction of age, which was of great practical importance, by forming the citizens into two classes, those above and those below twenty-five years of age (minores viginti quinque annis). A person under the last-mentioned age was sometimes simply called minor. The object of the lex was to protect persons under twenty-five years of age against all fraud (dolus). A person who wasted his property (prodigus), and a person of unsound mind (furiosus, demens), were also placed under the care of a curator.

CŪRĀTŌRES were public officers of various kinds under the Roman empire, such as the curatores annonae, the curatores ludorum, the curatores regionum, &c.

CŪRĬA, signifies both a division of the Roman people and the place of assembly for such a division. Each of the three ancient Romulian tribes, the Ramnes, Tities, and Luceres, was subdivided into 10 curiae, so that the whole body of the populus or the patricians was divided into 30 curiae. The plebeians had no connection whatever with the curiae. All the members of the different gentes belonging to one curia were called, in respect of one another, curiales. The division into curiae was of great political importance in the earliest times of Rome, for the curiae alone contained the citizens, and their assembly alone was the legitimate representative of the whole people. [Comitia curiata.] Each curia as a corporation had its peculiar sacra, and besides the gods of the state, they worshipped other divinities and with peculiar rites and ceremonies. For such religious purposes each curia had its own place of worship, called curia, in which the curiales assembled for the purpose of discussing political, financial, religious and other matters. The religious affairs of each curia were taken care of by a priest, Curio, who was assisted by another called curialis Flamen. As there were 30 curiae, there were likewise 30 curiones, who formed a college of priests, presided over by one of them, called Curio Maximus. The 30 curiae had each its distinct name, which are said to have been derived from the names of the Sabine women who had been carried off by the Romans, though it is evident that some derived their names from certain districts or from ancient eponymous heroes. Curia is also used to designate the place in which the senate held its meetings, such as curia Hostilia, curia Julia, curia Pompeii, and from this there gradually arose the custom of calling the senate itself in the Italian towns curia, but never the senate of Rome. The official residence of the Salii, which was dedicated to Mars, was likewise styled curia.

CŪRIĀTA CŎMĬTĬA. [Comitia.]

CŪRĬO. [Curia.]

CŪRĬUS (κύριος), signified generally at Athens the person responsible for the welfare of such members of a family as the law presumed to be incapable of protecting themselves; as, for instance, minors and slaves, and women of all ages.

CURRUS (ἅρμα), a chariot, a car. These terms appear to have denoted those two-wheeled vehicles for the carriage of persons, which were open overhead, thus differing from the carpentum, and closed in front, in which they differed from the cisium. The most essential articles in the construction of the currus were, 1. The rim (ἄντυξ) [Antyx]. 2. The axle (ἄξων, axis). 3. The wheels (κύκλα, τροχοί, rotae), which revolved upon the axle, and were prevented from coming off by the insertion of pins (ἔμβολοι) into the extremities of the axles. The parts of the wheel were:—(a) The nave (πλήμνη, modiolus). (b) The spokes (κνῆμαι, literally, the legs, radii.) (c) The felly (ἴτυς). (d) The tire (ἐπίσωτρον, canthus). 4. The pole (ῥυμός, temo). All the parts above mentioned are seen in the preceding cut of an ancient chariot. The Greeks and Romans appear never to have used more than one pole and one yoke, and the currus thus constructed was commonly drawn by two horses, which were attached to it by their necks, and therefore called δίζυγες ἵπποι, συνωρίς, gemini jugales, equi bijuges, &c. If a third horse was added, as was not unfrequently the case, it was fastened by traces. The horse so attached was called παρήορος, παράσειρος, σειραφόρος, in Latin, funalis, and is opposed to the ζυγῖται or ζύγιοι, the yoke-horses. The ἵππος παρήορος is placed on the right of the two yoke-horses. (See woodcut.) The Latin name for a chariot and pair was biga, generally bigae. When a third horse was added, it was called triga.

A chariot and four was called quadriga, generally quadrigae; in Greek, τετραορία or τέθριππος. The horses were commonly harnessed in a quadriga after the manner already represented, the two strongest horses being placed under the yoke, and the two others fastened on each side by means of ropes. This is clearly seen in the two quadrigae figured below, especially in the one on the right hand. It represents a chariot overthrown in passing the goal at the circus. The charioteer having fallen backwards, the pole and yoke are thrown upwards into the air; the two trace-horses have fallen on their knees, and the two yoke-horses are prancing on their hind legs.—The currus was adapted to carry two persons, and on this account was called in Greek δίφρος. One of the two was of course the driver. He was called ἡνίοχος, because he held the reins, and his companion παραβάτης, from going by his side or near him. In the Homeric ages, chariots were commonly employed on the field of battle. The men of rank all took their chariots with them, and in an engagement placed themselves in front. Chariots were not much used by the Romans. The most splendid kind were the quadrigae, in which the Roman generals and emperors rode when they triumphed. The body of the triumphal car was cylindrical, as we often see it represented on medals. It was enriched with gold and ivory. The utmost skill of the painter and the sculptor was employed to enhance its beauty and splendour. The triumphal car had in general no pole, the horses being led by men who were stationed at their heads.

CURSŌRES, slaves whose duty it was to run before the carriage of their masters. They first came into fashion in the first century of the Christian aera. The word cursores was also applied to all slaves whom their masters employed in carrying letters, messages, &c.

CURSUS. [Circus.]

CŬRŪLIS SELLA. [Sella Curulis.]

CUSTŌDES. [Comitia.]

CUSTŌDES, CUSTŌDĬAE. [Castra.]

CUSTOS URBIS. [Praefectus Urbi.]

CỸĂTHUS (κύαθος), a Greek and Roman liquid measure, containing one-twelfth of the sextarius, or ·0825 of a pint English. The form of the cyathus used at banquets was that of a small ladle, by means of which the wine was conveyed into the drinking-cups from the large vessel (crater) in which it was mixed. Two of these cyathi are represented in the preceding woodcut. The cyathus was also the name given to a cup holding the same quantity as the measure. Hence Horace says (Carm. iii. 8. 13):

CYCLAS (κυκλάς), a circular robe worn by women, to the bottom of which a border was affixed, inlaid with gold. It appears to have been usually made of some thin material.

CȲMA (κῦμα), in architecture, an ogee, a wave-shaped moulding, consisting of two curves, the one concave and the other convex. There were two forms, the cyma recta, which was concave above, and convex below, thus, , and the cyma reversa, which was convex above and concave below, thus . The diminutive cymatium or cumatium (κυμάτιον) is also used, and is indeed the more common name.

CYMBA (κύμβη) is derived from κύμβος, a hollow, and is employed to signify any small kind of boat used on lakes, rivers, &c. It appears to have been much the same as the acatium and scapha.

CYMBĂLUM (κύμβαλον), a musical instrument, in the shape of two half globes, which were held one in each hand by the performer, and played by being struck against each other. The word is derived from κύμβος, a hollow. The cymbal was a very ancient instrument, being used in the worship of Cybelé, Bacchus, Juno, and all the earlier deities of the Grecian and Roman mythology. It probably came from the East. The crotalum (κρόταλον) was a kind of cymbal. It appears to have been a split reed or cane, which clattered when shaken with the hand. Women who played on the crotalum were termed crotalistriae. Such was Virgil’s Copa:

The line alludes to the dance with crotala (similar to castanets).—For sistrum, which some have referred to the class of cymbala, see Sistrum.

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DACTỸLUS (δάκτυλος), a Greek measure, answering to the Roman digitus, each signifying a finger-breadth, and being the sixteenth part of a foot. [Pes.]

DAEDALA or DAEDĂLEIA (δαίδαλα, δαιδάλεια), names used by the Greeks to signify those early works of art which were ascribed to the age of Daedalus, and especially the ancient wooden statues, ornamented with gilding and bright colours and real drapery, which were the earliest known forms of the images of the gods, after the mere blocks of wood or stone, which were at first used for symbols of them.

DAEDĂLA (δαίδαλα), the name of two festivals, celebrated in Boeotia in honour of Hera, and called respectively the Great and the Lesser Daedala. The latter were celebrated by the Plataeans alone; in the celebration of the former, which took place only every sixtieth year, the Plataeans were joined by the other Boeotians.

DAMARĔTĪON (δαμαρέτειον χρύσιον), a Sicilian coin, respecting which there is much dispute; but it was probably a gold coin, equal in value to fifty litrae or ten Attic drachmae of silver; that is, a half stater.

DAMIURGI. [Demiurgi.]

DAMŎSĬA. [Exercitus.]

DANĂCE (δανάκη), properly the name of a foreign coin, was also the name given to the obolos, which was placed in the mouth of the dead to pay the ferryman in Hades.

DAPHNĒPHŎRĬA (δαφνηφόρια), a festival celebrated every ninth year at Thebes in honour of Apollo, surnamed Ismenius or Galaxius. Its name was derived from the laurel branches (δάφναι) which were carried by those who took part in its celebration.

DĀREICUS (δαρεικός), or to give the name in full, the Stater of Dareius, a gold coin of Persia, stamped on one side with the figure of an archer crowned and kneeling upon one knee, and on the other with a sort of quadrata incusa or deep cleft. It is supposed to have derived its name from the first Dareius, king of Persia. It is equal to about 1l. 1s. 10d. 1·76 farthings.

DĔCĂDŪCHI (δεκαδοῦχοι), the members of a council of Ten, who succeeded the Thirty in the supreme power at Athens, B.C. 403. They were chosen from the ten tribes, one from each; but, though opposed to the Thirty, they sent ambassadors to Sparta to ask for assistance against Thrasybulus and the exiles. They remained masters of Athens till the party of Thrasybulus obtained possession of the city and the democracy was restored.

DĔCARCHĬA or DĔCĂDARCHĬA (δεκαρχία, δεκαδαρχία), a supreme council established in many of the Grecian cities by the Lacedaemonians, who entrusted to it the whole government of the state under the direction of a Spartan harmost. It always consisted of the leading members of the aristocratical party.

DĔCASMUS (δεκασμός), bribery. There were two actions for bribery at Athens: one, called δεκασμοῦ γραφή, lay against the person who gave the bribe; and the other, called δώρων or δωροδοκίας γραφή, against the person who received it. These actions applied to the bribery of citizens in the public assemblies of the people (συνδεκάζειν τὴν ἐκκλησίαν), of the Heliaea or any of the courts of justice, of the βουλή, and of the public advocates. Actions for bribery were under the jurisdiction of the thesmothetae. The punishment on conviction of the defendant was death, or payment of ten times the value of the gift received, to which the court might add a further punishment (προστίμημα).

DĔCĂTE (δεκάτη). [Decumae.]

DĔCEMPĔDA, a pole ten feet long, used by the agrimensores [Agrimensores] in measuring land. Thus we find that the agrimensores were sometimes called decempedatores.

DĔCEMPRĪMI. [Senatus.]

DĔCEMVĬRI, or the “ten-men,” the name of various magistrates and functionaries at Rome, of whom the most important were:—(1) Decemviri Legibus Scribendis, ten commissioners, who were appointed to draw up a code of laws. They were entrusted with supreme power in the state, and all the other magistracies were suspended. They entered upon their office at the beginning of the year B.C. 451; and they discharged their duties with diligence, and dispensed justice with impartiality. Each administered the government day by day in succession as during an interregnum; and the fasces were only carried before the one who presided for the day. They drew up a body of laws, distributed into ten sections; which, after being approved of by the senate and the comitia, were engraven on tables of metal, and set up in the comitium. On the expiration of their year of office, all parties were so well satisfied with the manner in which they had discharged their duties, that it was resolved to continue the same form of government for another year; more especially as some of the decemvirs said that their work was not finished. Ten new decemvirs were accordingly elected, of whom App. Claudius alone belonged to the former body. These magistrates framed several new laws, which were approved of by the centuries, and engraven on two additional tables. They acted, however, in a most tyrannical manner. Each was attended by twelve lictors, who carried not the rods only, but the axes, the emblem of sovereignty. They made common cause with the patrician party, and committed all kinds of outrages upon the persons and property of the plebeians and their families. When their year of office expired they refused to resign or to appoint successors. At length, the unjust decision of App. Claudius, in the case of Virginia, which led her father to kill her with his own hands to save her from prostitution, occasioned an insurrection of the people. The decemvirs were in consequence obliged to resign their office, B.C. 449; after which the usual magistracies were re-established. The ten tables of the former, and the two tables of the latter decemvirs, form together the laws of the Twelve Tables, which were the groundwork of the Roman laws. This, the first attempt to make a code, remained also the only attempt for near one thousand years, until the legislation of Justinian.—(2) Decemviri Litibus or Stlitibus Judicandis, were magistrates forming a court of justice, which took cognizance of civil cases. The history as well as the peculiar jurisdiction of this court during the time of the republic is involved in inextricable obscurity. In the time of Cicero it still existed, and the proceedings in it took place in the ancient form of the sacramentum. Augustus transferred to these decemvirs the presidency in the courts of the centumviri. During the empire, this court had jurisdiction in capital matters, which is expressly stated in regard to the decemvirs.—(3) Decemviri Sacris Faciundis, sometimes called simply Decemviri Sacrorum, were the members of an ecclesiastical collegium, and were elected for life. Their chief duty was to take care of the Sibylline books, and to inspect them on all important occasions by command of the senate. Under the kings the care of the Sibylline books was committed to two men (duumviri) of high rank. On the expulsion of the kings, the care of these books was entrusted to the noblest of the patricians, who were exempted from all military and civil duties. Their number was increased about the year 367 B.C. to ten, of whom five were chosen from the patricians and five from the plebeians. Subsequently their number was still further increased to fifteen (quindecemviri), probably by Sulla. It was also the duty of the decemviri to celebrate the games of Apollo, and the secular games.

DĔCENNĀLĬA or DĔCENNĬA, a festival celebrated with games every ten years by the Roman emperors. This festival owed its origin to the fact that Augustus refused the supreme power when offered to him for his life, and would only consent to accept it for ten years, and when these expired, for another period of ten years, and so on to the end of his life.

DĔCĬMĀTĬO, the selection, by lot, of every tenth man for punishment, when any number of soldiers in the Roman army had been guilty of any crime. The remainder usually had barley allowed to them instead of wheat. This punishment appears not to have been inflicted in the early times of the republic.

DĒCRĒTUM seems to mean that which is determined in a particular case after examination or consideration. It is sometimes applied to a determination of the consuls, and sometimes to a determination of the senate. A decretum of the senate would seem to differ from a senatus-consultum, in the way above indicated: it was limited to the special occasion and circumstances, and this would be true whether the decretum was of a judicial or a legislative character. But this distinction in the use of the two words, as applied to an act of the senate, was, perhaps, not always observed.

DĔCŬMAE (sc. partes) formed a portion of the vectigalia of the Romans, and were paid by subjects whose territory, either by conquest or deditio, had become the property of the state (ager publicus). They consisted, as the name denotes, of a tithe or tenth of the produce of the soil, levied upon the cultivators (aratores) or occupiers (possessores) of the lands, which, from being subject to this payment, were called agri decumani. The tax of a tenth was, however, generally paid by corn lands: plantations and vineyards, as requiring no seed and less labour, paid a fifth of the produce. A similar system existed in Greece also. Peisistratus, for instance, imposed a tax of a tenth on the lands of the Athenians, which the Peisistratidae lowered to a twentieth. At the time of the Persian war the confederate Greeks made a vow, by which all the states who had surrendered themselves to the enemy were subjected to the payment of tithes for the use of the god at Delphi. The tithes of the public lands belonging to Athens were farmed out as at Rome to contractors, called δεκατώναι: the term δεκατηλόγοι was applied to the collectors; but the callings were, as we might suppose, often united in the same person. The title δεκατευταί is applied to both. A δεκάτη, or tenth of a different kind, was the arbitrary exaction imposed by the Athenians (B.C. 410) on the cargoes of all ships sailing into or out of the Pontus. They lost it by the battle of Aegospotami (B.C. 405); but it was re-established by Thrasybulus about B.C. 391. The tithe was let out to farm.

DĔCUNCIS, another name for the Dextans. [As.]

DĔCŬRĬA. [Exercitus.]

DĔCŬRĬŌNES. [Colonia: Exercitus.]

DĔCUSSIS. [As.]

DĒDĬCĀTĬO. [Inauguratio.]

DĒDĬTĬCĬI, were those who had taken up arms against the Roman people, and being conquered, had surrendered themselves. Such people did not individually lose their freedom, but as a community all political existence, and of course had no other relation to Rome than that of subjects.

DĒDUCTŌRES. [Ambitus.]

DEIGMA (δεῖγμα), a particular place in the Peiraeeus, as well as in the harbours of other states, where merchants exposed samples of their goods for sale. The samples themselves were also called deigmata.

DEIPNON. [Coena.]

DĒLĀTOR, an informer. The delatores, under the emperors, were a class of men who gained their livelihood by informing against their fellow-citizens. They constantly brought forward false charges to gratify the avarice or jealousy of the different emperors, and were consequently paid according to the importance of the information which they gave.

DĒLECTUS. [Exercitus.]

DĒLĬA (δήλια), the name of festivals and games celebrated in the island of Delos, to which the Cyclades and the neighbouring Ionians on the coasts belonged. The Delia had existed from very early times, and were celebrated every fifth year. That the Athenians took part in these solemnities at a very early period, is evident from the Deliastae (afterwards called θεωροί) mentioned in the laws of Solon; the sacred vessel (θεωρίς), moreover, which they sent to Delos every year, was said to be the same which Theseus had sent after his return from Crete. In the course of time the celebration of this ancient panegyris in Delos had ceased, and it was not revived until B.C. 426, when the Athenians, after having purified the island in the winter of that year, restored the ancient solemnities, and added horse-races, which had never before taken place at the Delia. After this restoration, Athens, being at the head of the Ionian confederacy, took the most prominent part in the celebration of the Delia; and though the islanders, in common with Athens, provided the choruses and victims, the leader (ἀρχιθέωρος), who conducted the whole solemnity, was an Athenian, and the Athenians had the superintendence of the common sanctuary. From these solemnities, belonging to the great Delian panegyris, we must distinguish the lesser Delia, which were mentioned above, and which were celebrated every year, probably on the 6th of Thargelion. The Athenians on this occasion sent the sacred vessel (θεωρίς), which the priest of Apollo adorned with laurel branches, to Delos. The embassy was called θεωρία; and those who sailed to the island, θεωροί; and before they set sail a solemn sacrifice was offered in the Delion, at Marathon, in order to obtain a happy voyage. During the absence of the vessel the city of Athens was purified, and no criminal was allowed to be executed.

DELPHĪNĬA (δελφίνια), a festival of the same expiatory character as the Apollonia, which was celebrated in various towns of Greece, in honour of Apollo, surnamed Delphinius.

DELPHIS (δελφίς), an instrument of naval warfare. It consisted of a large mass of iron or lead suspended on a beam, which projected from the mast of the ship like a yard-arm. It was used to sink, or make a hole in, an enemy’s vessel, by being dropped upon it when alongside.

DĒLŪBRUM. [Templum.]

DĒMARCHI (δήμαρχοι), officers, who were the head-boroughs or chief magistrates of the demi in Attica, and are said to have been first appointed by Cleisthenes. Their duties were various and important. Thus, they convened meetings of the demus, and took the votes upon all questions under consideration; they made and kept a register of the landed estates in their districts, levied the monies due to the demus for rent, &c. They succeeded to the functions which had been discharged by the naucrari of the old constitution.

DĒMENSUM, an allowance of corn, given to Roman slaves monthly or daily. It usually consisted of four or five modii of corn a month.

DĒMĬNŪTIO CĂPĬTIS. [Caput.]

DĒMĬURGI (δημιουργοί), magistrates, whose title is expressive of their doing the service of the people, existed in several of the Peloponnesian states. Among the Eleans and Mantineans they seem to have been the chief executive magistracy. We also read of demiurgi in the Achaean league, who probably ranked next to the strategi, and put questions to the vote in the general assembly of the confederates. Officers named epidemiurgi, or upper demiurgi, were sent by the Corinthians to manage the government of their colony at Potidaea.

DĒMŎCRĂTĬA (δημοκρατία), that form of constitution in which the sovereign political power is in the hands of the demus (δῆμος) or commonalty. In a passage of Herodotus (iii. 80), the characteristics of a democracy are specified to be—1. Equality of legal rights (ἰσονομίη). 2. The appointment of magistrates by lot. 3. The accountability of all magistrates and officers. 4. The reference of all public matters to the decision of the community at large. Aristotle remarks—“The following points are characteristic of a democracy; that all magistrates should be chosen out of the whole body of citizens; that all should rule each, and each in turn rule all; that either all magistracies, or those not requiring experience and professional knowledge, should be assigned by lot; that there should be no property qualification, or but a very small one, for filling any magistracy; that the same man should not fill the same office twice, or should fill offices but few times, and but few offices, except in the case of military commands; that all, or as many as possible of the magistracies, should be of brief duration; that all citizens should be qualified to serve as dicasts; that the supreme power in everything should reside in the public assembly, and that no magistrate should be entrusted with irresponsible power except in very small matters.” It is somewhat curious that neither in practice nor in theory did the representative system attract any attention among the Greeks. That diseased form of a democracy, in which from the practice of giving pay to the poorer citizens for their attendance in the public assembly, and from other causes, the predominant party in the state came to be in fact the lowest class of the citizens, was by later writers termed an Ochlocracy (ὀχλοκρατία—the dominion of the mob).

DĒMŎSĬI (δημόσιοι), public slaves at Athens, who were purchased by the state. The public slaves, most frequently mentioned, formed the city guard; it was their duty to preserve order in the public assembly, and to remove any person whom the prytaneis might order. They are generally called bowmen (τοξόται); or from the native country of the majority, Scythians (Σκύθαι); and also Speusinians, from the name of the person who first established the force. They originally lived in tents in the market-place, and afterwards upon the Areiopagus. Their officers had the name of toxarchs (τόξαρχοι). Their number was at first 300, purchased soon after the battle of Salamis, but was afterwards increased to 1200.

DĒMUS (δῆμος), originally indicated a district or tract of land; and in this meaning of a country district, inhabited and under cultivation, it is contrasted with πόλις. When Cleisthenes, at Athens, broke up the four tribes of the old constitution, he substituted in their place ten local tribes (φυλαὶ τοπικαί), each of which he subdivided into ten demi or country parishes, possessing each its principal town; and in some one of these demi were enrolled all the Athenian citizens resident in Attica, with the exception, perhaps, of those who were natives of Athens itself. These subdivisions corresponded in some degree to the naucrariae (ναυκραρίαι) of the old tribes, and were originally one hundred in number. These demi formed independent corporations, and had each their several magistrates, landed and other property, with a common treasury. They had likewise their respective convocations or “parish meetings,” convened by the demarchi, in which was transacted the public business of the demus, such as the leasing of its estates, the elections of officers, the revision of the registers or lists of δημόται, and the admission of new members. Independent of these bonds of union, each demus seems to have had its peculiar temples and religious worship. There were likewise judges, called δικασταὶ κατα δημους, who decided cases where the matter in dispute was of less value than ten drachmae. Admission into a demus was necessary before any individual could enter upon his full rights and privileges as an Attic citizen. The register of enrolment was called ληξιαρχικὸν γραμματεῖον.

DĒNĀRĬUS, the principal silver coin among the Romans, was so called because it was originally equal to ten asses; but on the reduction of the weight of the as [As], it was made equal to sixteen asses, except in military pay, in which it was still reckoned as equal to ten asses. The denarius was first coined five years before the first Punic war, B.C. 269. [Argentum.] The average value of the denarii coined at the end of the commonwealth is about 8½d., and those under the empire about 7½d. If the denarius be reckoned in value 8½d., the other Roman coins of silver will be of the following value:

	Pence.	Farth.
Teruncius	—	·53125
Sembella	—	1·0625
Libella	—	2·125
Sestertius	2	·5
Quinarius or Victoriatus	4	1
Denarius	8	2

Some denarii were called serrati, because their edges were notched like a saw, which appears to have been done to prove that they were solid silver, and not plated; and others bigati and quadrigati, because on their reverse were represented chariots drawn by two and four horses respectively.

DĒSIGNĀTOR. [Funus.]

DĒSULTOR, a rider in the Roman games, who generally rode two horses at the same time, sitting on them without a saddle, and vaulting upon either of them at his pleasure.

DĔUNX. [As, Libra.]

DEXTANS. [As, Libra.]

DĬĂDĒMA, originally a white fillet, used to encircle the head. It is represented on the head of Dionysus, and was, in an ornamented form, assumed by kings as an emblem of sovereignty.

DĬAETĒTAE (διαιτηταί), or arbitrators, at Athens, were of two kinds; the one public and appointed by lot (κληρωτοί), the other private, and chosen (αἱρετοί) by the parties who referred to them the decision of a disputed point, instead of trying it before a court of justice; the judgments of both, according to Aristotle, being founded on equity rather than law. The number of public arbitrators seems to have been 40, four for each tribe. Their jurisdiction was confined to civil cases.

DĬĀLIS FLĀMEN. [Flamen.]

DĬĂMASTĪGŌSIS (διαμαστίγωσις), a solemnity performed at Sparta at the festival of Artemis Orthia. Spartan youths were scourged on the occasion at the altar of Artemis, by persons appointed for the purpose, until their blood gushed forth and covered the altar. Many anecdotes are related of the courage and intrepidity with which young Spartans bore the lashes of the scourge; some even died without uttering a murmur at their sufferings, for to die under the strokes was considered as honourable a death as that on the field of battle.

DĬĂPSĔPHĬSIS (διαψήφισις), a political institution at Athens, the object of which was to prevent aliens, or such as were the offspring of an unlawful marriage, from assuming the rights of citizens. By this method a trial of spurious citizens was to be held by the demotae, within whose deme intruders were suspected to exist.

DĪĂSĬA (διάσια), a great festival celebrated at Athens, without the walls of the city, in honour of Zeus, surnamed Μειλίχιος. The whole people took part in it, and the wealthier citizens offered victims, while the poorer classes burnt such incense as their country furnished. The diasia took place in the latter half of the month of Anthesterion with feasting and rejoicings, and was, like most other festivals, accompanied by a fair.

DĬCASTĒS (δικαστής), the name of a judge, or rather juryman, at Athens. The conditions of his eligibility were, that he should be a free citizen, in the enjoyment of his full franchise (ἐπιτιμία), and not less than thirty years of age, and of persons so qualified 6,000 were selected by lot for the service of every year. Their appointment took place annually under the conduct of the nine archons and their official scribe; each of these ten personages drew by lot the names of 600 persons of the tribe assigned to him; the whole number so selected was again divided by lot into ten sections of 500 each, together with a supernumerary one, consisting of 1000 persons, from among whom the occasional deficiencies in the sections of 500 might be supplied. To each of the ten sections one of the ten first letters of the alphabet was appropriated as a distinguishing mark, and a small tablet (πινάκιον), inscribed with the letter of the section and the name of the individual, was delivered as a certificate of his appointment to each dicast. Before proceeding to the exercise of his functions, the dicast was obliged to swear the official oath. This oath being taken, and the divisions made as above mentioned, it remained to assign the courts to the several sections of dicasts in which they were to sit. This was not, like the first, an appointment intended to last during the year, but took place under the conduct of the thesmothetae, de novo, every time that it was necessary to impanel a number of dicasts. As soon as the allotment had taken place, each dicast received a staff, on which was painted the letter and the colour of the court awarded him, which might serve both as a ticket to procure admittance, and also to distinguish him from any loiterer that might endeavour clandestinely to obtain a sitting after business had begun. While in court, and probably from the hand of the presiding magistrate (ἡγέμων δικαστηρίου), he received the token or ticket that entitled him to receive his fee (δικαστικόν). This payment is said to have been first instituted by Pericles, and was originally a single obolus; it was increased by Cleon to thrice that amount about the 88th Olympiad.

DĬCĒ (δίκη), signifies generally any proceedings at law by one party directly or mediately against others. The object of all such actions is to protect the body politic, or one or more of its individual members, from injury and aggression; a distinction which has in most countries suggested the division of all causes into two great classes, the public and the private, and assigned to each its peculiar form and treatment. At Athens the first of these was implied by the terms public δίκαι, or ἀγῶνες, or still more peculiarly by γραφαί; causes of the other class were termed private δίκαι, or ἀγῶνες, or simply δίκαι in its limited sense. In a δίκη, only the person whose rights were alleged to be affected, or the legal protector (κύριος) of such person, if a minor or otherwise incapable of appearing suo jure, was permitted to institute an action as plaintiff; in public causes, with the exception of some few in which the person injured or his family were peculiarly bound and interested to act, any free citizen, and sometimes, when the state was directly attacked, almost any alien, was empowered to do so. The court fees, called prytaneia, were paid in private but not in public causes, and a public prosecutor that compromised the action with the defendant was in most cases punished by a fine of a thousand drachmae and a modified disfranchisement, while there was no legal impediment at any period of a private lawsuit to the reconciliation of the litigant parties.—The proceedings in the δίκη were commenced by a summons (πρόσκλησις) to the defendant to appear on a certain day before the proper magistrate (εἰσαγωγεύς), and there answer the charges preferred against him. This summons was often served by the plaintiff in person, accompanied by one or two witnesses (κλητῆρες), whose names were endorsed upon the declaration (λῆξις or ἔγκλημα). Between the service of the summons and appearance of the parties before the magistrate, it is very probable that the law prescribed the intervention of a period of five days. If both parties appeared, the proceedings commenced by the plaintiff putting in his declaration, and at the same time depositing his share of the court fees (πρυτανεῖα), which were trifling in amount, but the non-payment of which was a fatal objection to the further progress of a cause. When these were paid, it became the duty of the magistrate, if no manifest objection appeared on the face of the declaration, to cause it to be written out on a tablet, and exposed for the inspection of the public on the wall or other place that served as the cause list of his court. The magistrate then appointed a day for the further proceedings of the anacrisis [Anacrisis]. If the plaintiff failed to appear at the anacrisis, the suit, of course, fell to the ground; if the defendant made default, judgment passed against him. An affidavit might at this, as well as at other periods of the action, be made in behalf of a person unable to attend upon the given day, and this would, if allowed, have the effect of postponing further proceedings (ὑπωμοσία); it might, however, be combated by a counter-affidavit, to the effect that the alleged reason was unfounded or otherwise insufficient (ἀνθυπωμοσία); and a question would arise upon this point, the decision of which, when adverse to the defendant, would render him liable to the penalty of contumacy. The plaintiff was in this case said ἐρήμην ἑλεῖν; the defendant, ἐρήμην ὀφλεῖν, δίκην being the word omitted in both phrases. The anacrisis began with the affidavit of the plaintiff (προωμοσία), then followed the answer of the defendant (ἀντωμοσία or ἀντιγραφή), then the parties produced their respective witnesses, and reduced their evidence to writing, and put in originals, or authenticated copies, of all the records, deeds, and contracts that might be useful in establishing their case, as well as memoranda of offers and requisitions then made by either side (προκλήσεις). The whole of the documents were then, if the cause took a straightforward course (εὐθυδικία), enclosed on the last day of the anacrisis in a casket (ἐχῖνος), which was sealed, and entrusted to the custody of the presiding magistrate, till it was produced and opened at the trial. During the interval no alteration in its contents was permitted, and accordingly evidence that had been discovered after the anacrisis was not producible at the trial.—In some causes, the trial before the dicasts was by law appointed to come on within a given time; in such as were not provided for by such regulations, we may suppose that it would principally depend upon the leisure of the magistrate. Upon the court being assembled, the magistrate called on the cause, and the plaintiff opened his case. At the commencement of the speech, the proper officer (ὁ ἐφ’ ὕδωρ) filled the clepsydra with water. As long as the water flowed from this vessel the orator was permitted to speak; if, however, evidence was to be read by the officer of the court, or a law recited, the water was stopped till the speaker recommenced. The quantity of water, or, in other words, the length of the speeches, was different in different causes. After the speeches of the advocates, which were in general two on each side, and the incidental reading of the documentary and other evidence, the dicasts proceeded to give their judgment by ballot.—When the principal point at issue was decided in favour of the plaintiff, there followed in many cases a further discussion as to the fine or punishment to be inflicted on the defendant (παθεῖν ἢ ἀποτῖσαι). All actions were divided into two classes,—ἀγῶνες ἀτίμητοι, suits not to be assessed, in which the fine, or other penalty, was determined by the laws; and ἀγῶνες τιμητοί, suits to be assessed, in which the penalty had to be fixed by the judges. If the suit was an ἀγῶν τιμητος, the plaintiff generally mentioned in the pleadings the punishment which he considered the defendant deserved (τίμημα); and the defendant was allowed to make a counter-assessment (ἀντιτιμᾶσθαι or ὑποτιμᾶσθαι), and to argue before the judges why the assessment of the plaintiff ought to be changed or mitigated. In certain causes, which were determined by the laws, any of the judges was allowed to propose an additional assessment (προστίμημα); the amount of which, however, appears to have been usually fixed by the laws. Thus, in certain cases of theft, the additional penalty was fixed at five days’ and nights’ imprisonment. Upon judgment being given in a private suit, the Athenian law left its execution very much in the hands of the successful party, who was empowered to seize the moveables of his antagonist as a pledge for the payment of the money, or institute an action of ejectment (ἐξούλης) against the refractory debtor. The judgment of a court of dicasts was in general decisive (δίκη αὐτοτελής); but upon certain occasions, as, for instance, when a gross case of perjury or conspiracy could be proved by the unsuccessful party to have operated to his disadvantage, the cause, upon the conviction of such conspirators or witnesses, might be commenced de novo.

