OR,
LETTERS ON
SOCIETY, MANNERS, PUBLIC CURIOSITIES, AND AMUSEMENTS,
IN THAT CAPITAL,
WRITTEN DURING THE LAST TWO MONTHS OF 1801 AND THE FIRST
FIVE OF 1802.
BY J. G. LEMAISTRE, ESQ.
SECOND EDITION.
J’ai voulu voir Paris; les fastes de l’histoire
Célébrant ses plaisirs, et consacrent sa gloire.
Voltaire.
Nous avons vu Trajan, Titus et Marc Aurele,
Quitter le beau séjour de la gloire immortelle,
Pour venir en secret s’amuser à Paris.
Quelque bien qu’on puisse être, on veut changer de place;
C’est pourquoi les anglois sortent de leur pays.
L’esprit est inquiet, et de tout il se lasse;
Souvent un bien heureux s’ennuie en Paradis.
Idem.
LONDON. PRINTED FOR J. JOHNSON, IN ST. PAUL’S CHURCHYARD;
1803.
PREFACE.
In june, 1801, while the war between England
and France still continued, I obtained
his majesty’s license to visit the latter country,
in order to ascertain my claims to a
legacy left me at Paris. A french passport
was likewise necessary; and such were the
difficulties which occurred, that, notwithstanding
repeated applications to M. Otto on
the subject, the instrument in question was
not yet arrived, when, on the first of October,
an extraordinary gazette announced the
joyful intelligence of the signature of preliminary
articles of peace. The jealousy of
the french government ceased with the war;
and, three days after its termination, I received
the long expected passport.
Being one of the first englishmen who
arrived in France, after a war big with such
unparallelled events, I determined to keep
a journal of my proceedings. The object
which, at first, induced me to do so, was
simply to gratify the curiosity of an intimate
friend, who had charged me, on leaving
England, to forward to him, by every
opportunity, detailed accounts pf modern
France. Of my correspondence, thus begun,
I took regular copies; and, on perusing
the materials which I had been able
to collect, it afterwards occurred to me, that
some of these letters might become not totally
uninteresting to the public, if formed
into a less objectionable shape, and freed
from the many little occurrences, which
they originally contained, and which only
related personally either to my friend or myself.
From this collection I have accordingly
culled the following letters. I offer them
to my readers, as conveying not a studied
view of society and manners, but a rough
landscape, drawn by the untutored hand of
an inexperienced artist. If the sketch should
happen to please, the merit will be less in
the execution than in the subject; if it fail,
the fault will be in the pencil, and not in
the accuracy of the drawer.
To divest myself, as much as possible,
from every prejudice, has been a duty which
I have strictly endeavoured to fulfil; yet I
fear, such is the effect of early habit, that
many marks will still be discovered of national
predilection. I beg leave, as a check
against faults of this kind, which I may
have involuntarily committed, to request my
reader to remember, that the observations
now laid before him, are those of a man
accustomed to english opinions, english society,
and english manners. In judging of
another country, a foreigner cannot help
making a comparison between what he has
known at home add what he sees abroad.
In doing so, the partiality, which he naturally
entertains for his own customs, may
lead him to condemn, as faults, what may
be simply deviations from the former. That
such is the general bias of the human mind,
I am fully aware, and I cannot flatter myself
that mine has escaped it. This consideration
must plead my excuse with the
french, if I should sometimes appear severe;
and the same ought to prevent my countrymen
from placing too implicit a confidence
in my judgments, where it may be my misfortune
to condemn. My hand has faithfully
drawn what my eye beheld; but the
sight may be jaundiced, and, in that case
the picture will be incorrect.
To conclude—The intention of this work
being simply to describe the internal situation
of the french capital, all religious and
political discussions will be avoided. The
causes, events, and consequences of a revolution,
which has no parallel in history, I
leave to abler and more experienced writers.
To point out to strangers the objects most
interesting at Paris, to convey some previous
information to those who intend going thither,
and to lay before such as are prevented,
by their other occupations, from undertaking
the journey, an account of the pleasures, festivals,
buildings, and mode of living in that
metropolis, is the task I have undertaken, a
task which, however comparatively humble,
is neither useless nor unimportant. Had it
fallen into other hands, the public would feel
the truth of this remark. As it is, I fear they
will easily discover, that the subject deserved
an abler pen.
THE AUTHOR.
PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION .
The first edition of this work appeared anonymously.
Its rapid sale and the favourable
manner in which “The Rough Sketch,” has
been received induce the Author, as a mark of
respect and gratitude to an indulgent Public, to
affix, his name to this second impression. In
doing so, he begs leave to apologize for the
typographical errors found in the first edition,
and which he can only correct in that which
is now issued, by means of an errata. These
faults may, perhaps, be pardoned, when it is
known that the Author was in the most distant
part of Italy at the time of the first publication,
and that most of the sheets which
compose the present impression, were struck
off previously to his return.
In reading the following pages the Public
will also have the goodness to remember the
period at which they were written. When
the Author speaks of Bonaparte, he speaks of
him in other days. In May, 1802, when these
letters were concluded, the First Consul was
the elected first magistrate of France, the professed
friend of England, and the acknowledged
pacificator of Europe. He had not at
that time overturned the form of government
which he had solemnly sworn to maintain, by
assuming for life the reins of power. He had
not then violated the laws of nations and the
rights of a free, virtuous, and independent
people by the subjugation of Switzerland. He
had not then insulted his Majesty and the
British nation in the person of our ambassador.
He had not yet dared to ask for changes in
the most valuable and purest parts of our excellent
constitution, nor had he sunk the dignity
of his character by a conversation which
at once betrayed his vanity, rashness, and unbounded
ambition. In one word, the laurels
of Marengo were yet unfaded. He was then
a great man. Without enquiring what he now
is, one may be permitted to apply to him what
Virgil said of the Trojan hero after his defeat:
⸺Heu quantum mutatus ab illo
Hectore, qui redit exuvias indutus Achillis!
Upper Seymour Street,
Sept. 21, 1803.
CONTENTS.
LETTER I.
Reflections on landing at Calais.—Custom house officers,
municipality, commissaires, Dessein’s, theatre.—Montreuil.—L’hôtel
d’Angleterre at Amiens.—Chantilly.—State of
the roads.—Difficulty of getting lodgings at Paris.—M.
Peregaux.
The palace and gardens of the Thuilleries.—The Louvre.—The
musée central des arts, or picture gallery.—Maria
Cosway.—Gallery of antiquities.—Apollo Belvidere.—Laocoon.—List
of pictures.
The fête of the 18th of brumaire in honour of the preliminaries,
and of the anniversary of the consular government.—Apathy
of the people.—Fireworks.—Accident
which happened to an english gentleman.—Postscript.—The
death of the gentleman last named.
State of society at Paris.—The three sets, l’ancienne noblesse,
the governmental class, and les parvenus ou nouveaux riches.—Description
of a house belonging to one of the latter.
The abbé Sicard, and the institution in behalf of the deaf
and dumb.—His favourite pupil, Massieu.—Examination
of a young woman, who had become deaf at six years
old.—Reflections on the establishment.
L’institution des travaux des aveugles, or establishment for
the support and employment of the blind.—Their different
occupations.—The plate glass manufactory.—Description
of another meeting at the hospital of the deaf and dumb.—Massieu
taught galvanism and stenography.
The young savage, or wild boy of Aveyron.—His history.—The
state in which he was found, and the means used to
restore him to the use of his senses.—The success with
which these efforts have been attended.
A play acted for the first time, called “Edouard en Ecosse,” the
hero of which was the english pretender, full of royalist
sentiments, performed twice, and highly applauded; “God
save the King,” played on the French stage; plot of the
play, which was forbidden on the third day.
The antichamber of the Musée Central, now filled with an
additional collection of fine pictures.—Account of the
wonderful recovery of some chefs-d’œuvre.—List of pictures
in this room.
Bois de Boulogne.—Account of that promenade.—Order of
the police against english footmen wearing laced cocked
hats.—Cannon fired in honour of the definitive treaty.—Illuminations
in the evening.—Little effect produced at
Paris by the peace.
Concordat with the Pope ratified by the legislative body
after an eloquent speech by Lucien Bonaparte.—Madame
Bonaparte’s first drawing room.—Appearance of Dehayes
at the opera, after a long absence.
Long Champ, account of that annual promenade, date of
its origin, and of the great preparations made this year for
attending it.—The bustle and gayety which it produced at
Paris.
Te Deum sung at Notre Dame, in honour of the peace and
the reestablishment of religion.—Military insolence.—Account
of the ceremony.—Illuminations in the evening.—Indifference
of the people.
The manufactory of Gobelins, the observatory, les Enfans
trouvés, Champ de Mars, les Invalides, and the
temple of Mars, containing the colours taken from different
nations, and the tomb of Turenne.—Le Musée des
Monumens françois, or collection of monuments.—List of
the most esteemed of these.—Note to this letter contains
the account of a dinner at the first consul’s.
General account of literary establishments at Paris.—National
library.—Manuscripts.—Memoirs of his own times,
by Lewis XIV.—Fac simile of a love letter of Henry IV.—Cabinet
of medals.—Cabinet of engravings, &c.—Library
of the Pantheon.—Mazarine library.—Library of the Institute.
Libraries of the senate, the legislative body, and
tribunate.—The Lycées, now called les Athénées.—Admirable
lectures given at one of them.—Professors Fourcroy,
Cuvier, and la Harpe.—L’Institute national.—Jardin
national des Plantes.—Collection of birds, plants, fossils,
and insects, in the house attached to the Jardin des
Plantes.—Cabinet de l’École des Mines, à l’Hôtel des
Monnoies.—Great opportunities afforded at Paris of cultivating
science and literature in all their various branches.
Reflections on landing at Calais.—Custom house officers, municipality,
commissaires, Dessein’s, theatre.—Montreuil.—L’hôtel
d’Angleterre at Amiens.—Chantilly.—State of
the roads.—Difficulty of getting lodgings at Paris.—M.
Peregaux.
Paris, october the 30th, 1801 (4 brumaire, an 10.)
MY DEAR SIR,
At length, arrived in this celebrated city, I
execute my promise in commencing a correspondence,
which, on my part, shall in future be strictly
confined to the curiosities of the place. As I have
been only three hours at Paris, I shall in this
first letter speak of nothing but my journey. On
the 26th of october, I left the York house, at
Dover, (of which Payne is still the civil landlord);
and embarking at one o’clock on board a
neutral vessel, which I was compelled to hire,
no english packet boat being yet allowed to
enter the ports of France, found myself, after
a safe and pleasant passage, at four, on the continent.
Though I have before crossed the Channel,
and in as rapid a manner, I was forcibly
struck by the wonderful and almost magical
change of situation which this short voyage had
effected. Rising at my usual hour, I had breakfasted,
and walked about the streets of Dover,
surrounded by english faces and english customs.
The sun had not yet set, and I was now in a foreign
country, and that country so lately the
enemy of mine, and the seat of such extraordinary
and many coloured events. I had changed
a monarchical for a republican government. I
saw a different people, different dresses, and
different countenances, and I was subject to different
laws, and different customs.
As soon as the vessel entered the port of Calais,
two custom house officers came on board,
in a military uniform (for every fonctionnaire
public has here a regimental dress); and, after
taking the names of the passengers, one of them
retired, to make his report at the municipality,
while the other stayed to prevent our landing,
till the return of his companion. In the mean
time, the jetée, or pier, was crowded with spectators,
the greater part of whom were military
men, of different ranks and different descriptions.
They seemed highly amused in staring at
the dresses of the ladies, and in examining the
body of my carriage, which was hung on the
deck of the ship; while we were equally entertained
with the great moustaches of the grenadiers,
the wooden shoes of the peasants, and
the close caps of the grisettes.
At length, monsieur de la Douaine returned.
We were permitted to touch the territory of the
republic; and, conducted by a guard of Bourgeois
(who, in their dress, rather resembled the
ragged regiment of Terence, than the renowned
warriors of France), we proceeded to the custom
house, from the custom house to the municipality,
and from the municipality to the commissaire’s.
After undergoing examinations at each of
these offices, delivering our passports, and giving
up our pocket books and letters (which
were returned the following day), we were at
last permitted to retire to our inn, the tattered
guard, which accompanied us from the ship,
having been previously dismissed. At six o’clock,
I sat down to an excellent dinner, at the celebrated
hotel, formerly kept by Dessein, who is
now succeeded by his nephew, Quillacq, a very
respectable man, who met me at landing, and,
with the utmost civility and attention, took charge
of my carriage, baggage, &c. I wished to have
set out the following morning for Paris, but I
was informed that this was impossible, as, though
I brought with me a passport from M. Talleyrand,
it was necessary to have this exchanged
for one of the mayor of Calais, which latter
could not be delivered till late the following
day. I accordingly passed tuesday in this town,
which gave me an opportunity of visiting the
theatre, which is still at Dessein’s. To the best
of my recollection, there is no alteration in the
building since the war; and, from the darkness
of the house, I am inclined to think, that even
the painting has not been changed. The actors
are not very good, yet better than the generality
of our country performers in England. The
house was full, and the company well dressed.
In short, this amusement may be considered as
a very pleasant resource for travellers detained
at Calais, either by contrary winds, or by delays
in the delivery of passports.
On wednesday morning, Mrs. ⸺ and myself
proceeded with post horses. We found the
roads very bad, particularly near Boulogne; and,
if our conveyance had not been particularly
easy, we should have suffered very severely from
the fatigues of the journey. It is necessary to
add, that numerous workmen were employed in
every part of the roads in repairing and amending
them. Probably, therefore, before next summer,
the communication between the two principal
cities of Europe will be restored to its
former excellence. At present, the roads have
rather the appearance of leading to some deserted
village, than to the capital of la grande
nation. The post horses are active and well-fed,
their drivers civil, and the expense moderate[1].
Though we left Calais at break of day, and
did not stop either to breakfast or to dine, we did
not reach Montreuil, where we proposed sleeping
the first night, till sunset. Here we found
excellent accommodations, at the inn celebrated
by Sterne. The house has, indeed, nothing to
recommend it, in point of outward show; and,
in this respect, differs entirely from the generality
of french hotels: but if comfortable beds, superiorly
good cooking, and the smiling attention
of two very pretty girls, who act as waiters, are
any attractions, I can safely point out this inn,
as one at which my countrymen will do right to
stop.
From Montreuil we proceeded the next day,
through a fine country and bad roads, to Amiens.
The cultivation seemed good, and in the villages
through which we passed, the peasants were
well clad. In the towns, the number of beggars
was as great as formerly. At every post, we
were surrounded with the old, the blind, and
the lame; some of whom, not satisfied with vociferating
their complaints, actually climbed up the
springs of the carriage, and put their faces
within the windows, more effectually to draw our
notice.
The waiters, post boys, and landlords, were
every where remarkably civil, and all expressed
their joy at seeing once again amongst them
“les milords Anglais,” by which title they have
not forgotten to call, and to tax accordingly, all
english travellers. The people appear to me not
only civil, but respectful, and infinitely more so,
than before the revolution. The reason is plain,
the old noblesse treated their inferiors with a
degree of familiarity, which produced in the latter
a mode of speaking, that, to an english ear,
seemed highly offensive, but which the french
permitted, because they could check it at their
pleasure. The loss of their rank has now compelled
the higher classes to command respect by
a distance of manner, which has of course produced
a similar conduct in the persons beneath
them.
At Amiens, we drove to “l’hôtel d’Angleterre,”
where we were magnificently and miserably
lodged. Fine rooms, superbly furnished;
windows and doors, which would neither keep
out the rain nor wind; bad fires, and a worse
supper, formed the complete picture of a french
inn, and the colouring of extravagant charges was
not omitted.
Starved with cold and hunger we left Amiens
by break of day, on friday morning; and after
travelling through a country, the beauty of which
increased every step with the increasing badness of
the roads, we at length reached Chantilly, not a
little pleased at having escaped the dangers of a
broken neck. At the post office, which is a
new inn, built since the revolution, directly fronting
the park of the ci-devant château, we found
good beds, and a comfortable supper, prepared
by the kind attention of some english friends,
who had preceded us on the road.
The following morning (the 30th), we visited
the ruins of this once magnificent spot. If
we had had often reason, during our journey,
to deplore the destructive effects of that mistaken
spirit, of pretended philosophy, and pretended
patriotism, which had levelled with the
ground the churches and country seats, the ruins
of which reminded us, in every village, of the
excesses committed during the revolution; we
made these reflections with double force, and
double regret, in viewing what was once the
palace of Chantilly. The principal building is
entirely pulled down; but le petit château, and
the superb edifice of the stable, still remain.
This latter was saved by the orders of the present
government, who forbade its being sold;
and the mistress of the inn, with tears in her
eyes, acquainted me, that had Bonaparte been
at the head of public affairs six months sooner,
the palace also would have been rescued from
destruction. That extraordinary man visited
Chantilly after the sale, but before the demolition
of the building. He heard that the purchaser
had ordered it to be pulled down—he expressed
his regret; but, at that time, he had no means of
preventing what he sincerely deplored.
The stables, though unhurt, are neglected and
dirty. They contain, at present, a regiment of cavalry.
The woods have also been greatly thinned;
the garden no longer exists; and, altogether,
Chantilly presents rather the picture of decayed
magnificence, than that of actual beauty.
On leaving this once celebrated place, we
found a fine paved road all the way to Paris.
The regular avenue of hills, the rich country,
the vineyards, the villas, and the carriages of all
descriptions which we met, announced an approach
to the capital, at the gates of which we
arrived at two o’clock.
Here, and at Boulogne, we were asked very
civilly for our passports, which were instantly
returned us. These were the only interruptions
or examinations which we experienced, during
the whole of our journey. Carriages are not
stopped, as formerly, at every town, to be searched
for contraband goods, but, en revanchè, turnpikes
are numerous and expensive. The inns
are nearly as dear as those of England; and it
is now not less necessary, than under the ancien
régime, to make a previous bargain, before the
horses are taken from the carriage. If this is
not done, impositions and disputes are sure to
occur.
On arriving at Paris, I drove to several hotels,
before I could get accommodated at all. I am
now wretchedly lodged, and fear, from what I
have already seen and heard, that I must waste
a considerable portion of valuable time, before
I shall obtain such apartments as I wish. Good
rooms are very scarce, many of the hôtels garnis
having been unfurnished during the revolution,
and those which remain being nearly filled with
foreigners, who, since the peace, have flocked
hither in great numbers, from every nation of the
world.
Persons, intending to visit Paris, ought to write
some days before hand to their correspondents,
if they desire to be comfortably lodged on their
arrival.
Adieu, my friend. I have now given you a
full account of my journey. I say nothing of
Paris, or its inhabitants, the only person I have
yet seen being M. Peregaux, my banker. His
new dignity of senateur has made no alteration
in his conduct. He is as civil, and as obliging as
ever.
As soon as I have seen any thing worth communicating,
I shall write again. In the mean
time, I take my leave. And
Am, &c.
LETTER II. — POSTSCRIPT.
The palace and gardens of the Thuilleries.—The Louvre.—The
musée central des arts, or picture gallery.—Maria Cosway.—Gallery
of antiquities.—Apollo Belvidere.—Laocoon.—List
of pictures.
Paris, november the 6th, 1801 (15 brumaire, an 10.)
MY DEAR SIR,
Having in my last letter given the details
of my journey, I shall proceed to speak in this of
what I have already seen at Paris. The first objects
of curiosity to which my steps were directed,
were of course the Thuilleries and the Louvre.
Of the garden of the former it is difficult to say
any thing at this unfavourable season of the year.
It appears, however, to have undergone but little
alteration, and to have received the additional
ornament of several statues, which are scattered
about the grounds. The château or palace of the
Thuilleries is also unchanged in that part of it
which faces the garden, but the appearance of the
great front, (I mean that towards the Carousel,)
is much improved, and has become strikingly magnificent.
It promises to be still more so, when
the whole of the projected amendments are completed.
When I last visited Paris, a number of
small houses surrounded the palace, and seemed
to conceal it from the profane eye of the vulgar.
The greater part of these houses are already
pulled down, and the gallery of the Louvre, no
longer kept from view, forms a magnificent side
to the spacious court by which the palace is approached,
and in which the first consul reviews
his troops, on the 15th of every month. This
court is separated from the street, by a beautiful
iron railing, the four gates of which are ornamented
with the celebrated horses taken from Venice, and
with the birds (I believe cocks) which, in imitation
of the roman eagles, the french republic
has adopted as her distinguishing symbol. The
opening is already extended as far as la rue St.
Nicaise. Houses are daily pulled down, and I
understand it is the intention of the present government
to clear away all the remaining obstacles,
which separate the palace of the Louvre
from that of the Thuilleries. When this great
plan is fully executed, the residence of the first
consul will greatly exceed in magnificence all the
palaces of Europe.
In the Louvre is situated the museum or
musée central des arts. This superb collection,
without exception the finest in the world, occupies
a room equally unrivalled, covering a space
at least equal to a quarter of an english mile.