DICTĀTOR, an extraordinary magistrate at Rome. The name is of Latin origin, and the office probably existed in many Latin towns before it was introduced into Rome. We find it in Lanuvium even in very late times. At Rome this magistrate was originally called magister populi and not dictator, and in the sacred books he was always designated by the former name down to the latest times. On the establishment of the Roman republic the government of the state was entrusted to two consuls, that the citizens might be the better protected against the tyrannical exercise of the supreme power. But it was soon felt that circumstances might arise in which it was of importance for the safety of the state that the government should be vested in the hands of a single person, who should possess for a season absolute power, and from whose decision there should be no appeal to any other body. Thus it came to pass that in B.C. 501, nine years after the expulsion of the Tarquins, the dictatorship (dictatura) was instituted. By the original law respecting the appointment of a dictator (lex de dictatore creando) no one was eligible for this office unless he had previously been consul. We find, however, a few instances in which this law was not observed.—When a dictator was considered necessary, the senate passed a senatus consultum, that one of the consuls should nominate (dicere) a dictator; and without a previous decree of the senate the consuls had not the power of naming a dictator. The nomination or proclamation of the dictator was always made by the consul, probably without any witnesses, between midnight and morning, and with the observance of the auspices (surgens or oriens nocte silentio dictatorem dicebat). The technical word for this nomination or proclamation was dicere (seldom creare or facere). Originally the dictator was of course a patrician. The first plebeian dictator was C. Marcius Rutilus, nominated in B.C. 356 by the plebeian consul M. Popillius Laenas. The reasons which led to the appointment of a dictator, required that there should be only one at a time. The dictators that were appointed for carrying on the business of the state were said to be nominated rei gerundae causa, or sometimes seditionis sedandae causa; and upon them, as well as upon the other magistrates, the imperium was conferred by a Lex Curiata. The dictatorship was limited to six months, and no instances occur in which a person held this office for a longer time, for the dictatorships of Sulla and Caesar are of course not to be taken into account. On the contrary, though a dictator was appointed for six months, he often resigned his office long previously, immediately after he had dispatched the business for which he had been appointed. As soon as the dictator was nominated, a kind of suspension took place with respect to the consuls and all the other magistrates, with the exception of the tribuni plebis. The regular magistrates continued, indeed, to discharge the duties of their various offices under the dictator, but they were no longer independent officers, but were subject to the higher imperium of the dictator, and obliged to obey his orders in every thing. The superiority of the dictator’s power to that of the consuls consisted chiefly in the three following points—greater independence of the senate, more extensive power of punishment without any appeal (provocatio) from their sentence to the people, and irresponsibility. To these three points, must of course be added that he was not fettered by a colleague. We may naturally suppose that the dictator would usually act in unison with the senate; but it is expressly stated that in many cases where the consuls required the co-operation of the senate, the dictator could act on his own responsibility. That there was originally no appeal from the sentence of the dictator is certain, and accordingly the lictors bore the axes in the fasces before them even in the city, as a symbol of their absolute power over the lives of the citizens, although by the Valerian law the axes had disappeared from the fasces of the consuls. Whether, however, the right of provocatio was afterwards given cannot be determined. It was in consequence of the great and irresponsible power possessed by the dictatorship, that we find it frequently compared with the regal dignity, from which it only differed in being held for a limited time.—There were however a few limits to the power of the dictator. 1. The most important was that which we have mentioned above, that the period of his office was only six months. 2. He had not power over the treasury, but could only make use of the money which was granted him by the senate. 3. He was not allowed to leave Italy, since he might thus easily become dangerous to the republic; though the case of Atilius Calatinus in the first Punic war forms an exception to this rule. 4. He was not allowed to ride on horseback at Rome, without previously obtaining the permission of the people; a regulation apparently capricious, but perhaps adopted that he might not bear too great a resemblance to the kings, who were accustomed to ride.—The insignia of the dictator were nearly the same as those of the kings in earlier times; and of the consuls subsequently. Instead however of having only twelve lictors, as was the case with the consuls, he was preceded by twenty-four bearing the secures as well as the fasces. The sella curulis and toga praetexta also belonged to the dictator.—The preceding account of the dictatorship applies more particularly to the dictator rei gerundae causa; but dictators were also frequently appointed, especially when the consuls were absent from the city, to perform certain acts, which could not be done by any inferior magistrate. These dictators had little more than the name; and as they were only appointed to discharge a particular duty, they had to resign immediately that duty was performed. The occasions on which such dictators were appointed, were principally:—1. For the purpose of holding the comitia for the elections (comitiorum habendorum causa). 2. For fixing the clavus annalis in the temple of Jupiter (clavi figendi causa) in times of pestilence or civil discord, because the law said that this ceremony was to be performed by the praetor maximus, and after the institution of the dictatorship the latter was regarded as the highest magistracy in the state. 3. For appointing holidays (feriarum constituendarum causa) on the appearance of prodigies, and for officiating at the public games (ludorum faciendorum causa), the presidency of which belonged to the consuls or praetors. 4. For holding trials (quaestionibus exercendis.) 5. And on one occasion, for filling up vacancies in the senate (legendo senatui).—Along with the dictator there was always a magister equitum, the nomination of whom was left to the choice of the dictator, unless the senatus consultum specified, as was sometimes the case, the name of the person who was to be appointed. The magister equitum had, like the dictator, to receive the imperium by a lex curiata. The dictator could not be without a magister equitum, and, consequently, if the latter died during the six months of the dictatorship, another had to be nominated in his stead. The magister equitum was subject to the imperium of the dictator, but in the absence of his superior he became his representative, and exercised the same powers as the dictator. The magister equitum was originally, as his name imports, the commander of the cavalry, while the dictator was at the head of the legions, the infantry; and the relation between them was in this respect similar to that which subsisted between the king and the tribunus celerum. Dictators were only appointed so long as the Romans had to carry on wars in Italy. A solitary instance of the nomination of a dictator for the purpose of carrying on war out of Italy has been already mentioned. The last dictator rei gerundae causa was M. Junius Pera, in B.C. 216. From that time dictators were frequently appointed for holding the elections down to B.C. 202, but after that year the dictatorship disappears altogether.—After a lapse of 120 years, Sulla caused himself to be appointed dictator in B.C. 82, reipublicae constituendae causa, but neither his dictatorship nor that of Caesar is to be compared with the genuine office. Soon after Caesar’s death the dictatorship was abolished for ever by a lex proposed by the consul Antonius. During the time, however, that the dictatorship was in abeyance, a substitute was invented for it, whenever the circumstances of the republic required the adoption of extraordinary measures, by the senate investing the consuls with dictatorial power. This was done by the well-known formula, Videant or dent operam consules, ne quid respublica detrimenti capiat.

DICTYNNĬA (δικτύννια), a festival with sacrifices, celebrated at Cydonia in Crete, in honour of Artemis, surnamed Δίκτυννα or Δικτύνναια, from δίκτυον, a hunter’s net.

DĬES (ἡμέρα), a day. The name dies was applied, like our word day, to the time during which, according to the notions of the ancients, the sun performed his course around the earth, and this time they called the civil day (dies civilis, in Greek νυχθήμερον, because it included both night and day). The natural day (dies naturalis), or the time from the rising to the setting of the sun, was likewise designated by the name dies. The civil day began with the Greeks at the setting of the sun, and with the Romans at midnight. At the time of the Homeric poems the natural day was divided into three parts. The first, called ἠώς, began with sunrise, and comprehended the whole space of time during which light seemed to be increasing, i.e. till mid-day. The second part was called μέσον ἦμαρ or mid-day, during which the sun was thought to stand still. The third part bore the name of δείλη or δείελον ἦμαρ, which derived its name from the increased warmth of the atmosphere. Among the Athenians the first and last of the divisions made at the time of Homer were afterwards subdivided into two parts. The earlier part of the morning was termed πρωΐ or πρῲ τῆς ἡμέρας: the latter, πληθούσης τῆς ἀγορᾶς, or περὶ πλήθουσαν ἀγοράν. The μέσον ἦμαρ of Homer was afterwards expressed by μεσημβρία, μέσον ἡμέρας, or μέση ἡμέρα, and comprehended, as before, the middle of the day, when the sun seemed neither to rise nor to decline. The two parts of the afternoon were called δείλη πρωΐη or πρωΐα, and δείλη ὀψίη or ὀψία. This division continued to be observed down to the latest period of Grecian history, though another more accurate division was introduced at an early period; for Anaximander, or, according to others, his disciple Anaximenes, is said to have made the Greeks acquainted with the use of the Babylonian chronometer or sun-dial (called πόλος, or ὡρολόγιον), by means of which the natural day was divided into twelve equal spaces of time. The division of the day most generally observed by the Romans, was that into tempus antemeridianum and pomeridianum, the meridies itself being only considered as a point at which the one ended and the other commenced. But as it was of importance that this moment should be known, an especial officer [Accensus] was appointed, who proclaimed the time of mid-day. The division of the day into twelve equal spaces, which were shorter in winter than in summer, was first adopted when artificial means of measuring time were introduced among the Romans from Greece. This was about the year B.C. 291, when L. Papirius Cursor, after the war with Pyrrhus in southern Italy, brought to Rome an instrument called solarium horologium, or simply solarium. But as the solarium had been made for a different latitude, it showed the time at Rome very incorrectly. Scipio Nasica, therefore, erected in B.C. 159 a public clepsydra, which indicated the hours of the night as well as of the day. Even after the erection of this clepsydra it was customary for one of the subordinate officers of the praetor to proclaim the third, sixth, and ninth hours; which shows that the day was, like the night, divided into four parts, each consisting of three hours.—All the days of the year were, according to different points of view, divided by the Romans into different classes. For the purpose of the administration of justice all days were divided into dies fasti and dies nefasti. Dies fasti were the days on which the praetor was allowed to administer justice in the public courts; they derived their name from fari (fari tria verba; do, dico, addico). On some of the dies fasti comitia could be held, but not on all. The regular dies fasti were marked in the Roman calendar by the letter F, and their number in the course of the year was 38.—Besides these there were certain days called dies intercisi, on which the praetor might hold his courts, but not at all hours, so that sometimes one half of such a day was fastus, while the other half was nefastus. Their number was 65 in the year.—Dies nefasti were days on which neither courts of justice nor comitia were allowed to be held, and which were dedicated to other purposes. The term dies nefasti, which originally had nothing to do with religion, but simply indicated days on which no courts were to be held, was in subsequent times applied to religious days in general, as dies nefasti were mostly dedicated to the worship of the gods.—In a religious point of view all days of the year were either dies festi, or dies profesti, or dies intercisi. According to the definition given by Macrobius, dies festi were dedicated to the gods, and spent with sacrifices, repasts, games, and other solemnities; dies profesti belonged to men for the administration of their private and public affairs. Dies intercisi were common between gods and men, that is, partly devoted to the worship of the gods, partly to the transaction of ordinary business. Dies profesti were either dies fasti, or dies comitiales, that is, days on which comitia were held, or dies comperendini, that is, days to which any action was allowed to be transferred; or dies stati, that is, days set apart for causes between Roman citizens and foreigners; or dies proeliales, that is, all days on which religion did not forbid the commencement of a war.

DIFFARRĔĀTĬO. [Divortium.]

DĬĬPŎLEIA (διιπόλεια), also called Διπόλεια or Διπόλια, a very ancient festival celebrated every year on the acropolis of Athens in honour of Zeus, surnamed Πολιεύς.

DĬMĂCHAE (διμάχαι), Macedonian horse-soldiers, who also fought on foot when occasion required, like our dragoons.

DĪMĬNŪTĬO CĂPĬTIS. [Caput.]

DĬŎCLEIA (διόκλεια), a festival celebrated by the Megarians in honour of an ancient Athenian hero, Diocles, around whose grave young men assembled on the occasion, and amused themselves with gymnastic and other contests. We read that he who gave the sweetest kiss obtained the prize, consisting of a garland of flowers.

DĬŎNȲSĬA (διονύσια), festivals celebrated in various parts of Greece in honour of Dionysus, and characterised by extravagant merriment and enthusiastic joy. Drunkenness, and the boisterous music of flutes, cymbals, and drums, were likewise common to all Dionysiac festivals. In the processions called θίασοι (from θείαζω), with which they were celebrated, women also took part in the disguise of Bacchae, Lenae, Thyades, Naiades, Nymphs, &c., adorned with garlands of ivy, and bearing the thyrsus in their hands, so that the whole train represented a population inspired, and actuated by the powerful presence of the god. The choruses sung on the occasion were called dithyrambs, and were hymns addressed to the god in the freest metres and with the boldest imagery, in which his exploits and achievements were extolled. [Chorus.] The phallus, the symbol of the fertility of nature, was also carried in these processions. The indulgence in drinking was considered by the Greeks as a duty of gratitude which they owed to the giver of the vine; hence in some places it was thought a crime to remain sober at the Dionysia. The Attic festivals of Dionysus were four in number: the Rural or Lesser Dionysia (Διονύσια κατ’ ἀγρούς, or μικρά), the Lenaea (Λήναια), the Anthesteria (Ἀνθεστήρια), and the City or Great Dionysia (Διονύσια ἐν ἄστει, ἀστικά, or μεγάλα). The season of the year sacred to Dionysus was during the months nearest to the shortest day; and the Attic festivals were accordingly celebrated in Poseideon, Gamelion, Anthesterion, and Elaphebolion.—The Rural or Lesser Dionysia, a vintage festival, were celebrated in the various demes of Attica in the month of Poseideon, and were under the superintendence of the several local magistrates, the demarchs. This was doubtless the most ancient of all, and was held with the highest degree of merriment and freedom; even slaves enjoyed full freedom during its celebration, and their boisterous shouts on the occasion were almost intolerable. It is here that we have to seek for the origin of comedy, in the jests and the scurrilous abuse with which the peasants assailed the bystanders from a waggon in which they rode about. The Dionysia in the Peiraeeus, as well as those of the other demes of Attica, belonged to the lesser Dionysia.—The second festival, the Lenaea (from ληνός, the wine-press, from which also the month of Gamelion was called by the Ionians Lenaeon), was celebrated in the month of Gamelion; the place of its celebration was the ancient temple of Dionysus Limnaeus (from λίμνη, as the district was originally a swamp). This temple was called the Lenaeon. The Lenaea were celebrated with a procession and scenic contests in tragedy and comedy. The procession probably went to the Lenaeon, where a goat (τράγος, whence the chorus and tragedy which arose out of it were called τραγικὸς χορός, and τραγῳδία) was sacrificed, and a chorus standing around the altar sang the dithyrambic ode to the god. As the dithyramb was the element out of which, by the introduction of an actor, tragedy arose [Chorus], it is natural that, in the scenic contests of this festival, tragedy should have preceded comedy. The poet who wished his play to be brought out at the Lenaea applied to the second archon, who had the superintendence of this festival, and who gave him a chorus if the piece was thought to deserve it.—The third festival, the Anthesteria, was celebrated on the 11th, 12th, and 13th days of the month of Anthesterion. The second archon likewise superintended the celebration of the Anthesteria, and distributed the prizes among the victors in the various games which were carried on during the season. The first day was called πιθοιγία: the second, χόες: and the third, χύτροι. The first day derived its name from the opening of the casks to taste the wine of the preceding year; the second from χοῦς, the cup, and seems to have been the day devoted to drinking. The third day had its name from χύτρος, a pot, as on this day persons offered pots with flowers, seeds, or cooked vegetables, as a sacrifice to Dionysus and Hermes Chthonius. It is uncertain whether dramas were performed at the Anthesteria; but it is supposed that comedies were represented, and that tragedies which were to be brought out at the great Dionysia were perhaps rehearsed at the Anthesteria. The mysteries connected with the celebration of the Anthesteria were held at night.—The fourth festival, the City or Great Dionysia, was celebrated about the 12th of the month of Elaphebolion; but we do not know whether they lasted more than one day or not. The order in which the solemnities took place was as follows:—the great public procession, the chorus of boys, the comus [Chorus], comedy, and, lastly, tragedy. Of the dramas which were performed at the great Dionysia, the tragedies at least were generally new pieces; repetitions do not, however, seem to have been excluded from any Dionysiac festival. The first archon had the superintendence, and gave the chorus to the dramatic poet who wished to bring out his piece at this festival. The prize awarded to the dramatist for the best play consisted of a crown, and his name was proclaimed in the theatre of Dionysus. As the great Dionysia were celebrated at the beginning of spring, when the navigation was re-opened, Athens was not only visited by numbers of country people, but also by strangers from other parts of Greece, and the various amusements and exhibitions on this occasion were not unlike those of a modern fair.—The worship of Dionysus, whom the Romans called Bacchus, or rather the Bacchic mysteries and orgies (Bacchanalia), are said to have been introduced from southern Italy into Etruria, and from thence to Rome, where for a time they were carried on in secret, and, during the latter period of their existence, at night. The initiated, according to Livy, not only indulged in feasting and drinking at their meetings, but when their minds were heated with wine they indulged in the coarsest excesses and the most unnatural vices. The time of initiation lasted ten days; on the tenth, the person who was to be initiated took a solemn meal, underwent a purification by water, and was led into the sanctuary (Bacchanal). At first only women were initiated, and the orgies were celebrated every year during three days. But Pacula Annia, a Campanian matron, pretending to act under the direct influence of Bacchus, changed the whole method of celebration: she admitted men to the initiation, and transferred the solemnisation, which had hitherto taken place during the daytime, to the night. Instead of three days in the year, she ordered that the Bacchanalia should be held during five days in every month. It was from that time that these orgies were carried on with frightful licentiousness and excesses of every kind. The evil at length became so alarming, that, in B.C. 186, the consuls, by the command of the senate, instituted an investigation into the nature and object of these new rites. The result was that numerous persons were arrested, and some put to death; and that a decree of the senate was issued, commanding that no Bacchanalia should be held either in Rome or Italy; that if any one should think such ceremonies necessary, or if he could not neglect them without scruples or making atonements, he should apply to the praetor urbanus, who might then consult the senate. If the permission should be granted to him in an assembly of the senate, consisting of not less than one hundred members, he might solemnise the Bacchic sacra; but no more than five persons were to be present at the celebration; there should be no common fund, and no master of the sacra or priest. A brazen table containing this important document was discovered near Bari, in southern Italy, in the year 1640, and is at present in the imperial Museum of Vienna. While the Bacchanalia were thus suppressed, another more simple and innocent festival of Bacchus, the Liberalia (from Liber, or Liber Pater, a name of Bacchus), continued to be celebrated at Rome every year on the 16th of March. Priests and aged priestesses, adorned with garlands of ivy, carried through the city wine, honey, cakes, and sweetmeats, together with an altar with a handle (ansata ara), in the middle of which there was a small fire-pan (foculus), in which from time to time sacrifices were burnt. On this day Roman youths who had attained their sixteenth year received the toga virilis.

DĬŎSCŪRĬA (διοσκούρια), festivals celebrated in various parts of Greece in honour of the Dioscuri (Castor and Pollux). Their worship was very generally adopted in Greece, especially in the Doric and Achaean states; but little is known of the manner in which their festivals were celebrated. At Athens the festival was called Anaceia.

DĬŌTA, a vessel having two ears (ὦτα) or handles, used for holding wine. It appears to have been much the same as the amphora. [Amphora.]

DIPHTHĔRA (διφθέρα), a kind of cloak made of the skins of animals, and worn by herdsmen and country people. It had a covering for the head (ἐπικράνον), in which respect it would correspond to the Roman cucullus.

DIPLŌMA, a writ or public document, which conferred upon a person any right or privilege. During the republic, it was granted by the consuls and senate; and under the empire, by the emperor and the magistrates whom he authorised to do so. It consisted of two leaves, whence it derived its name.

DIPTỸCHA (δίπτυχα), two writing tablets, which could be folded together. They were commonly made of wood and covered over with wax.

DĬRĬBĬTŌRES. [Comitia.]

DISCUS (δίσκος), a circular plate of stone, or metal, made for throwing to a distance as an exercise of strength and dexterity. It was one of the principal gymnastic exercises of the ancients, being included in the Pentathlum.

DISPENSĀTOR. [Calculator.]

DITHỸRAMBUS. [Chorus.]

DĪVERSŌRĬUM. [Caupona.]

DĪVĪNĀTĬO (μαντική), a power in man which foresees future things by means of those signs which the gods throw in his way. Among the Greeks the manteis (μάντεις), or seers, who announced the future, were supposed to be under the direct influence of the gods, chiefly that of Apollo. In many families of seers the inspired knowledge of the future was considered to be hereditary, and to be transmitted from father to son. To these families belonged the Iamids, who from Olympia spread over a considerable part of Greece; the Branchidae, near Miletus; the Eumolpids, at Athens and Eleusis; the Telliads, the Acarnanian seers, and others. Along with the seers we may also mention the Bacides and the Sibyllae. Both existed from a very remote time, and were distinct from the manteis so far as they pretended to derive their knowledge of the future from sacred books (χρησμοί) which they consulted, and which were in some places, as at Athens and Rome, kept by the government or some especial officers, in the acropolis and in the most revered sanctuary. The Bacides are said to have been descended from one or more prophetic nymphs of the name of Bacis. The Sibyllae were prophetic women, probably of Asiatic origin, whose peculiar custom seems to have been to wander with their sacred books from place to place. The Sibylla, whose books gained so great an importance at Rome, is reported to have been the Erythraean: the books which she was said to have sold to one of the Tarquins were carefully concealed from the public, and only accessible to the duumvirs. Besides these more respectable prophets and prophetesses, there were numbers of diviners of an inferior order (χρησμολόγοι), who made it their business to explain all sorts of signs, and to tell fortunes. They were, however, more particularly popular with the lower orders, who are everywhere most ready to believe what is most marvellous and least entitled to credit. No public undertaking of any consequence was ever entered upon by the Greeks and Romans without consulting the will of the gods, by observing the signs which they sent, especially those in the sacrifices offered for the purpose, and by which they were thought to indicate the success or the failure of the undertaking. For this kind of divination no divine inspiration was thought necessary, but merely experience and a certain knowledge acquired by routine; and although in some cases priests were appointed for the purpose of observing and explaining signs [Augur; Haruspex], yet on any sudden emergency, especially in private affairs, any one who met with something extraordinary, might act as his own interpreter. The principal signs by which the gods were thought to declare their will, were things connected with the offering of sacrifices, the flight and voice of birds, all kinds of natural phenomena, ordinary as well as extraordinary, and dreams.—The interpretation of signs of the first class (ἱερομαντεία or ἱεροσκοπία, haruspicium or ars haruspicina) was, according to Aeschylus, the invention of Prometheus. It seems to have been most cultivated by the Etruscans, among whom it was raised into a complete science, and from whom it passed to the Romans. Sacrifices were either offered for the special purpose of consulting the gods, or in the ordinary way; but in both cases the signs were observed, and when they were propitious, the sacrifice was said καλλιερεῖν. The principal points that were generally observed were, 1. The manner in which the victim approached the altar. 2. The nature of the intestines with respect to their colour and smoothness; the liver and bile were of particular importance. 3. The nature of the flame which consumed the sacrifice. Especial care was also taken during a sacrifice, that no inauspicious or frivolous words were uttered by any of the bystanders: hence the admonitions of the priests, εὐφημεῖτε and εὐφημία, or σιγᾶτε, σιωπᾶτε, favete linguis, and others; for improper expressions were not only thought to pollute and profane the sacred act, but to be unlucky omens.—The art of interpreting signs of the second class was called οἰωνιστική, augurium, or auspicium. It was, like the former, common to Greeks and Romans, but never attained the same degree of importance in Greece as it did in Rome. [Auspicium.] The Greeks, when observing the flight of birds, turned their face toward the north, and then a bird appearing to the right (east), especially an eagle, a heron, or a falcon, was a favourable sign; while birds appearing to the left (west) were considered as unlucky signs. Of greater importance than the appearance of animals, at least to the Greeks, were the phenomena in the heavens, particularly during any public transaction. Among the unlucky phenomena in the heavens (διοσημεῖα, signa, or portenta) were thunder and lightning, an eclipse of the sun or moon, earthquakes, rain of blood, stones, milk, &c. Any one of these signs was sufficient at Athens to break up the assembly of the people.—In common life, things apparently of no importance, when occurring at a critical moment, were thought by the ancients to be signs sent by the gods, from which conclusions might be drawn respecting the future. Among these common occurrences we may mention sneezing, twinkling of the eyes, tinkling of the ears, &c.—The art of interpreting dreams (ὀνειροπολία), which had probably been introduced into Europe from Asia, where it is still a universal practice, seems in the Homeric age to have been held in high esteem, for dreams were said to be sent by Zeus. In subsequent times, that class of diviners who occupied themselves with the interpretation of dreams, seems to have been very numerous and popular; but they never enjoyed any protection from the state, and were chiefly resorted to by private individuals.—The subject of oracles is treated in a separate article. [Oraculum.]—The word divinatio was used in a particular manner by the Romans as a law term. If in any case two or more accusers came forward against one and the same individual, it was, as the phrase ran, decided by divination, who should be the chief or real accuser, whom the others then joined as subscriptores; i.e. by putting their names to the charge brought against the offender. This transaction, by which one of several accusers was selected to conduct the accusation, was called divinatio, as the question here was not about facts, but about something which was to be done, and which could not be found out by witnesses or written documents; so that the judices had, as it were, to divine the course which they had to take. Hence the oration of Cicero, in which he tries to show that he, and not Q. Caecilius Niger, ought to conduct the accusation against Verres, is called Divinatio in Caecilium.

DĪVĪSOR. [Ambitus.]

DĪVORTĬUM (ἀπόλειψις, ἀπόπεμψις), divorce. (1) Greek. The laws of Athens permitted either the husband or the wife to call for and effect a divorce. If it originated with the wife, she was said to leave her husband’s house (ἀπολείπειν); if otherwise, to be dismissed from it (ἀποπεμπέσθαι). After divorce, the wife resorted to her male relations, with whom she would have remained if she had never quitted her maiden state; and it then became their duty to receive or recover from her late husband all the property that she had brought to him in acknowledged dowry upon their marriage. If, upon this, both parties were satisfied, the divorce was final and complete: if otherwise, an action ἀπολείψεως, or ἀποπέμψεως, would be instituted, as the case might be, by the party opposed to the separation. A separation, however, whether it originated from the husband or the wife, was considered to reflect discredit on the latter.—(2) Roman. Divorce always existed in the Roman polity. As one essential part of a marriage was the consent and conjugal affection of the parties, it was considered that this affection was necessary to its continuance, and accordingly either party might declare his or her intention to dissolve the connection. No judicial decree, and no interference of any public authority, was requisite to dissolve a marriage. The first instance of divorce at Rome is said to have occurred about B.C. 234, when Sp. Carvilius Ruga put away his wife, on the ground of barrenness: it is added, that his conduct was generally condemned. Towards the latter part of the republic, and under the empire, divorces became very common. Pompey divorced his wife Mucia for alleged adultery; and Cicero divorced his wife Terentia, after living with her thirty years, and married a young woman. Cato the younger divorced his wife Marcia, that his friend Hortensius might marry her, and have children by her; for this is the true meaning of the story that he lent his wife to Hortensius. If a husband divorced his wife, the wife’s dowry, as a general rule, was restored; and the same was the case when the divorce took place by mutual consent. Corresponding to the forms of marriage by confarreatio and coemtio, there were the forms of divorce by diffarreatio and remancipatio. In course of time, less ceremony was used; but still some distinct notice or declaration of intention was necessary to constitute a divorce. The term repudium, it is said, properly applies to a marriage only contracted, and divortium to an actual marriage; but sometimes divortium and repudium appear to be used indifferently. The phrases to express a divorce are, nuntium remittere, divortium facere; and the form of words might be as follows—Tuas res tibi habeto, tuas res tibi agito. The phrases used to express the renunciation of a marriage contract were, renuntiare repudium, repudium remittere, dicere, and repudiare; and the form of words might be, Conditione tua non utor.

DŎCĂNA (τὰ δόκανα, from δοκός, a beam) was an ancient symbolical representation of the Dioscuri (Castor and Pollux), at Sparta. It consisted of two upright beams with others laid across them transversely.

DŎCĬMĂSĬA (δοκιμασία). When any citizen of Athens was either appointed by lot, or chosen by suffrage, to hold a public office, he was obliged, before entering on its duties, to submit to a docimasia, or scrutiny into his previous life and conduct, in which any person could object to him as unfit. The docimasia, however, was not confined to persons appointed to public offices; for we read of the denouncement of a scrutiny against orators who spoke in the assembly while leading profligate lives, or after having committed flagitious crimes.

DODRANS. [As.]

DŎLĀBRA, dim. DŎLĀBELLA (σμίλη, dim. σμιλίον), a chisel, a celt, was used for a variety of purposes in ancient as in modern times. Celtes is an old Latin word for a chisel, probably derived from coelo, to engrave. Celts, or chisels, were frequently employed in making entrenchments and in destroying fortifications; and hence they are often found in ancient earth-works and encampments. They are for the most part of bronze, more rarely of hard stone. The sizes and forms which they present, are as various as the uses to which they were applied. The annexed woodcut is designed to show a few of the most remarkable varieties.

DŌLĬUM, a cylindrical vessel, somewhat resembling our tubs or casks, into which new wine was put to let it ferment.

DŎLO (δόλων). (1) A secret poniard or dagger contained in a case, used by the Italians. It was inserted in the handles of whips, and also in walking sticks, thus corresponding to our sword-stick.—(2) A small top-sail.

DŎMĬNĬUM signifies quiritarian ownership, or property in a thing; and dominus, or dominus legitimus, is the owner. The dominus has the power of dealing with a thing as he pleases, and differs from the bare possessor, who has only the right of possession, and has not the absolute ownership of the thing.