The antichamber[2] to this vast gallery is at present
filled with a modern exhibition of paintings,
which, indifferent in themselves, become still
more contemptible by an involuntary, though
perhaps unfair, comparison, which one is led
to make between the artists of our times, and
those of our ancestors. An excellent likeness in
full length of madame Bonaparte, and a beautiful
miniature of a father and a son, by Isabey, were
the only objects which attracted my attention.
My impatience soon carried me forward. At
length I found myself in the magnificent room,
which I have before mentioned, the walls of which
are covered as far as the eye can reach with
the sublimest efforts of human art. Where the
mind has long been promised a pleasure, when
fancy has dressed it in all her choicest colours,
how seldom does the reality approach the phantom
of heated imagination! For once I was not disappointed.
I expected it is true, a high gratification.
I had formed to myself an exalted idea
of the objects, which I was about to visit, yet
the satisfaction I felt exceeded, far exceeded,
what I supposed it possible for the power of sight
to afford; nor did I believe that the hand of man
was capable of attaining that degree of perfection,
which I now beheld. For some time I was
lost in wonder, I knew not where to fix my enraptured
eye. A catalogue which was offered
me, by one of the attendants, and which as I
afterwards found, is drawn up with great clearness
and precision, roused me from this pleasing
reverie, and gave some order to the train of my
thoughts. The arrangement of the collection is
admirable.
After viewing the masterpieces of la Sueur,
le Brun, Nicolas Poussin, and the three Van
Loos, I supposed I had already seen the utmost
efforts of the art, and even, under this supposition,
was ready to allow that my highest ideas of
the power of painting fell short of what these specimens
presented. Think of my surprise, when,
looking on my catalogue, I found that I had not
yet passed the limits of the french school. Astonished
and delighted I went on. The flemish,
dutch, and german masters occupy the second
division. Among them I beheld the exquisite
works of Van Dyck, of Hans Holbein, of Paul
Potter, of Rembrandt, of Teniers, and of Rubens.
Sublime as were the first, objects that had claimed
my admiration, even they were exceeded by the
latter. Nor had I yet seen the acme of the art.
Charmed with the fancy and execution of all the
flemish painters, I was particularly pleased with
the beautiful pasturage, by Paul Potter, every
object of which seems alive on the canvass.
A few steps would bring me in view of the
wonders of Italy, to see which so many of my
countrymen had crossed the Alps; yet so enraptured
was I with the objects already before me,
that it required all the importunity of my companions,
to persuade me to proceed. I was soon
rewarded for this temporary sacrifice, and in contemplating
the almost supernatural works of Corregio,
of Caravaggio, of the Carracci, of Dominichino,
of Guido, of Leonardo da Vinci, of
Paul Veronese, of Raphael and of Titian. I discovered,
that what I had seen before were only
so many links in the great chain of perfection,
which was now complete. If among those models
of the art, you wish me to name some particular
picture, I should give the preference to the communion
of St. Jerome, by Dominichino, which
in expression, colouring, feeling, and variety,
seems to me to possess every beauty united.
Before I quit a subject so interesting in every
respect, I ought to mention, that this assemblage
of the chefs-d’œuvres of former times, begins already
to hold out the promise of improving the
taste of modern painters. I saw artists of both
sexes, occupied in taking copies of the most celebrated
subjects; and as curiosity led me to observe
some of these unfinished attempts, I discovered,
with infinite pleasure, that the figures, and even
the countenances of the most striking objects,
were in several instances successfully imitated.
It is indeed, almost impossible, that the study of
such unrivalled works should be pursued, without
considerable benefit to the individual, and improvement
to the art. To me it appears highly
probable, that, assisted by the great facilities and
advantages which this gallery affords, painting
will, in the course of twenty years, recover all
its former splendour.
An English lady[3], who has long very deservedly
enjoyed a considerable portion of public praise,
is now employed in copying the principal pictures
in the museum; and from her designs, prints are
to be published, the proposals for which are already
circulated at Paris. If she should execute
her plan as well as one has reason to expect from
her known talents, the collection will become
highly valuable and interesting, not only to those
who have seen the originals, but likewise to such
as have not had that advantage.
The musée, like every other establishment of
the kind in this town, is conducted on principles
of liberality, truly honourable to the government
and the nation. The gallery is open to foreigners
and artists, every day of the year; but to the
public, only once or twice in each week. No
fee or recompense is either required, expected,
or received by any of the attendants; and the
exquisite pleasure of contemplating these sublime
pictures, for which indeed it would be difficult
to fix any adequate price, is enjoyed gratuitously[4].
The gallery of antiquities, containing statues,
busts, and basso-relievoes, is immediately under
the gallery of pictures. It is divided into la salle
des saisons, la salle des hommes illustres, la salle
des Romains, la salle de Laocoon, la salle de l’Apollon,
et la salle des Muses.
Were I to attempt an account of all these
statues, my letter would never end. I shall therefore
only mention those by which the rest, however
excellent, are rendered petty, and contemptible,
in comparison with them. I mean the Apollo
Belvidere, and the Laocoon[5]. These masterpieces
of human ingenuity are also so well known,
and have been so well described, that I shall
confine my remarks to their present state and
present situation. The Apollo seems to have
received no injury from the journey, and has as
just claims as ever to the preeminence which,
for so many centuries, has been allowed it. Did
I not fear to appear presumptuous in hinting at
any defect in a statue, esteemed so perfect, I
should say, that the ancles were rather too thick,
in proportion to the rest of the leg, and to the
general lightness of the figure. I should have
concealed my criticism, if a friend, on whose
judgment and knowledge I can rely, had not
assured me, that the objection was not novel,
and that many connoisseurs have suspected that
the legs are modern.
Not having had the happiness of seeing this
wonderful statue in Italy, I cannot draw a comparison
between the spot where it formerly stood,
and that which it at present occupies. I certainly
think, that it is not now seen to the
greatest advantage. The room is not either high
or large enough for the purpose, and too many
statues are crowded together.—The Apollo Belvidere
stands between the Venus d’Arles and another
female figure, within a railed space of no
great dimensions. The catalogue gives the following
history:
“No. 145. APOLLON PYTHIEN,
DIT APOLLON DU BELVIDERE.
(After describing the statue and the subject).
“Cette statue la plus sublime de celles que
le tems nous ait conservées, a été trouvée, vers la
fin du quinzième siècle, à Capo d’Anzo, à douze
lieues de Rome, sur le rivage de la mer, dans les
ruines de l’antique Antium, cité célébré et par
son temple de la Fortune, et par les maisons de
plaisance, que les empereurs y avaient élevées
à l’envi, et embellies de plus rares chefs-d’œuvres
de l’art. Julius II, n’étant encore que
cardinal, fit l’acquisition de cette statue, et la fit
placer d’abord dans le palais qu’il habitait près
l’église de Santi Apostoli. Mais bientôt après
étant parvenu au pontificat, il la fit transporter
au Belvidere du Vatican, où depuis trois siècles
elle faisait l’admiration de l’univers, lorsqu’un
héros, guidé par la victoire est venu l’en tirer,
pour la conduire et la fixer à jamais sur les rives
de la Seine....
“On ignore entierement le nom de l’auteur
de cet inimitable chef-d’œuvre. L’avant-bras
droit et la main gauche qui manquaient out été
restaurés par Giovanni Angelo da Montorsoli,
sculpteur élève de Michael Ange.”
TRANSLATION.
“THE PYTHIAN APOLLO.
CALLED
“THE APOLLO BELVIDERE.
“This statue, the most sublime of those which
time has preserved, was found, towards the conclusion
of the fifteenth century, at Capo d’Anzo,
twelve leagues from Rome, on the sea shore,
near the ruins of the ancient Antium, a city no
less celebrated for its temple of Fortune, than
for the elegant seats, which the different emperors,
emulous of each other, had built there,
and ornamented with all the rarest works of art.
Julius II, while yet but a cardinal, bought this
statue, and placed it first in the palace where he resided,
near the church of the Holy Apostles. When
he became sovereign pontiff, he ordered it to be
conveyed to the Belvidere of the Vatican, where
for three centuries it excited the admiration of
the universe. A hero, guided by victory, drew
it from the Vatican; and, transporting it to the
banks of the Seine, has fixed it there for ever....
“The name of the artist, who made this inimitable
chef-d’œuvre, is unknown. The right arm,
and the left hand, which were wanting, were
restored by the sculptor, Giovanni Angelo da
Montorsoli, pupil of Michael Angelo.”
I hope, my friend, you admire the modesty
with which it is declared, that the Apollo is for
ever fixed on the banks of the Seine!—After the
singular fate which this statue has experienced,
it required all that happy confidence, with which
the french determine the most difficult questions
in their own favour, to make so bold an assertion.
The Apollo lay two thousand years under the
ruins of Antium, and yet preserved its beauty.
It was drawn thence, placed in the Vatican, and
after receiving there, for three centuries, the
applauses of mankind, is carried over the Alps,
and seen at Paris in all its original symmetry.
If it be the destiny of this matchless figure to
follow the tide of fortune, and to change its
residence with the changes of empire, and the
casualties of human affairs, who shall decide
where it may next be found? If Julius II, when
he placed the Apollo in the Vatican, had been
told, that, three hundred years afterward, a
french warrior would attach it to his car of victory,
in entering the city of Paris, would even the
pope himself have had faith enough to believe such
a prophecy? After this, no conjecture becomes
improbable. Who knows, that this celebrated
statue may not, some centuries hence, be discovered
on the frozen plains of Siberia, or in the
burning sands of Egypt?
The subject of the Laocoon is so pathetic,
and the execution so admirable, that the group
which it presents, is, as the catalogue well observes,
a specimen, at once, of composition, art,
and feeling. The following is the historical account
of this statue:
“Il a été trouvé en 1506, sous le pontificat
de Julius II, à Rome sur le mont Esquilin, dans
les ruines du palais de Titus, contigu à ses
thermes. Pline qui en a parlé avec admiration,
l’avait vu dans ce même endroit. C’est à cet
écrivain que nous devons la connoissance des
trois habiles sculpteurs Rhodiens qui l’ont exécuté,
ils s’appellaient Agésandre, Polydore, et
Athenodore. Agésandre étoit probablement le
père des deux autres, ils florissaient au premier
siècle de l’ere vulgaire. La groupe est composé
de cinq blocs si artistement réunis, que Pline l’a
cru d’un seul. Le bras droit du père et deux
bras des enfans manquent. Sans doute un jour
on les exécutera en marbre. Mais provisionnellement
on les a suppliés par des bras moulés sur
la groupe en plâtre, restauré par Gerardon, qui
se voit dans la salle de l’école de peinture.”
TRANSLATION.