DŎMUS (οἶκος), a house.—(1) Greek. A Greek house was always divided into two distinct portions, the Andronitis, or men’s apartments (ἀνδρωνῖτις), and the Gynaeconitis, or women’s apartments (γυναικωνῖτις). In the earliest times, as in the houses referred to by Homer, and in some houses at a later period, the women’s apartments were in the upper story (ὑπερῷον), but usually at a later time the gynaeconitis was on the same story with the andronitis, and behind it. The front of the house towards the street was not large, as the apartments extended rather in the direction of its depth than of its width. In towns the houses were often built side by side, with party-walls between. The exterior wall was plain, being composed generally of stone, brick, and timber, and often covered with stucco. There was no open space between the street and the house-door, like the Roman vestibulum. The πρόθυρα, which is sometimes mentioned, seems to be merely the space in front of the house, where there was generally an altar of Apollo Agyieus, or a rude obelisk emblematical of the god. Sometimes there was a laurel tree in the same position, and sometimes a head of the god Hermes. A few steps (ἀναβαθμοί) led up to the house-door, which generally bore some inscription, for the sake of a good omen, or as a charm. The door sometimes opened outwards; but this seems to have been an exception to the general rule, as is proved by the expressions used for opening, ἐνδοῦναι, and shutting it, ἐπισπάσασθαι and ἐφελκύσασθαι. The handles were called ἐπισπαστῆρες. The house-door was called αὔλειος or αὔλεια θύρα, because it led to the αὐλή. It gave admittance to a narrow passage (θυρωρεῖον, πυλών, θυρών), on one side of which, in a large house, were the stables, on the other the porter’s lodge. The duty of the porter (θυρωρός) was to admit visitors and to prevent anything improper from being carried into or out of the house. The porter was attended by a dog. Hence the phrase εὐλαβεῖσθαι τὴν κύνα, corresponding to the Latin Cave canem. From the θυρωρεῖον we pass into the peristyle or court (περιστύλιον, αὐλή) of the andronitis, which was a space open to the sky in the centre (ὕπαιθρον), and surrounded on all four sides by porticoes (στοαί), of which one, probably that nearest the entrance, was called προστόον. These porticoes were used for exercise, and sometimes for dining in. Here was commonly the altar on which sacrifices were offered to the household gods. In building the porticoes the object sought was to obtain as much sun in winter, and as much shade and air in summer as possible. Round the peristyle were arranged the chambers used by the men, such as banqueting rooms (οἶκοι, ἀνδρῶνες), which were large enough to contain several sets of couches (τρίκλινοι, ἑπτάκλινοι, τριακοντάκλινοι, and at the same time to allow abundant room for attendants, musicians, and performers of games; parlours or sitting rooms (ἐξέδραι), and smaller chambers and sleeping rooms (δωμάτια, κοιτῶνες, οἰκήματα); picture-galleries and libraries, and sometimes store-rooms; and in the arrangement of these apartments attention was paid to their aspect. The peristyle of the andronitis was connected with that of the gynaeconitis by a door called μέταυλος, μέσαυλος, or μεσαύλιος, which was in the middle of the portico of the peristyle opposite to the entrance. By means of this door all communication between the andronitis and gynaeconitis could be shut off.

α, House-door, αὔλειος θύρα: θυρ’, passage, θυρωρεῖον or θυρών: Α, peristyle, or αὐλή of the andronitis; ο, the halls and chambers of the andronitis; μ, μέταυλος or μέσαυλος θύρα: Γ, peristyle of the gynaeconitis; γ, chambers of the gynaeconitis; π, προστάς or παραστάς: θ, θάλαμος and ἀμφιθάλαμος: Ι, rooms for working in wool (ἱστῶνες); Κ, garden-door, κηταία θύρα.

Accordingly Xenophon calls it θύρα βαλανωτός. Its name μέσαυλος is evidently derived from μέσος, and means the door between the two αὐλαί or peristyles. This door gave admittance to the peristyle of the gynaeconitis, which differed from that of the andronitis in having porticoes round only three of its sides. On the fourth side were placed two antae [Antae], at a considerable distance from each other. A third of the distance between these antae was set off inwards, thus forming a chamber or vestibule, which was called προστάς, παραστάς, and πρόδρομος. On the right and left of this προστάς were two bed-chambers, the θάλαμος and ἀμφιθάλαμος, of which the former was the principal bed-chamber of the house, and here also seem to have been kept the vases, and other valuable articles of ornament. Beyond these rooms were large apartments (ἱστῶνες) used for working in wool. Round the peristyle were the eating-rooms, bed-chambers, store-rooms, and other apartments in common use. Besides the αὔλειος θύρα and the μέσαυλος θύρα, there was a third door (κηπαία θύρα) leading to the garden. The preceding is a conjectural plan of the ground-floor of a Greek house of the larger size. There was usually, though not always, an upper story (ὑπερῷον διῆρες), which seldom extended over the whole space occupied by the lower story. The principal use of the upper story was for the lodging of the slaves. The access to the upper floor seems to have been sometimes by stairs on the outside of the house, leading up from the street. Guests were also lodged in the upper story. But in some large houses there were rooms set apart for their reception (ξενῶνες) on the ground-floor. The roofs were generally flat, and it was customary to walk about upon them. In the interior of the house the place of doors was sometimes supplied by curtains (παραπετάσματα), which were either plain, or dyed, or embroidered. The principal openings for the admission of light and air were in the roofs of the peristyles; but it is incorrect to suppose that the houses had no windows (θυρίδες), or at least none overlooking the street. They were not at all uncommon. Artificial warmth was procured partly by means of fire-places. It is supposed that chimneys were altogether unknown, and that the smoke escaped through an opening in the roof (καπνοδόκη), but it is not easy to understand how this could be the case when there was an upper story. Little portable stoves (ἐσχάραι, ἐσχαρίδες) or chafing-dishes (ἀνθράκια) were frequently used. The houses of the wealthy in the country, at least in Attica, were much larger and more magnificent than those in the towns. The latter seem to have been generally small and plain, especially in earlier times, when the Greeks preferred expending the resources of art and wealth on their temples and public buildings; but the private houses became more magnificent as the public buildings began to be neglected. The decorations of the interior were very plain at the period to which our description refers. The floors were of stone. At a late period coloured stones were used. Mosaics are first mentioned under the kings of Pergamus. The walls, up to the 4th century B.C., seem to have been only whited. The first instance of painting them is that of Alcibiades. This innovation met with considerable opposition. We have also mention of painted ceilings at the same period. At a later period this mode of decoration became general.—(2) Roman. The houses of the Romans were poor and mean for many centuries after the foundation of the city. Till the war with Pyrrhus the houses were covered only with thatch or shingles, and were usually built of wood or unbaked bricks. It was not till the latter times of the republic, when wealth had been acquired by conquests in the East, that houses of any splendour began to be built; but it then became the fashion not only to build houses of an immense size, but also to adorn them with columns, paintings, statues, and costly works of art. Some idea may be formed of the size and magnificence of the houses of the Roman nobles during the later times of the republic by the price which they fetched. The consul Messalla bought the house of Autronius for 3700 sestertia (nearly 33,000l.), and Cicero the house of Crassus, on the Palatine, for 3500 sestertia (nearly 31,000l.). The house of Publius Clodius, whom Milo killed, cost 14,800 sestertia (about 131,000l.); and the Tusculan villa of Scaurus was fitted up with such magnificence, that when it was burnt by his slaves, he lost 100,000 sestertia, upwards of 885,000l.—Houses were originally only one story high; but as the value of ground increased in the city they were built several stories in height, and the highest floors were usually inhabited by the poor. Till the time of Nero, the streets in Rome were narrow and irregular, and bore traces of the haste and confusion with which the city was built after it had been burnt by the Gauls; but after the great fire in the time of that emperor, by which two-thirds of Rome was burnt to the ground, the city was built with great regularity. The streets were made straight and broad; the height of the houses was restricted, and a certain part of each was required to be built of Gabian or Alban stone, which was proof against fire. The principal parts of a Roman house were the, 1. Vestibulum, 2. Ostium, 3. Atrium or Cavum Aedium, 4. Alae, 5. Tablinum, 6. Fauces, 7. Peristylium. The parts of a house which were considered of less importance, and of which the arrangement differed in different houses, were the, 1. Cubicula, 2. Triclinia, 3. Oeci, 4. Exedrae, 5. Pinacotheca, 6. Bibliotheca, 7. Balineum, 8. Culina, 9. Coenacula, 10. Diaeta, 11. Solaria. We shall speak of each in order.—1. Vestibulum did not properly form part of the house, but was a vacant space before the door, forming a court, which was surrounded on three sides by the house, and was open on the fourth to the street.—2. Ostium, which is also called janua and fores, was the entrance to the house. The street-door admitted into a hall, to which the name of ostium was also given, and in which there was frequently a small room (cella) for the porter (janitor or ostiarius), and also for a dog, which was usually kept in the hall to guard the house. Another door (janua interior) opposite the street-door led into the atrium.—3. Atrium or Cavum Aedium, also written Cavaedium, are probably only different names of the same room.

The Atrium or Cavum Aedium was a large apartment roofed over with the exception of an opening in the centre, called compluvium, towards which the roof sloped so as to throw the rain-water into a cistern in the floor, termed impluvium, which was frequently ornamented with statues, columns, and other works of art. The word impluvium, however, is also employed to denote the aperture in the roof. The atrium was the most important room in the house, and among the wealthy was usually fitted up with much splendour and magnificence. Originally it was the only sitting-room in the house; but in the houses of the wealthy it was distinct from the private apartments, and was used as a reception-room, where the patron received his clients, and the great and noble the numerous visitors who were accustomed to call every morning to pay their respects or solicit favours. But though the atrium was not used by the wealthy as a sitting-room for the family, it still continued to be employed for many purposes which it had originally served. Thus the nuptial couch was placed in the atrium opposite the door, and also the instruments and materials for spinning and weaving, which were formerly carried on by the women of the family in this room. Here also the images of their ancestors were placed, and the focus or fire-place, which possessed a sacred character, being dedicated to the Lares of each family.—4. Alae, wings, were small apartments or recesses on the left and right sides of the atrium.—5. Tablinum was in all probability a recess or room at the further end of the atrium opposite the door leading into the hall, and was regarded as part of the atrium. It contained the family records and archives. With the tablinum the Roman house appears to have originally ceased; and the sleeping-rooms were probably arranged on each side of the atrium. But when the atrium and its surrounding rooms were used for the reception of clients and other public visitors, it became necessary to increase the size of the house; and the following rooms were accordingly added:—6. Fauces appear to have been passages, which passed from the atrium to the peristylium or interior of the house.—7. Peristylium was in its general form like the atrium, but it was one-third greater in breadth, measured transversely, than in length. It was a court open to the sky in the middle; the open part, which was surrounded by columns, was larger than the impluvium in the atrium, and was frequently decorated with flowers and shrubs.—The arrangement of the rooms, which are next to be noticed, varied according to the taste and circumstances of the owner. It is therefore impossible to assign to them any regular place in the house.—1. Cubicula, bed-chambers, appear to have been usually small. There were separate cubicula for the day and night; the latter were also called dormitoria.—2. Triclinia are treated of in a separate article. [Triclinium.]—3. Oeci, from the Greek οἶκος, were spacious halls or saloons borrowed from the Greeks, and were frequently used as triclinia. They were to have the same proportions as triclinia, but were to be more spacious on account of having columns, which triclinia had not.—4. Exedrae were rooms for conversation and the other purposes of society.—5. Pinacotheca, a picture-gallery.—6, 7. Bibliotheca and Balineum are treated of in separate articles.—8. Culina, the kitchen.

The food was originally cooked in the atrium: but the progress of refinement afterwards led to the use of another part of the house for this purpose. In the kitchen of Pansa’s house at Pompeii, a stove for stews and similar preparations was found, very much like the charcoal stoves used in the present day. Before it lie a knife, a strainer, and a kind of frying-pan with four spherical cavities, as if it were meant to cook eggs.—9. Coenacula, properly signified rooms to dine in; but after it became the fashion to dine in the upper part of the house, the whole of the rooms above the ground-floor were called coenacula.—10. Diaeta, an apartment used for dining in, and for the other purposes of life. It appears to have been smaller than the triclinium. Diaeta is also the name given by Pliny to rooms containing three or four bed-chambers (cubicula). Pleasure-houses or summer-houses are also called diaetae.—11. Solaria, properly places for basking in the sun, were terraces on the tops of houses. The preceding cut represents the atrium of a house at Pompeii. In the centre is the impluvium, and the passage at the further end is the ostium or entrance hall.—The preceding account of the different rooms, and especially of the arrangement of the atrium, tablinum, peristyle, &c., is best illustrated by the houses which have been disinterred at Pompeii. The ground-plan of one is accordingly subjoined.

Like most of the other houses at Pompeii, it had no vestibulum according to the meaning given above. 1. The ostium or entrance-hall, which is six feet wide and nearly thirty long. Near the street-door there is a figure of a large fierce dog worked in mosaic on the pavement, and beneath it is written Cave Canem. The two large rooms on each side of the vestibule appear from the large openings in front of them to have been shops; they communicate with the entrance-hall, and were therefore probably occupied by the master of the house. 2. The atrium, which is about twenty-eight feet in length and twenty in breadth; its impluvium is near the centre of the room, and its floor is paved with white tesserae, spotted with black. 3. Chambers for the use of the family, or intended for the reception of guests, who were entitled to claim hospitality. 4. A small room with a staircase leading up to the upper rooms. 5. Alae. 6. The tablinum. 7. The fauces. 8. Peristyle, with Doric columns and garden in the centre. The large room on the right of the peristyle is the triclinium; beside it is the kitchen; and the smaller apartments are cubicula and other rooms for the use of the family.—Having given a general description of the rooms of a Roman house, it remains to speak of the (1) floors, (2) walls, (3) ceilings, (4) windows, and (5) the mode of warming the rooms. For the doors, see Janua.—(1.) The floor (solum) of a room was seldom boarded: it was generally covered with stone or marble, or mosaics. The common floors were paved with pieces of bricks, tiles, stones, &c., forming a kind of composition called ruderatic. Sometimes pieces of marble were imbedded in a composition ground, and these probably gave the idea of mosaics. As these floors were beaten down (pavita) with rammers (fistucae), the word pavimentum became the general name for a floor. Mosaics, called by Pliny lithostrota (λιθόστρωτα), though this word has a more extensive meaning, first came into use in Sulla’s time, who made one in the temple of Fortune at Praeneste. Mosaic work was afterwards called Musivum opus, and was most extensively employed.—(2.) The inner walls (parietes) of private rooms were frequently lined with slabs of marble, but were more usually covered by paintings, which in the time of Augustus were made upon the walls themselves. This practice was so common that we find even the small houses in Pompeii have paintings upon their walls.—(3.) The ceilings seem originally to have been left uncovered, the beams which supported the roof or the upper story being visible. Afterwards planks were placed across these beams at certain intervals, leaving hollow spaces, called lacunaria or laquearia, which were frequently covered with gold and ivory, and sometimes with paintings. There was an arched ceiling in common use, called Camara.—(4.) The Roman houses had few windows (fenestrae). The principal apartments, the atrium, peristyle, &c., were lighted from above, and the cubicula and other small rooms generally derived their light from them, and not from windows looking into the street. The rooms only on the upper story seem to have been usually lighted by windows. The windows appear originally to have been merely openings in the wall, closed by means of shutters, which frequently had two leaves (bifores fenestrae). Windows were also sometimes covered by a kind of lattice or trellis work (clathri), and sometimes by net-work, to prevent serpents and other noxious reptiles from getting in. Afterwards, however, windows were made of a transparent stone, called lapis specularis (mica); such windows were called specularia. Windows made of glass (vitrum) are first mentioned by Lactantius, who lived in the fourth century of the Christian era; but the discoveries at Pompeii prove that glass was used for windows under the early emperors.—(5.) The rooms were heated in winter in different ways; but the Romans had no stoves like ours. The cubicula, triclinia, and other rooms, which were intended for winter use, were built in that part of the house upon which the sun shone most; and in the mild climate of Italy this frequently enabled them to dispense with any artificial mode of warming the rooms. Rooms exposed to the sun in this way were sometimes called heliocamini. The rooms were sometimes heated by hot air, which was introduced by means of pipes from a furnace below, but more frequently by portable furnaces or braziers (foculi), in which coal or charcoal was burnt. The caminus was also a kind of stove, in which wood appears to have been usually burnt, and probably only differed from the foculus in being larger and fixed to one place. The rooms usually had no chimneys for carrying off the smoke, which escaped through the windows, doors, and openings in the roof; still chimneys do not appear to have been entirely unknown to the ancients, as some are said to have been found in the ruins of ancient buildings.

DŌNĀRĬA (ἀναθήματα or ἀνακείμενα), presents made to the gods, either by individuals or communities. Sometimes they are also called dona or δῶρα. The belief that the gods were pleased with costly presents was as natural to the ancients as the belief that they could be influenced in their conduct towards men by the offering of sacrifices; and, indeed, both sprang from the same feeling. Presents were mostly given as tokens of gratitude for some favour which a god had bestowed on man; as, for instance, by persons who had recovered from illness or escaped from shipwreck; but some are also mentioned, which were intended to induce the deity to grant some especial favour. Almost all presents were dedicated in temples, to which in some places an especial building was added, in which these treasures were preserved. Such buildings were called θησαυροί (treasuries); and in the most frequented temples of Greece many states had their separate treasuries. The act of dedication was called ἀνατιθέναι, donare, dedicare, or sacrare.

DŌNĀTĪVUM. [Congiarium.]

DORMĪTŌRĬA. [Domus.]

DOS (φερνή, προΐξ), dowry. (1) Greek. In the Homeric times it was customary for the husband to purchase his wife from her relations, by gifts called ἕδνα or ἔεδνα. But at Athens, during the historical period, the contrary was the case; for every woman had to bring her husband some dowry, and so universal was the practice, that one of the chief distinctions between a wife and a παλλακή, or concubine, consisted in the former having a portion, whereas the latter had not; hence, persons who married wives without portions appear to have given them or their guardians an acknowledgment in writing by which the receipt of a portion was admitted. Moreover, poor heiresses were either married or portioned by their next of kin, according to a law, which fixed the amount of portion to be given at five minae by a Pentacosiomedimnus, three by a Horseman, and one and a half by a Zeugites. The husband had to give to the relatives or guardians of the wife security (ἀποτίμημα) for the dowry, which was not considered the property of the husband himself, but rather of his wife and children. The portion was returned to the wife in case of a divorce.—(2) Roman. The dos among the Romans was every thing which on the occasion of a woman’s marriage was transferred by her, or by another person, to the husband. All the property of the wife which was not made dos continued to be her own, and was comprised under the name of parapherna. The dos upon its delivery became the husband’s property, and continued to be his so long as the marriage relation existed. In the case of divorce, the woman, or her relations, could bring an action for the restitution of the dos; and, accordingly, a woman whose dos was large (dotata uxor) had some influence over her husband, inasmuch as she had the power of divorcing herself, and thus of depriving him of the enjoyment of her property.

DRACHMA (δραχμή), the principal silver coin among the Greeks. The two chief standards in the currencies of the Greek states were the Attic and Aeginetan. The average value of the Attic drachma was 9¾d. of our money. It contained six obols (ὀβολοί); and the Athenians had separate silver coins, from four drachmae to a quarter of an obol. There were also silver pieces of two drachmae and four drachmae. (See tables.) The tetradrachm in later times was called stater. The latter word also signifies a gold coin, equal in value to twenty drachmae [Stater]. The obolos, in later times, was of bronze: but in the best times of Athens we only read of silver obols. The χαλκοῦς was a copper coin, and the eighth part of an obol. The Attic standard prevailed most in the maritime and commercial states. It was the standard of Philip’s gold, and was introduced by Alexander for silver also.—The Aeginetan standard appears to have been the prevalent one in early times: we are told that money was first coined at Aegina by order of Pheidon at Argos. In later times the Aeginetan standard was used in almost all the states of the Peloponnesus, except Corinth. The average value of the Aeginetan drachma was 1s. 1¾d. in our money; and the values of the different coins of this standard are as follows:—

	Shill.	Pence.	Farth.
½ Obol	-	1	0·583
Obol	-	2	1·166
Diobolus	-	4	2·33
Triobolus	-	6	2·5
Drachma	1	1	3
Didrachm	2	3	2

As the Romans reckoned in sesterces, so the Greeks generally reckoned by drachmae; and when a sum is mentioned in the Attic writers, without any specification of the unit, drachmae are usually meant.

DRĂCO. [Signa Militaria.]

DŬCĒNĀRĬI.—(1) The name given to the Roman procuratores, who received a salary of 200 sestertia. The procuratores first received a salary in the time of Augustus.—(2) A class or decuria of judices, first established by Augustus. They were so called because their property, as valued in the census, amounted only to 200 sestertia. They appear to have tried cases of small importance.

DŬCENTĒSĬMA. [Centesima.]

DŬŎDĔCIM SCRIPTA. [Latrunculi.]

DŬŎDĔCIM TĂBŬLĀRUM LEX. [Lex.]

DUPLĀRĬI or DUPLĬCĀRĬI, were soldiers who received on account of their good conduct double allowance (duplicia cibaria), and perhaps in some cases double pay likewise.

DŬPONDĬUS. [As.]

DUSSIS. [As.]

DUUMVĬRI, or the two men, the name of various magistrates and functionaries at Rome, and in the coloniae and municipia. (1) Duumviri Juri Dicundo were the highest magistrates in the municipal towns. [Colonia.]—(2) Duumviri Navales, extraordinary magistrates, who were created, whenever occasion required, for the purpose of equipping and repairing the fleet. They appear to have been originally appointed by the consuls and dictators, but were first elected by the people, B.C. 311.—(3) Duumviri Perduellionis. [Perduellio.]—(4) Duumviri Quinquennales, were the censors in the municipal towns, and must not be confounded with the duumviri juri dicundo. [Colonia.]—(5) Duumviri Sacrorum originally had the charge of the Sibylline books. Their duties were afterwards discharged by the decemviri sacris faciundis. [Decemviri.]—(6) Duumviri were also appointed for the purpose of building or dedicating a temple.

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ECCLĒSĬA (ἐκκλησία), the name of the general assembly of the citizens at Athens, in which they met to discuss and determine upon matters of public interest, and which was therefore the sovereign power in the state. These assemblies were either ordinary (νόμιμοι or κυρίαι), and held four times in each prytany, or extraordinary, that is, specially convened, upon any sudden emergency, and therefore called σύγκλητοι. The place in which they were anciently held was the agora. Afterwards they were transferred to the Pnyx, and at last to the great theatre of Dionysus, and other places. The most usual place, however, was the Pnyx, which was situated to the west of the Areiopagus, on a slope connected with Mount Lycabettus, and partly at least within the walls of the city. It was semicircular in form, with a boundary wall part rock and part masonry, and an area of about 12,000 square yards. On the north the ground was filled up and paved with large stones, so as to get a level surface on the slope. Towards this side, and close to the wall, was the bema (βῆμα), a stone platform or hustings ten or eleven feet high, with an ascent of steps. The position of the bema was such as to command a view of the sea from behind, and of the Propylaea and Parthenon in front, and we may be sure that the Athenian orators would often rouse the national feelings of their hearers by pointing to the assemblage of magnificent edifices, “monuments of Athenian gratitude and glory,” which they had in view from the Pnyx.—The right of convening the people was generally vested in the prytanes or presidents of the council of Five Hundred [see Boulé], but in cases of sudden emergency, and especially during wars, the strategi also had the power of calling extraordinary meetings, for which, however, the consent of the senate appears to have been necessary. The prytanes not only gave a previous notice of the day of assembly, and published a programme of the subjects to be discussed, but also, it appears, sent a crier round to collect the citizens. All persons who did not obey the call were subject to a fine, and six magistrates called lexiarchs were appointed, whose duty it was to take care that the people attended the meetings, and to levy fines on those who refused to do so. With a view to this, whenever an assembly was to be held, certain public slaves (Σκύθαι or τοξόται) were sent round to sweep the agora, and other places of public resort, with a rope coloured with vermilion. The different persons whom these ropemen met, were driven by them towards the ecclesia, and those who refused to go were marked by the rope and fined. An additional inducement to attend, with the poorer classes, was the μισθὸς ἐκκλησιαστικός, or pay which they received for it. The payment was originally an obolus, but was afterwards raised to three. The right of attending was enjoyed by all legitimate citizens who were of the proper age (generally supposed to be twenty, certainly not less than eighteen), and not labouring under any atimia, or loss of civil rights.—In the article Boulé it is explained who the prytanes and the proedri were; and we may here remark, that it was the duty of the proedri of the same tribe, under the presidency of their chairman (ὁ ἐπιστάτης), to lay before the people the subjects to be discussed; to read, or cause to be read, the previous bill (τὸ προβούλευμα) of the senate, without which no measure could be brought before the ecclesia, and to give permission to the speakers to address the people. The officers who acted under them, were the crier (ὁ κήρυξ), and the Scythian bowmen.—Previous, however, to the commencement of any business, the place was purified by the offering of sacrifices, and then the gods were implored in a prayer to bless the proceedings of the meeting. The privilege of addressing the assembly was not confined to any class or age among those who had the right to be present: all, without any distinction, were invited to do so by the proclamation, Τίς ἀγορεύειν βούλεται, which was made by the crier after the proedri had gone through the necessary preliminaries, and laid the subject of discussion before the meeting; for though, according to the institutions of Solon, those persons who were above fifty years of age ought to have been called upon to speak first, this regulation had in later times become quite obsolete. The speakers are sometimes simply called οἱ παρίοντες, and appear to have worn a crown of myrtle on their heads while addressing the assembly. The most influential and practised speakers of the assembly were generally distinguished by the name of ῥήτορες. After the speakers had concluded, any one was at liberty to propose a decree, whether drawn up beforehand or framed in the meeting, which, however, it was necessary to present to the proedri, that they might see, in conjunction with the nomophylaces, whether there was contained in it anything injurious to the state, or contrary to the existing laws. If not, it was read by the crier; though, even after the reading, the chairman could prevent it being put to the vote, unless his opposition was overborne by threats and clamours. Private individuals also could do the same, by engaging upon oath (ὑπωμοσία) to bring against the author of any measure they might object to, an accusation called a γραφὴ παράνομων. If, however, the chairman refused to submit any question to the decision of the people, he might be proceeded against by endeixis; and if he allowed the people to vote upon a proposal which was contrary to existing constitutional laws, he was in some cases liable to atimia. If, on the contrary, no opposition of this sort was offered to a proposed decree, the votes of the people were taken, by the permission of the chairman and with the consent of the rest of the proedri. The decision of the people was given either by show of hands, or by ballot, i.e. by casting pebbles into urns (καδίσκοι); the former was expressed by the word χειροτονεῖν, the latter by ψηφίζεσθαι, although the two terms are frequently confounded. The more usual method of voting was by show of hands, as being more expeditious and convenient (χειροτονία). Vote by ballot, on the other hand, was only used in a few special cases determined by law; as, for instance, when a proposition was made for allowing those who had suffered atimia to appeal to the people for restitution of their former rights; or for inflicting extraordinary punishments on atrocious offenders, and generally, upon any matter which affected private persons. In cases of this sort it was settled by law, that a decree should not be valid unless six thousand citizens at least voted in favour of it. This was by far the majority of those citizens who were in the habit of attending; for, in time of war, the number never amounted to five thousand, and in time of peace seldom to ten thousand.—The determination or decree of the people was called a ψήφισμα, which properly signifies a law proposed to an assembly, and approved of by the people. Respecting the form for drawing up a ψήφισμα, see Boulé.—When the business was over, the order for the dismissal of the assembly was given by the prytanes, through the proclamation of the crier; and as it was not customary to continue meetings, which usually began early in the morning, till after sunset, if one day were not sufficient for the completion of any business, it was adjourned to the next. But an assembly was sometimes broken up, if any one, whether a magistrate or private individual, declared that he saw an unfavourable omen, or perceived thunder and lightning. The sudden appearance of rain also, or the shock of an earthquake, or any natural phenomenon of the kind called διοσημίαι, was a sufficient reason for the hasty adjournment of an assembly.

ECCLETI. [Homoei.]

ECDĬCUS (ἔκδικος), the name of an officer in many of the towns of Asia Minor during the Roman dominion, whose principal duty was the care of the public money, and the prosecution of all parties who owed money to the state.

ECMARTȲRĬA (ἐκμαρτυρία), signifies the deposition of a witness at Athens, who, by reason of absence abroad, or illness, was unable to attend in court. His statement was taken down in writing, in the presence of persons expressly appointed to receive it, and afterwards, upon their swearing to its identity, was read as evidence in the cause.

ĒDICTUM. The Jus Edicendi, or power of making edicts, belonged to the higher magistratus populi Romani, but it was principally exercised by the two praetors, the praetor urbanus, and the praetor peregrinus, whose jurisdiction was exercised in the provinces by the praeses. The curule aediles likewise made many edicts; and tribunes, censors, and pontifices also promulgated edicts relating to the matters of their respective jurisdictions. The edicta were among the sources of Roman law. The edictum may be described generally as a rule promulgated by a magistratus on entering on his office, which was done by writing it on an album and exhibiting it in a conspicuous place. As the office of a magistratus was annual, the rules promulgated by a predecessor were not binding on a successor, but he might confirm or adopt the rules of his predecessor, and introduce them into his own edict, and hence such adopted rules were called edictum ralatitium, or vetus, as opposed to edictum novum. A repentinum edictum was that rule which was made (prout res incidit) for the occasion. A perpetuum edictum was that rule which was made by the magistratus on entering upon office, and which was intended to apply to all cases to which it was applicable during the year of his office: hence it was sometimes called also annua lex. Until it became the practice for magistratus to adopt the edicta of their predecessors, the edicta could not form a body of permanent binding rules; but when this practice became common, the edicta (edictum tralatitium) soon constituted a large body of law, which was practically of as much importance as any other part of the law.

EICOSTĒ (εἰκοστή), a tax or duty of one-twentieth (five per cent.) upon all commodities exported or imported by sea in the states of the allies subject to Athens. This tax was first imposed B.C. 413, in the place of the direct tribute which had up to this time been paid by the subject allies; and the change was made with the hope of raising a greater revenue. This tax, like all others, was farmed, and the farmers of it were called εἰκοστολόγοι.

EIRĒN or ĪRĒN (εἴρην or ἴρην), the name given to the Spartan youth when he attained the age of twenty. At the age of eighteen he emerged from childhood, and was called μελλείρην. When he had attained his twentieth year, he began to exercise a direct influence over his juniors, and was entrusted with the command of troops in battle. The word appears to have originally signified a commander. The ἰρένες mentioned in Herodotus, in connection with the battle of Plataeae, were certainly not youths, but commanders.

EISANGĔLĬA (εἰσαγγελία), signifies, in its primary and most general sense, a denunciation of any kind, but, much more usually, an information laid before the council or the assembly of the people, and the consequent impeachment and trial of state criminals at Athens under novel or extraordinary circumstances. Among these were the occasions upon which manifest crimes were alleged to have been committed, and yet of such a nature as the existing laws had failed to anticipate, or at least describe specifically (ἄγραφα ἀδικήματα), the result of which omission would have been, but for the enactment by which the accusations in question might be preferred (νόμος εἰσαγγελτικός), that a prosecutor would not have known to what magistrate to apply; that a magistrate, if applied to, could not with safety have accepted the indictment or brought it into court; and that, in short, there would have been a total failure of justice.

EISITĒRĬA (εἰσιτήρια, scil. ἱερά), sacrifices offered at Athens by the senate before the session began, in honour of the Θεοὶ Βουλαῖοι, i.e. Zeus and Athena.

EISPHŎRA (εἰσφορά), an extraordinary tax on property, raised at Athens, whenever the means of the state were not sufficient to carry on a war. It is not quite certain when this property-tax was introduced; but it seems to have come first into general use about B.C. 428. It could never be raised without a decree of the people, who also assigned the amount required; and the strategi, or generals, superintended its collection, and presided in the courts where disputes connected with, or arising from, the levying of the tax were settled. The usual expressions for paying this property-tax are: εἰσφέρειν χρήματα, εἰσφέρειν εἰς τὸν πόλεμον, εἰς τὴν σωτηρίαν τῆς πόλεως, εἰσφορὰς εἰσφέρειν, and those who paid it were called οἱ εἰσφέροντες. The census of Solon was at first the standard according to which the eisphora was raised, until in B.C. 377 a new census was instituted, in which the people, for the purpose of fixing the rates of the property-tax, were divided into a number of symmoriae (συμμορίαι) or classes, similar to those which were afterwards made for the trierarchy. Each of the ten tribes or phylae, appointed 120 of its wealthier citizens; and the whole number of persons included in the symmoriae was thus 1200, who were considered as the representatives of the whole republic. This body of 1200 was divided into four classes, each consisting of 300. The first class, or the richest, were the leaders of the symmoriae (ἡγεμόνες συμμοριῶν), and are often called the three hundred. They probably conducted the proceedings of the symmoriae, and they, or, which is more likely, the demarchs, had to value the taxable property. Other officers were appointed to make out the lists of the rates, and were called ἐπιγραφεῖς, διαγραφεῖς or ἐκλογεῖς. When the wants of the state were pressing, the 300 leaders advanced the money to the others, who paid it back to the 300 at the regular time. The first class probably consisted of persons who possessed property from 12 talents upwards; the second class, of persons who possessed property from 6 talents and upwards, but under 12; the third class, of persons who possessed property from 2 talents upwards, but under 6; the fourth class, of persons who possessed property from 25 minae upwards, but under 2 talents. The rate of taxation was higher or lower according to the wants of the republic at the time; we have accounts of rates of a 12th, a 50th, a 100th, and a 500th part of the taxable property. If any one thought that his property was taxed higher than that of another man on whom juster claims could be made, he had the right to call upon this person to take the office in his stead, or to submit to a complete exchange of property. [Antidosis.] No Athenian, on the other hand, if belonging to the tax-paying classes, could be exempt from the eisphora, not even the descendants of Harmodius and Aristogeiton.

ĒLECTRUM (ἤλεκτρος and ἤλεκτρον), is used by the ancient writers in two different senses, either for amber or for a mixture of metals composed of gold and silver. In Homer and Hesiod, it has, in all probability, the former meaning. The earliest passage of any Greek writer, in which the word is certainly used for the metal, is in the Antigone of Sophocles (1038). This alludes to native electrum; but the compound was also made artificially. Pliny states that when gold contains a fifth part of silver, it is called electrum; that it is found in veins of gold; and that it is also made by art: if, he adds, it contains more than a fifth of silver, it becomes too brittle to be malleable. But Isidorus mentions electrum composed of three parts gold, and one of silver. Electrum was used for plate, and the other similar purposes for which gold and silver were employed. It was also used as a material for money. Lampridius tells us, that Alexander Severus struck coins of it; and coins are in existence, of this metal, struck by the kings of Bosporus, by Syracuse, and by other Greek states.

ĔLEUSĪNĬA (ἐλευσίνια), a festival and mysteries, originally celebrated only at Eleusis in Attica, in honour of Demeter and Persephone. The Eleusinian mysteries, or the mysteries, as they were sometimes called, were the holiest and most venerable of all that were celebrated in Greece. Various traditions were current among the Greeks respecting the author of these mysteries: for, while some considered Eumolpus or Musaeus to be their founder, others stated that they had been introduced from Egypt by Erechtheus, who at a time of scarcity provided his country with corn from Egypt, and imported from the same quarter the sacred rites and mysteries of Eleusis. A third tradition attributed the institution to Demeter herself, who, when wandering about in search of her daughter, Persephone, was believed to have come to Attica, in the reign of Erechtheus, to have supplied its inhabitants with corn, and to have instituted the mysteries at Eleusis. This last opinion seems to have been the most common among the ancients, and in subsequent times a stone was shown near the well Callichoros at Eleusis, on which the goddess, overwhelmed with grief and fatigue, was believed to have rested on her arrival in Attica. All the accounts and allusions in ancient writers seem to warrant the conclusion, that the legends concerning the introduction of the Eleusinia are descriptions of a period when the inhabitants of Attica were becoming acquainted with the benefits of agriculture, and of a regularly constituted form of society.—In the reign of Erechtheus a war is said to have broken out between the Athenians and Eleusinians; and when the latter were defeated, they acknowledged the supremacy of Athens in everything except the mysteries, which they wished to conduct and regulate for themselves. Thus the superintendence remained with the descendants of Eumolpus [Eumolpidae], the daughters of the Eleusinian king Celeus, and a third class of priests, the Ceryces, who seem likewise to have been connected with the family of Eumolpus, though they themselves traced their origin to Hermes and Aglauros.—At the time when the local governments of the several townships of Attica were concentrated at Athens, the capital became also the centre of religion, and several deities who had hitherto only enjoyed a local worship, were now raised to the rank of national gods. This seems also to have been the case with the Eleusinian goddess, for in the reign of Theseus we find mention of a temple at Athens, called Eleusinion, probably the new and national sanctuary of Demeter. Her priests and priestesses now became naturally attached to the national temple of the capital, though her original place of worship at Eleusis, with which so many sacred associations were connected, still retained its importance and its special share in the celebration of the national solemnities.—We must distinguish between the greater Eleusinia, which were celebrated at Athens and Eleusis, and the lesser, which were held at Agrae on the Ilissus. The lesser Eleusinia were only a preparation (προκάθαρσις or προάγνευσις) for the real mysteries. They were held every year in the month of Anthesterion, and, according to some accounts, in honour of Persephone alone. Those who were initiated in them bore the name of Mystae (μύσται), and had to wait at least another year before they could be admitted to the great mysteries. The principal rites of this first stage of initiation consisted in the sacrifice of a sow, which the mystae seem to have first washed in the Cantharus, and in the purification by a priest, who bore the name of Hydranos (Ὑδρανός). The mystae had also to take an oath of secrecy, which was administered to them by the Mystagogus (μυσταγωγός, also called ἱεροφάντης or προφήτης), and they received some kind of preparatory instruction, which enabled them afterwards to understand the mysteries which were revealed to them in the great Eleusinia.—The great mysteries were celebrated every year in the month of Boedromion, during nine days, from the 15th to the 23rd, both at Athens and Eleusis. The initiated were called ἐπόπται or ἔφυροι. On the first day, those who had been initiated in the lesser Eleusinia, assembled at Athens. On the second day the mystae went in solemn procession to the sea-coast, where they underwent a purification. Of the third day scarcely anything is known with certainty; we are only told that it was a day of fasting, and that in the evening a frugal meal was taken, which consisted of cakes made of sesame and honey. On the fourth day the καλάθος κάθοδος seems to have taken place. This was a procession with a basket containing pomegranates and poppy-seeds; it was carried on a waggon drawn by oxen, and women followed with small mystic cases in their hands. On the fifth day, which appears to have been called the torch day (ἡ τῶν λαμπάδων ἡμέρα), the mystae, led by the δᾳδοῦχος, went in the evening with torches to the temple of Demeter at Eleusis, where they seem to have remained during the following night. This rite was probably a symbolical representation of Demeter wandering about in search of Persephone. The sixth day, called Iacchos, was the most solemn of all. The statue of Iacchos, son of Demeter, adorned with a garland of myrtle and bearing a torch in his hand, was carried along the sacred road amidst joyous shouts and songs, from the Cerameicus to Eleusis. This solemn procession was accompanied by great numbers of followers and spectators. During the night from the sixth to the seventh day the mystae remained at Eleusis, and were initiated into the last mysteries (ἐποπτεία). Those who were neither ἐπόπται nor μύσται were sent away by a herald. The mystae now repeated the oath of secrecy which had been administered to them at the lesser Eleusinia, underwent a new purification, and then they were led by the mystagogus in the darkness of night into the lighted interior of the sanctuary (φωταγωγία), and were allowed to see (αὐτοψία) what none except the epoptae ever beheld. The awful and horrible manner in which the initiation is described by later, especially Christian writers, seems partly to proceed from their ignorance of its real character, partly from their horror of and aversion to these pagan rites. The more ancient writers always abstained from entering upon any description of the subject. Each individual, after his initiation, is said to have been dismissed by the words κόγξ, ὄμπαξ, in order to make room for other mystae. On the seventh day the initiated returned to Athens amid various kinds of raillery and jests, especially at the bridge over the Cephisus, where they sat down to rest, and poured forth their ridicule on those who passed by. Hence the words γεφυρίζειν and γεφυρισμός. These σκώμματα seem, like the procession with torches to Eleusis, to have been dramatical and symbolical representations of the jests by which, according to the ancient legend, Iambe or Baubo had dispelled the grief of the goddess and made her smile. We may here observe, that probably the whole history of Demeter and Persephone was in some way or other symbolically represented at the Eleusinia. The eighth day, called Epidauria (Ἐπιδαύρια), was a kind of additional day for those who by some accident had come too late, or had been prevented from being initiated on the sixth day. It was said to have been added to the original number of days, when Asclepius, coming over from Epidaurus to be initiated, arrived too late, and the Athenians, not to disappoint the god, added an eighth day. The ninth and last day bore the name of πλημοχοαί, from a peculiar kind of vessel called πλημοχοή, which is described as a small kind of κότυλος. Two of these vessels were on this day filled with water or wine, and the contents of the one thrown to the east, and those of the other to the west, while those who performed this rite uttered some mystical words.—The Eleusinian mysteries long survived the independence of Greece. Attempts to suppress them were made by the emperor Valentinian, but he met with strong opposition, and they seem to have continued down to the time of the elder Theodosius. Respecting the secret doctrines which were revealed in them to the initiated, nothing certain is known. The general belief of the ancients was, that they opened to man a comforting prospect of a future state. But this feature does not seem to have been originally connected with these mysteries, and was probably added to them at the period which followed the opening of a regular intercourse between Greece and Egypt, when some of the speculative doctrines of the latter country, and of the East, may have been introduced into the mysteries, and hallowed by the names of the venerable bards of the mythical age. This supposition would also account, in some measure, for the legend of their introduction from Egypt. In modern times many attempts have been made to discover the nature of the mysteries revealed to the initiated, but the results have been as various and as fanciful as might be expected. The most sober and probable view is that, according to which, “they were the remains of a worship which preceded the rise of the Hellenic mythology and its attendant rites, grounded on a view of nature, less fanciful, more earnest, and better fitted to awaken both philosophical thought and religious feeling.”

ĔLEUTHĔRĬA (ἐλευθέρια), the feast of liberty, a festival which the Greeks, after the battle of Plataeae (479 B.C.), instituted in honour of Zeus Eleutherios (the deliverer). It was intended not merely to be a token of their gratitude to the god to whom they believed themselves to be indebted for their victory over the barbarians, but also as a bond of union among themselves; for, in an assembly of all the Greeks, Aristeides carried a decree that delegates (πρόβουλοι καὶ θεωροί) from all the Greek states should assemble every year at Plataeae for the celebration of the Eleutheria. The town itself was at the same time declared sacred and inviolable, as long as its citizens offered the annual sacrifices which were then instituted on behalf of Greece. Every fifth year these solemnities were celebrated with contests, in which the victors were rewarded with chaplets.

ELLŌTĬA or HELLŌTĬA (ἐλλώτια or ἑλλώτια), a festival with a torch race celebrated at Corinth in honour of Athena as a goddess of fire.

ĒMANCĬPĀTĬO, was an act by which the patria potestas was dissolved in the lifetime of the parent, and it was so called because it was in the form of a sale (mancipatio). By the laws of the Twelve Tables it was necessary that a son should be sold three times in order to be released from the paternal power, or to be sui juris. In the case of daughters and grandchildren, one sale was sufficient. The father transferred the son by the form of a sale to another person, who manumitted him, upon which he returned into the power of the father. This was repeated, and with the like result. After a third sale, the paternal power was extinguished, but the son was re-sold to the parent, who then manumitted him, and so acquired the rights of a patron over his emancipated son, which would otherwise have belonged to the purchaser who gave him his final manumission.

EMBAS (ἐμβάς), a shoe worn by men, and which appears to have been the most common kind of shoe worn at Athens. Pollux says that it was invented by the Thracians, and that it was like the low cothurnus. The embas was also worn by the Boeotians, and probably in other parts of Greece.

EMBĂTEIA (ἐμβατεία). In Attic law this word (like the corresponding English one, entry), was used to denote a formal taking possession of real property. Thus, when a son entered upon the land left him by his father, he was said ἐμβατεύειν or βαδίζειν εἰς τὰ πατρῳα, and thereupon he became seised, or possessed of his inheritance. If any one disturbed him in the enjoyment of this property, with an intention to dispute the title, he might maintain an action of ejectment, ἐξούλης δίκη. Before entry he could not maintain such action.

EMBLĒMA (ἔμβλημα, ἔμπαισμα), an inlaid ornament. The art of inlaying was employed in producing beautiful works of two descriptions, viz.;—1st, those which resembled our marquetry, buhl, and Florentine mosaics; and 2dly, those in which crusts (crustae), exquisitely wrought in bas-relief and of precious materials, were fastened upon the surface of vessels or other pieces of furniture. To the latter class of productions belonged the cups and plates which Verres obtained by violence from the Sicilians, and from which he removed the emblems for the purpose of having them set in gold instead of silver.

ĒMĔRĬTI, the name given to those Roman soldiers who had served out their time, and had exemption (vacatio) from military service. The usual time of service was twenty years for the legionary soldiers, and sixteen for the praetorians. At the end of their period of service they received a bounty or reward (emeritum), either in lands or money, or in both.

ĒMISSĀRĬUM (ὑπόνομος), a channel, natural or artificial, by which an outlet is formed to carry off any stagnant body of water. Such channels may be either open or underground; but the most remarkable works of the kind are of the latter description, as they carry off the waters of lakes surrounded by hills. In Greece, the most striking example is presented by the subterraneous channels which carry off the waters of the lake Copais in Boeotia, which were partly natural and partly artificial. Some works of this kind are among the most remarkable efforts of Roman ingenuity. Remains still exist to show that the lakes Trasimene, Albano, Nemi, and Fucino, were all drained by means of emissaria, the last of which is still nearly perfect, and open to inspection, having been partially cleared by the present king of Naples. Julius Caesar is said to have first conceived the idea of this stupendous undertaking, which was carried into effect by the Emperor Claudius.

EMMĒNI DĬKAE (ἔμμηνοι δίκαι), suits in the Athenian courts, which were not allowed to be pending above a month. This regulation was confined to those subjects which required a speedy decision; and of these the most important were disputes respecting commerce (ἐμπορικαὶ δίκαι). All causes relating to mines (μεταλλικαὶ δίκαι) were also ἔμμηνοι δίκαι, as well as those relating to ἔρανοι. [Erani.]

EMPŎRĬUM (τὸ ἐμπόριον), a place for wholesale trade in commodities carried by sea. The name is sometimes applied to a sea-port town, but it properly signifies only a particular place in such a town. The word is derived from ἔμπορος, which signifies in Homer a person who sails as a passenger in a ship belonging to another person; but in later writers it signifies the merchant or wholesale dealer, and differs from κάπηλος, the retail dealer. The emporium at Athens was under the inspection of certain officers, who were elected annually (ἐπιμεληταὶ τοῦ ἐμπορίου).

ENCAUSTĬCA. [Pictura.]

ENCTĒSIS (ἔγκτησις), the right of possessing landed property and houses (ἔγκτησις γῆς καὶ οἰκίας) in a foreign country, which was frequently granted by one Greek state to another, or to separate individuals of another state. Ἐγκτήματα were such possessions in a foreign country, or in a different δῆμος from that to which an Athenian belonged by birth.

ENDEIXIS (ἔνδειξις), properly denotes a prosecution instituted against such persons as were alleged to have exercised rights or held offices while labouring under a peculiar disqualification. The same form of action was available against the chairman of the proedri (ἐπιστάτης), who wrongly refused to take the votes of the people in the assembly; against malefactors, especially murderers; traitors, ambassadors accused of malversation, and persons who furnished supplies to the enemy during war. The first step taken by the prosecutor was to lay his information in writing, also called endeixis, before the proper magistrate, who then arrested, or held to bail, the person criminated, and took the usual steps for bringing him to trial. There is great obscurity with respect to the punishment which followed condemnation. The accuser, if unsuccessful, was responsible for bringing a malicious charge (ψευδοῦς ἐνδείξεως ὑπεύθυνος).

ENDRŎMIS (ἐνδρομίς), a thick, coarse blanket, manufactured in Gaul, and called “endromis” because those who had been exercising in the stadium (ἐν δρόμῳ) threw it over them to obviate the effects of sudden exposure when they were heated. Notwithstanding its coarse and shaggy appearance, it was worn on other occasions as a protection from the cold by rich and fashionable persons at Rome.

ENSIS. [Gladius.]

ENTĂSIS (ἔντασις). The most ancient columns now existing, diminish immediately and regularly from the base to the neck, so that the edge forms a straight line—a mode of construction which is wanting in grace and apparent solidity. To correct this, a swelling outline, called entasis, was given to the shaft, which seems to have been the first step towards combining grace and grandeur in the Doric column.

EPANGĔLĬA (ἐπαγγελία). If a citizen of Athens had incurred atimia, the privilege of taking part or speaking in the public assembly was forfeited. But as it sometimes might happen that a person, though not formally declared atimus, had committed such crimes as would, on accusation, draw upon him this punishment, it was of course desirable that such individuals, like real atimi, should be excluded from the exercise of the rights of citizens. Whenever, therefore, such a person ventured to speak in the assembly, any Athenian citizen had the right to come forward in the assembly itself and demand of him to establish his right to speak by a trial or examination of his conduct (δοκιμασία τοῦ βίου), and this demand, denouncement, or threat, was called epangelia, or epangelia docimasias (ἐπαγγελία δοκιμασίας). The impeached individual was then compelled to desist from speaking, and to submit to a scrutiny into his conduct, and, if he was convicted, a formal declaration of atimia followed.

EPARITI (ἐπάριτοι), the name of the standing army in Arcadia, which was formed to preserve the independence of the Arcadian towns, when they became united as one state after the defeat of the Spartans at Leuctra. They were 5000 in number, and were paid by the state.

EPHĒBUS (ἔφηβος), the name of Athenian youths after they had attained the age of 18. The state of ephebeia (ἐφηβεία) lasted for two years, till the youths had attained the age of 20, when they became men, and were admitted to share all the rights and duties of citizens, for which the law did not prescribe a more advanced age. Before a youth was enrolled among the ephebi, he had to undergo a docimasia (δοκιμασία), the object of which was partly to ascertain whether he was the son of Athenian citizens, or adopted by a citizen, and partly whether his body was sufficiently developed and strong to undertake the duties which now devolved upon him. After the docimasia the young men received in the assembly a shield and a lance; but those whose fathers had fallen in the defence of their country received a complete suit of armour in the theatre. It seems to have been on this occasion that the ephebi took an oath in the temple of Artemis Aglauros, by which they pledged themselves never to disgrace their arms or to desert their comrades; to fight to the last in the defence of their country, its altars and hearths; to leave their country not in a worse but in a better state than they found it; to obey the magistrates and the laws; to resist all attempts to subvert the institutions of Attica; and finally, to respect the religion of their forefathers. This solemnity took place towards the close of the year, and the festive season bore the name of ephebia (ἐφήβια). The external distinction of the ephebi consisted in the chlamys and the petasus. During the two years of the ephebeia, which may be considered as a kind of apprenticeship in arms, and in which the young men prepared themselves for the higher duties of full citizens, they were generally sent into the country, under the name of peripoli (περίπολοι), to keep watch in the towns and fortresses, on the coast and frontier, and to perform other duties which might be necessary for the protection of Attica.

ĔPHĒGĒSIS (ἐφήγησις), denotes the method of proceeding against such criminals as were liable to be summarily arrested by a private citizen [Apagoge] when the prosecutor was unwilling to expose himself to personal risk in apprehending the offender. Under these circumstances he made an application to the proper magistrate, and conducted him and his officers to the spot where the capture was to be effected.

ĔPHĔTAE (ἐφέται), the name of certain judges at Athens, who tried cases of homicide. They were fifty-one in number, selected from noble families, and more than fifty years of age. They formed a tribunal of great antiquity, and were in existence before the legislation of Solon, but, as the state became more and more democratical, their duties became unimportant and almost antiquated. The Ephetae once sat in one or other of the five courts, according to the nature of the causes they had to try. In historical times, however, they sat in four only, called respectively the court by the Palladium (τὸ ἐπὶ Παλλαδίῳ), by the Delphinium (τὸ ἐπὶ Δελφινίῳ), by the Prytaneium (τὸ ἐπὶ Πρυτανείῳ), and the court at Phreatto or Zea (τὸ ἐν Φρεαττοῖ). At the first of these courts they tried cases of unintentional, at the second, of intentional but justifiable homicide. At the Prytaneium, by a strange custom, somewhat analogous to the imposition of a deodand, they passed sentence upon the instrument of murder when the perpetrator of the act was not known. In the court at Phreatto, on the sea shore at the Peiraeeus, they tried such persons as were charged with wilful murder during a temporary exile for unintentional homicide.

ĔPHIPPĬUM (ἀστράβη, ἐφίππιον, ἐφίππειον), a saddle. Although the Greeks occasionally rode without any saddle, yet they commonly used one, and from them the name, together with the thing, was borrowed by the Romans. The ancient saddles appear, indeed, to have been thus far different from ours, that the cover stretched upon the hard frame was probably of stuffed or padded cloth rather than leather, and that the saddle was, as it were, a cushion fitted to the horse’s back. Pendent cloths ( στρώματα, strata) were always attached to it so as to cover the sides of the animal; but it was not provided with stirrups. The saddle with the pendent cloths is exhibited in the annexed coin. The term “Ephippium” was in later times in part supplanted by the word “sella,” and the more specific expression “sella equestris.”

ĔPHŎRI (ἔφοροι). Magistrates called Ephori or overseers were common to many Dorian constitutions in times of remote antiquity; but the Ephori of Sparta are the most celebrated of them all. The origin of the Spartan ephori is quite uncertain, but their office in the historical times was a kind of counterpoise to the kings and council, and in that respect peculiar to Sparta alone of the Dorian states. Their number, five, appears to have been always the same, and was probably connected with the five divisions of the town of Sparta, namely, the four κῶμαι, Limnae, Mesoa, Pitana, Cynosura, and the Πόλις or city properly so called, around which the κῶμαι lay. They were elected from and by the people, without any qualification of age or property, and without undergoing any scrutiny; so that the people enjoyed through them a participation in the highest magistracy of the state. They entered upon office at the autumnal solstice, and the first in rank of the five gave his name to the year, which was called after him in all civil transactions. They possessed judicial authority in civil suits, and also a general superintendence over the morals and domestic economy of the nation, which in the hands of able men would soon prove an instrument of unlimited power. Their jurisdiction and power were still further increased by the privilege of instituting scrutinies (εὔθυναι) into the conduct of all the magistrates. Even the kings themselves could be brought before their tribunal (as Cleomenes was for bribery). In extreme cases, the ephors were also competent to lay an accusation against the kings as well as the other magistrates, and bring them to a capital trial before the great court of justice. In later times the power of the ephors was greatly increased; and this increase appears to have been principally owing to the fact, that they put themselves in connection with the assembly of the people, convened its meetings, laid measures before it, and were constituted its agents and representatives. When this connection arose is matter of conjecture. The power which such a connection gave would, more than anything else, enable them to encroach on the royal authority, and make themselves virtually supreme in the state. Accordingly, we find that they transacted business with foreign ambassadors; dismissed them from the state; decided upon the government of dependent cities; subscribed in the presence of other persons to treaties of peace; and in time of war sent out troops when they thought necessary. In all these capacities the ephors acted as the representatives of the nation, and the agents of the public assembly, being in fact the executive of the state. In course of time the kings became completely under their control. For example, they fined Agesilaus on the vague charge of trying to make himself popular, and interfered even with the domestic arrangements of other kings. In the field the kings were followed by two ephors, who belonged to the council of war; the three who remained at home received the booty in charge, and paid it into the treasury, which was under the superintendence of the whole College of Five. But the ephors had still another prerogative, based on a religious foundation, which enabled them to effect a temporary deposition of the kings. Once in eight years, as we are told, they chose a calm and cloudless night to observe the heavens, and if there was any appearance of a falling meteor, it was believed to be a sign that the gods were displeased with the kings, who were accordingly suspended from their functions until an oracle allowed of their restoration. The outward symbols of supreme authority also were assumed by the ephors; and they alone kept their seats while the kings passed; whereas it was not considered below the dignity of the kings to rise in honour of the ephors. When Agis and Cleomenes undertook to restore the old constitution, it was necessary for them to overthrow the ephoralty, and accordingly Cleomenes murdered the ephors for the time being, and abolished the office (B.C. 225); it was, however, restored under the Romans.

ĔPĬBĂTAE (ἐπιβάται), were soldiers or marines appointed to defend the vessels in the Athenian navy, and were entirely distinct from the rowers, and also from the land soldiers, such as hoplitae, peltasts, and cavalry. It appears that the ordinary number of epibatae on board a trireme was ten. The epibatae were usually taken from the thetes, or fourth class of Athenian citizens. The term is sometimes also applied by the Roman writers to the marines, but they are more usually called classiarii milites. The latter term, however, is also applied to the rowers or sailors as well as the marines.

ĔPĬBŎLĒ (ἐπιβολή), a fine imposed by a magistrate, or other official person or body, for a misdemeanour. The various magistrates at Athens had (each in his own department) a summary penal jurisdiction; i.e. for certain offences they might inflict a pecuniary mulct or fine, not exceeding a fixed amount; if the offender deserved further punishment, it was their duty to bring him before a judicial tribunal. These epibolae are to be distinguished from the penalties awarded by a jury or court of law (τιμήματα) upon a formal prosecution.

ĔPĬCLĒRUS (ἐπίκληρος, heiress), the name given to the daughter of an Athenian citizen, who had no son to inherit his estate. It was deemed an object of importance at Athens to preserve the family name and property of every citizen. This was effected, where a man had no child, by adoption (εἰσποίησις); if he had a daughter, the inheritance was transmitted through her to a grandson, who would take the name of the maternal ancestor. If the father died intestate, the heiress had not the choice of a husband, but was bound to marry her nearest relation, not in the ascending line. When there was but one daughter, she was called ἐπίκληρος ἐπὶ παντὶ τῷ οἴκῳ. If there were more, they inherited equally, like our co-parceners; and were severally married to relatives, the nearest having the first choice.

ĔPĬDŎSEIS (ἐπιδόσεις), voluntary contributions, either in money, arms, or ships, which were made by the Athenian citizens in order to meet the extraordinary demands of the state. When the expenses of the state were greater than its revenue, it was usual for the prytaneis to summon an assembly of the people, and after explaining the necessities of the state, to call upon the citizens to contribute according to their means. Those who were willing to contribute then rose and mentioned what they would give; while those who were unwilling to give any thing remained silent, or retired privately from the assembly.

ĔPĬMĔLĒTAE (ἐπιμεληταί), the names of various magistrates and functionaries at Athens.—(1) Ἐπιμελητὴς τῆς κοινῆς προσόδου, more usually called ταμίας, the treasurer or manager of the public revenue. [Tamias.]—(2) Ἐπιμεληταὶ τῶν μοριῶν Ἐλαιῶν, were persons chosen from among the Areopagites to take care of the sacred olive trees.—(3) Ἐπιμεληταὶ τοῦ Ἐμπορίου, were the overseers of the emporium. [Emporium.] They were ten in number, and were elected yearly by lot. They had the entire management of the emporium, and had jurisdiction in all breaches of the commercial laws.—(4) Ἐπιμεληταὶ τῶν Μυστηρίων, were, in connection with the king archon, the managers of the Eleusinian mysteries. They were elected by open vote, and were four in number.—(5) Ἐπιμεληταὶ τῶν νεωρίων, the inspectors of the dockyards, were ten in number.—(6) Ἐπιμεληταὶ τῶν φυλῶν, the inspectors of the φυλαὶ or tribes. [Tribus.]

ĔPISCŎPI (ἐπίσκοποι), inspectors, who were sometimes sent by the Athenians to subject states. They were also called φύλακες. It appears that these Episcopi received a salary at the cost of the cities over which they presided.

ĔPISTĂTĒS (ἐπιστάτης).—(1) The chairman of the senate and assembly of the people, respecting whose duties see Boulé and Ecclesia.—(2) The name of the directors of the public works. (Ἐπισταταὶ τῶν δημοσίων ἔργων).

ĔPISTŎLEUS (ἐπιστολεύς), the officer second in rank in the Spartan fleet, who succeeded to the command if any thing happened to the navarchus (ναυάρχος) or admiral. When the Chians and the other allies of Sparta on the Asiatic coast sent to Sparta to request that Lysander might be again appointed to the command of the navy, he was sent with the title of epistoleus, because the laws of Sparta did not permit the same person to hold the office of navarchus twice.

ĔPISTȲLĬUM (ἐπιστύλιον), properly, as the name implies, the architrave, or lower member of an entablature, which lies immediately over the columns. The word is sometimes also used for the whole of the entablature.

ĔPĬTRŎPUS (ἐπίτροπος), the name at Athens of a guardian of orphan children. Of such guardians there were at Athens three kinds: first, those appointed in the will of the deceased father; secondly, the next of kin, whom the law designated as tutores legitimi in default of such appointment, and who required the authorization of the archon to enable them to act; and lastly, such persons as the archon selected if there were no next of kin living to undertake the office. The duties of the guardian comprehended the education, maintenance, and protection of the ward, the assertion of his rights, and the safe custody and profitable disposition of his inheritance during his minority, besides making a proper provision for the widow if she remained in the house of her late husband.

ĔPŌBĔLIA (ἐπωβελία), as its etymology implies, at the rate of one obolus for a drachma, or one in six, was payable on the assessment (τίμημα) of several private causes, and sometimes in a case of phasis, by the litigant that failed to obtain the votes of one-fifth of the dicasts.

ĔPŌNỸMUS. [Archon.]

ĔPOPTAE (ἐπόπται). [Eleusinia.]

ĔPŬLŌNES, who were originally three in number (triumviri epulones), were first created in B.C. 196, to attend to the Epulum Jovis, and the banquets given in honour of the other gods; which duty had originally belonged to the pontifices. Their number was afterwards increased to seven, and they were called septemviri epulones or septemviri epulonum. The epulones formed a collegium, and were one of the four great religious corporations at Rome; the other three were those of the Pontifices, Augures, and Quindecemviri.

ĔPŬLUM JŎVIS. [Epulones.]

ĔQUĪRĬA, horse-races, which are said to have been instituted by Romulus in honour of Mars, and were celebrated in the Campus Martius. There were two festivals of this name; of which one was celebrated A.D. III. Cal. Mart., and the other prid. Id. Mart.