“It was found in 1506, under the pontificate of
Julius II, at Rome, on the Esquiline mount, in the
ruins of the palace of Titus, near his thermæ, or
hot baths. Pliny, who speaks of this statue with
admiration, had seen it in the same place. It is
to this writer we are indebted for the knowledge
of the three able sculptors of Rhodes, who executed
this masterpiece. Their names were, Agesander,
Polydorus, and Athenodorus. It is probable,
that the first of these was the father of the other
two. They flourished during the first century of
the common era. The group consists of five
pieces of marble, joined in so workmanlike a
manner, that Pliny thought the whole was of one.
The right arm of the father, and two of the arms
of the children, are wanting. They will, no
doubt, be executed hereafter in marble; in the
mean time, the deficiency is supplied by arms
moulded on the group in plaister of Paris, the
work of Gerardon, which is to be seen in the
hall of the school of painting.”
In taking leave of the gallery of statues, I
ought, perhaps, in answer to several inquiries,
which have been made me in letters from England,
to mention, that the Hercules Farnese, and
the Venus de Medici, are not in the collection.
A british officer, lately returned from Egypt by
way of Italy, tells me, that both these statues are
at present in the island of Sicily. They are in
the possession of the king of Naples, who keeps
them locked up in cases, and refuses permission,
even to his greatest favourites, to see them.
Adieu.
I add, for the sake of gratifying the curiosity of such of your
friends as are connoisseurs, and wish to know where their
favourite pictures may be found, a list of those of the most
celebrated masters, now in the Louvre.
FRENCH SCHOOL.
CHARLES LE BRUN.
No.
9.
The Courage of Mutius Scævola.
10.
The Death of Cato.
11.
Portrait of Charles le Brun, taken in his youth, by himself.
12.
St. Stephen stoned.
13.
The Magdalen at the Pharisee’s.
14.
Jesus asleep, or Silence.
15.
The Benedicite.
16.
The Cross surrounded with Angels.
17.
The Defeat of Porus.
18.
The Tent of Darius.
19.
The Entry of Alexander into Babylon.
20.
The Death of Meleager, king of Calydon.
21.
The Conquest of Franche-Compté.—(The sketch from which le Brun drew the celebrated picture, in the great gallery at Versailles.)
22.
The Nativity.
NICHOLAS POUSSIN.
No.
67.
The Martyrdom of St. Erasmus, the Bishop.
68.
The Philistines attacked with the Plague.
69.
The Rape of the Sabines.
70.
The Fall of Manna in the Desert.
71.
Time makes Truth triumph.
72.
The Last Supper.
73.
St. Francis Xavier in India.
74.
St. John Baptising in the river Jordan.
75.
Rebecca and Eliezer.
76.
Diogenes throwing away his Cup.
77.
The Judgment of Solomon.
78.
The Blind Men of Jericho.
79.
Portrait of Poussin, taken by himself.
80.
The Adultress.
81.
The Death of Sapphira.
82.
Winter, or the Deluge.
83.
The Death of Eurydice.
84.
The Holy Family.
85.
The Assumption of the Virgin.
RESTOUT.
No.
88.
Alpheus and Arethusa.
LE SUEUR (EUSTACHE.)
No.
98.
The Preaching of St. Paul at Ephesus.
99.
The Descent from the Cross.
100.
The Celebration of Mass by St. Martir.
101.
St. Gervais and St. Protais.
102.
Clio, the Muse of History.
Euterpe, the Muse of Music.
Thalia, the Muse of Comedy.
103.
Calliope, the Muse of Epic Poetry.
104.
Urania, the Muse of Astronomy.
105.
Terpsichore, the Muse of Dancing.
106.
Melpomene, the Muse of Tragedy.
Erato, the Muse of Lyric Poetry.
Polyhymnia, the Muse of Eloquence.
VAN LOO (CARLO.)
No.
115.
Æneas and Anchises.
116.
The Marriage of the Virgin.
VAN LOO (JOHN BAPTISTE.)
No.
117.
Diana and Endymion.
VAN LOO (LOUIS MICHAEL.)
No.
118.
The Picture of Carlo van Loo, the historical painter.
DUTCH, FLEMISH, AND GERMAN SCHOOL.
CHAMPAGNE (PHILIP OF.)
No.
212.
The Archbishop of Milan, St. Ambrose.
213.
The carrying the Bodies of St. Gervais and St. Protais, from the spot where they were found, to the cathedral of Milan, by order of the Archbishop.
214.
A dead Christ extended on the Bier.
215.
The Supper.
216.
The Nuns.
217.
Philip of Champagne, painted by himself, in 1668, at the age of 66 years.
CLAISSENS (ANTONY.)
No.
218.
The Judgment of Cambyses.
219.
Cambyses orders an unjust Judge to be flayed alive, directing his skin to be turned into a cover for the bench of his successor.
DURER (ALBERT)
No.
249.
The Portrait of a Geometrician.
250.
The Portrait of a Musician.
251.
A Crucifix.
DYCK (ANTONY VAN.)
No.
252.
Christ lying dead in the Arms of the Virgin: near him are St. Magdalen and St. John.
253.
St. Augustin in a Swoon.
254.
Charles the First, king of England.—(A delightful picture.)
255.
The Mother of Pity.
256.
Francis of Moncade, Marquis d’Aylonne, governor of the Netherlands for Philip the Fourth.—This man was both a warrior and an historian.
257.
St. Martin cutting his Cloak, in order to give half of it to a poor Man.—(This is one of the most interesting pictures in the whole collection.)
258.
Antony van Dyck.
259.
Comte de Luck, holding an orange in his hand.
260.
Half-length Picture of a Man, with his hand on his breast.
261.
The Picture of a Man in Black.
262.
The Ex-voto and the Virgin.
263.
Jesus carrying his Cross.
264.
The Portraits of Charles the First, Elector Palatine, and Prince Robert his Brother, both in military dresses.
265.
The Portrait of a Man on Foot, holding his daughter, who is on horseback, by the hand.
266.
The Portrait of a Lady and her Son.
267.
The half-length Portrait of a Man of 37, having a glove on his left hand.
268.
Half-length Portrait of a young Woman, with a fan of feathers in her hand.
269.
John Richardot (president of the privy council of the Netherlands), one of the negotiators sent by the king of Spain to Vervins—died in 1609.
270.
Portrait, in the shape of a bust, of a Man in a black Cloak.
271.
Venus soliciting from Vulcan Arms for Æneas.
272.
The taking down from the Cross, a sketch.
DYCK (PHILIP VAN) CALLED THE LITTLE VAN DYCK, PUPIL OF ARNOLD BOONEN.
No.
270.
B. Sarah presenting Agar to Abraham.
271.
B. Agar repudiated by Abraham, at the instigation of Sarah.
272.
B. Judith giving to her Maid the Head of Holophernes.
273.
A Woman at her Toilet.
274.
A young Woman playing on the Guitar.
GYZEN (PETER.)
No.
295.
A Village Holiday.—(A very laughable picture.)
HOLBEIN (HANS OR JOHN) PUPIL OF JOHN HOLBEIN, HIS FATHER.
No.
313.
The Portrait of a Man, with a black Cat.
314.
Thomas Moore (lord chancellor of England) beheaded by order of Henry VIII.
315.
The Portrait of a young Man carrying a Hawk.
316.
The Sacrifice of Abraham.
317.
A young Woman in a Necklace of Pearls, and a red Jacket.
318.
Erasmus.
319.
A young Woman with a yellow Veil.
320.
Robert Cheeseman, at the age of 48, with a Hawk.
321.
Master Nicholas Kratzer, astronomer of Henry VIII of England.
322.
The Archbishop of Canterbury, painted in 1528, at the age of 70.
323.
Ann of Cleves, wife of Henry VIII of England.—(Henry the eighth married her on seeing this picture, but repudiated her six months after, finding that her beauty by no means equalled that which had been given her by the painter.)
324.
The Portrait, in miniature, of Erasmus.
PAUL POTTER.
No.
446.
Landscape, with Cattle.—(This is the picture in which I particularly admired the exact and wonderful imitation of Nature.)
447.
A Meadow.
448.
A Meadow watered by a River, in which animals are drinking and men bathing.—(This is a charming picture.)
449.
Oxen and Pigs in a Pasture, near a cottage.
450.
Two Horses at a Trough, near the door of a public house. A man brings them water.
451.
A Field.—In the front, three cows are standing under an oak; and, on the left, an ox with white and black spots.
REMBRANDT (VAN RYN PAUL.)
No.
455.
The Head of a Man, with a hat ornamented with black feathers.
456.
Portrait of Rembrandt in his youth, taken by himself.
457.
The Head of a Woman, dressed in long ear-rings, and a fur cloak.
458.
The good Samaritan.
459.
The Head of an old Man with a long beard, who is also bald.
460.
A Jewish Bride.
461.
The Head of a young Man with a black cap, and a golden chain round his neck.
462.
The meditating Philosopher.
463.
The contemplating Philosopher.
464.
Small Head of a Man, dressed in a straw bonnet.
465.
The Family of a Joiner.
466.
Tobias and Family prostrate before the angel Raphael, who disappears from their sight, after making himself known.
467.
Susannah at the Bath.
468.
The Pilgrims of Emans, and the breaking of Bread.
469.
The Presentation of Jesus in the Temple.
470.
St. Matthew, the Evangelist.
471.
The Portrait of Rembrandt, in a more advanced period of life than that of 456.
472.
Venus and Cupid.
473.
An old Man at his Meditations.
RUBENS (PETER PAUL.)
No.
479.
The Education of Mary of Medici.
480.
The Lying in of Mary of Medici.
His celebrated picture of the Assumption has lately been put up in the Musée.
481.
The Happiness of Peace.
508.
Adriana de Perès, wife of Nicholas Rockox, married in 1589, died in 1619.
509.
The Crucifixion of St. Peter.
510.
Christ on the Cross, between the two Thieves, at the moment when the centurion wounds him in the side.
511.
The Last Supper.
512.
The Adoration of the Kings, larger than life.
513.
St. Roch interceding for the Persons afflicted with the Plague.
514.
St. Roch fed by his Dog.
N. B. I particularly recommend these last six pictures to your
attention. They are more than commonly beautiful.
515.
St. Roch cured of the Plague by an Angel.
516.
Christ dead in the Arms of his Father.
517.
The Adoration of the Wise Men.—(An admirable picture.)
518.
The Beheading of St. John the Baptist.
519.
St. John the Evangelist thrown into a Copper of boiling Oil.
520.
The Portrait of a Woman, dressed in a hat, and, holding a bunch of roses in her hand.
521.
Another Portrait of a Woman in black, her head uncovered, and her hands crossed.
522.
The Nativity of our Saviour, a sketch.
523.
The Resurrection of Christ, a sketch.
524.
Lot and his Family leaving Sodom, led by an Angel.
525.