ĔQUĬTES, horsemen. Romulus is said to have formed three centuries of equites; and these were the same as the 300 Celeres, whom he kept about his person in peace and war. A century was taken from each of the three tribes, the Ramnes, Titienses, and Luceres. Tarquinius Priscus added three more, under the title of Ramnes, Titienses, and Luceres posteriores. These were the six patrician centuries of equites, often referred to under the name of the sex suffragia. To these Servius Tullius added twelve more centuries, for admission into which, property and not birth was the qualification. These twelve centuries might therefore contain plebeians, but they do not appear to have been restricted to plebeians, since we have no reason for believing that the six old centuries contained the whole body of patricians. A property qualification was apparently also necessary by the Servian constitution for admission into the six centuries. We may therefore suppose that those patricians who were included in the six old centuries were allowed by the Servian constitution to continue in them, if they possessed the requisite property; and that all other persons in the state, whether patricians or plebeians, who possessed the requisite property, were admitted into the twelve new centuries. We are not told the amount of property necessary to entitle a person to a place among the equites, but it was probably the same as in the latter times of the republic, that is, four times that of the first class. [Comitia, p. 105.] Property, however, was not the only qualification; for in the ancient times of the republic no one was admitted among the equestrian centuries unless his character was unblemished, and his father and grandfather had been born freemen. Each of the equites received a horse from the state (equus publicus), or money to purchase one, as well as a sum of money for its annual support; the expense of its support was defrayed by the orphans and unmarried females; since, in a military state, it could not be esteemed unjust, that the women and the children were to contribute largely for those who fought in behalf of them and of the commonwealth. The purchase-money for a knight’s horse was called aes equestre, and its annual provision aes hordearium. The former amounted, according to Livy, to 10,000 asses, and the latter to 2000.—All the equites, of whom we have been speaking, received a horse from the state, and were included in the 18 equestrian centuries of the Servian constitution; but in course of time, we read of another class of equites in Roman history, who did not receive a horse from the state, and who were not included in the 18 centuries. This latter class is first mentioned by Livy, in his account of the siege of Veii, B.C. 403. He says that during the siege, when the Romans had at one time suffered great disasters, all those citizens who had an equestrian fortune, and no horse allotted to them, volunteered to serve with their own horses; and he adds, that from this time equites first began to serve with their own horses. The state paid them, as a kind of compensation for serving with their own horses. The foot soldiers had received pay a few years before; and two years afterwards, B.C. 401, the pay of the equites was made three-fold that of the infantry. From the year B.C. 403, there were therefore two classes of Roman knights: one who received horses from the state, and are therefore frequently called equites equo publico, and sometimes Flexumines or Trossuli, and another class, who served, when they were required, with their own horses, but were not classed among the 18 centuries. As they served on horseback they were called equites; and when spoken of in opposition to cavalry, which did not consist of Roman citizens, they were also called equites Romani; but they had no legal claim to the name of equites, since in ancient times this title was strictly confined to those who received horses from the state.—The reason of this distinction of two classes arose from the fact, that the number of equites in the 18 centuries was fixed from the time of Servius Tullius. As vacancies occurred in them, the descendants of those who were originally enrolled succeeded to their places, provided they had not dissipated their property. But in course of time, as population and wealth increased, the number of persons who possessed an equestrian fortune, also increased greatly; and as the ancestors of these persons had not been enrolled in the 18 centuries, they could not receive horses from the state, and were therefore allowed the privilege of serving with their own horses among the cavalry, instead of the infantry, as they would otherwise have been obliged to have done.—The inspection of the equites who received horses from the state belonged to the censors, who had the power of depriving an eques of his horse, and reducing him to the condition of an aerarian, and also of giving the vacant horse to the most distinguished of the equites who had previously served at their own expense. For these purposes they made during their censorship a public inspection, in the forum, of all the knights who possessed public horses (equitatum recognoscere). The tribes were taken in order, and each knight was summoned by name. Every one, as his name was called, walked past the censors, leading his horse. If the censors had no fault to find either with the character of the knight or the equipments of his horse, they ordered him to pass on (traducere equum); but if on the contrary they considered him unworthy of his rank, they struck him out of the list of knights, and deprived him of his horse, or ordered him to sell it, with the intention no doubt that the person thus degraded should refund to the state the money which had been advanced to him for its purchase.—This review of the equites by the censors must not be confounded with the Equitum Transvectio, which was a solemn procession of the body every year on the Ides of Quintilis (July). The procession started from the temple of Mars outside the city, and passed through the city over the forum, and by the temple of the Dioscuri. On this occasion the equites were always crowned with olive chaplets, and wore their state dress, the trabea, with all the honourable distinctions which they had gained in battle. According to Livy, this annual procession was first established by the censors Q. Fabius and P. Decius, B.C. 304; but according to Dionysius it was instituted after the defeat of the Latins near the lake Regillus, of which an account was brought to Rome by the Dioscuri.—It may be asked how long did the knight retain his public horse, and a vote in the equestrian century to which he belonged? On this subject we have no positive information; but as those equites, who served with their own horses, were only obliged to serve for ten years (stipendia) under the age of 46, we may presume that the same rule extended to those who served with the public horses, provided they wished to give up the service. For it is certain that in the ancient times of the republic a knight might retain his horse as long as he pleased, even after he had entered the senate, provided he continued able to discharge the duties of a knight. Thus the two censors, M. Livius Salinator and C. Claudius Nero, in B.C. 204, were also equites, and L. Scipio Asiaticus, who was deprived of his horse by the censors in B.C. 185, had himself been censor in B.C. 191. But during the later times of the republic the knights were obliged to give up their horses on entering the senate, and consequently ceased to belong to the equestrian centuries. It thus naturally came to pass, that the greater number of the equites equo publico, after the exclusion of senators from the equestrian centuries, were young men.—The equestrian centuries, of which we have hitherto been treating, were only regarded as a division of the army: they did not form a distinct class or ordo in the constitution. The community, in a political point of view, was divided only into patricians and plebeians, and the equestrian centuries were composed of both. But in the year B.C. 123, a new class, called the Ordo Equestris, was formed in the state by the Lex Sempronia, which was introduced by C. Gracchus. By this law, or one passed a few years afterwards, every person who was to be chosen judex was required to be above 30 and under 60 years of age, to have either an equus publicus, or to be qualified by his fortune to possess one, and not to be a senator. The number of judices, who were required yearly, was chosen from this class by the praetor urbanus. As the name of equites had been originally extended from those who possessed the public horses to those who served with their own horses, it now came to be applied to all those persons who were qualified by their fortune to act as judices, in which sense the word is usually used by Cicero. After the reform of Sulla, which entirely deprived the equestrian order of the right of being chosen as judices, and the passing of the Lex Aurelia (B.C. 70), which ordained that the judices should be chosen from the senators, equites, and tribuni aerarii, the influence of the order, says Pliny, was still maintained by the publicani, or farmers of the public taxes. We find that the publicani were almost always called equites, not because any particular rank was necessary in order to obtain from the state the farming of the taxes, but because the state was not accustomed to let them to any one who did not possess a considerable fortune. Thus the publicani are frequently spoken of by Cicero as identical with the equestrian order. The consulship of Cicero, and the active part which the knights then took in suppressing the conspiracy of Catiline, tended still further to increase the power and influence of the equestrian order; and “from that time,” says Pliny, “it became a third body (corpus) in the state, and, to the title of Senatus Populusque Romanus, there began to be added Et Equestris Ordo.” In B.C. 63, a distinction was conferred upon them, which tended to separate them still further from the plebs. By the Lex Roscia Othonis, passed in that year, the first fourteen seats in the theatre behind the orchestra were given to the equites. They also possessed the right of wearing the Clavus Angustus [Clavus], and subsequently obtained the privilege of wearing a gold ring, which was originally confined to the equites equo publico. The number of equites increased greatly under the early emperors, and all persons were admitted into the order, provided they possessed the requisite property, without any inquiry into their character, or into the free birth of their father and grandfather. The order in consequence gradually began to lose all the consideration which it had acquired during the later times of the republic.—Augustus formed a select class of equites, consisting of those equites who possessed the property of a senator, and the old requirement of free birth up to the grandfather. He permitted this class to wear the latus clavus; and also allowed the tribunes of the plebs to be chosen from them, as well as the senators, and gave them the option, at the termination of their office, to remain in the senate or return to the equestrian order. This class of knights was distinguished by the special title illustres (sometimes insignes and splendidi) equites Romani. The formation of this distinct class tended to lower the others still more in public estimation. In the ninth year of the reign of Tiberius, an attempt was made to improve the order by requiring the old qualifications of free birth up to the grandfather, and by strictly forbidding any one to wear the gold ring unless he possessed this qualification. This regulation, however, was of little avail, as the emperors frequently admitted freedmen into the equestrian order. When private persons were no longer appointed judices, the necessity for a distinct class in the community, like the equestrian order, ceased entirely; and the gold ring came at length to be worn by all free citizens. Even slaves, after their manumission, were allowed to wear it by special permission from the emperor, which appears to have been usually granted provided the patronus consented.—Having thus traced the history of the equestrian order to its final extinction as a distinct class in the community, we must now return to the equites equo publico, who formed the 18 equestrian centuries. This class still existed during the latter years of the republic, but had entirely ceased to serve as horse-soldiers in the army. The cavalry of the Roman legions no longer consisted, as in the time of Polybius, of Roman equites, but their place was supplied by the cavalry of the allied states. It is evident that Caesar in his Gallic wars possessed no Roman cavalry. When he went to an interview with Ariovistus, and was obliged to take cavalry with him, we are told that he did not dare to trust his safety to the Gallic cavalry, and therefore mounted his legionary soldiers upon their horses. The Roman equites are, however, frequently mentioned in the Gallic and civil wars, but never as common soldiers; they were officers attached to the staff of the general, or commanded the cavalry of the allies, or sometimes the legions.—After the year B.C. 50, there were no censors in the state, and it would therefore follow that for some years no review of the body took place, and that the vacancies were not filled up. When Augustus, however, took upon himself, in B.C. 29, the praefectura morum, he frequently reviewed the troops of equites, and restored the long neglected custom of the solemn procession (transvectio). From this time these equites formed an honourable corps, from which all the higher officers in the army and the chief magistrates in the state were chosen. Admission into this body was equivalent to an introduction into public life, and was therefore esteemed a great privilege. If a young man was not admitted into this body, he was excluded from all civil offices of any importance, except in municipal towns; and also from all rank in the army, with the exception of centurion. All those equites, who were not employed in actual service, were obliged to reside at Rome, where they were allowed to fill the lower magistracies, which entitled a person to admission into the senate. They were divided into six turmae, each of which was commanded by an officer, who is frequently mentioned in inscriptions as Sevir equitum Rom. turmae I. II., &c., or commonly Sevir turmae or Sevir turmarum equitum Romanorum. From the time that the equites bestowed the title of principes juventutis upon Caius and Lucius Caesar, the grandsons of Augustus, it became the custom to confer this title, as well as that of sevir, upon the probable successor to the throne, when he first entered into public life, and was presented with an equus publicus. The practice of filling all the higher offices in the state from these equites appears to have continued as long as Rome was the centre of the government and the residence of the emperor. After the time of Diocletian, the equites became only a city guard, under the command of the praefectus vigilum; but they still retained, in the time of Valentinianus and Valens, A.D. 364, the second rank in the city, and were not subject to corporal punishment. Respecting the Magister Equitum, see Dictator.

ĔQUŬLĔUS or ĔCŬLĔUS, an instrument of torture, which is supposed to have been so called because it was in the form of a horse.

ĔRĂNI (ἔρανοι), were clubs or societies, established for charitable, convivial, commercial, or political purposes. Unions of this kind were called by the general name of ἑταιρίαι, and were often converted to mischievous ends, such as bribery, overawing the public assembly, or influencing courts of justice. In the days of the Roman empire friendly societies, under the name of erani, were frequent among the Greek cities, but were looked on with suspicion by the emperors, as leading to political combinations. The gilds, or fraternities for mutual aid, among the ancient Saxons, resembled the erani of the Greeks.

ERGASTŬLUM, a private prison attached to most Roman farms, where the slaves were made to work in chains. The slaves confined in an ergastulum were also employed to cultivate the fields in chains. Slaves who had displeased their masters were punished by imprisonment in the ergastulum; and in the same place all slaves, who could not be depended upon or were barbarous in their habits, were regularly kept.

ĒRĪCĬUS, a military engine full of sharp spikes, which was placed by the gate of the camp to prevent the approach of the enemy.

ĔRŌTĬA or ĔRŌTĬDĬA (ἐρώτια or ἐρωτίδια), the most solemn of all the festivals celebrated in the Boeotian town of Thespiae. It took place every fifth year, and in honour of Eros, the principal divinity of the Thespians. Respecting the particulars nothing is known, except that it was solemnised with contests in music and gymnastics.

ESSĔDĀRĬI. [Essedum.]

ESSĔDA, or ESSĔDUM (from the Celtic Ess, a carriage), the name of a chariot used, especially in war, by the Britons, the Gauls, and the Germans. It was built very strongly, was open before instead of behind, like the Greek war-chariot, and had a wide pole, so that the owner was able, whenever he pleased, to run along the pole, and even to raise himself upon the yoke, and then to retreat with the greatest speed into the body of the car, which he drove with extraordinary swiftness and skill. It appears also that these cars were purposely made as noisy as possible, probably by the creaking and clanging of the wheels; and that this was done in order to strike dismay into the enemy. The warriors who drove these chariots were called essedarii. Having been captured, they were sometimes exhibited in the gladiatorial shows at Rome, and seem to have been great favourites with the people. The essedum was adopted for purposes of convenience and luxury among the Romans. As used by the Romans, the essedum may have differed from the cisium in this; that the cisium was drawn by one horse (see cut, p. 90), the essedum always by a pair.

EUMOLPĬDAE (εὐμολπίδαι), the most distinguished and venerable among the priestly families in Attica. They were devoted to the service of Demeter at Athens and Eleusis, and were said to be the descendants of the Thracian bard Eumolpus, who, according to some legends, had introduced the Eleusinian mysteries into Attica. The high priest of the Eleusinian goddess (ἱεροφάντης or μυσταγωγός), who conducted the celebration of her mysteries and the initiation of the mystae, was always a member of the family of the Eumolpidae, as Eumolpus himself was believed to have been the first hierophant. The hierophant was attended by four epimeletae (ἐπιμεληταί), one of whom likewise belonged to the family of the Eumolpidae. The Eumolpidae had on certain occasions to offer up prayers for the welfare of the state. They had likewise judicial power in cases where religion was violated. The law according to which they pronounced their sentence, and of which they had the exclusive possession, was not written, but handed down by tradition; and the Eumolpidae alone had the right to interpret it, whence they are sometimes called Exegetae (ἐξηγηταί). In cases for which the law had made no provisions, they acted according to their own discretion. In some cases, when a person was convicted of gross violation of the public institutions of his country, the people, besides sending the offender into exile, added a clause in their verdict that a curse should be pronounced upon him by the Eumolpidae. But the Eumolpidae could pronounce such a curse only at the command of the people, and might afterwards be compelled by the people to revoke it, and purify the person whom they had cursed before.

EUPATRĬDAE (εὐπατρίδαι), descended from noble ancestors, is the name by which in early times the nobility of Attica was designated. In the division of the inhabitants of Attica into three classes, which is ascribed to Theseus, the Eupatridae were the first class, and thus formed a compact order of nobles, united by their interests, rights, and privileges. They were in the exclusive possession of all the civil and religious offices in the state, ordered the affairs of religion, and interpreted the laws human and divine. The king was thus only the first among his equals, and only distinguished from them by the duration of his office. By the legislation of Solon, the political power and influence of the Eupatridae as an order was broken, and property instead of birth was made the standard of political rights. But as Solon, like all ancient legislators, abstained from abolishing any of the religious institutions, those families of the Eupatridae, in which certain priestly offices and functions were hereditary, retained these distinctions down to a very late period of Grecian history.

EURĪPUS. [Amphitheatrum.]

EUTHȲNĒ (εὐθύνη). All public officers at Athens were accountable for their conduct and the manner in which they acquitted themselves of their official duties. The judges in the popular court seem to have been the only authorities who were not responsible, for they were themselves the representatives of the people, and would therefore, in theory, have been responsible to themselves. This account, which officers had to give after the time of their office was over, was called εὐθύνη, and the officers subject to it, ὑπεύθυνοι, and after they had gone through the euthyne, they became ἀνεύθυνοι. Every public officer had to render his account within thirty days after the expiration of his office, and at the time when he submitted to the euthyne any citizen had the right to come forward and impeach him. The officers before whom the accounts were given were at Athens ten in number, called εὔθυνοι or λογισταί, in other places ἐξετασταί or συνήγοροι.

ĒVŎCĀTI. [Exercitus.]

EXAUCTŌRĬTAS. [Exercitus.]

EXAUGŬRĀTĬO, the act of changing a sacred thing into a profane one, or of taking away from it the sacred character which it had received by inauguratio, consecratio, or dedicatio. Such an act was performed by the augurs, and never without consulting the pleasure of the gods, by augurium.

EXCŬBĬAE. [Castra.]

EXCŬBĬTŌRES, which properly means watchmen or sentinels of any kind, was the name more particularly given to the soldiers of the cohort who guarded the palace of the Roman emperor.

EXEDRA (ἐξέδρα), which properly signifies a seat out of doors, came to be used for a chamber furnished with seats, and opening into a portico, where people met to enjoy conversation; such as the rooms attached to a gymnasium, which were used for the lectures and disputations of the rhetoricians and philosophers. In old Greek the word λέσχη appears to have had a similar meaning; but the ordinary use of the word is for a larger and more public place of resort than the ἐξέδρα. [Lesche.] Among the Romans the word had a wider meaning, answering to both the Greek terms, ἐξέδρα and λέσχη.

EXĒGĒTAE (ἐξηγηταί, interpreters) is the name of the Eumolpidae, by which they were designated as the interpreters of the laws relating to religion and of the sacred rites. [Eumolpidae.] The name ἐξηγητής was also applied to those persons who served as guides (ciceroni) to the visitors in the most remarkable towns and places of Greece.

EXERCĬTŌRĬA ACTĬO, an action granted by the edict against the exercitor navis. By the term navis was understood any vessel, whether used for the navigation of rivers, lakes, or the sea. The exercitor navis is the person to whom all the ship’s gains and earnings (obventiones et reditus) belong, whether he is the owner, or has hired the ship (per aversionem) from the owner for a time definite or indefinite.

EXERCĬTUS (στρατός), army. (1) Greek.

1. Spartan Army.—In all the states of Greece, in the earliest as in later times, the general type of their military organisation was the phalanx, a body of troops in close array with a long spear as their principal weapon. It was among the Dorians, and especially among the Spartans, that this type was most rigidly adhered to. The strength of their military array consisted in the heavy-armed infantry (ὁπλίται). They attached comparatively small importance to their cavalry, which was always inferior. Indeed, the Thessalians and Boeotians were the only Greek people who distinguished themselves much for their cavalry; scarcely any other states had territories adapted for the evolutions of cavalry. The whole life of a Spartan was little else than either the preparation for or the practice of war. The result was, that in the strictness of their discipline, the precision and facility with which they performed their military evolutions, and the skill and power with which they used their weapons, the Spartans were unrivalled among the Greeks. The heavy-armed infantry of the Spartan armies was composed partly of genuine Spartan citizens, partly of Perioeci. Every Spartan citizen was liable to military service (ἔμφρουρος) from the age of twenty to the age of sixty years. They were divided into six divisions called μόραι, under the command or superintendence of a polemarch, each mora being subdivided into four λόχοι (commanded by λοχαγοί), each λόχος into two πεντηκοστύες (headed by πεντηκοστῆρες), each πεντηκοστύς into two ἐνωμοτίαι (headed by enomotarchs). The ἐνωμοτίαι were so called from the men composing them being bound together by a common oath. These were not merely divisions of troops engaged in actual military expeditions. The whole body of citizens at all times formed an army, whether they were congregated at head-quarters in Sparta, or a portion of them were detached on foreign service. The strength of a mora on actual service, of course, varied, according to circumstances. To judge by the name pentecostys, the normal number of a mora would have been 400; but 500, 600, and 900 are mentioned as the number of men in a mora on different occasions. When in the field, each mora of infantry was attended by a mora of cavalry, consisting at the most of 100 men, and commanded by an hipparmost (ἱππαρμοστής). Plutarch mentions squadrons (οὐλαμοί) of fifty, which may possibly be the same divisions. The cavalry seems merely to have been employed to protect the flanks, and but little regard was paid to it. The corps of 300 ἱππεῖς formed a sort of body-guard for the king, and consisted of the flower of the young soldiers. Though called horsemen, they fought on foot. A Spartan army, divided as above described, was drawn up in the dense array of the phalanx, the depth of which depended upon circumstances. An ἐνωμοτία sometimes made but a single file, sometimes was drawn up in three or six files (ζύγα). The enomotarch stood at the head of his file (πρωτοστάτης), or at the head of the right-hand file, if the enomotia was broken up into more than one. The last man was called οὐραγός. It was a matter of great importance that he, like the enomotarch, should be a man of strength and skill, as in certain evolutions he would have to lead the movements. The commander-in-chief, who was usually the king, had his station sometimes in the centre, more commonly on the right wing. The commands of the general were issued in the first place to the polemarchs, by these to the lochagi, by these again to the pentecosteres, by the latter to the enomotarchs, and by these last to their respective divisions. From the orderly manner in which this was done, commands were transmitted with great rapidity: every soldier, in fact, regulating the movements of the man behind him, every two being connected together as πρωτοστάτης and ἐπιστάτης. In later times the king was usually accompanied by two ephors, as controllers and advisers. These, with the polemarchs, the four Pythii, three peers (ὅμοιοι), who had to provide for the necessities of the king in war, the laphyropolae and some other officers, constituted what was called the damosia of the king. The Spartan hoplites were accompanied in the field by helots, partly in the capacity of attendants, partly to serve as light-armed troops. The number attached to an army was probably not uniform. At Plataeae each Spartan was accompanied by seven helots; but that was probably an extraordinary case. One helot in particular of those attached to each Spartan was called his θεράπων, and performed the functions of an armourer or shieldbearer. Xenophon calls them ὑπασπισταί. In extraordinary cases, helots served as hoplites, and in that case it was usual to give them their liberty. A separate troop in the Lacedaemonian army was formed by the Sciritae (Σκιρῖται), originally, no doubt, inhabitants of the district Sciritis. The arms of the phalanx consisted of the long spear and a short sword (ξυήλη). The chief part of the defensive armour was the large brazen shield, which covered the body from the shoulder to the knee, suspended, as in ancient times, by a thong round the neck, and managed by a simple handle or ring (πόρπαξ). Besides this, they had the ordinary armour of the hoplite [Arma]. The heavy-armed soldiers wore a scarlet uniform. The Spartan encampments were circular. Only the heavy-armed were stationed within them, the cavalry being placed to look out, and the helots being kept as much as possible outside. Preparatory to a battle the Spartan soldier dressed his hair and crowned himself as others would do for a feast. The signal for attack was given not by the trumpet, but by the music of flutes, and sometimes also of the lyre and cithara, to which the men sang the battle song (παιὰν ἐμβατήριος). The object of the music was not so much to inspirit the men, as simply to regulate the march of the phalanx. This rhythmical regularity of movement was a point to which the Spartans attached great importance.

2. Athenian Army.—In Athens, the military system was in its leading principles the same as among the Spartans, though differing in detail, and carried out with less exactness; inasmuch as when Athens became powerful, greater attention was paid to the navy. Of the four classes into which the citizens were arranged by the constitution of Solon, the citizens of the first and second served as cavalry, or as commanders of the infantry (still it need not be assumed that the ἱππεῖς never served as heavy-armed infantry), those of the third class (ζευγῖται) formed the heavy-armed infantry. The Thetes served either as light-armed troops on land, or on board the ships. The same general principles remained when the constitution was remodelled by Cleisthenes. The cavalry service continued to be compulsory on the wealthier class. Every citizen was liable to service from his eighteenth to his sixtieth year. On reaching their eighteenth year, the young citizens were formally enrolled εἰς τὴν ληξιαρχικὸν γραμματεῖον, and received a shield and spear in a public assembly of the people, binding themselves by oath to perform rightly the duties of a citizen and a soldier. During the first two years, they were only liable to service in Attica itself, chiefly as garrison soldiers in the different fortresses in the country. During this period, they were called περίπολοι. Members of the senate during the period of their office, farmers of the revenue, choreutae at the Dionysia during the festival, in later times, traders by sea also, were exempted from military service. Any one bound to serve who attempted to avoid doing so, was liable to a sentence of ἀτιμία. The resident aliens commonly served as heavy-armed soldiers, especially for the purpose of garrisoning the city. They were prohibited from serving as cavalry. Slaves were only employed as soldiers in cases of great necessity. Of the details of the Athenian military organisation, we have no distinct accounts as we have of those of Sparta. The heavy-armed troops, as was the universal practice in Greece, fought in phalanx order. They were arranged in bodies in a manner dependent on the political divisions of the citizens. The soldiers of each tribe (φυλή) formed a separate body in the army, also called a tribe, and these bodies stood in some preconcerted order. It seems that the name of one division was τάξις, and of another λόχος, but in what relations these stood to the φυλή, and to each other, we do not learn. Every hoplite was accompanied by an attendant (ὑπηρέτης) to take charge of his baggage, and carry his shield on a march. Each horseman also had a servant, called ἱπποκόμος, to attend to his horse. For the command of the army, there were chosen every year ten generals [Strategi], and ten taxiarchs [Taxiarchi], and for the cavalry, two hipparchs (ἵππαρχοι) and ten phylarchs (φύλαρχοι). Respecting the military functions of the ἄρχων πολέμαρχος, see the article Archon. The number of strategi sent with an army was not uniform. Three was a common number. Sometimes one was invested with the supreme command; at other times, they either took the command in turn (as at Marathon), or conducted their operations by common consent (as in the Sicilian expedition). The practice of paying the troops when upon service was first introduced by Pericles. The pay consisted partly of wages (μισθός), partly of provisions, or, more commonly, provision-money (σιτηρέσιον). The ordinary μισθός of a hoplite was two obols a day. The σιτηρέσιον amounted to two obols more. Hence, the life of a soldier was called, proverbially, τετρωβόλου βίος. Officers received twice as much; horsemen, three times; generals, four times as much. The horsemen received pay even in time of peace, that they might always be in readiness, and also a sum of money for their outfit (κατάστασις). As regards the military strength of the Athenians, we find 10,000 heavy-armed soldiers at Marathon, 8,000 heavy-armed, and as many light-armed at Plataeae; and at the beginning of the Peloponnesian war there were 18,000 heavy-armed ready for foreign service, and 16,000 consisting of those beyond the limits of the ordinary military age and of the metoeci, for garrison service. It was the natural result of the national character of the Athenians and their democratical constitution, that military discipline was much less stringent among them than among the Spartans, and after defeat especially it was often found extremely difficult to maintain it. The generals had some power of punishing military offences on the spot, but for the greater number of such offences a species of court-martial was held, consisting of persons who had served in the army to which the offender belonged, and presided over by the strategi. Various rewards also were held out for those who especially distinguished themselves for their courage or conduct, in the shape of chaplets, statues, &c. The Peltastae (πελτασταί), so called from the kind of shield which they wore [Pelta], were a class of troops of which we hear very little before the end of the Peloponnesian war. The Athenian general Iphicrates introduced some important improvements in the mode of arming them, combining as far as possible the peculiar advantages of heavy (ὁπλῖται) and light armed (ψιλοί) troops. He substituted a linen corslet for the coat of mail worn by the hoplites, and lessened the shield, while he doubled the length of the spear and sword. He even took the pains to introduce for them an improved sort of shoe, called after him Ἰφικρατίδες. This equipment proved very effective. The almost total destruction of a mora of Lacedaemonian heavy-armed troops by a body of peltastae under the command of Iphicrates was an exploit that became very famous. When the use of mercenary troops became general, Athenian citizens seldom served except as volunteers, and then in but small numbers. The employment of mercenaries led to considerable alterations in the military system of Greece. War came to be studied as an art, and Greek generals, rising above the old simple rules of warfare, became tacticians. Epaminondas was the first who adopted the method of charging in column, concentrating his attack upon one point of the hostile line, so as to throw the whole into confusion by breaking through it.

3. Macedonian Army.—Philip, king of Macedonia, made several improvements in the arms and arrangement of the phalanx. The spear (σάρισσα or σάρισα), with which the soldiers of the Macedonian phalanx were armed, was 24 feet long; but the ordinary length was 21 feet, and the lines were arranged at such distances that the spears of the fifth rank projected three feet beyond the first, so that every man in the front rank was protected by five spears. Besides the spear they carried a short sword. The shield was very large and covered nearly the whole body, so that on favourable ground an impenetrable front was presented to the enemy. The soldiers were also defended by helmets, coats of mail, and greaves; so that any thing like rapid movement was impossible. The ordinary depth of the phalanx was sixteen files, though depths of eight and of thirty-two are also mentioned. Each file of sixteen was called λόχος. Two lochi made a dilochia; two dilochiae made a τετραρχία, consisting of sixty-four men; two tetrarchies made a τάξις; two τάξεις a σύνταγμα or ξεναγία, to which were attached five supernumeraries, a herald, an ensign, a trumpeter, a servant, and an officer to bring up the rear (οὐραγός); two syntagmata formed a pentacosiarchia, two of which made a χιλιαρχία, containing 1024 men; two chiliarchies made a τέλος, and two τέλη made a phalangarchia or phalanx in the narrower sense of the word, the normal number of which would therefore be 4096. It was commanded by a polemarch or strategus; four such bodies formed the larger phalanx, the normal number of which would be 16,384. When drawn up, the two middle sections constituted what was termed the ὀμφαλός, the others being called κέρατα or wings. The phalanx soldiers in the army of Alexander amounted to 18,000, and were divided not into four, but into six divisions, each named after a Macedonian province, from which it was to derive its recruits. These bodies are oftener called τάξεις than φάλαγγες by the historians, and their leaders taxiarchs or strategi. The phalanx of Antiochus consisted of 16,000 men, and was formed into ten divisions (μέρη) of 1600 each, arranged 50 broad and 32 deep. The phalanx, of course, became all but useless, if its ranks were broken. It required, therefore, level and open ground, so that its operations were restricted to very narrow limits; and being incapable of rapid movement, it became almost helpless in the face of an active enemy, unless accompanied by a sufficient number of cavalry and light troops. The light-armed troops were arranged in files (λόχοι) eight deep. Four lochi formed a σύστασις, and then larger divisions were successively formed, each being the double of the one below it; the largest (called ἐπίταγμα), consisting of 8192 men. The cavalry (according to Aelianus), were arranged in an analogous manner, the lowest division or squadron (ἴλη), containing 64 men, and the successive larger divisions being each the double of that below it; the highest (ἐπίταγμα) containing 4096. Both Philip and Alexander attached great importance to the cavalry, which, in their armies, consisted partly of Macedonians, and partly of Thessalians. The Macedonian horsemen were the flower of the young nobles. They amounted to about 1200 in number, forming eight squadrons, and, under the name ἕταιροι, formed a sort of body-guard for the king. The Thessalian cavalry consisted chiefly of the elite of the wealthier class of the Thessalians, but included also a number of Grecian youth from other states. There was also a guard of foot soldiers (ὑπασπισταί), whom we find greatly distinguishing themselves in the campaigns of Alexander. They seem to be identical with the πεζέταιροι, of whom we find mention. They amounted to about 3000 men, arranged in six battalions (τάξεις). There was also a troop called Argyraspids, from the silver with which their shields were ornamented. They seem to have been a species of peltastae. Alexander also organised a kind of troops called διμάχαι, who were something intermediate between cavalry and infantry, being designed to fight on horseback or on foot, as circumstances required. It is in the time of Alexander the Great, that we first meet with artillery in the train of a Grecian army. His balistae and catapeltae were frequently employed with great effect, as, for instance, at the passage of the Jaxartes.

(2) Roman. General Remarks on the Legion.—The name Legio is coeval with the foundation of Rome, and denoted a body of troops, which, although subdivided into several smaller bodies, was regarded as forming an organised whole. It was not equivalent to what we call a regiment, inasmuch as it contained troops of all arms, infantry, cavalry, and, when military engines were extensively employed, artillery also; it might thus, so far, be regarded as a complete army, but on the other hand the number of soldiers in a legion was fixed within certain limits, never much exceeding 6000, and hence when war was carried on upon a large scale, a single army, under the command of one general, frequently contained two, three, or more legions, besides a large number of auxiliaries of various denominations. The legion for many centuries was composed exclusively of Roman citizens. By the ordinances of Servius Tullius those alone who were enrolled in the five classes were eligible, and one of the greatest changes introduced by Marius (B.C. 107) was the admission of all orders of citizens, including the lowest, into the ranks. Up to the year B.C. 107, no one was permitted to serve among the regular troops of the state, except those who were regarded as possessing a strong personal interest in the stability of the commonwealth; but the principle having been at this period abandoned, the privilege was extended after the close of the Social War (B.C. 87) to nearly the whole of the free population of Italy, and by the famous edict of Caracalla (or perhaps of M. Aurelius), to the whole Roman world. Long before this, however, the legions were raised chiefly in the provinces; but it does not appear that the admission of foreigners not subjects was ever practised upon a large scale until the reign of the second Claudius (A.D. 268-270), who incorporated a large body of vanquished Goths, and of Probus (A.D. 276-282), who distributed 16,000 Germans among legionary and frontier battalions. From this time forward what had originally been the leading characteristic of the legion was rapidly obliterated, so that under Diocletian, Constantine, and their successors, the best soldiers in the Roman armies were barbarians. The practice of granting pensions for long service in the shape of donations of land was first introduced upon a large scale after the Mithridatic wars. Hence, when Augustus, in compliance with the advice of Maecenas, determined to provide for the security of the distant provinces, and for tranquil submission at home by the establishment of a powerful standing army, he found the public mind in a great degree prepared for such a measure, and the distinction between soldier and civilian unknown, or at least not recognised before, became from this time forward as broadly marked as in the most pure military despotisms of ancient or modern times. The legions were originally numbered according to the order in which they were raised. As they became permanent, the same numbers remained attached to the same corps, which were moreover distinguished by various epithets of which we have early examples in the Legio Martia, and the Legio Quinta Alauda. [Alauda.] Several legions bore the same number: thus there were four Firsts, five Seconds, and five Thirds. The total number of legions under Augustus was twenty-five, under Alexander Severus thirty-two, but during the civil wars the number was far greater.—The number of soldiers who, at different periods, were contained in a legion, does not appear to have been absolutely fixed, but to have varied within moderate limits. Under Romulus the legion contained 3000 foot soldiers. It is highly probable that some change may have been introduced by Servius Tullius, but, in so far as numbers are concerned, we have no evidence. From the expulsion of the Kings until the second year of the second Punic War, the regular number may be fixed at 4000 or 4200 infantry. From the latter period until the consulship of Marius the ordinary number may be fixed at from 5000 to 5200. For some centuries after Marius the numbers varied from 5000 to 6200, generally approaching to the higher limit. Amid all the variations with regard to the infantry, 300 horsemen formed the regular complement (justus equitatus) of the legion. When troops were raised for a service which required special arrangements, the number of horsemen was sometimes increased beyond 300. It must be observed, however, that these remarks with regard to the cavalry apply only to the period before Marius. We now proceed to consider the organisation of the legion at five different periods.

First Period. Servius Tullius. The legion of Servius is so closely connected with the Comitia Centuriata that it has already been discussed in a former article [Comitia], and it is only necessary to repeat here that it was a phalanx equipped in the Greek fashion, the front ranks being furnished with a complete suit of armour, their weapons being long spears, and their chief defence the round Argolic shield (clipeus).

Second Period. The Great Latin War, B.C. 340. Our authority for this period is Livy (viii. 8). The legion in B.C. 340 had almost entirely discarded the tactics of the phalanx. It was now drawn up in three, or perhaps we ought to say, in five lines. The soldiers of the first line, called Hastati, consisted of youths in the first bloom of manhood distributed into 15 companies or maniples (manipuli), a moderate space being left between each. The maniple contained 60 privates, 2 centurions (centuriones), and a standard bearer (vexillarius); two-thirds were heavily armed and bore the scutum or large oblong shield, the remainder carried only a spear (hasta) and light javelins (gaesa), The second line, the Principes, was composed of men in the full vigour of life, divided in like manner into 15 maniples, all heavily armed (scutati omnes). The two lines of the Hastati and Principes taken together amounted to 30 maniples, and formed the Antepilani. The third line, the Triarii, composed of tried veterans, was also in 15 divisions, but each of these was triple, containing 3 manipuli, 180 privates, 6 centurions, and 3 vexillarii. In these triple manipuli the veterans or triarii proper formed the front ranks; immediately behind them stood the Rorarii, inferior in age and prowess, while the Accensi or supernumeraries, less trustworthy than either, were posted in the extreme rear. The battle array may be thus represented. The fight was commenced by the Rorarii, so called because the light missiles which they sprinkled among the foe were like the drops which are the forerunners of the thunder shower, who, running forwards between the ranks of the antepilani, acted as tirailleurs; when they were driven in they returned to their station behind the triarii, and the battle began in earnest by the onset of the hastati; if they were unable to make any impression they retired between the ranks of the principes, who now advanced and bore the brunt of the combat, supported by the hastati, who had rallied in their rear. If the principes also failed to make an impression, they retired through the openings between the maniples of the triarii, who up to this time had been crouched on the ground (hence called subsidiarii), but now arose to make the last effort (whence the phrase rem ad triarios redisse). No longer retaining the open order of the two first lines, they closed up their ranks so as to present an unbroken line of heavy-armed veterans in front, while the rorarii and accensi, pressing up from behind, gave weight and consistency to the mass,—an arrangement bearing evidence to a lingering predilection for the principle of the phalanx, and exhibiting, just as we might expect at that period, the Roman tactics in their transition state. It must be observed that the words ordo, manipulus, vexillum, although generally kept distinct, are throughout the chapter used as synonymous. Livy concludes by saying, that four legions were commonly levied, each consisting of 5000 infantry and 300 horse. We must suppose that he speaks in round numbers in so far as the infantry are concerned, for according to his own calculations the numbers will stand thus:—

Hastati	15 × 60	=	900
Principes	15 × 60	=	900
Triarii, &c.	15 × 3 × 60	=	2700
Centuriones		=	150
Vexillarii		=	75
			——
			4725

Third Period. During the wars of the younger Scipio. Polybius describes minutely the method pursued in raising the four legions during this period. Under ordinary circumstances they were levied yearly, two being assigned to each consul. It must be observed that a regular consular army (justus consularis exercitus) no longer consisted of Roman legions only, but as Italy became gradually subjugated, the various states under the dominion of Rome were bound to furnish a contingent, and the number of allies (socii) usually exceeded that of citizens. They were, however, kept perfectly distinct, both in the camp and in the battle field. After the election of consuls was concluded, the first step was to choose the 24 chief officers of the legions, named tribuni militum. The consuls then summoned to the Capitol all citizens eligible for military service. They first divided the 24 tribunes into 4 parties of 6, and the tribes were next summoned in succession by lot. The tribe whose lot came out first being called up, they picked out from it four youths, as nearly matched as possible in age and form; out of these four, the tribunes of the first legion chose one, the tribunes of the second legion one of the remaining three; the tribunes of the third legion, one of the remaining two, and the last fell to the fourth legion. Upon the next tribe being called up, the first choice was given to the tribunes of the second legion, the second choice to those of the third, and the last man fell to the first legion. On the next tribe being called up, the tribunes of the third legion had the first choice, and so on in succession, the object in view being that the four legions should be as nearly alike as possible, not in the number only, but in the quality of the soldiers. This process was continued until the ranks were complete. In ancient times, the cavalry were not chosen until after the infantry levy was concluded, but when Polybius wrote, the cavalry were picked in the first place from the list on which they were enrolled by the censor according to their fortune, and 300 were apportioned to each legion. The levy being completed, the tribunes collected the men belonging to their respective legions, and making one individual stand out from the rest administered to him an oath “that he would obey orders and execute to the best of his ability the command of his officers.” (Sacramento milites adigere s. rogare, sacramentum s. sacramento dicere.) The rest of the soldiers then came forward one by one, and swore to do what the first had bound himself to perform. At the same time the consuls gave notice to the magistrates of those towns in Italy in alliance with Rome, from whom they desired to receive a contingent, of the number which each would be required to furnish, and of the day and place of gathering. The allied cities levied their troops and administered the oath much in the same manner as the Romans, and then sent them forth after appointing a commander and a paymaster. The soldiers having again assembled, the men belonging to each legion were separated into four divisions. 1. 1000 of the youngest and poorest were set apart to form the Velites, the light-armed troops, or skirmishers of the legion. 2. 1200 who came next in age (or who were of the same age with the preceding but more wealthy), formed the Hastati. 3. 1200, consisting of those in the full vigour of manhood, formed the Principes. 4. 600, consisting of the oldest and most experienced, formed the Triarii. When the number of soldiers in the legion exceeded 4000, the first three divisions were increased proportionally, but the number of the Triarii remained always the same. The Hastati, Principes, and Triarii were each divided into ten companies, called Manipuli. The Velites were not divided into companies, but were distributed equally among the Hastati, Principes, and Triarii. Before the division of the three classes into maniples, officers were appointed inferior to the tribunes. 30 men were chosen by merit, 10 from the Hastati, 10 from the Principes, and 10 from the Triarii; and this first choice being completed, 30 more in like manner. These 60 officers, of whom 20 were assigned to each of the three classes, and distributed equally among the maniples, were named centuriones, or ordinum ductores, and each of the 60 chose for himself a Lieutenant (optio), who, being posted in the rear of the company while the centurion was at the head, was named οὐραγός (i.e. Tergiductor) by the Greeks, so that in each maniple there were two centurions and two optiones. Further, the centurions selected out of each maniple two of the bravest and most vigorous men as standard bearers (vexillarii, signiferi). The first elected centurion of the whole had a seat in the military council, and in each maniple the first chosen commanded the right division of the maniple, and the other the left. Each of these subdivisions of the maniple was called centuria. The cavalry were divided into 10 troops (turmae), and out of each of these 3 officers were chosen, named decuriones, who named 3 lieutenants (optiones). In each troop the decurio first chosen commanded the whole troop, and failing him, the second. The infantry furnished by the socii was for the most part equal in number to the Roman legions, the cavalry twice or thrice as numerous, and the whole were divided equally between the two consular armies. Each consul named twelve superior officers, who were termed Praefecti Sociorum, and corresponded to the legionary tribunes. A selection was then made of the best men, to the extent of one-fifth of the infantry and one-third of the cavalry; these were formed into a separate corps under the name of extraordinarii, and on the march and in the camp were always near the person of the consul. The remainder were divided into two equal portions, and were styled respectively the Dextera Ala and the Sinistra Ala [Ala].—Agmen or Line of March. The Extraordinarii Pedites led the van followed by the right wing of the infantry of the allies and the baggage of these two divisions; next came one of the Roman legions with its baggage following; next the other Roman legion with its own baggage, and that of the left wing of the allies, who brought up the rear. The different corps of cavalry sometimes followed immediately behind the infantry to which they were attached, sometimes rode on the flanks of the beasts of burden, at once protecting them and preventing them from straggling. Generally, when advancing through a country in which it was necessary to guard against a sudden onset, the troops, instead of proceeding in a loose straggling column, were kept together in close compact bodies ready to act in any direction at a moment’s warning, and hence an army under these circumstances was said agmine quadrato incedere. Some doubt exists with regard to the force of the term Agmen Pilatum as distinguished from Agmen Quadratum. Varro defines the agmen pilatum as a compact body marching without beasts of burthen. Where the phrase occurs in poetry, it probably denotes merely “columns bristling with spears.” To the preceding particulars from Polybius, the following may be added.

1. The levy (delectus.) According to the principles of the constitution, none were enrolled in the legion, except freeborn citizens (ingenui) above the age of 17, and under the age of 60, possessing not less than 4000 asses: but in times of peculiar difficulty, these conditions were not insisted upon. In such times all formalities were dispensed with, and every man capable of bearing arms was summoned to join in warding off the threatened danger, a force raised under such circumstances being termed subitarius s. tumultuarius exercitus. If citizens between the ages of 17 and 46 did not appear and answer to their names, they might be punished in various ways,—by fine, by imprisonment, by stripes, by confiscation of their property, and even, in extreme cases, by being sold as slaves. At the same time, causes might be alleged which were recognised as forming a legitimate ground for exemption (vacatio justa militiae). Thus, all who had served for the full period of 20 years were relieved from further service, although they might still be within the regular age; and so, in like manner, when they were afflicted by any grievous malady, or disabled by any personal defect, or engaged in any sacred or civil offices which required their constant attendance; but these and similar pleas, although sustained under ordinary circumstances, might be rendered void by a decree of the senate “ne vacationes valerent.” While those who had served for the stipulated period were entitled to immunity for the future, even although within the legal age, and were styled Emeriti, so on the other hand, it appears from some passages in the classics, that persons who had not completed their regular term within the usual limits, might be forced, if required, to serve between the ages of 45 and 50. Towards the close of the republic, and under the empire, when the legions became permanent, the soldier who had served his full time received a regular discharge (missio), together with a bounty (praemium) in money or an allotment of land. The jurists distinguish three kinds of discharge:—1. Missio honesta, granted for length of service. 2. Missio causaria, in consequence of bad health. 3. Missio ignominiosa, when a man was drummed out for bad conduct. It frequently happened that emeriti were induced to continue in the ranks, either from attachment to the person of the general, or from hopes of profit or promotion, and were then called veterani, or when they joined an army, in consequence of a special invitation, evocati.

2. The division of the legion into Cohortes, Manipuli, Centuriae, Signa, Ordines, Contubernia.—(i.) Cohortes. Polybius takes no notice of the Cohort, a division of the legion often mentioned in the Roman writers. When the soldiers of the legion were classified as Velites, Hastati, Principes and Triarii, the cohort contained one maniple of each of the three latter denominations, together with their complement of Velites, so that when the legion contained 4000, each cohort would consist of 60 Triarii, 120 Principes, 120 Hastati, and 100 Velites, in all 400 men. The number of cohorts in a legion being always 10, and the cohorts, during the republic, being all equal to each other, the strength of the cohort varied from time to time with the strength of the legion, and thus at different periods ranged between the limits of 300 and 600. They were regularly numbered from 1 to 10, the centurion of the first century of the first maniple of the first cohort was the guardian of the eagle, and hence the first cohort seems always to have been regarded as superior in dignity to the rest. Late writers, instead of cohortes, prefer the somewhat vague term numeri, which appears in Tacitus and Suetonius, and perhaps even in Cicero. Numeri seems to have signified strictly the muster roll, whence the phrases referre in numeros, distribuere in numeros, and thus served to denote any body of legionaries. Whenever Cohors occurs in the Latin classics in connection with the legion, it always signifies a specific division of the legion; but it is very frequently found, in the general sense of battalion, to denote troops altogether distinct from the legion.—(ii.) Manipulus. The original meaning of this word, which is derived from manus, was a handful or wisp of hay, straw, fern, or the like, and this, according to Roman tradition, affixed to the end of a pole, formed the primitive military standard in the days of Romulus. Hence it was applied to a body of soldiers serving under the same ensign. When the phalanx was resolved into small companies marshalled in open order, these were termed manipuli, and down to a very late period the common soldiers of the legion were designated as manipulares or manipularii, terms equivalent to gregarii milites. When the phalanx was first broken up, it appears that each of the three classes of Hastati, Principes, and Triarii, contained 15 maniples; but before the second Punic war the number of maniples in each of these classes was reduced to 10. Hence it is easy to calculate the number of soldiers in each maniple, according to the varying numbers in the legion, it being always borne in mind that the Triarii never exceeded 600, and that the Velites were not divided into maniples, but distributed equally among the heavy-armed companies.—(iii.) Centuriae. The distribution of soldiers into centuriae must be regarded as coeval with the origin of Rome. Plutarch speaks of the force led by Romulus against Amulius as formed of centuries; and from the close connections between the centuries of Servius Tullius, and the organization of the military force, we cannot hesitate to believe that the term was communicated to the ranks of the phalanx. For a long period after the establishment of the manipular constitution, the legion contained 60 centuries.—(iv.) Signum. This word is used to denote a division of the legion, but it is doubtful whether it signifies a maniple or a century.—(v.) Ordo generally signifies a century, and ordinum ductor is synonymous with centurio, and ducere honestum ordinem means to be one of the principal centurions in a legion.—(vi.) Contubernium. This was the name given under the empire to the body of soldiers who were quartered together in the same tent.

3. Hastati, Principes, Triarii, Pilani, Antepilani, Antesignani, Principia.—The Hastati were so called, from having been armed with a hasta, the Principes from having occupied the front line, the Triarii, otherwise named Pilani, from having been ranged behind the first two lines as a body of reserve and armed with the pilum, while the first two lines were termed collectively Antepilani, from standing in front of the Pilani. In process of time, it came to pass, that these designations no longer expressed the actual condition of the troops to which they were attached. When Polybius wrote, and long before that period, the Hastati were not armed with hastae, but in common with the Principes bore the heavy pilum: on the other hand, the pilani carried hastae and not pila, while the Principes were not drawn up in the front, but formed the second line.—Antesignani. While the Hastati and Principes, taken together, were sometimes termed Antepilani, in contradistinction to the Triarii, so the Hastati alone were sometimes termed Antesignani, in contradistinction to the Principes and Triarii taken together. The term Antesignani having become established as denoting the front ranks in a line of battle, was retained in this general sense long after the Hastati, Principes, and Triarii had disappeared.—Another term employed to denote the front ranks of an army in battle array is Principia, and in this sense must be carefully distinguished from the Principia or chief street in the camp, and from Principia, which in the later writers, such as Ammianus and Vegetius, is equivalent to principales milites. Postsignani does not occur in any author earlier than Ammianus Marcellinus, and therefore need not be illustrated here; the Subsignanus miles of Tacitus seems to be the same with the Vexillarii.

4. Rorarii, Accensi, Ferentarii, Velites, Procubitores.—When the Hastati had, in a great measure, ceased to act as tirailleurs, their place was supplied by the Rorarii, whose method of fighting has been described above (p. 165). The Accensi, as described by Livy, were inferior in equipment to the rorarii, although employed in a similar manner, and seem to have been camp-followers or servants, and hence the name is given to those also who attended upon magistrates or other officials. At a later period the accensi were supernumeraries, who served to fill up any vacancies which occurred in the course of a campaign. Another ancient term for light-armed soldiers was Ferentarii. The Velites, called also Procubitores, because they were employed on outpost duty when the Romans were encamped before an enemy, were first formed into a corps at the siege of Capua, B.C. 211.

5. Officers of the Legion.—Tribuni Militum were the chief officers of the legion. Their number (six) did not vary for many centuries. They were originally chosen by the commanders-in-chief, that is, by the kings in the first instance, and afterwards by the consuls, or a dictator, as the case might be. In B.C. 361 the people assumed to themselves the right of electing either the whole or a certain number; and in B.C. 311 it was ordained that they should choose sixteen for the four legions. In subsequent times the choice of the tribunes was divided between the consuls and the people; but the proportion chosen by each differed at various periods. No one was eligible to the office of tribune who had not served for ten years in the infantry or five in the cavalry; but this rule admitted of exceptions. Augustus introduced certain regulations altogether new. He permitted the sons of senators to wear the tunica laticlavia as soon as they assumed the manly gown, and to commence their military career as tribunes, or as commanders (praefecti) of cavalry. Such persons were the Tribuni Laticlavii.—Centuriones. Next in rank to the Tribunus was the Centurio, who, as the name implies, commanded a century; and the century, being termed also ordo, the centurions were frequently designated ordinum ductores (hence, adimere ordines, offerre ordines, ordines impetrare, ducere honestum ordinem, to be one of the principal centurions, &c.). The chief ordinary duties of the centurions were to drill the soldiers, to inspect their arms, clothing, and food, to watch the execution of the toils imposed, to visit the centinels, and to regulate the conduct of their men, both in the camp and in the field. They also sat as judges in minor offences, and had the power of inflicting corporal punishment, whence their badge of office was a vine sapling, and thus vitis is frequently used to denote the office itself. Of the two centurions in each maniple the one first chosen took the command of the right division, the other of the left. The century to the right was considered as the first century of the maniple, and its commander took precedence probably with the title Prior, his companion to the left being called Posterior, the priores in each of the three divisions of Triarii, Principes, and Hastati being the ten centurions first chosen. So long as these divisions were recognised, all the centurions of the Triarii appear to have ranked before those of the Principes, and all the centurions of the Principes before those of the Hastati. Moreover, since the maniples were numbered in each division from 1 to 10, there was probably a regular progression from the first centurion of the first maniple down to the second centurion of the tenth maniple. The first centurion of the first maniple of the Triarii, originally named Centurio Primus, and afterwards Centurio Primipili, or simply Primipilus, occupied a very conspicuous position. He stood next in rank to the Tribuni militum; he had a seat in the military council; to his charge was committed the eagle of the legion, whence he is sometimes styled Aquilifer, and, under the empire at least, his office was very lucrative. A series of terms connected with these arrangements are furnished by the narrative which Sp. Ligustinus gives of his own career (Liv. xlii. 34). He thus enumerates the various steps of his promotion:—“Mihi T. Quinctius Flamininus decumum ordinem hastatum adsignavit ... me imperator dignum judicavit cui primum hastatum prioris centuriae adsignaret ... a M’. Acilio mihi primus princeps prioris centuriae est adsignatus ... quater intra paucos annos primum pilum duxi.” The gradual ascent from the ranks being to the post of centurion:—1. In the tenth maniple of the Hastati. 2. In the first century of the first maniple of the Hastati. 3. In the first century of the first maniple of the Principes. 4. In the first century of the first maniple of the Triarii.—But even after the distinction between Hastati, Principes, and Triarii was altogether abolished, and they were all blended together in the cohorts, the same nomenclature with regard to the centuries and their commanders was retained, although it is by no means easy to perceive how it was applied. That great differences of rank existed among the centurions is evident from the phrases primores centurionum, primi ordines (i.e. chief centurions), as opposed to inferiores ordines, and infimi ordines, and that promotion from a lower to a higher grade frequently took place, is evident from many passages in ancient authors. The election of optiones, or lieutenants, by the centurions, has been already described.

Fourth Period. From the times of the Gracchi until the downfall of the Republic. After the times of the Gracchi the following changes in military affairs may be noticed:—In the first consulship of Marius the legions were thrown open to citizens of all grades, without distinction of fortune. The whole of the legionaries were armed and equipped in the same manner, all being now furnished with the pilum; and hence we see in Tacitus the pila and gladii of the legionaries, opposed to the hastae and spathae of the auxiliaries. The legionaries when in battle order were no longer arranged in three lines, each consisting of ten maniples, with an open space between each maniple, but in two lines, each consisting of five cohorts, with a space between each cohort. The younger soldiers were no longer placed in the front, but in reserve, the van being composed of veterans, as may be seen from various passages in Caesar. As a necessary result of the above arrangements, the distinction between Hastati, Principes, and Triarii ceased to exist. These names, as applied to particular classes of soldiers, are not found in Caesar, in Tacitus, nor in any writer upon military affairs after the time of Marius. The Velites disappeared. The skirmishers, included under the general term levis armatura, consisted for the most part of foreign mercenaries possessing peculiar skill in the use of some national weapon, such as the Balearic slingers, (funditores), the Cretan archers (sagittarii), and the Moorish dartmen (jaculatores). Troops of this description had, it is true, been employed by the Romans even before the second Punic war, and were denominated levium armatorum (s. armorum) auxilia; but now the levis armatura consisted exclusively of foreigners, were formed into a regular corps under their own officers, and no longer entered into the constitution of the legion. When operations requiring great activity were undertaken, such as could not be performed by mere skirmishers, detachments of legionaries were lightly equipped, and marched without baggage, for these special services; and hence the frequent occurrence of such phrases as expediti, expediti milites, expeditae cohortes, and even expeditae legiones. The cavalry of the legion underwent a change in every respect analogous to that which took place in regard of the light-armed troops. It is evident, from the history of Caesar’s campaigns in Gaul, that the number of Roman equites attached to his army was very small, and that they were chiefly employed as aides-de-camp, and on confidential missions. The bulk of Caesar’s cavalry consisted of foreigners, a fact which becomes strikingly apparent when we read that Ariovistus having stipulated that the Roman general should come to their conference attended by cavalry alone, Caesar, feeling no confidence in his Gaulish horse, dismounted them, and supplied their place by soldiers of the tenth legion. In like manner they ceased to form part of the legion, and from this time forward we find the legions and the cavalry spoken of as completely distinct from each other. After the termination of the Social War, when most of the inhabitants of Italy became Roman citizens, the ancient distinction between the Legiones and the Socii disappeared, and all who had served as Socii became incorporated with the legiones. An army during the last years of the republic and under the earlier emperors consisted of Romanae Legiones et Auxilia s. Auxiliares, the latter term comprehending troops of all kinds, except the legions. Whenever the word socii is applied to troops after the date of the Social War, it is generally to be regarded as equivalent to auxiliares. But the most important change of all was the establishment of the military profession, and the distinction now first introduced between the civilian and the soldier.

Fifth Period. From the establishment of the empire until the age of the Antonines, B.C. 31–A.D. 150. Under the empire a regular army consisted of a certain number of Legiones and of Supplementa, the Supplementa being again divided into the imperial guards, which appear under several different forms, distinguished by different names; and the Auxilia, which were subdivided into Sociae Cohortes and Nationes, the latter being for the most part barbarians. The Legiones, as already remarked, although still composed of persons who enjoyed the privileges of Roman citizens, were now raised almost exclusively in the provinces. The legion was divided into 10 cohorts, and each cohort into 6 centuries; the first cohort, which had the custody of the eagle, was double the size of the others, and contained 960 men, the remaining cohorts contained each 480 men; and consequently each ordinary century 80 men, the total strength of the legion being thus 5280 men.—It is during this period that we first meet with the term Vexillarii or Vexilla, which occurs repeatedly in Tacitus. The vexillarii, or vexilla legionum, were those soldiers who, after having served in the legion for sixteen years, became exauctorati, but continued to serve in company with that legion, under a vexillum of their own, until they received their full discharge. The number attached to each legion was usually about five or six hundred.—The term exauctorare also meant to discharge from military service, but does not appear to have been in use before the Augustan period. It signified both a simple discharge, and a cashiering on account of some crime. During the later period of the empire the latter signification began almost exclusively to prevail.—As to the Praetorian troops, see Praetoriani.—From the time when the cavalry were separated from the legion they were formed into bodies called alae, which varied in number according to circumstances. The Alae were raised in the Roman provinces and consisted, probably, for the most part, of citizens, or at least subjects. But in addition to these every army at this period was attended by squadrons of light horse composed entirely of barbarians; and the chief duty performed by those named above was guiding the pioneers as they performed their labours in advance of the army.—Cohortes peditatae, were battalions raised chiefly in the provinces, composed of Roman citizens, of subjects and allies, or of citizens, allies, and subjects indiscriminately. To this class of troops belonged the cohortes auxiliares, the auxilia cohortium, and the sociorum cohortes, of whom we read in Tacitus, together with a multitude of others recorded in inscriptions and named for the most part from the nations of which they were composed. These cohorts were numbered regularly like the legions.—Cohortes Equitatae differed from the Peditatae in this only, that they were made up of infantry combined with cavalry.—Classici, which we may fairly render Marines, were employed, according to Hyginus, as pioneers. They corresponded to the Navales Socii, under the republic, who were always regarded as inferior to regular soldiers. After the establishment by Augustus of regular permanent fleets at Misenum, Ravenna, and on the coast of Gaul, a large body of men must have been required to man them, who were sometimes called upon to serve as ordinary soldiers.—Nationes were battalions composed entirely of barbarians, or of the most uncivilised among the subjects of Rome, and were probably chiefly employed upon outpost duties.—Urbanae Cohortes. Augustus, in addition to the praetorian cohorts, instituted a force of city guards, amounting to 6000 men divided into four battalions. They are usually distinguished as Cohortes Urbanae or Urbana militia, their quarters, which were within the city, being the Urbana Castra.—Cohortes Vigilum. Augustus also organised a large body of night-watchers, whose chief duty was to act as firemen. They were divided into seven cohorts, in the proportion of one cohort to each two Regiones, were stationed in fourteen guardhouses (excubitoria), and called Cohortes Vigilum. They were commanded by a Praefectus, who was of equestrian rank.

EXĬLĬUM. [Exsilium.]

EXŎDĬA (ἐξόδια, from ἐξ and ὁδός) were old-fashioned and laughable interludes in verse, inserted in other plays, but chiefly in the Atellanae. The exodium seems to have been introduced among the Romans from Italian Greece; but after its introduction it became very popular among the Romans, and continued to be played down to a very late period.

EXŌMIS (ἐξωμίς), a dress which had only a sleeve for the left arm, leaving the right with the shoulder and a part of the breast free, and was for this reason called exomis. The exomis was usually worn by slaves and working people.

EXŌMŎSĬA (ἐξωμοσία). Any Athenian citizen when called upon to appear as a witness in a court of justice (κλητεύειν or ἐκκλητεύειν), was obliged by law to obey the summons, unless he could establish by oath that he was unacquainted with the case in question. This oath was called ἐξωμοσία, and the act of taking it was expressed by ἐξόμνυσθαι. A person appointed to a public office was at liberty to decline it, if he could take an oath that the state of his health or other circumstances rendered it impossible for him to fulfil the duties connected with it (ἐξόμνυσθαι τὴν ἀρχὴν, or τὴν χειροτονίαν): and this oath was likewise called ἐξωμοσία, or sometimes ἀπωμοσία.

EXOSTRA (ἐξώστρα, from ἐξωθέω), a theatrical machine, by means of which things which had been concealed behind the curtain on the stage were pushed or rolled forward from behind it, and thus became visible to the spectators.

EXPĔDĪTUS is opposed to impeditus, and signifies unincumbered with armour or with baggage (impedimenta). Hence the epithet was often applied to any portion of the Roman army, when the necessity for haste, or the desire to conduct it with the greatest facility from place to place, made it desirable to leave behind every weight that could be spared.

EXPLŌRĀTŌRES. [Speculatores.]

EXSĔQUĬAE. [Funus.]

EXSĬLĬUM (φυγή), banishment. (1) Greek. Banishment among the Greek states seldom, if ever, appears as a punishment appointed by law for particular offences. We might, indeed, expect this, for the division of Greece into a number of independent states would neither admit of the establishment of penal colonies, as among us, nor of the various kinds of exile which we read of under the Roman emperors. The general term φυγή (flight) was for the most part applied in the case of those who, in order to avoid some punishment or danger, removed from their own country to another. At Athens it took place chiefly in cases of homicide, or murder. An action for wilful murder was brought before the Areiopagus, and for manslaughter before the court of the Ephetae. The accused might, in either case, withdraw himself (φεύγειν) before sentence was passed; but when a criminal evaded the punishment to which an act of murder would have exposed him had he remained in his own land, he was then banished for ever (φεύγει ἀειφυγίαν), and not allowed to return home even when other exiles were restored upon a general amnesty. Demosthenes says, that the word φεύγειν was properly applied to the exile of those who committed murder with malice aforethought, whereas the term μεθίστασθαι was used where the act was not intentional. The property also was confiscated in the former case, but not in the latter. When a verdict of manslaughter was returned, it was usual for the convicted party to leave his country by a certain road, and to remain in exile till he induced some one of the relatives of the slain man to take compassion on him. We are not informed what were the consequences if the relatives of the slain man refused to make a reconciliation; supposing that there was no compulsion, it is reasonable to conclude that the exile was allowed to return after a fixed time. Plato, who is believed to have copied many of his laws from the constitution of Athens, fixes the period of banishment for manslaughter at one year.—Under φυγή, or banishment, as a general term, is comprehended Ostracism, (ὀστρακισμός). Those that were ostracised did not lose their property, and the time, as well as place of their banishment, was fixed. This ostracism is supposed by some to have been instituted by Cleisthenes, after the expulsion of the Peisistratidae; its nature and object are thus explained by Aristotle:—“Democratical states (he observes) used to ostracise, and remove from the city for a definite time, those who appeared to be preeminent above their fellow-citizens, by reason of their wealth, the number of their friends, or any other means of influence.” Ostracism, therefore, was not a punishment for any crime, but rather a precautionary removal of those who possessed sufficient power in the state to excite either envy or fear. Thus Plutarch says, it was a good-natured way of allaying envy by the humiliation of superior dignity and power. The manner of effecting it at Athens was as follows:—A space in the agora was enclosed by barriers, with ten entrances for the ten tribes. By these the tribesmen entered, each with his ostracon (ὄστρακον), or piece of tile (whence the name ostracism), on which was written the name of the individual whom he wished to be ostracised. The nine archons and the senate, i.e. the presidents of that body, superintended the proceedings, and the party who had the greatest number of votes against him, supposing that this number amounted to 6000, was obliged to withdraw (μεταστῆναι) from the city within ten days; if the number of votes did not amount to 6000, nothing was done. Some of the most distinguished men at Athens were removed by ostracism, but recalled when the city found their services indispensable. Among these were Themistocles, Aristeides, and Cimon, son of Miltiades. The last person against whom it was used at Athens was Hyperbolus, a demagogue of low birth and character; but the Athenians thought their own dignity compromised, and ostracism degraded by such an application of it, and accordingly discontinued the practice.—From the ostracism of Athens was copied the Petalism (πεταλισμός) of the Syracusans, so called from the πέταλον, or leaf of the olive, on which was written the name of the person whom they wished to remove from the city. The removal, however, was only for five years; a sufficient time, as they thought, to humble the pride and hopes of the exile. In connection with petalism it may be remarked, that if any one were falsely registered in a demus, or ward, at Athens, his expulsion was called ἐκφυλλοφορία, from the votes being given by leaves. Besides those exiled by law, or ostracised, there was frequently a great number of political exiles in Greece; men who, having distinguished themselves as the leaders of one party, were expelled, or obliged to remove from their native city, when the opposite faction became predominant. They are spoken of as οἱ φεύγοντες or οἱ ἐκπεσόντες, and as οἱ κατελθόντες after their return (ἡ κάθοδος) the word κατάγειν being applied to those who were instrumental in effecting it.—(2) Roman. Banishment as a punishment did not exist in the old Roman state. The aquae et ignis interdictio, which we so frequently read of in the republican period, was in reality not banishment, for it was only a ban, pronounced by the people (by a lex), or by a magistrate in a criminal court, by which a person was deprived of water and of fire; that is, of the first necessaries of life; and its effect was to incapacitate a person from exercising the rights of a citizen; in other words, to deprive him of his citizenship. Such a person might, if he chose, remain at Rome, and submit to the penalty of being an outcast, incapacitated from doing any legal act, and liable to be killed by any one with impunity. To avoid these dangers, a person suffering under such an interdict would naturally withdraw from Rome, and in the earlier republican period, if he withdrew to a state between which and Rome isopolitical relations existed, he would become a citizen of that state. This right was called jus exsulandi with reference to the state to which the person came; with respect to his own state, which he left, he was exsul, and his condition was exsilium; and with respect to the state which he entered, he was inquilinus.[2] In the same way a citizen of such a state had a right of going into exsilium at Rome; and at Rome he might attach himself (applicare se) to a quasi-patronus. Exsilium, instead of being a punishment, would thus rather be a mode of evading punishment; but towards the end of the republic the aquae et ignis interdictio became a regular banishment, since the sentence usually specified certain limits, within which a person was interdicted from fire and water. Thus Cicero was interdicted from fire and water within 400 miles from the city. The punishment was inflicted for various crimes, as vis publica, peculatus, veneficium, &c. Under the empire there were two kinds of exsilium; exsilium properly so called, and relegatio; the great distinction between the two was, that the former deprived a person of his citizenship, while the latter did not. The distinction between exsilium and relegatio existed under the republic. Ovid also describes himself, not as exsul, which he considers a term of reproach, but as relegatus. The chief species of exsilium was the deportatio in insulam or deportatio simply, which was introduced under the emperors in place of the aquae et ignis interdictio. The relegatio merely confined the person within, or excluded him from particular places. In the latter case it was called fuga lata, fuga libera, or liberum exsilium. The relegatus went into banishment; the deportatus was conducted to his place of banishment, sometimes in chains.