The Virgin and the Infant Jesus, surrounded with Innocents. This is called the Virgin and the Angels.
526.
The Kernesse, or Village Holiday.—(A very curious picture.)
527.
The Descent from the Cross.
528.
The Miraculous Draught of Fishes.
529.
The Apostles finding in the Mouth of a Fish, the Piece of Money necessary for the Payment of the Tribute.
530.
The Angel, making the Young Tobias angle for the Fish, the gall of which was to restore his Father’s sight.
531.
The Portrait of a Princess, who appears to be Elizabeth of Bourbon, Daughter of Henry the IVth, and Wife of Philip, King of Spain.
532.
The Triumph of Pomona.
533.
Venus and Adonis.
534.
A View of Malines.
535.
A View of Cadiz.
TENIERS (THE YOUNGER DAVID.)
No.
575.
The Smoker.
576.
The Grinder.
577.
Country people dancing to the sound of the Bagpipe.
578.
The Works of Charity.
579.
The Village Wedding.
580.
The Preparations for a Repast.
581.
Peter’s Denial of our Saviour.
582.
A Landscape.
583.
The inside of an Ale-house, with Persons playing at Cards.
584.
The Prodigal Son at Table, with his Mistresses.—(In this picture Teniers is supposed to have drawn himself and his Family.)
585.
Hern shooting.
586.
The Alchymist in his Laboratory.
587.
An old Man’s Head in a Fur Dress and Bonnet.
588.
The inside of an Ale-house.
TENIERS (THE ELDER DAVID.)
No.
589.
A Man playing on a Bagpipe.
ITALIAN SCHOOL.
GIO BENEDETTO CASTIGLIONE (CALLED AT GENOA, IL GRECHETTO, AND IN FRANCE, THE BENDETTE.)
No.
689.
The Nativity.
690.
The Money-sellers driven from the Temple.
691.
Melchisedec, King of Salem, offering Bread and Wine to Abraham.
692.
A Woman carrying a Vase on her head, an old Man, and an African with a Turban on his head holding a copper plate.
693.
In the middle of a Court a Woman carrying a Copper Vessel, and an Ass loaded with Kitchen Furniture.
694.
Jacob leaves Mesopotamia, in order to see his Father in Canaan.
695.
Bacchanalians and Satyrs resting, and playing on different Instruments.
ALBANI (FRANCESCO.)
No.
660.
The Birth of the Virgin.
661.
Mystic Vision of the Cross.
662.
Diana and Acteon.
663.
The Holy Family.
664.
The Rest in Egypt.
665.
The Rest in Egypt.
666.
St. Francis praying before a Crucifix.
667.
God the Father in his Glory.
668.
Adam and Eve.
669.
The Annunciation of the Virgin.
670.
The Annunciation of the Virgin.
671.
Our Saviour appearing to Mary Magdalen.
672.
The Baptism of Jesus in the Waters of Jordan.
673.
The preaching of St. John in the Desert.
674.
Apollo at the House of Admetus, King of Thessaly.
675.
The Triumph of Cybele.
676.
Fire.
677.
Air.
678.
Water.
679.
Earth.
680.
} The Loves and Graces at the Toilet of Venus.
681.
682.
683.
684.
Apollo and Daphne.
685.
Salmacis and Hermaphroditus.
THE CARRACCI.
The four Elements by the three Carracci, that is to say,
No.
703.
Earth, by Lodovico Carracci.
704.
Water, by Lodovico Carracci.
705.
Fire, by Agostino Carracci,
706.
Air, by Annibale Carracci.
CARRACCI (AGOSTINO.)
No.
707.
The Assumption of the Virgin.
708.
St. Cæcilia and St. Marguerite.
709.
The Communion of St. Jerom.
710.
Hercules in his Cradle, strangling the Serpents.
CARRACCI (LODOVICO.)
No.
711.
The Virgin, St. Francis, and St. Joseph.
712.
St. Hyacinth, to whom the Virgin appears.
713.
The vocation of St. Matthew.
714.
St. John baptizing Christ.
715.
The Annunciation of the Virgin.
716.
The Nativity of Jesus Christ.
717.
The Virgin and the Infant Jesus.
CARRACCI (ANTONIO, NATURAL SON OF AGOSTINO CARRACCI.)
No.
718.
The Deluge.
CARRACCI (ANNIBALE.)
No.
719.
The Mother of Pity.
720.
St. Luke, St. Catherine, and the Virgin.
721.
Christ lying dead on the Knees of the Virgin.
722.
The Birth of the Virgin.
723.
The Resurrection of Jesus Christ.
724.
The Resurrection of Jesus Christ,
725.
Jesus asleep. This picture is commonly called, the Silence of Carracci.
726.
Fishing.
727.
Hunting.
728.
The Nativity of Jesus Christ.
729.
The Nativity of Jesus Christ.
730.
Christ laid in his Tomb.
731.
The Portrait of a learned Man.
732.
The Annunciation of the Virgin.
733.
Diana and Calisto.
734.
The Martyrdom of St. Stephen.
735.
The Martyrdom of St. Stephen.
736.
A Concert on the Water.
737.
The Preaching of St. John in the Desert.
738.
The Annunciation of the Virgin.
739.
The Assumption of the Virgin.
740.
A Hermit meditating.
741.
The Sacrifice of Abraham. A Landscape.
742.
The Death of Absalom. A Landscape.
CARAVAGGIO (MICHAEL ANGELO AMERIGI, CALLED THE CARAVAGGE.)
No.
743.
The Death of the Virgin.
744.
Christ carried to the Grave.
745.
Adolphus and Vignacourt.
746.
A young Gipsy telling a young Man’s Fortune.
747.
St. John the Baptist.
748.
Wandering Musicians singing at the close of Evening, and at the Corner of the Street, an Anthem to the Virgin.
N.B. It is doubtful whether this was the work of Caravaggio, or of one of his pupils.
CAVEDONE (JAMES.)
No.
749.
St. Eloi and St. Petronius.
750.
St. Cæcilia singing the praises of the Lord.
CORREGIO (ANTONY ALLEGRI, CALLED THE CORREGE.)
No.
753.
The Virgin, the Infant Jesus, the Magdalen, and St. Jerom.
754.
The Rest in Egypt.
755.
Antiope asleep.
756.
The Marriage of St. Catherine.
757.
The taking down from the Cross.
758.
The Martyrdom of St. Placidus and St. Flavia.
759.
The Infant St. John.
760.
A Head of Christ crowned with Thorns.
DOMENICHINO (DOMENICO ZAMPIEN, CALLED IN FRANCE THE DOMENIQUEZ.)
No.
763.
The Communion of St. Jerom.—(N.B. This admirable picture appears to me the best in the collection.)
764.
The Rosary protected by the Virgin.
765.
The Martyrdom of St. Agnes.
766.
David playing on the Harp.
767.
Rinaldo and Armida.
768.
Æneas saving his Father Anchises from the Ruins of Troy.
769.
St. Cæcilia.
770.
The Concert.
771.
The Virgin and St. Antony of Padua.
772.
The Virgin taking Water from a River with a Shell.
773.
Timoclea before Alexander.
774.
A Landscape.
775.
A Landscape.
776.
A Landscape.
777.
God cursing Adam and Eve.
778.
The Ecstacy of St. Paul.
779.
The Triumph of Love.
FERRARI (GANDERTIO.)
No.
784.
St. Paul the Apostle.
785.
The Nativity of Jesus Christ.
GUIDO (RENI, CALLED IN FRANCE THE GUIDE.)
No.
797.
The Crucifixion of St. Peter.
798.
Christ giving the Keys to St. Peter.
799.
St. Jerom, St. Thomas, and the Virgin.
800.
Fortune.
801.
David holding the Head of the Giant Goliah.
802.
The Virgin, the Infant Jesus, and St. John kissing his Feet.
803.
The Virgin holding the Infant Jesus asleep on her Knees.
804.
The Union of Design and Colouring.
805.
St. John the Baptist in the Desert.
806.
The Magdalen.
807.
The Magdalen.
808.
St. Sebastian.
809.
The Samaritan Woman.
810.
Christ in the Garden of Olives.
811.
Christ on the Cross, and the Magdalen.
812.
A Head of Christ crowned with Thorns.
813.
Hercules killing the Hydra.
814.
The Battle of Hercules and Achelöus.
815.
The taking away of Dejanira by Nessus.
816.
Hercules on the Funeral Pile.
817.
The Mother of Pity, with the Saints who protected the City of Bologna.
818.
St. Roch in his Prison.
819.
The Massacre of the Innocents.
820.
The Angelic Salutation.
821.
The Purification of the Virgin.
822.
The Sleep of the Infant Jesus.
823.
The eternal Father.
824.
St. John in the Wilderness.
825.
The Rest in Egypt.
826.
St. John.
827.
The carrying away of Helen.
GUERCINO (GIO FRANCESCO BARBIERI, CALLED THE GUERCHIN.)
No.
829.
The Picture of Guerchini, painted by himself.
830.
The Magician Circe.
831.
Jesus Christ giving the Keys to St. Peter.
832.
The Martyrdom of St. Peter the Apostle.
833.
The Resurrection of Lazarus.
834.
The Infant Jesus, holding the Hand of his Mother, gives his benediction.
835.
The Incredulity of St. Thomas.
836.
The Vision of St. Jerom.
837.
Amnon and Thamar.
838.
St. Theresa and Jesus Christ.
839.
The Circumcision of Christ.
840.
The beheading of St. John and St. Paul, under the Reign of the Emperor Julian, called the Apostate.
841.
The Vision of St. Bruno.
842.
The Saints Protectors of the Town of Modena.
843.
The Virgin appearing to St. Jerom.
844.
St. Peter at his Prayers.
845.
St. Paul holding the Sword with which he is about to be put to Death.
846.
St. Francis and St. Benoit.
847.
St. William and St. Felix.
848.
The Marriage of St. Catherine.
849.
Herod’s Daughter receiving the Head of St. John the Baptist.
850.
Christ appearing to the Virgin.
851.
Conclusion of the Battle between the Romans and Sabines.
LANFRANCO (GIOVANNI LANFRANCO, CALLED THE LANFRANC.)
No.
854.
Agar in the Desert.
855.
The parting of St. Peter and St. Paul.
856.
St. Bartholomew the Apostle.
857.
St. Peter imploring the Pardon of his Master.
857.
B. St. Peter deploring his Faults.
858.
The crowning of the Virgin.
THE FOLLOWING ARE FROM THE ROMAN, FLORENTINE, AND VENETIAN SCHOOLS.
ALEXANDER VERONESE.
No.
910.
The Adultress.
LEONARDO DA VINCI.
No.
921.