EXTISPEX. [Haruspex.]

EXTRĂORDĬNĀRĬI. [Exercitus, p. 167.]

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FABRI are workmen who make anything out of hard materials, as fabri tignarii, carpenters, fabri aerarii, smiths, &c. The different trades were divided by Numa into nine collegia, which correspond to our companies or guilds. In the constitution of Servius Tullius, the fabri tignarii and the fabri aerarii or ferrarii were formed into two centuries, which were called the centuriae fabrum (not fabrorum). They did not belong to any of the five classes into which Servius divided the people; but the fabri tign. probably voted with the first class, and the fabri aer. with the second. The fabri in the army were under the command of an officer called praefectus fabrûm.

FĂBŬLA. [Comoedia.]

FĂLĀRĬCA. [Hasta.]

FALSUM. The oldest legislative provision at Rome against Falsum was that of the Twelve Tables against false testimony. The next legislation on Falsum, so far as we know, was a Lex Cornelia, passed in the time of the Dictator Sulla against forging, concealing, destroying, or committing any other fraudulent act respecting a will or other instrument. The offence was a Crimen Publicum, and, under the emperors, the punishment was deportatio in insulam for the “honestiores;” and the mines or crucifixion for the “humiliores.”

FALX, dim. FALCŬLA (ἅρπη, δρέπανον, poet. δρεπάνη, dim. δρεπάνιον), a sickle; a scythe; a pruning-knife; a falchion, &c. As Culter denoted a knife with one straight edge, falx signified any similar instrument, the single edge of which was curved. Some of its forms are given in the annexed cut. One represents Perseus with the falchion in his right hand, and the head of Medusa in his left. The two smaller figures are heads of Saturn with the falx in its original form; and the fourth represents the same divinity at full length.

FĂMĬLĬA. The word familia contains the same element as the word famulus, a slave, and the verb famulari. In its widest sense it signifies the totality of that which belongs to a Roman citizen who is sui juris, and therefore a paterfamilias. Thus, in certain cases of testamentary disposition, the word familia is explained by the equivalent patrimonium; and the person who received the familia from the testator was called familiae emptor. But the word familia is sometimes limited to signify “persons,” that is, all those who are in the power of a paterfamilias, such as his sons (filii-familias), daughters, grandchildren, and slaves. Sometimes familia is used to signify the slaves belonging to a person, or to a body of persons (societas).

FĀNUM. [Templum.]

FARTOR, a slave who fattened poultry.

FASCES, rods bound in the form of a bundle, and containing an axe (securis) in the middle, the iron of which projected from them. They were usually made of birch, but sometimes also of the twigs of the elm. They are said to have been derived from Vetulonia, a city of Etruria. Twelve were carried before each of the kings by twelve lictors; and on the expulsion of the Tarquins, one of the consuls was preceded by twelve lictors with the fasces and secures, and the other by the same number of lictors with the fasces only, or, according to some accounts, with crowns around them. But P. Valerius Publicola, who gave to the people the right of provocatio, ordained that the secures should be removed from the fasces, and allowed only one of the consuls to be preceded by the lictors while they were at Rome. The other consul was attended only by a single accensus [Accensus]. When they were out of Rome, and at the head of the army, each of the consuls retained the axe in the fasces, and was preceded by his own lictors, as before the time of Valerius. The fasces and secures were, however, carried before the dictator even in the city, and he was also preceded by twenty-four lictors, and the magister equitum by six. The praetors were preceded in the city by two lictors with the fasces; but out of Rome and at the head of an army by six, with the fasces and secures. The tribunes of the plebs, the aediles and quaestors, had no lictors in the city, but in the provinces the quaestors were permitted to have the fasces. The lictors carried the fasces on their shoulders; and when an inferior magistrate met one who was higher in rank, the lictors lowered their fasces to him. This was done by Valerius Publicola, when he addressed the people, and hence came the expression submittere fasces in the sense of to yield, to confess one’s self inferior to another. When a general had gained a victory, and had been saluted as Imperator by his soldiers, he usually crowned his fasces with laurel.

FASCĬA, a band or fillet of cloth, worn, (1) round the head as an ensign of royalty;—(2) by women over the breast;—(3) round the legs and feet, especially by women. When the toga had fallen into disuse, and the shorter pallium was worn in its stead, so that the legs were naked and exposed, fasciae crurales became common even with the male sex.

FASCĬNUM (βασκανία), fascination, enchantment. The belief that some persons had the power of injuring others by their looks, was prevalent among the Greeks and Romans. The evil eye was supposed to injure children particularly, but sometimes cattle also; whence Virgil (Ecl. iii. 103) says,

Various amulets were used to avert its influence.

FASTI. Fas signifies divine law: the epithet fastus is properly applied to anything in accordance with divine law; and hence those days upon which legal business might, without impiety (sine piaculo), be transacted before the praetor, were technically denominated fasti dies, i.e. lawful days. The sacred books in which the fasti dies of the year were marked were themselves denominated fasti; the term, however, was employed to denote registers of various descriptions. Of these the two principal are the Fasti Sacri or Fasti Kalendares, and Fasti Annales or Fasti Historici.—I. Fasti Sacri or Kalendares. For nearly four centuries and a half after the foundation of the city a knowledge of the calendar was possessed exclusively by the priests. One of the pontifices regularly proclaimed the appearance of the new moon, and at the same time announced the period which would intervene between the Kalends and the Nones. On the Nones the country people assembled for the purpose of learning from the rex sacrorum the various festivals to be celebrated during the month, and the days on which they would fall. In like manner all who wished to go to law were obliged to inquire of the privileged few on what day they might bring their suit, and received the reply as if from the lips of an astrologer. The whole of this lore, so long a source of power and profit, and therefore jealously enveloped in mystery, was at length made public by a certain Cn. Flavius, scribe to App. Claudius; who, having gained access to the pontifical books, copied out all the requisite information, and exhibited it in the forum for the use of the people at large. From this time forward such tables became common, and were known by the name of Fasti. They usually contained an enumeration of the months and days of the year; the Nones, Ides, Nundinae, Dies Fasti, Nefasti, Comitiales, Atri, &c., together with the different festivals, were marked in their proper places: astronomical observations on the risings and settings of the fixed stars, and the commencement of the seasons were frequently inserted. [Calendarium; Dies.]—II. Fasti Annales or Historici. Chronicles such as the Annales Maximi, containing the names of the chief magistrates for each year, and a short account of the most remarkable events noted down opposite to the days on which they occurred, were, from the resemblance which they bore in arrangement to the sacred calendars, denominated fasti; and hence this word is used, especially by the poets, in the general sense of historical records. In prose writers fasti is commonly employed as the technical term for the registers of consuls, dictators, censors, and other magistrates, which formed part of the public archives. Some most important fasti belonging to this class, executed probably at the beginning of the reign of Tiberius, have been partially preserved, and are deposited in the Capitol in Rome, where they are known by the name of the Fasti Capitolini.

FASTĬGĬUM. An ancient Greek or Roman temple, of rectangular construction, is terminated at its upper extremity by a triangular figure, both in front and rear, which rests upon the cornice of the entablature as a base, and has its sides formed by the cornices which terminate the roof. The whole of this triangle above the trabeation is implied in the term fastigium, called ἀέτωμα by the Greeks, pediment by our architects. The dwelling-houses of the Romans had no gable ends; consequently when the word is applied to them, it is not in its strictly technical sense, but designates the roof simply, and is to be understood of one which rises to an apex, as distinguished from a flat one. The fastigium, properly so called, was appropriated to the temples of the gods; therefore, when the Romans began to bestow divine honours upon Julius Caesar, amongst other privileges which they decreed to him, was the liberty of erecting a fastigium to his house, that is, a portico and pediment towards the street, like that of a temple.

FAX (φανός), a torch. As the principal use of torches was to give light to those who went abroad after sunset, the portion of the Roman day immediately succeeding sun-set was called fax or prima fax. The use of torches after sun-set, and the practice of celebrating marriages at that time, probably led to the consideration of the torch as one of the necessary accompaniments and symbols of marriage. Among the Romans the fax nuptialis having been lighted at the parental hearth, was carried before the bride by a boy whose parents were alive. The torch was also carried at funerals (fax sepulchralis), both because these were often nocturnal ceremonies, and because it was used to set fire to the pile.

FĒCIĀLES. [Fetiales.]

FĔMĬNĀLĬA, worn in winter by Augustus Caesar, who was very susceptible of cold. It seems probable that they were breeches resembling ours.

FĔNESTRA. [Domus.]

FĒNUS or FOENUS (τόκος), interest of money.—(1) Greek. At Athens there was no restriction upon the rate of interest. A rate might be expressed or represented in two different ways: (1.) by the number of oboli or drachmae paid by the month for every mina; (2) by the part of the principal (τὸ ἀρχαῖον or κεφάλαιον) paid as interest either annually or for the whole period of the loan. According to the former method, which was generally used when money was lent upon real security (τόκοι ἔγγυοι or ἔγγειοι), different rates were expressed as follows:—10 per cent. by ἐπὶ πέντε ὀβολοῖς, i.e. 5 oboli per month for every mina, or 60 oboli a year = 10 drachmae = ¹/₁₀ of a mina. Similarly,

12 per cent.	by ἐπὶ δραχμῇ	per month.
16 per cent.	” ἐπ’ ὀκτὼ ὀβολοῖς	”
18 per cent.	” ἐπ’ ἐννέα ὀβολοῖς	”
24 per cent.	” ἐπὶ δυσὶ δραχμαῖς	”
36 per cent.	” ἐπὶ τρισὶ δρακμαῖς	”
5 per cent.	” ἐπὶ τρίτῳ ἡμιοβολίῳ,	probably.

Another method was generally adopted in cases of bottomry (τὸ ναυτικόν, τόκοι ναυτικοί, or ἔκδοσις), where money was lent upon the ship’s cargo or freightage (ἐπὶ τῷ ναύλῳ), or the ship itself, for a specified time, commonly that of the voyage. By this method the following rates were thus represented:—10 per cent. by τόκοι ἐπιδέκατοι, i.e. interest at the rate of a tenth; 12½, 16⅔, 20, 33⅓, by τόκοι ἐπόγδοοι, ἔφεκτοι, ἐπίπεμπτοι, and ἐπίτριτοι, respectively. The usual rates of interest at Athens about the time of Demosthenes varied from 12 to 18 per cent.—(2) Roman. Towards the close of the republic, and also under the emperors, 12 per cent. was the legal rate of interest. The interest became due on the first of every month: hence the phrases tristes or celeres calendae and calendarium, the latter meaning a debt-book or book of accounts. The rate of interest was expressed in the time of Cicero, and afterwards, by means of the as and its divisions, according to the following table:—

Asses usurae, or one as per month for the use of one hundred		= 12	per cent.
Deunces   usurae		11	”
Dextantes	”	10	”
Dodrantes	”	9	”
Besses	”	8	”
Septunces	”	7	”
Semisses	”	6	”
Quincunces	”	5	”
Trientes	”	4	”
Quadrantes	”	3	”
Sextantes	”	2	”
Unciae	”	1	”

Instead of the phrase asses usurae, a synonyme was used, viz. centesimae usurae, inasmuch as at this rate of interest there was paid in a hundred months a sum equal to the whole principal. Hence binae centesimae = 24 per cent., and quaternae centesimae = 48 per cent. The monthly rate of the centesimae was of foreign origin, and first adopted at Rome in the time of Sulla. The old yearly rate established by the Twelve Tables (B.C. 450) was the unciarium fenus. The uncia was the twelfth part of the as, and since the full (12 oz.) copper coinage was still in use at Rome when the Twelve Tables became law, the phrase unciarium fenus would be a natural expression for interest of one ounce in the pound; i.e. a twelfth part of the sum borrowed, or 8⅓ per cent., not per month, but per year. This rate, if calculated for the old Roman year of ten months, would give 10 per cent. for the civil year of twelve months, which was in common use in the time of the decemvirs. If a debtor could not pay the principal and interest at the end of the year, he used to borrow money from a fresh creditor, to pay off his old debt. This proceeding was very frequent, and called a versura. It amounted to little short of paying compound interest, or an anatocismus anniversarius, another phrase for which was usurae renovatae; e.g. centesimae renovatae is 12 per cent. compound interest, to which Cicero opposes centesimae perpetuo fenore = 12 per cent. simple interest. The following phrases are of common occurrence in connection with borrowing and lending money at interest:—Pecuniam apud aliquem collocare, to lend money at interest; relegere, to call it in again; cavere, to give security for it; opponere or opponere pignori, to give as a pledge or mortgage. The word nomen is also of extensive use in money transactions. Properly it denoted the name of a debtor, registered in a banker’s or any other account-book: hence it came to signify the articles of an account, a debtor, or a debt itself. Thus we have bonum nomen, a good debt; nomina facere, to lend monies, and also to borrow money.

FĒRĀLIA. [Funus, p. 191, a.]

FERCŬLUM (from fer-o) is applied to any kind of tray or platform used for carrying anything. Thus it is used to signify the tray or frame on which several dishes were brought in at once at dinner; and hence fercula came to mean the number of courses at dinner, and even the dishes themselves. The ferculum was also used for carrying the images of the gods in the procession of the circus, the ashes of the dead in a funeral, and the spoils in a triumph; in all which cases it appears to have been carried on the shoulders or in the hands of men.

FĔRĔTRUM. [Funus.]

FĒRĬAE, holidays, were, generally speaking, days or seasons during which free-born Romans suspended their political transactions and their law-suits, and during which slaves enjoyed a cessation from labour. All feriae were thus dies nefasti. The feriae included all days consecrated to any deity; consequently all days on which public festivals were celebrated were feriae or dies feriati. But some of them, such as the feria vindemialis, and the feriae aestivae, seem to have had no direct connection with the worship of the gods. The nundinae, however, during the time of the kings and the early period of the republic, were feriae only for the populus, and days of business for the plebeians, until, by the Hortensian law, they became fasti or days of business for both orders. All feriae publicae, i.e. those which were observed by the whole nation, were divided into feriae stativae, feriae conceptivae, and feriae imperativae. Feriae stativae or statae were those which were held regularly, and on certain days marked in the calendar. To these belonged some of the great festivals, such as the Agonalia, Carmentalia, Lupercalia, &c. Feriae conceptivae or conceptae were held every year, but not on certain or fixed days, the time being every year appointed by the magistrates or priests. Among these we may mention the feriae Latinae, feriae Sementivae, Paganalia, and Compitalia. Feriae imperativae were those which were held on certain emergencies at the command of the consuls, praetors, or of a dictator. The manner in which all public feriae were kept bears great analogy to the observance of our Sunday. The people visited the temples of the gods, and offered up their prayers and sacrifices. The most serious and solemn seem to have been the feriae imperativae, but all the others were generally attended with rejoicings and feasting. All kinds of business, especially law-suits, were suspended during the public feriae, as they were considered to pollute the sacred season. The most important of the holidays designated by the name of feriae, are the Feriae Latinae, or simply Latinae (the original name was Latiar), which were said to have been instituted by the last Tarquin in commemoration of the alliance between the Romans and Latins. This festival, however, was of much higher antiquity; it was a panegyris, or a festival, of the whole Latin nation, celebrated on the Alban mount; and all that the last Tarquin did was to convert the original Latin festival into a Roman one, and to make it the means of hallowing and cementing the alliance between the two nations. Before the union, the chief magistrate of the Latins had presided at the festival; but Tarquin now assumed this distinction, which subsequently, after the destruction of the Latin commonwealth, remained with the chief magistrates of Rome. The object of this panegyris on the Alban mount was the worship of Jupiter Latiaris, and, at least as long as the Latin republic existed, to deliberate and decide on matters of the confederacy, and to settle any disputes which might have arisen among its members. As the feriae Latinae belonged to the conceptivae, the time of their celebration greatly depended on the state of affairs at Rome, since the consuls were never allowed to take the field until they had held the Latinae. This festival was a great engine in the hands of the magistrates, who had to appoint the time of its celebration (concipere, edicere, or indicere Latinas); as it might often suit their purpose either to hold the festival at a particular time or to delay it, in order to prevent or delay such public proceedings as seemed injurious and pernicious, and to promote others to which they were favourably disposed. The festival lasted six days.

FESCENNINA, scil. carmina, one of the earliest kinds of Italian poetry, which consisted of rude and jocose verses, or rather dialogues of extempore verses, in which the merry country folks assailed and ridiculed one another. This amusement seems originally to have been peculiar to country people, but it was also introduced into the towns of Italy and at Rome, where we find it mentioned as one of those in which young people indulged at weddings.

FĒTĬĀLES or FĒCĬĀLES, a college of Roman priests, who acted as the guardians of the public faith. It was their province, when any dispute arose with a foreign state, to demand satisfaction, to determine the circumstances under which hostilities might be commenced, to perform the various religious rites attendant on the solemn declaration of war, and to preside at the formal ratification of peace. When an injury had been received from a foreign state, four fetiales were deputed to seek redress, who again elected one of their number to act as their representative. This individual was styled the pater patratus populi Romani. A fillet of white wool was bound round his head, together with a wreath of sacred herbs gathered within the inclosure of the Capitoline hill (Verbenae; Sagmina), whence he was sometimes named Verbenarius. Thus equipped, he proceeded to the confines of the offending tribe, where he halted, and addressed a prayer to Jupiter, calling the god to witness, with heavy imprecations, that his complaints were well founded and his demands reasonable. He then crossed the border, and the same form was repeated in nearly the same words to the first native of the soil whom he might chance to meet; again a third time to the sentinel or any citizen whom he encountered at the gate of the chief town; and a fourth time to the magistrates in the forum in presence of the people. If a satisfactory answer was not returned within thirty days, after publicly delivering a solemn denunciation of what might be expected to follow, he returned to Rome, and, accompanied by the rest of the fetiales, made a report of his mission to the senate. If the people, as well as the senate, decided for war, the pater patratus again set forth to the border of the hostile territory, and launched a spear tipped with iron, or charred at the extremity and smeared with blood (emblematic doubtless of fire and slaughter), across the boundary, pronouncing at the same time a solemn declaration of war. The demand for redress, and the proclamation of hostilities, were alike termed clarigatio. The whole system is said to have been borrowed from the Aequicolae or the Ardeates, and similar usages undoubtedly prevailed among the Latin states. The number of the fetiales cannot be ascertained with certainty, but they were probably twenty. They were originally selected from the most noble families, and their office lasted for life.

FĪBŬLA (περόνη, πόρπη), a brooch or buckle, consisting of a pin (acus), and of a curved portion furnished with a hook (κλείς).

FICTĬLE (κεράμος, κεράμιον, ὄστρακον, ὀστράκινον), earthenware, a vessel or other article made of baked clay. The instruments used in pottery (ars figulina) were the following:—1. The wheel (τροχός, orbis, rota, rota figularis). 2. Pieces of wood or bone, which the potter (κεραμεύς, figulus) held in his right hand, and applied occasionally to the surface of the clay during its revolution. 3. Moulds (formae, τύποι), used either to decorate with figures in relief vessels which had been thrown on the wheel, or to produce foliage, animals, or any other appearances, on Antefixa, on cornices of terra cotta, and imitative or ornamental pottery of all other kinds, in which the wheel was not adapted to give the first shape. 4. Gravers or scalpels, used by skilful modellers in giving to figures of all kinds a more perfect finish and a higher relief than could be produced by the use of moulds. The earth used for making pottery (κεράμικη γῆ), was commonly red, and often of so lively a colour as to resemble coral. Other pottery is brown or cream-coloured, and sometimes white. Some of the ancient earthenware is throughout its substance black, an effect produced by mixing the earth with comminuted asphaltum (gagates), or with some other bituminous or oleaginous substance. It appears also that asphaltum, with pitch and tar, both mineral and vegetable, was used to cover the surface like a varnish. The best pottery was manufactured at Athens, in the island of Samos, and in Etruria. A quarter of Athens was called Cerameicus, because it was inhabited by potters. Vessels, before being sent for the last time to the furnace, were sometimes immersed in that finely prepared mud, now technically called “slip,” by which the surface is both smoothed and glazed, and at the same time receives a fresh colour. Ruddle, or red ochre (μίλτος, rubrica), was principally employed for this purpose. To produce a further variety in the paintings upon vases the artists employed a few brightly coloured earths and metallic ores. [Pictura.]

FĬDEICOMMISSUM may be defined to be a testamentary disposition, by which a person who gives a thing to another imposes on him the obligation of transferring it to a third person. The obligation was not created by words of legal binding force (civilia verba), but by words of request (precativè), such as fideicommitto, peto, volo dari, and the like; which were the operative words (verba utilia).

FĪDŪCĬA. If a man transferred his property to another, on condition that it should be restored to him, this contract was called Fiducia, and the person to whom the property was so transferred was said fiduciam accipere. The trustee was bound to discharge his trust by restoring the thing: if he did not, he was liable to an actio fiduciae or fiduciaria, which was an actio bonae fidei. If the trustee was condemned in the action, the consequence was infamia.

FISCUS, the imperial treasury. Under the republic the public treasury was called Aerarium. [Aerarium.] On the establishment of the imperial power, there was a division of the provinces between the senate, as the representative of the old republic, and the Caesar or emperor; and there was consequently a division of the most important branches of public income and expenditure. The property of the senate retained the name of Aerarium, and that of the Caesar, as such, received the name of Fiscus. The private property of the Caesar (res privata principis, ratio Caesaris) was quite distinct from that of the fiscus. The word fiscus signified a wicker-basket, or pannier, in which the Romans were accustomed to keep and carry about large sums of money; and hence fiscus came to signify any person’s treasure or money chest. The importance of the imperial fiscus soon led to the practice of appropriating the name to that property which the Caesar claimed as Caesar, and the word fiscus, without any adjunct, was used in this sense. Ultimately the word came to signify generally the property of the state, the Caesar having concentrated in himself all the sovereign power, and thus the word fiscus finally had the same signification as aerarium in the republican period. Various officers, as Procuratores, Advocati, Patroni, and Praefecti, were employed in the administration of the fiscus.

FLĀBELLUM, dim. FLĀBELLŬLUM, (ῥιπίς), a fan. Fans were of elegant forms, of delicate colours, and sometimes of costly and splendid materials, such as peacock’s feathers; but they were stiff and of a fixed shape, and were held by female slaves (flabelliferae), by beautiful boys, or by eunuchs, whose duty it was to wave them so as to produce a cooling breeze. Besides separate feathers the ancient fan was sometimes made of linen, extended upon a light frame.

FLAGRUM, dim. FLĂGELLUM (μάστιξ), a whip, a scourge, to the handle of which was fixed a lash made of cords (funibus), or thongs of leather (loris), especially thongs made from the ox’s hide (bubulis exuviis). The flagellum properly so called was a dreadful instrument, and is thus put in opposition to the scutica, which was a simple whip. (Hor. Sat. i. 3. 119.) Cicero in like manner contrasts the severe flagella with the virgae. The flagellum was chiefly used in the punishment of slaves. It was knotted with bones or heavy indented circles of bronze or terminated by hooks, in which case it was aptly denominated a scorpion. We likewise find that some gladiators fought with the flagella, as in the coin here introduced.

FLĀMEN, the name for any Roman priest who was devoted to the service of one particular god, and who received a distinguishing epithet from the deity to whom he ministered. The most dignified were those attached to Dijovis, Mars, and Quirinus, the Flamen Dialis, Flamen Martialis, and Flamen Quirinalis. They are said to have been established by Numa. The number was eventually increased to fifteen: the three original flamens were always chosen from among the patricians, and styled Majores; the rest from the plebeians, with the epithet Minores. Among the minores, we read of the Flamen Floralis, the Flamen Carmentalis, &c. The flamens were elected originally at the Comitia Curiata, but it is conjectured that subsequently to the passing of the Lex Domitia (B.C. 104) they were chosen in the Comitia Tributa. After being nominated by the people, they were received (capti) and installed (inaugurabantur) by the pontifex maximus, to whose authority they were at all times subject. The office was understood to last for life; but a flamen might be compelled to resign (flaminio abire) for a breach of duty, or even on account of the occurrence of an ill-omened accident while discharging his functions. Their characteristic dress was the apex [Apex], the laena [Laena], and a laurel wreath. The most distinguished of all the flamens was the Dialis; the lowest in rank the Pomonalis. The former enjoyed many peculiar honours. When a vacancy occurred, three persons of patrician descent, whose parents had been married according to the ceremonies of confarreatio, were nominated by the Comitia, one of whom was selected (captus), and consecrated (inaugurabatur) by the pontifex maximus. From that time forward he was emancipated from the control of his father, and became sui juris. He alone of all priests wore the albogalerus; he had a right to a lictor, to the toga praetexta, the sella curulis, and to a seat in the senate in virtue of his office. If one in bonds took refuge in his house, his chains were immediately struck off. To counterbalance these high honours, the dialis was subjected to a multitude of restrictions. It was unlawful for him to be out of the city for a single night; and he was forbidden to sleep out of his own bed for three nights consecutively. He might not mount upon horseback, nor even touch a horse, nor look upon an army marshalled without the pomoerium, and hence was seldom elected to the consulship. The object of the above rules was manifestly to make him literally Jovi adsiduum sacerdotem; to compel constant attention to the duties of the priesthood. Flaminica was the name given to the wife of the dialis. He was required to wed a virgin according to the ceremonies of confarreatio, which regulation also applied to the two other flamines majores; and he could not marry a second time. Hence, since her assistance was essential in the performance of certain ordinances, a divorce was not permitted, and if she died, the dialis was obliged to resign. The municipal towns also had their flamens. Thus the celebrated affray between Milo and Clodius took place while the former was on his way to Lanuvium, of which he was then dictator, to declare the election of a flamen (ad flaminem prodendum).

FLAMMEUM. [Matrimonium.]

FLŌRĀLĬA, or Florales Ludi, a festival which was celebrated at Rome in honour of Flora or Chloris, during five days, beginning on the 28th of April and ending on the 2nd of May. It was said to have been instituted at Rome in 238 B.C., at the command of an oracle in the Sibylline books, for the purpose of obtaining from the goddess the protection of the blossoms. The celebration was, as usual, conducted by the aediles, and was carried on with excessive merriment, drinking, and lascivious games.

FŌCĀLĔ, a covering for the ears and neck, made of wool, and worn by infirm, and delicate persons.

FŎCUS, dim. FOCŬLUS ( ἑστία, ἐσχάρα, ἐσχαρίς), a fire-place; a hearth; a brazier. The fire-place possessed a sacred character, and was dedicated among the Romans to the Lares of each family. Moveable hearths, or braziers, properly called foculi, were frequently used.

FOEDĔRĀTAE CĪVĬTĀTES, FOEDĔRĀTI, SŎCĬI. In the seventh century of Rome these names expressed those Italian states which were connected with Rome by a treaty (foedus). These names did not include Roman colonies or Latin colonies, or any place which had obtained the Roman civitas or citizenship. Among the foederati were the Latini, who were the most nearly related to the Romans, and were designated by this distinctive name; the rest of the foederati were comprised under the collective name of Socii or Foederati. They were independent states, yet under a general liability to furnish a contingent to the Roman army. Thus they contributed to increase the power of Rome, but they had not the privileges of Roman citizens. The discontent among the foederati, and their claims to be admitted to the privileges of Roman citizens, led to the Social War. The Julia Lex (B.C. 90) gave the civitas to the Socii and Latini; and a lex of the following year contained, among other provisions, one for the admission to the Roman civitas of those peregrini who were entered on the lists of the citizens of federate states, and who complied with the provisions of the lex. [Civitas.]

FOENUS. [Fenus.]

FOLLIS—(1) An inflated ball of leather, which boys and old men among the Romans threw from one to another as a gentle exercise of the body.—(2) A leather purse or bag.—(3) A pair of bellows, consisting of two inflated skins, and having valves adjusted to the natural apertures at one part for admitting the air, and a pipe inserted into another part for its emission.

FONS (κρήνη), a spring of water, and also an artificial fountain, made either by covering and decorating a spring with buildings and sculpture, or by making a jet or stream of water, supplied by an elevated cistern, play into an artificial basin. Such fountains served the double purpose of use and ornament. They were covered to keep them pure and cool, and the covering was frequently in the form of a monopteral temple: there were also statues, the subjects of which were suggested by the circumstance that every fountain was sacred to some divinity, or they were taken from the whole range of mythological legends. A very large proportion of the immense supply of water brought to Rome by the aqueducts was devoted to the public fountains, which were divided into two classes; namely, lacus, ponds or reservoirs, and salientes, jets of water, besides which many of the castella were so constructed as to be also fountains. There were also many small private fountains in the houses and villas of the wealthy.

FŎRES. [DOMUS.]

FORNĀCĀLĬA, a festival in honour of Fornax, the goddess of furnaces, in order that the corn might be properly baked. This ancient festival is said to have been instituted by Numa. The time for its celebration was proclaimed every year by the curio maximus, who announced in tablets, which were placed in the forum, the different part which each curia had to take in the celebration of the festival. Those persons who did not know to what curia they belonged performed the sacred rites on the Quirinalia, called from this circumstance the Stultorum feriae, which fell on the last day of the Fornacalia.

FORNIX, in its primary sense, is synonymous with Arcus, but more commonly implies an arched vault, constituting both roof and ceiling to the apartment which it encloses.

FŎRUM. [See Classical Dict.]

FRĂMĔA. [Hasta.]

FRĀTRES ARVĀLES. [Arvales Fratres.]

FRĒNUM (χαλινός), a bridle. That Bellerophon might be enabled to perform the exploits required of him by the king of Lycia, he was presented by Athena with a bridle as the means of subduing the winged horse Pegasus, who submitted to receive it whilst he was slaking his thirst at the fountain Peirene. Such was the Grecian account of the invention of the bridle, and in reference to it Athena was worshipped at Corinth, under the titles Ἵππια and Χαλινῖτις. The bit (orea, δῆγμα, στόμιον), was commonly made of several pieces, and flexible, so as not to hurt the horse’s mouth; although there was likewise a bit which was armed with protuberances resembling wolves’ teeth, and therefore called lupatum.