The holy family accompanied by St. Michael, St. Elizabeth, and St. John holding a Sheep.
922.
The Virgin holding the Infant Jesus.
923.
The Picture of Madame Lise.
924.
The Picture of a Woman in black.
PAUL VERONESE.
No.
927.
The Marriage of St. Catherine.
RAPHAEL.
No.
931.
The Infant Jesus caressing St. John.
932.
St. Michael subduing the Devil.
933.
St. Michael combating Monsters. An allegorical painting.
934.
St. George.
935.
The Virgin, St. John, and the Infant Jesus asleep. (Commonly called the Silence of the Virgin.)
936.
The Vision of Ezekiel.
937.
A young Man reflecting.
938.
A young Man about fifteen or sixteen Years old.
To which pictures of Raphael has lately been added his celebrated one of the Holy Family.
TITIAN (TIZIANO VECELLI.)
No.
940.
The crowning with Thorns.
941.
Christ carried to the Tomb.
942.
Portrait of a Man in black.
943.
Portrait of a Man in black.
LETTER III. — POSTSCRIPT.
The fête of the 18th of brumaire in honour of the preliminaries,
and of the anniversary of the consular government.—Apathy
of the people.—Fireworks.—Accident which
happened to an english gentleman.—Postscript. The death
of the gentleman last named.
Paris, november the 10th, 1801 (19 brumaire.)
MY DEAR SIR,
Having in my last letter attempted to describe
the objects which particularly attracted my
notice on my first arrival, I shall in this endeavour
to satisfy the curiosity which you will naturally
feel, relative to the splendid fête celebrated
yesterday in honour of the peace with England,
and of the anniversary of the consular government.
The rejoicings may be said to have begun on
the preceding evening; as the cannon were fired,
and the theatres thrown open to the public, with
the single exception of the italian opera, where
was also represented a musical piece, the words
of which were in honour of the occasion. I
wished very much to have been present at one of
the performances given gratis to the people; but
I was dissuaded from going there, by the advice
of some french friends, who assured me, that
the attempt would be attended with considerable
danger. I therefore contented myself with visiting
the only spectacle[6] where money was received.
The company of italian actors usually occupies
the Théâtre Favart, but at present
performs in a very beautiful little play-house
belonging to “la Société olympique,” situate
in the street which was formerly known
as “la rue de Chante Reine;” but which, in
honour of Bonaparte, (who resided there while
a private man) is now called “la rue de la
Victoire.”
The entrance to this theatre is strikingly elegant
and novel, consisting of a circular piazza,
in the middle of which is a grass plot. The
building is well proportioned; and the chandelier,
by which it is brilliantly lighted, extremely
beautiful. The music seemed good; but the female
performers relied entirely on the charms of their
voice; for I never remember to have seen, on
any other stage, such an assemblage of ugly
women as this presented. The audience consisted
of the best company at Paris; and I had
the pleasure of seeing there madame Bonaparte,
who sat in the stage box, accompanied by
mademoiselle Beauharnois, her daughter, and by
madame le Clerc, the consul’s sister. Bonaparte
was also said to be present, but being in a loge
grillé, could not be perceived.
Madame, as far as I can judge from the distance
at which I saw her, has a mild, amiable
countenance, which is universally allowed to be
the just picture of her disposition. Her person
is elegant, and her appearance altogether much
like that of an english woman of fashion.
Mademoiselle Beauharnois[7] is a fair girl of
sixteen or seventeen, and, without being remarkably
beautiful, is extremely interesting. Her
manners are modest; and her dress simple, and
in good taste. Madame le Clerc[8] is a very
pretty little woman, and much admired at
Paris.
Excuse this digression, into which I was led
by naming the preparatory rejoicings of the preceding
evening. I proceed to the fête itself.
The 18th of brumaire, that long expected day,
began in clouds of rain. The Parisians were
au désespoir. Every body predicted, that the
vast preparations, which had been made for this
jubilee, would be thrown away; that the illumination
would fail; in short, that the whole would
be an “affaire manquée[9].”
Those who ventured into the streets, notwithstanding
the torrents of rain, heard, on every
side, “quel mauvais temps! quel malheur! vraiment
c’est terrible—c’est affreux. La fête auroit
été si belle, si ce diable de pluie n’avait pas
tombé[10].”
The morning passed away without the faintest
hopes of better weather, and in mutual condolences
on the loss of the beau spectacle,
which had been promised for this day. The rejoicings
were to begin at four o’clock. About
three the weather suddenly changed, the clouds
dispersed, the sky became serene. It happened
that this took place precisely at the moment,
when the first consul appeared at the window of
the palace, and every body agreed, that the favourable
change was solely produced par la bonne
fortune de Bonaparte[11].
Indeed, it is not without some reason that this
prejudice is entertained by the public, and that
Bonaparte has, on more occasions than one, appealed
to his good fortune. Great and transcendant
as are the talents of that extraordinary
man, they are not more remarkable than the singular
concatenation of fortunate circumstances,
which have uniformly attended his progress
through life. Possessed of the former, unaccompanied
by the latter, he would have probably
become a distinguished character, but he
never could have reached that summit of grandeur,
where he is at present so securely seated.
I return to my subject. The signal for the
commencement of the fête was the departure of
a balloon, in which monsieur and madame Garnerin
ascended, at half past four o’clock, through
a clear sky, which no longer bore any marks of
the tempestuous weather of the morning. After
the balloon had attained a certain height, a parachute
was sent down, and the live animal which
it contained reached the ground in safety. I was
fortunate enough to dine this day with a
family[12] who reside in what was first called
“la Garde-meuble,” then “la place de Louis
XV,” for some time the seat of so many legal
murders, under the appellation of “de la Revolution,”
and now styled, in honour of the present
government, “de la Concorde.” As the
principal rejoicings were to take place in this
spot, I could not have been better situate. We
dined in a back room; and during the short time
which we passed at table (for a french dinner seldom
exceeds an hour), the lamps had been
lighted. Never shall I forget the splendid sight,
which appeared to have been almost produced by
magic, and which burst on us in returning to
the salon (or drawing room), the windows of
which command an extensive view of the place
de la Concorde, of the bridge of Louis XVI,
of the palace or hospital of les Invalides, of the
Thuilleries, of the palace of the Corps Législatif,
formerly called “de Bourbon,” of the river, and
of several buildings in the Fauxbourg St. Germain.
All these striking objects were now one
blaze of light. My eyes were so dazzled with
the scene which presented itself, that it was some
time before I could take a distinct view of each
particular beauty. The public edifices I have
named, all of which are of the finest architecture,
covered with innumerable lamps, arranged with
the greatest taste, and which being of different
heights, seemed to rise the one above the other;
and the majestic domes splendidly illuminated,
and extending the blaze of light as far as the eye
could reach, formed altogether a coup d’œil,
which may be conceived, but which cannot be
described. I had scarcely recovered from the
surprise and admiration, which this sight produced,
when the pantomime, intended to represent
the horrors of war, and the happiness of
peace, began under the colonnade where it was
my good fortune to be seated.
I must confess, that this farce appeared to me
ridiculous, and equally unworthy the great nation
which gave the fête, and the important event which
it was intended to celebrate. Sham combats, falling
towers, wounded heroes, devils with torches,
allegorical emblems of Discord, &c., followed
by cornucopias, dancing peasants, cars of
triumph, and lastly, by an illuminated temple of
peace, which rose on the ruins of that of war,
formed the principal entertainment. I think you
will agree with me, that such a spectacle was
better calculated for the stage of Sadler’s Wells in
London, or the Ambigu-comique at Paris, than
for the principal object of a great and national
festival. Simple and plain as is this reflection,
it did not seem to strike any of the french spectators,
and the wisest of them looked on without
disgust, and almost with admiration, on that
which, instead of commemorating the most important
event which Europe has seen for many
years, appeared to the eye of reason only suited
to entertain the dotage of age, or the simplicity
of infancy.
If the pantomime were not very deserving of
praise, it forms a single exception; and I can
assure you, with great truth, that every other
part of the fête was truly magnificent. As no
carriage was allowed to roll that evening (a
laudable precaution, taken on all such occasions
at Paris), and as the fireworks were to take place
on the river, at some distance from the house
where I dined, it was necessary to pass on foot,
through the vast crowd which filled la place de la
Concorde, the walks of the Thuilleries, the bridges,
the streets, &c. Yet such was the order that was
preserved, and such the tranquillity of the people,
that, accompanied by my wife and one gentleman,
I made my way, I suppose, through nearly a
million of people, without the least accident, and
with certainly not more crowding than is daily
experienced at a private fashionable ball in London.
What astonished me most, indeed, the
whole day, was the dead calm which prevailed
among the spectators. They looked on, walked
about, and seemed entertained with the shows
which were exhibited; yet no cries of triumph,
no shouts of joy, expressed the public satisfaction.
The apathy which prevails in this country
on all public events, and which has succeeded to
the fever of popular violence, is strikingly apparent
on all occasions, but on none more than
this.
During my walk, I passed through the garden
of the Thuilleries. The alleys were brilliantly
decorated with rows of lamps, suspended on
frames constructed for the purpose; and the palace
was itself, if possible, still more resplendent.
The whole had the appearance of an enchanted
castle. From a house on the quai Voltaire, I
saw the fireworks to great advantage; and they
appeared to me, accustomed only to such as are
exhibited in England, extremely beautiful. What
pleased me most in the display, was a contrivance,
by which the fire seemed to rise from the water;
an ingenious and elegant idea, by which the inventor
probably meant to represent allegorically,
by the union of opposing elements, the reconciliation
of two nations, always the rivals, and so
long the enemies, of each other. There was a
temple of commerce on the river, and little
boats, with pendants of different nations. All
this I consider as forming a second act to the
pantomime exhibited on the place de la Concorde,
and which I have already ventured to
condemn. Both appeared, to an english eye, insignificant,
if not ridiculous.
The fireworks appeared to me as perfect as
possible; but there was some discontent expressed
by the persons near me, that what is
called a bouquet, with which they were to have
concluded, was not displayed. This disappointment
was attributed by some to a want of skill in
the manager, and by others to an order of government,
arising from a fear of danger to the
adjoining buildings.
I cannot pretend to determine this important
question; but I must be permitted to say, that if
the parisians were not satisfied with this day’s
amusement, they must be very unreasonable indeed
in their pursuit of spectacles.
I returned home about eleven at night, much
delighted with what I had seen; and though Mrs.
⸺ and myself were again obliged to pass
through this mighty crowd, we neither of us experienced
the slightest hurt, or the least incivility.
I was in hopes to have been able to add, that
the day passed over without the most trifling accident;
but I have, unfortunately, just received
the melancholy news, that Mr. ⸺, an english
gentleman, fell from a scaffolding, where he had
placed himself to see the fireworks, and is so
dreadfully wounded, as to render the hopes of
his recovery highly improbable.
I understand, that the accident took place very
near the Thuilleries, and that the first consul,
with laudable humanity, sent every proper assistance
to our unfortunate countryman, who is now
attended by the physician and surgeon particularly
attached to the family of Bonaparte. Most
ardently do I hope, that their skill and care may
be attended with success; but I am told, this is
more than they expect themselves.
Adieu, my dear friend. I am sorry to send
you so imperfect an account of one of the finest
sights, perhaps, ever exhibited in Europe; but I
do not excel in description at any time, and what
I have attempted on this occasion, would baffle
the ablest pen.
I am, &c.
The unfortunate Mr. ⸺, mentioned in this letter, languished
three weeks in agony, and at last expired, in the arms of
a young and beautiful wife, who had accompanied him in
this ill fated journey, (the sole object of which was the
sight of a festival, which had to him so tragical a conclusion),
who attended him, with exemplary patience and unceasing
care, during his illness, and who, after receiving his
last breath, herself conveyed his remains to his native country.
To add to the calamity of this unfortunate and amiable
woman, she had not a friend, or even an acquaintance, of
either sex, at Paris; and in the discharge of the painful
and pious offices I have mentioned, her only assistant was
Mr. Peregaux, her banker, who, I am told, afforded her
every consolation in his power.—Though I did not know this
lady, her story made a deep impression on my mind, and for
some days I could not divest myself of the melancholy it
created.
LETTER IV.
State of society at Paris.—The three sets, l’ancienne noblesse,
the governmental class, and les parvenus ou nouveaux riches.—Description
of a house belonging to one of the latter.
Paris, november the 19th, 1801 (28th brumaire.)
MY DEAR SIR,
My two last letters were filled with details of
pictures, statues, pantomimes, and fêtes. In
this, I shall only speak to you of men and
manners.
Visiting Paris after a revolution which has
produced such extraordinary alterations in the
laws, customs, and opinions of the people, I expected
to find an equal change in the state of
society. A great change has certainly taken
place, but the change is of a different nature
from what I foresaw. An english lady, of much
wit, said to me the other day, “When I arrived
at Paris, I expected to meet with philosophers
in every society, and to hear nothing discussed
but subjects of the highest import. Alas! how
have I been disappointed!” As to me, I entertained
no such idea; but I certainly supposed
that the political events in which every person
had been forced, in one way or other, to act a
part, would have accustomed the minds of men
to such a variance of opinion, that all subjects
would be canvassed with liberality, and that,
whatever might be the sentiments of an individual,
he would be heard with tolerance.
The lady I have mentioned was not more mistaken
than I have been. There is no country
under the sun, where less freedom is allowed in
conversation. I do not mean to say, that the
government checks or interferes with what passes
in private society; on the contrary, I have more
than once heard in company remarks made at
the expense of persons in power, which even in
England would be thought inflammatory: but
what I complain of is, that in every circle there
is a certain creed, or string of opinions, from
which, if one of the company were to venture to
dissent, he would be considered as “de mauvaise
compagnie[13].” These opinions are not confined
to the affairs of France, but extend themselves
to those of England; and in the societies where
I have been thrown, I have been more than once
suspected of jacobinism, for not joining in a
philippic against Mr. Fox, or in an eulogy on
lord Grenville.
As to society, it appears to me, that there are
three great divisions, or principal classes, at
Paris. The first, in point of antiquity, and perhaps
still of public opinion (for, notwithstanding
all the laws to the contrary, family prejudices are
as strong as ever in France), is that of l’ancienne
noblesse[14], who separate themselves almost entirely
from the other classes, and live together at
the houses of such of their body, as are still rich
enough to give assemblies. The second, which
I shall call the governmental set, consists of the
ministers, of the counsellors of state, of the ambassadors,
of the senators, legislators, tribunes, &c.
in short, of all the constituted authorities. The
third class is what the pride of the first denominates
“les parvenus ou nouveaux riches;”
consisting of the wealthiest individuals now in
France; of persons, who, taking advantage of
the circumstances which have occurred, have enriched
themselves during the general wreck of
private fortunes and public credit. Army contracts,
national estates, and speculations in the
funds, have afforded the means, by which many
of these individuals have accumulated overgrown
fortunes; but several respectable merchants,
bankers, and other commercial men, are unjustly
confounded with these, and, under the general
name of “fournisseurs[15],” held up to public
contempt.
The first class are still affluent, when spoken
of as a body, though few of them have individually
large incomes. A distinguished person,
connected with the government, and to whom
the most important acts of state have been specially
entrusted, assures me, that the old proprietors
still hold two thirds of the landed estates
of France; though, in consequence of the heavy
taxes[16] laid on them during the Revolution, by
the loss of their woods, of their feudal rights,
and of public offices which had become almost hereditary in their families,
(not to mention the present law of descent, by
which all children inherit equally), their incomes,
though in different degrees, are, in every case,
greatly diminished.
Some of the old noblesse, notwithstanding their
misfortunes, still live with considerable splendour,
and have houses “bien montées” in which
they give balls and parties. The most distinguished
of these are madame la ⸺ de ⸺,
and madame ⸺, who have each an assembly
once in every week. A ci-devant comtesse, belonging
to the society, requested the permission
of introducing to these houses an english lady,
of whom it will be sufficient to say, that though
not of exalted rank, she was unexceptionable in
every respect, in birth, in character, in fortune,
in person, and in situation of life. I think you
will be as much surprised, and as much irritated,
as I was, when I add, that this mighty favour
was, in both instances, refused. The reason
assigned for this strange want of hospitality, has
induced me to mention the fact. The lady in
question, having been accustomed to the highest
circles in her own country, and discovering, for
the first time, in this land of “liberty and
equality,” the humble distance at which the wife
of a commoner ought to regard the chaste and
learned festivals of aristocracy, could not help
expressing her surprise, if not her anger, to the
french friend, who had made the application.
“Je suis bien fachée[17],” replied madame la
comtesse! “mais pour vous dire la vérité, the
emigrés were treated with so little kindness in
London, I mean, by the gentlemen and ladies
there (for there is no complaint against your
government), that it is impossible to persuade
their relations to receive the english chez eux[18]—vraiment
je suis au désespoir.”
I am unwilling to think, that such is the general
language of the body of emigrants. I
know, that there are amongst them men of nice
honour, of noble sentiments, and of dignified
demeanour; and I have heard some speak, as
they ought, of the hospitality they experienced
in England: but if there be any who attempt to
separate the british government from the inhabitants
of the country, I must beg leave to remind
them, that it was the english people, from
whose pockets that money was drawn, by which
in their misfortunes, they were supported; and
that, happily for us, our government is so constructed,
that unless the popular voice had sanctioned
the laudable humanity of government,
not even Mr. Pitt could have afforded them that
assistance, which, in every instance, they received
from England. As to their reception by individuals
in Great Britain, I must be permitted to
observe, that such of the emigrants as dignified
the poverty (into which they were cruelly thrown)
by the propriety of their conduct, found generally,
if not universally, that respect, to which
their dreadful reverse of fortune, and their honourable
industry, equally entitled them. Those
who sought in beggary, in gambling, or in importunate
solicitation, a dishonest and precarious
existence, ought not to complain of an
exclusion from society, which was alone produced
by the impropriety of their own conduct.
I hope the complaints against english hospitality
come from the latter class; if so, the
sensible and liberal french will know how to appreciate
their evidence. If from the former⸺but
I will not put an hypothesis, which would
appear to doubt the gratitude of men, whose former
lives entitle them to esteem.
Begging your pardon for this digression, into
which I was involuntarily led, I return to the
societies of Paris.
The second class, which I call the governmental,
is the most polite to strangers. The
second consul has a splendid party every week;
and each of the ministers has a day, to which
all foreigners may be taken by their respective
ministers, after they have been presented at the
Thuilleries.
Le Brun, the third consul, frequently gives
dinners; and english parties, who have been invited,
assure me, that they are particularly pleasant.
He is a man of great literary acquirements,
and the conversation, at his table generally
takes a superiour turn.
The ministerial assemblies are crowded; but
the houses are large, the attendance good, and
the uniforms of the constituted authorities, and
the full dress of the ambassadors, give, altogether,
a splendour to these meetings, which no others at
Paris possess.
The third class—I mean, that of “the parvenus[19]”—if
not the most elegant, or the most
esteemed, is, at least, the most luxurious. Nothing
can exceed the splendour of the persons of
this description. The furniture of their houses,
the dress of their wives, their table, their plate,
their villas, in short, all the “agrémens” of
life, are in the highest style of oriental magnificence.
To give you some idea of their manner of
living, I will describe to you the house of madame
⸺, which I yesterday obtained the permission
of seeing, in her absence.
The house is situate in a street leading from
the Boulevard, and is approached by a fine
court, of considerable length. The back of the
house looks on a very pretty garden, arranged
à l’angloise. It was formerly the residence of a
minister of state.
The drawing room, and salle à manger[20], were
not yet finished. The furniture prepared for
them was rich. I did not think it particularly
beautiful; but the bed room, and bathing cabinet,
exceeded in luxury every thing which I
ever beheld, or even ventured to imagine. The
canopy of the bed was of the finest muslin, the
covering of pink satin, the frame of beautiful
mahogany, supported by figures in gold of antique
shapes. The steps, which led to this delicious
couch, were covered with red velvet,
ornamented on each side with artificial flowers,
highly scented. On one side stood, on a pedestal,
a marble statue of Silence, with this inscription:
On the other, a very lofty gold stand, for a taper
or lamp. A fine mirror filled up one side of
the bed, and was reflected by one at the top,
and another at the opposite side of the room.
The walls were covered with mahogany, relieved
with gold borders, and now and then with glass.
The whole in excellent taste. The bathing cabinet,
which adjoined, was equally luxurious. The
bath, when not in use, forms a sofa, covered
with kerseymere edged with gold: and the whole
of this cabinet is as pretty as the bed room. Beyond
this room is the bed chamber of monsieur,
plain, neat, and unaffected; and on the other
side a little closet, covered with green silk, and
opening on the garden, in which madame sits,
when she amuses herself with drawing. To
conclude, I find the “loves,” which “Silence
guards,” and of which this paphian seat is the
witness, are those of January and May; for the
wife is twenty (the greatest beauty of Paris),
and the husband something less than sixty.
I have made my letter of a most unpardonable
length, and yet my subject is not complete. I
will, however, stop for the present, only requesting
your permission, when I have the opportunity,
of adding such details, as I may be able
to collect, relative to the different societies I
have mentioned. Before I conclude, I ought,
perhaps, to mention, that the generals are seen
both in the second and third classes, but rarely in
the first. Subalterns do not mix in society, at
least, I have not yet met one in company.