FRĪGĬDĀRĬUM. [Balneum.]

FRĬTILLUS (φιμός), a dice-box of a cylindrical form, and therefore called also turricula, or pyrgus, and formed with parallel indentations (gradus) on the inside, so as to make a rattling noise when the dice were shaken in it.

FRŪMENTĀRĬAE LEGES. The supply of corn at Rome was considered one of the duties of the government. The superintendence of the corn-market belonged in ordinary times to the aediles, but when great scarcity prevailed, an extraordinary officer was appointed for the purpose under the title of Praefectus Annonae. Even in early times it had been usual for the state on certain occasions, and for wealthy individuals, to make occasional donations of corn to the people (donatio, largitio, divisio; subsequently called frumentatio). But such donations were only casual; and it was not till B.C. 123, that the first legal provision was made for supplying the poor at Rome with corn at a price much below its market value. In that year C. Sempronius Gracchus brought forward the first Lex Frumentaria, by which each citizen was entitled to receive every month a certain quantity of wheat (triticum) at the price of 6⅓ asses for the modius, which was equal to 1 gallon and nearly 8 pints English. This was only a trifle more than half the market price. Each person probably received five modii monthly, as in later times. About B.C. 91, the tribune M. Octavius brought forward the Lex Octavia, which modified the law of Gracchus to some extent, so that the public treasury did not suffer so much. Sulla went still further, and by his Lex Cornelia, B.C. 82, did away altogether with these distributions of corn; but in B.C. 73, the Lex Sempronia was renewed by the Lex Terentia Cassia, which enacted that each Roman citizen should receive 5 modii a month at the price of 6⅓ asses for each modius. The Leges Frumentariae had sold corn to the people; but by the Lex Clodia of the tribune Clodius, B.C. 58, the corn was distributed without any payment; the abolition of the payment cost the state a fifth part of its revenues. When Caesar became master of the Roman world, he resolved to remedy the evils attending the system, so far as he was able. He did not venture to abolish altogether these distributions of corn, but he did the next best thing in his power, which was reducing the number of the recipients. During the civil wars numbers of persons, who had no claim to the Roman franchise, had settled at Rome in order to obtain a share in the distributions. Caesar excluded from this privilege every person who could not prove that he was a Roman citizen; and thus the 320,000 persons, who had previously received the corn, were at once reduced to 150,000. The useful regulations of Caesar fell into neglect after his death; and in B.C. 5, the number of recipients had amounted to 320,000. But in B.C. 2, Augustus reduced the number of recipients to 200,000, and renewed many of Caesar’s regulations. The chief of them seem to have been: 1. That every citizen should receive monthly a certain quantity of corn (probably 5 modii) on the payment of a certain small sum. Occasionally, in seasons of scarcity, or in order to confer a particular favour, Augustus made these distributions quite gratuitous; they then became congiaria. [Congiarium.] 2. That those who were completely indigent should receive the corn gratuitously, and should be furnished for the purpose with tesserae nummariae or frumentariae, which entitled them to the corn without payment. The system which had been established by Augustus, was followed by his successors; but as it was always one of the first maxims of the state policy of the Roman emperors to prevent any disturbance in the capital, they frequently lowered the price of the public corn, and also distributed it gratuitously as a congiarium. Hence, the cry of the populace panem et circenses. In course of time, the sale of the corn by the state seems to have ceased altogether, and the distribution became altogether gratuitous. Every corn-receiver was therefore now provided with a tessera, and this tessera, when once granted to him, became his property. Hence it came to pass, that he was not only allowed to keep the tessera for life, but even to dispose of it by sale, and bequeath it by will. Every citizen was competent to hold a tessera, with the exception of senators. Further, as the corn had been originally distributed to the people according to the thirty-five tribes into which they were divided, the corn-receivers in each tribe formed a kind of corporation, which came eventually to be looked upon as the tribe, when the tribes had lost all political significance. Hence, the purchase of a tessera became equivalent to the purchase of a place in a tribe; and, accordingly, we find in the Digest the expressions emere tribum and emere tesseram used as synonymous. Another change was also introduced at a later period, which rendered the bounty still more acceptable to the people. Instead of distributing the corn every month, wheaten bread, called annona civica, was given to the people. It is uncertain at what time this change was introduced, but it seems to have been the custom before the reign of Aurelian (A.D. 270-275).

FRŪMENTĀRĬI, officers under the Roman empire, who acted as spies in the provinces, and reported to the emperors anything which they considered of importance. They appear to have been called Frumentarii because it was their duty to collect information in the same way as it was the duty of other officers, called by the same name, to collect corn.

FŪCUS (φῦκος), the paint which the Greek and Roman ladies employed in painting their cheeks, eye-brows, and other parts of their faces. The practice of painting the face was very general among the Greek ladies, and probably came into fashion in consequence of their sedentary mode of life, which robbed their complexions of their natural freshness, and induced them to have recourse to artificial means for restoring the red and white of nature. The eye-brows and eye-lids were stained black with στίμμι or στίμμις, a sulphuret of antimony, which is still employed by the Turkish ladies for the same purpose. The eye-brows were likewise stained with ἄσβολος, a preparation of soot. Among the Romans the art of painting the complexion was carried to a still greater extent than among the Greeks, and even Ovid did not disdain to write a poem on the subject, which he calls (de Art. Am. iii. 206) “parvus, sed cura grande, libellus, opus;” though the genuineness of the fragment of the Medicamina faciei, ascribed to this poet, is doubtful. The Roman ladies even went so far as to paint with blue the veins on the temples. The ridiculous use of patches (splenia), which were common among the English ladies in the reign of Queen Anne and the first Georges, was not unknown to the Roman ladies. The more effeminate of the male sex at Rome, and likewise in Greece, also employed paint.

FŬGA LĀTA. [Exsilium.]

FŬGA LĪBĔRA. [Exsilium.]

FŬGĬTĪVUS. [Servus.]

FULLO (κναφεύς, γναφεύς), also called NACCA, a fuller, a washer or scourer of cloth and linen. The fullones not only received the cloth as it came from the loom in order to scour and smooth it, but also washed and cleansed garments which had been already worn. The clothes were first washed, which was done in tubs or vats, where they were trodden upon and stamped by the feet of the fullones, whence Seneca speaks of saltus fullonicus. The ancients were not acquainted with soap, but they used in its stead different kinds of alkali, by which the dirt was more easily separated from the clothes. Of these, by far the most common was the urine of men and animals, which was mixed with the water in which the clothes were washed. When the clothes were dry, the wool was brushed and carded to raise the nap, sometimes with the skin of a hedgehog, and sometimes with some plants of the thistle kind. The clothes were then hung on a vessel of basket-work (viminea cavea), under which sulphur was placed in order to whiten the cloth. A fine white earth, called Cimolian by Pliny, was often rubbed into the cloth to increase its whiteness. The establishment or workshop of the fullers was called Fullonica, Fullonicum, or Fullonimn. The Greeks were also accustomed to send their garments to fullers to be washed and scoured. The word πλύνειν denoted the washing of linen, and κναφεύειν or γναφεύειν the washing of woollen clothes.

FŪNAMBŬLUS (καλοβάτης σχοινοβάτης), a rope-dancer. The art of dancing on the tight-rope was carried to as great perfection among the Romans as it is with us. The performers placed themselves in an endless variety of graceful and sportive attitudes, and represented the characters of bacchanals, satyrs, and other imaginary beings. One of the most difficult exploits was running down the rope at the conclusion of the performance. It was a strange attempt of Germanicus and of the emperor Galba to exhibit elephants walking on the rope.

FUNDA (σφενδόνη), a sling. Slingers are not mentioned in the Iliad; but the light troops of the Greek and Roman armies consisted in great part of slingers (funditores, σφενδονήται). The most celebrated slingers were the inhabitants of the Balearic islands. Besides stones, plummets, called glandes (μολυβδίδες), of a form between acorns and almonds, were cast in moulds to be thrown with slings. The manner in which the sling was wielded may be seen in the annexed figure of a soldier with a provision of stones in the sinus of his pallium, and with his arm extended in order to whirl the sling about his head.

FUNDĬTŌRES. [Funda.]

FŪNUS, a funeral.—(1) Greek. The Greeks attached great importance to the burial of the dead. They believed that souls could not enter the Elysian fields till their bodies had been buried; and so strong was this feeling among the Greeks, that it was considered a religious duty to throw earth upon a dead body, which a person might happen to find unburied; and among the Athenians, those children who were released from all other obligations to unworthy parents, were nevertheless bound to bury them by one of Solon’s laws. The neglect of burying one’s relatives is frequently mentioned by the orators as a grave charge against the moral character of a man; in fact, the burial of the body by the relations of the dead was considered one of the most sacred duties by the universal law of the Greeks. Sophocles represents Antigone as disregarding all consequences in order to bury the dead body of her brother Polyneices, which Creon, the king of Thebes, had commanded to be left unburied. The common expressions for the funeral rites, τὰ δίκαια, νόμιμα or νομιζόμενα, προσήκοντα, show that the dead had, as it were, a legal and moral claim to burial. After a person was dead, it was the custom first to place in his mouth an obolus, called danace (δανάκη), with which he might pay the ferryman in Hades. The body was then washed and anointed with perfumed oil, the head was crowned with the flowers which happened to be in season, and the body dressed in as handsome a robe as the family could afford. These duties were not performed by hired persons, like the pollinctores among the Romans, but by the women of the family, upon whom the care of the corpse always devolved. The corpse was then laid out (πρόθεσις, προτίθεσθαι) on a bed, which appears to have been of the ordinary kind, with a pillow for supporting the head and back. By the side of the bed there were placed painted earthen vessels, called λήκυθοι, which were also buried with the corpse. Great numbers of these painted vases have been found in modern times; and they have been of great use in explaining many matters connected with antiquity. A honey-cake, called μελιττοῦτα, which appears to have been intended for Cerberus, was also placed by the side of the corpse. Before the door a vessel of water was placed, called ὄστρακον, ἀρδάλιον or ἀρδάνιον, in order that persons who had been in the house might purify themselves by sprinkling water on their persons. The relatives stood around the bed, the women uttering great lamentations, rending their garments, and tearing their hair. On the day after the πρόθεσις, or the third day after death, the corpse was carried out (ἐκφορά, ἐκκομιδή) for burial, early in the morning and before sunrise. A burial soon after death was supposed to be pleasing to the dead. In some places it appears to have been usual to bury the dead on the day following death. The men walked before the corpse, and the women behind. The funeral procession was preceded or followed by hired mourners (θρηνῳδοί), who appear to have been usually Carian women, playing mournful tunes on the flute. The body was either buried or burnt. The word θάπτειν is used in connection with either mode; it is applied to the collection of the ashes after burning, and accordingly we find the words καίειν and θάπτειν used together. The proper expression for interment in the earth is κατορύττειν. In Homer the bodies of the dead are burnt; but interment was also used in very ancient times. Cicero says that the dead were buried at Athens in the time of Cecrops; and we also read of the bones of Orestes being found in a coffin at Tegea. The dead were commonly buried among the Spartans and the Sicyonians, and the prevalence of this practice is proved by the great number of skeletons found in coffins in modern times, which have evidently not been exposed to the action of fire. Both burning and burying appear to have been always used to a greater or less extent at different periods; till the spread of Christianity at length put an end to the former practice. The dead bodies were usually burnt on piles of wood, called pyres (πυραί). The body was placed on the top; and in the heroic times it was customary to burn with the corpse animals and even captives or slaves. Oils and perfumes were also thrown into the flames. When the pyre was burnt down, the remains of the fire were quenched with wine, and the relatives and friends collected the bones. The bones were then washed with wine and oil, and placed in urns, which were sometimes made of gold. The corpses which were not burnt were buried in coffins, which were called by various names, as σοροί, πύελοι, ληνοί, λάρνακες, δροῖται, though some of these names are also applied to the urns in which the bones were collected. They were made of various materials, but were usually of baked clay or earthenware. The following woodcut contains two of the most ancient kind; the figure in the middle is the section of one. The dead were usually buried outside the town, as it was thought that their presence in the city brought pollution to the living. At Athens none were allowed to be buried within the city; but Lycurgus, in order to remove all superstition respecting the presence of the dead, allowed of burial in Sparta. Persons who possessed lands in Attica were frequently buried in them, and we therefore read of tombs in the fields. Tombs, however, were most frequently built by the side of roads, and near the gates of the city. At Athens, the most common place of burial was outside of the Itonian gate, near the road leading to the Peiraeeus, which gate was for that reason called the burial gate. Those who had fallen in battle were buried at the public expense in the outer Cerameicus, on the road leading to the Academia. Tombs were called θῆκαι, τάφοι, μνήματα, μνημεῖα, σήματα. Many of these were only mounds of earth or stones (χώματα, κολῶναι τύμβοι). Others were built of stone, and frequently ornamented with great taste. Some Greek tombs were built under ground, and called hypogea (ὑπόγαια or ὑπόγεια). They correspond to the Roman conditoria. The monuments erected over the graves of persons were usually of four kinds: 1. στῆλαι, pillars or upright stone tablets; 2. κίονες, columns; 3. ναΐδια or ἡρῷα, small buildings in the form of temples; and 4. τράπεζαι, flat square stones, called by Cicero mensae. The term στῆλαι is sometimes applied to all kinds of funeral monuments, but properly designates upright stone tablets, which were usually terminated with an oval heading, called ἐπίθημα. The epithema was frequently ornamented with a kind of arabesque work, as in the preceding specimen. The κίονες, or columns, were of various forms, as is shown by the two specimens in the annexed cut.

The inscriptions upon these funeral monuments usually contain the name of the deceased person, and that of the demus to which he belonged, as well as frequently some account of his life. The following example of an ἡρῷον will give a general idea of monuments of this kind.—Orations in praise of the dead were sometimes pronounced; but Solon ordained that such orations should be confined to persons who were honoured with a public funeral. In the heroic ages games were celebrated at the funeral of a great man, as in the case of Patroclus; but this practice does not seem to have been usual in the historical times.—All persons who had been engaged in funerals were considered polluted, and could not enter the temples of the gods till they had been purified. After the funeral was over, the relatives partook of a feast, which was called περίδειπνον or νεκρόδειπνον. This feast was always given at the house of the nearest relative of the deceased.

Thus the relatives of those who had fallen at the battle of Chaeroneia partook of the περίδειπνον at the house of Demosthenes, as if he were the nearest relative to them all. On the second day after the funeral a sacrifice to the dead was offered, called τρίτα; but the principal sacrifice to the dead was on the ninth day, called ἔννατα or ἔνατα. The mourning for the dead appears to have lasted till the thirtieth day after the funeral, on which day sacrifices were again offered. At Sparta the time of mourning was limited to eleven days. During the time of mourning it was considered indecorous for the relatives of the deceased to appear in public; they were accustomed to wear a black dress, and in ancient times they cut off their hair as a sign of grief.—The tombs were preserved by the family to which they belonged with the greatest care, and were regarded as among the strongest ties which attached a man to his native land. In the Docimasia of the Athenian archons it was always a subject of inquiry whether they had kept in proper repair the tombs of their ancestors. On certain days the tombs were crowned with flowers, and offerings were made to the dead, consisting of garlands of flowers and various other things. The act of offering these presents was called ἐναγίζειν, and the offerings themselves ἐναγίσματα, or more commonly χοαί. The γενέσια mentioned by Herodotus appear to have consisted in offerings of the same kind, which were presented on the anniversary of the birth-day of the deceased. The νεκύσια were probably offerings on the anniversary of the day of the death; though, according to some writers, the νεκύσια were the same as the γενέσια. Certain criminals, who were put to death by the state, were also deprived of the rights of burial, which was considered as an additional punishment. There were certain places, both at Athens and Sparta, where the dead bodies of such criminals were cast. A person who had committed suicide was not deprived of burial, but the hand with which he had killed himself was cut off and buried by itself.—(2) Roman. When a Roman was at the point of death, his nearest relation present endeavoured to catch the last breath with his mouth. The ring was taken off the finger of the dying person; and as soon as he was dead his eyes and mouth were closed by the nearest relation, who called upon the deceased by name, exclaiming have or vale. The corpse was then washed, and anointed with oil and perfumes, by slaves, called pollinctores, who belonged to the libitinarii, or undertakers. The libitinarii appear to have been so called because they dwelt near the temple of Venus Libitina, where all things requisite for funerals were sold. Hence we find the expressions vitare Libitinam and evadere Libitinam used in the sense of escaping death. At this temple an account (ratio, ephemeris) was kept of those who died, and a small sum was paid for the registration of their names. A small coin was then placed in the mouth of the corpse, in order to pay the ferryman in Hades, and the body was laid out on a couch in the vestibule of the house, with its feet towards the door, and dressed in the best robe which the deceased had worn when alive. Ordinary citizens were dressed in a white toga, and magistrates in their official robes. If the deceased had received a crown while alive as a reward for his bravery, it was now placed on his head; and the couch on which he was laid was sometimes covered with leaves and flowers. A branch of cypress was also usually placed at the door of the house, if he was a person of consequence. Funerals were usually called funera justa or exsequiae; the latter term was generally applied to the funeral procession (pompa funebris). There were two kinds of funerals, public and private; of which the former was called funus publicum or indictivum, because the people were invited to it by a herald; the latter funus tacitum, translatitium, or plebeium. A person appears to have usually left a certain sum of money in his will to pay the expenses of his funeral; but if he did not do so, nor appoint any one to bury him, this duty devolved upon the persons to whom the property was left, and if he died without a will, upon his relations, according to their order of succession to the property. The expenses of the funeral were in such cases decided by an arbiter, according to the property and rank of the deceased, whence arbitria is used to signify the funeral expenses.—The following description of the mode in which a funeral was conducted only applies strictly to the funerals of the great; the same pomp and ceremony could not of course be observed in the case of persons in ordinary circumstances. All funerals in ancient times were performed at night, but afterwards the poor only were buried at night, because they could not afford to have any funeral procession. The corpse was usually carried out of the house (efferebatur) on the eighth day after the death. The order of the funeral procession was regulated by a person called designator or dominus funeris, who was attended by lictors dressed in black. It was headed by musicians of various kinds (cornicines, siticines), who played mournful strains, and next came mourning women, called praeficae, who were hired to lament and sing the funeral song (naenia or lessus) in praise of the deceased. These were sometimes followed by players and buffoons (scurrae, histriones), of whom one, called archimimus, represented the character of the deceased, and imitated his words and actions. Then came the slaves whom the deceased had liberated, wearing the cap of liberty (pileati); the number of whom was occasionally very great, since a master sometimes liberated all his slaves, in his will, in order to add to the pomp of his funeral. Before the corpse the images of the deceased and of his ancestors were carried, and also the crowns or military rewards which he had gained. The corpse was carried on a couch (lectica), to which the name of feretrum or capulum was usually given; but the bodies of poor citizens and of slaves were carried on a common kind of bier or coffin, called sandapila. The sandapila was carried by bearers, called vespae or vespillones, because they carried out the corpses in the evening (vespertino tempore). The couches on which the corpses of the rich were carried were sometimes made of ivory, and covered with gold and purple. They were often carried on the shoulders of the nearest relations of the deceased, and sometimes on those of his freedmen. Julius Caesar was carried by the magistrates, and Augustus by the senators. The relations of the deceased walked behind the corpse in mourning; his sons with their heads veiled, and his daughters with their heads bare and their hair dishevelled, contrary to the ordinary practice of both. They often uttered loud lamentations, and the women beat their breasts and tore their cheeks, though this was forbidden by the Twelve Tables. If the deceased was of illustrious rank, the funeral procession went through the forum, and stopped before the rostra, where a funeral oration (laudatio) in praise of the deceased was delivered. This practice was of great antiquity among the Romans, and is said by some writers to have been first introduced by Publicola, who pronounced a funeral oration in honour of his colleague Brutus. Women also were honoured by funeral orations. From the Forum the corpse was carried to the place of burning or burial, which, according to a law of the Twelve Tables, was obliged to be outside the city. The Romans in the most ancient times buried their dead, though they also early adopted, to some extent, the custom of burning, which is mentioned in the Twelve Tables. Burning, however, does not appear to have become general till the later times of the republic. Marius was buried, and Sulla was the first of the Cornelian gens whose body was burned. Under the empire burning was almost universally practised, but was gradually discontinued as Christianity spread, so that it had fallen into disuse in the fourth century. Persons struck by lightning were not burnt, but buried on the spot, which was called Bidental, and was considered sacred. [Bidental.] Children also, who had not cut their teeth, were not burnt, but buried in a place called Suggrundarium. Those who were buried were placed in a coffin (arca or loculus), which was frequently made of stone, and sometimes of the Assian stone, which came from Assos in Troas, and which consumed all the body, with the exception of the teeth, in 40 days, whence it was called sarcophagus. This name was in course of time applied to any kind of coffin or tomb. The corpse was burnt on a pile of wood (pyra or rogus). This pile was built in the form of an altar, with four equal sides, whence we find it called ara sepulcri and funeris ara. The sides of the pile were, according to the Twelve Tables, to be left rough and unpolished, but were frequently covered with dark leaves. Cypress trees were sometimes placed before the pile. On the top of the pile the corpse was placed, with the couch on which it had been carried, and the nearest relation then set fire to the pile with his face turned away. When the flames began to rise, various perfumes were thrown into the fire, though this practice was forbidden by the Twelve Tables; cups of oil, ornaments, clothes, dishes of food, and other things, which were supposed to be agreeable to the deceased, were also thrown upon the flames. The place where a person was burnt was called bustum, if he was afterwards buried on the same spot, and ustrina or ustrinum if he was buried at a different place. Sometimes animals were slaughtered at the pile, and in ancient times captives and slaves, since the manes were supposed to be fond of blood; but afterwards gladiators, called bustuarii, were hired to fight round the burning pile. When the pile was burnt down, the embers were soaked with wine, and the bones and ashes of the deceased were gathered by the nearest relatives, who sprinkled them with perfumes, and placed them in a vessel called urna, which was made of various materials, according to the circumstances of individuals.

The urnae were also of various shapes, but most commonly square or round; and upon them there was usually an inscription or epitaph (titulus or epitaphium), beginning with the letters D. M. S., or only D. M., that is, Dis Manibus Sacrum, followed by the name of the deceased, with the length of his life, &c. The woodcut opposite is a representation of a sepulchral urn in the British Museum. It is of an upright rectangular form, richly ornamented with foliage, and supported at the sides with pilasters. It is to the memory of Cossutia Prima. Its height is 21 inches, and its width at the base 14 inches 6-8ths. Below the inscription an infant genius is represented driving a car drawn by four horses.—After the bones and ashes of the deceased had been placed in the urn, the persons present were thrice sprinkled by a priest with pure water from a branch of olive or laurel for the purpose of purification; after which they were dismissed by the praefica, or some other person, by the solemn word Ilicet, that is, ire licet. At their departure they were accustomed to bid farewell to the deceased by pronouncing the word Vale. The urns were placed in sepulchres, which, as already stated, were outside the city, though in a few cases we read of the dead being buried within the city. Thus Valerius Publicola, Tubertus, and Fabricius, were buried in the city; which right their descendants also possessed, but did not use. The vestal virgins and the emperors were buried in the city.—The verb sepelire, like the Greek θάπτειν, was applied to every mode of disposing of the dead; and sepulcrum signified any kind of tomb in which the body or bones of a man were placed. The term humare was originally used for burial in the earth, but was afterwards applied like sepelire to any mode of disposing of the dead: since it appears to have been the custom, after the body was burnt, to throw some earth upon the bones.—The places for burial were either public or private. The public places of burial were of two kinds; one for illustrious citizens, who were buried at the public expense, and the other for poor citizens, who could not afford to purchase ground for the purpose. The former was in the Campus Martius, which was ornamented with the tombs of the illustrious dead, and in the Campus Esquilinus; the latter was also in the Campus Esquilinus, and consisted of small pits or caverns, called puticuli or puticulae; but as this place rendered the neighbourhood unhealthy, it was given to Maecenas, who converted it into gardens, and built a magnificent house upon it. Private places for burial were usually by the sides of the roads leading to Rome; and on some of these roads, such as the Via Appia, the tombs formed an almost uninterrupted street for many miles from the gates of the city. They were frequently built by individuals during their lifetime; thus Augustus, in his sixth consulship, built the Mausoleum for his sepulchre between the Via Flaminia and the Tiber, and planted round it woods and walks for public use. The heirs were often ordered by the will of the deceased to build a tomb for him; and they sometimes did it at their own expense.—Sepulchres were originally called busta, but this word was afterwards employed in the manner mentioned under Bustum. Sepulchres were also frequently called monumenta, but this term was also applied to a monument erected to the memory of a person in a different place from that where he was buried. Conditoria or conditiva were sepulchres under ground, in which dead bodies were placed entire, in contradistinction to those sepulchres which contained the bones and ashes only.—The tombs of the rich were commonly built of marble, and the ground enclosed with an iron railing or wall, and planted round with trees. The extent of the burying-ground was marked by cippi [Cippus]. The name of mausoleum, which was originally the name of the magnificent sepulchre erected by Artemisia to the memory of Mausolus, king of Caria, was sometimes given to any splendid tomb. The open space before a sepulchre was called forum, and neither this space nor the sepulchre itself could become the property of a person by usucapion. Private tombs were either built by an individual for himself and the members of his family (sepulcra familiaria), or for himself and his heirs (sepulcra hereditaria). A tomb, which was fitted up with niches to receive the funeral urns, was called columbarium, on account of the resemblance of these niches to the holes of a pigeon-house. In these tombs the ashes of the freedmen and slaves of great families were frequently placed in vessels made of baked clay, called ollae, which were let into the thickness of the wall within these niches, the lids only being seen, and the inscriptions placed in front. Tombs were of various sizes and forms, according to the wealth and taste of the owner. A sepulchre, or any place in which a person was buried, was religiosus; all things which were left or belonged to the Dii Manes were religiosae; those consecrated to the Dii Superi were called sacrae. Even the place in which a slave was buried was considered religiosus. Whoever violated a sepulchre was subject to an action termed sepulcri violati actio. After the bones had been placed in the urn at the funeral, the friends returned home. They then underwent a further purification, called suffitio, which consisted in being sprinkled with water and stepping over a fire. The house itself was also swept with a certain kind of broom; which sweeping or purification was called exverrae, and the person who did it everriator. The Denicales Feriae were also days set apart for the purification of the family. The mourning and solemnities connected with the dead lasted for nine days after the funeral, at the end of which time a sacrifice was performed, called novendiale.—A feast was given in honour of the dead, but it is uncertain on what day; it sometimes appears to have been given at the time of the funeral, sometimes on the novendiale, and sometimes later. The name of silicernium was given to this feast. Among the tombs at Pompeii there is a funeral triclinium for the celebration of these feasts, which is represented in the annexed woodcut. It is open to the sky, and the walls are ornamented by paintings of animals in the centre of compartments, which have borders of flowers. The triclinium is made of stone, with a pedestal in the centre to receive the table. After the funeral of great men, there was, in addition to the feast for the friends of the deceased, a distribution of raw meat to the people, called visceratio, and sometimes a public banquet. Combats of gladiators and other games were also frequently exhibited in honour of the deceased. Thus at the funeral of P. Licinius Crassus, who had been Pontifex Maximus, raw meat was distributed to the people, 120 gladiators fought, and funeral games were celebrated for three days, at the end of which a public banquet was given in the forum. Public feasts and funeral games were sometimes given on the anniversary of funerals. At all banquets in honour of the dead, the guests were dressed in white.—The Romans, like the Greeks, were accustomed to visit the tombs of their relatives at certain periods, and to offer to them sacrifices and various gifts, which were called inferiae and parentalia. The Romans appear to have regarded the manes or departed souls of their ancestors as gods; whence arose the practice of presenting to them oblations, which consisted of victims, wine, milk, garlands of flowers, and other things. The tombs were sometimes illuminated on these occasions with lamps. In the latter end of the month of February there was a festival, called feralia, in which the Romans were accustomed to carry food to the sepulchres for the use of the dead. The Romans were accustomed to wear mourning for their deceased friends, which appears to have been black under the republic for both sexes. Under the empire the men continued to wear black in mourning, but the women wore white. They laid aside all kinds of ornaments, and did not cut either their hair or beard. Men appear to have usually worn their mourning for only a few days, but women for a year when they lost a husband or parent. In a public mourning on account of some signal calamity, as, for instance, the loss of a battle, or the death of an emperor, there was a total cessation from business, called justitium, which was usually ordained by public appointment. During this period the courts of justice did not sit, the shops were shut, and the soldiers freed from military duties. In a public mourning the senators did not wear the latus clavus and their rings, nor the magistrates their badges of office.

FURCA, which properly means a fork, was also the name of an instrument of punishment. It was a piece of wood in the form of the letter Λ, which was placed upon the shoulders of the offender, whose hands were tied to it. Slaves were frequently punished in this way, and were obliged to carry about the furca wherever they went; whence the appellation of furcifer was applied to a man as a term of reproach. The furca was used in the ancient mode of capital punishment among the Romans; the criminal was tied to it, and then scourged to death. The patibulum was also an instrument of punishment, resembling the furca; it appears to have been in the form of the letter Π. Both the furca and patibulum were also employed as crosses, to which criminals appear to have been nailed.

FURĬŌSUS. [Curator.]

FUSCĬNA (τρίαινα), a trident, more commonly called tridens, meaning tridens stimulus, because it was originally a three-pronged goad, used to incite horses to greater swiftness. Neptune was supposed to be armed with it when he drove his chariot, and it thus became his usual attribute, perhaps with an allusion also to the use of the same instrument in harpooning fish. It is represented in the cut on p. 84. In the contests of gladiators, the retiarius was armed with a trident. [Gladiatores]

FUSTŬĀRĬUM (ξυλοκοπία), was a capital punishment inflicted upon Roman soldiers for desertion, theft, and similar crimes. It was administered in the following manner:—When a soldier was condemned, the tribune touched him slightly with a stick, upon which all the soldiers of the legion fell upon him with sticks and stones, and generally killed him upon the spot. If, however, he escaped, for he was allowed to fly, he could not return to his native country, nor did any of his relatives dare to receive him into their houses.

FŪSUS (ἄτρακτος), the spindle, was always, when in use, accompanied by the distaff (colus, ἠλακάτη), as an indispensable part of the same apparatus. The wool, flax, or other material, having been prepared for spinning, was rolled into a ball (τολύπη, glomus), which was, however, sufficiently loose to allow the fibres to be easily drawn out by the hand of the spinner. The upper part of the distaff was then inserted into this mass of flax or wool, and the lower part was held under the left arm in such a position as was most convenient for conducting the operation. The fibres were drawn out, and at the same time spirally twisted, chiefly by the use of the fore-finger and thumb of the right hand; and the thread (filum, stamen, νήμα) so produced was wound upon the spindle until the quantity was as great as it would carry. The spindle was a stick, 10 or 12 inches long, having at the top a slit or catch (dens, ἄγκιστρον) in which the thread was fixed, so that the weight of the spindle might continually carry down the thread as it was formed. Its lower extremity was inserted into a small wheel, called the whorl (vorticellum), made of wood, stone, or metal (see woodcut), the use of which was to keep the spindle more steady, and to promote its rotation. The accompanying woodcut shows the operation of spinning, at the moment when the woman has drawn out a sufficient length of yarn to twist it by whirling the spindle with her right thumb and fore-finger, and previously to the act of taking it out of the slit to wind it upon the bobbin (πήνιον) already formed. It was usual to have a basket to hold the distaff and spindle, with the balls of wool prepared for spinning, and the bobbins already spun. [Calathus.] The distaff and spindle, with the wool and thread upon them, were carried in bridal processions; and, without the wool and thread, they were often suspended by females as offerings of religious gratitude, especially in old age, or on relinquishing the constant use of them. They were most frequently dedicated to Pallas, the patroness of spinning, and of the arts connected with it. They were exhibited in the representations of the three Fates, who were conceived, by their spinning, to determine the life of every man.

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