Adieu.
LETTER V.
Opening of the legislative body.—Election of the president.—Lord
Cornwallis.—Reflections of the people in the
gallery.
Paris, november the 23d, 1801 (2 frimaire).
MY DEAR SIR,
Yesterday being the first of “frimaire,” the
day on which, by the present constitution, the
legislature and tribunate begin their session, I determined
to attend the opening of the former.
As I was not acquainted with any of the members,
I was obliged, by means of a silver ticket,
to seek admittance in one of the galleries devoted
to the public. The legislative body holds its
sittings in the beautiful palace, now called by its
name, but better known by its former one, of
Palais Bourbon. It is situate in the Fauxbourg
St. Germain, immediately fronting le
pont Louis XVI, and opposite the Champs Elisées.
The hall, in which the members assemble,
is a very fine room, in which the council
of five hundred sat during the directorial government.
It is large, of an octagon shape,
and would be admirably suited to the purpose, for
which it is used, did not its extreme height and
arched roof prevent even the strongest voice from
being distinctly heard. To remedy this defect,
green baize is suspended on several parts of the
wall; but the evil is but little removed by this
precaution. The first thing which attracted my
attention, was the military parade, in which the
members entered the room, and the regimental
costume, in which they were dressed. Drums
and fifes announced their approach; and a guard
of honour (for both the corps législatif and the
tribunate have each a regiment) preceded them.
The members wear a uniform of blue cloth, embroidered
with gold, a tricoloured sash, hussar
boots, and a cocked hat, both laced with gold.
To an english eye, they had more the appearance
of naval officers than of legislators. The meeting
was opened by the minister of the interieur,
who ascending the tribune (or rostrum,) congratulated
in a short speech, the corps législatif on
commencing its session, at a moment when the
restoration of peace with all the world confirmed
the victories, and completed the happiness of the
republic. The eldest member then took the
chair, and declared the meeting legally constituted.
They next proceeded to choose a president.
Scrutineers were appointed to examine
the votes, which were given in the following
manner: The names of the members were alphabetically
called over, and each in his turn placed
a written paper, containing the name of the person
whom he chose into one of four vases, which
were placed on the table for that purpose. When
all the members had voted, the four vases were
placed on as many different tables, and each
examined by an equal number of scrutineers.
These counted the votes, and conveyed the result
to the temporary president, who, after comparing
them together, declared that Dupuis,
having an absolute majority of 133 voices, was
duly elected. The former then left the fauteuil[22],
to which the latter was instantly conducted. On
taking the chair, Dupuis ordered messages to be
sent to the consuls and tribunate, acquainting
them, that the corps législatif was definitively
constituted, and was ready to receive the messengers
of the government. He then drew from
his pocket a written paper, and read a speech,
in which he congratulated the meeting on the
happy auspices under which it began its session.
He had scarcely finished, when the sound of
drum and fife announced the arrival of three
counsellors of state, with a message from the
government. They were preceded by huissiers,
or ushers, in Spanish hats, with three plumes of
different colours, and were dressed themselves in
their grand costume of scarlet cloth, embroidered
with silk of the same colour. One of them then
ascended the rostrum, and read a short speech,
declaring what the consuls had done, and what
still further they proposed. He congratulated
the legislature on the peace, and reminded the
members, that the war being now over, they
could devote their whole time to the happiness
and tranquillity of the people. He concluded
with complimenting the assembly on the conduct
which they had pursued in their last session, and
which, he said, they would doubtless continue in
that which was now begun. The president assured
him, in reply, that the legislative body
would, on all occasions, be ready to assist the
views of government in promoting the glory, the
peace, and the happiness of the nation.
The counsellors of state then retired, and the
president read the procès-verbal of the proceedings
and appointments of the sénat conservateur,
as likewise several letters; some from members,
with excuses for nonattendance; others with
resignations; and some from authors, presenting
books, almanacks, &c. to the legislature. The
title of one dedication entertained me not a little.
It was addressed, “Au Corps Législatif, au
premier Consul, et à madame Bonaparte[23].” We
may conclude, that the writer was at once a republican
and a courtier. Inconsistencies are often
reconciled in France.
After these letters had been read, the meeting
was closed. The austrian, english, swedish, and
other ambassadors, were present, in a box appropriated
to their use. The venerable appearance
and military dress of my lord Cornwallis
delighted the parisians; and my national vanity
was not a little gratified, by the favourable comparison
which the people around me drew between
his lordship and the other foreign ministers.
“Oui, oui, ce grand est milord Cornvalis.
Il a bonne mine. Il a l’air militaire. Il a servi,
n’est il pas vrai, monsieur? C’est un galant
homme, regardez ce petit à côtè, quelle différence!
quelle mauvaise tournure, &c[24].”
I believe, indeed, that, on every account, we
have reason to be satisfied with the choice which
our government has made of the noble marquis.
While in exteriors he satisfies the curiosity of the
french, and the pride of the english, he gives, by
the respectability of his character, the dignity of
his deportment, and the known moderation of his
principles, the surest pledge of the pacific intentions
of the sovereign, whom he so worthily represents.
Before I conclude this long account, I must
mention, with regret, that the persons in the gallery
where I sat, spoke with the most sovereign
contempt of the legislative body. “Ils font
bien[25],” said one man, alluding to the boots,
which constitute part of their dress; “de porter
des bottes. C’est un habit de voyage—ils ne
resteront pas ici long temps.”—“Nous les payons
10,000 francs[26],” said another, “pour ne faire
rien, je suis étonné que Bonaparte ne se débarasse
pas de ces gens là.”—“Je crois bien,”
cried a third, addressing himself to me, “que
monsieur votre ambassadeur a un revenu à lui plus
grand, que celui de tous ces gaillards ensemble.
Sans leur traitement de législateur ils mouraient
de faim[27].”
It is contrary to my plan to enter on any political
subjects, or the strange levity of these remarks
would lead to some very serious reflections.
I only give you this chit chat of the peuple souverain[28],
as characteristic of the french, and of
the present order of public affairs.
I am, &c.
LETTER VI.
The abbé Sicard, and the institution in behalf of the deaf
and dumb.—His favourite pupil, Massieu.—Examination
of a young woman, who had become deaf at six years
old.—Reflections on the establishment.
Paris, december the 1st, 1801 (10 frimaire.)
MY DEAR SIR,
I had this morning so high a mental treat, that
I cannot help communicating to you the particulars
without delay, in the hope of being able,
while my mind is strongly impressed with the
subject, to convey to you some faint idea of the
pleasure which I received.
I shall not now speak to you of splendid buildings,
of glorious monuments of human ingenuity,
of renowned heroes, or of brilliant festivals.
What I saw to day interested me, and I am
sure would have interested you, much more than
all such objects united; I mean, the institution
des sourd-muets (that humane establishment for
the instruction of the deaf and dumb), first
founded under the care of the abbé l’Epée, and
now conducted by his worthy successor, the abbé
Sicard.
Having tickets offered me for an extraordinary
meeting, which took place this morning, I willingly
availed myself of the opportunity, and at
ten o’clock repaired to la rue St. Jacques, where,
in a former convent, this beneficent establishment
is carried on. Here I found a large assemblage
of respectable persons, who all listened, with
pleasure and attention, to the simple, plain, and
unaffected manner, in which the abbé Sicard explained
his method of giving to the deaf and
dumb the means of expressing their thoughts.
“As foreigners,” said he, “unacquainted with
the language of the country which they visit, are
supposed stupid and ignorant by the uninformed,
so the deaf and dumb are often considered as
idiots, because they are deprived of one sense.
No,” continued he, “they are not idiots; they
have ideas as well as you, and only want an
organ to express them.” He then went on to
state, that in most educations children are taught
first to speak, and then, sometimes, to think;
whereas, in his plan, he began first by teaching
his pupils to think, and then proceeded to instruct
them how to express what they had so
thought[29].
To exemplify both his plan and his success,
he examined Massieu, his favourite and ablest
pupil, a young man, about twenty or twenty five
years old. As soon as the abbé expressed, by
his gestures, any particular passion, Massieu instantly
wrote the word appropriate to the peculiar
feeling, and then explained the meaning of
the word he had written, with a vivacity of
action, and a variety of countenance, which I
never before witnessed in any human being. He
next wrote on the wall, with great rapidity, the
chain of ideas, by which the abbé Sicard regularly
advances his scholars, from the expression
of a simple thought, to one of greater import.
Thus, beginning with the word “voir,” to see, he
ended, going on by regular steps, with the word
“examiner,” to examine; beginning with “idéer,”
(a word created by Massieu, but answering to
“avoir idée,” or to have an idea), he ended
with “approfondir,” to search into; and beginning
with “vouloir,” to will, he ended with
“brûler,” to burn with passion. Massieu expressed,
with wonderful fire, the meaning of each
progressive passion, in the changes of his countenance,
which, when animated, is uncommonly
fine.
In the course of this meeting, the abbé Sicard
likewise examined, for the first time, a young
woman, now eighteen, who, at six years old, had
become entirely deaf, and who could now only
speak such words as she had learnt at that tender
age, many of which she still pronounced imperfectly,
and as children are apt to do. He began
with showing us a memorandum, or washing bill,
in which this girl had drawn her gowns, petticoats,
&c. according to the different forms of
these articles. Massieu then, by direction of the
abbé, drew on the wall different things of common
use; to some of these she applied their
proper names, some she did not know, and others
she mispronounced. The latter defect M. Sicard
immediately removed, by pronouncing the word
himself, teaching her by signs to move her lips,
as he did, by blowing on the hand, and by touching
some particular fibres of the arm. I cannot
satisfactorily explain this operation; but it will,
perhaps, be sufficient to observe, that the abbé,
more than once, said, “by such and such motions,
I will produce such and such sounds;”
and that, as soon as the girl had imitated the
motions he made, she articulated the words, as
he had previously promised.
The more I saw of this institution, the more
was I delighted. There were forty or fifty children
present, who, born deaf and dumb, were,
by the wonderful skill and unceasing care of the
respectable abbé, restored to society, to happiness,
and themselves. They were seated in different
parts of the room, and conversed with each
other, though at the greatest distance, by the
means of their fingers, which were in constant
motion. They had every appearance of enjoying
good health, spirits, and vivacity.
There are all kinds of workshops, manufactures,
and schools, in the house of the sourd-muets,
and the establishment is entirely maintained
at the expense of the government. Massieu,
I hear, has displayed strong symptoms of
genius, and has even written some very beautiful
verses.
How admirable is this institution! How honourable
to the ingenuity and the heart of man!
to restore to all the enjoyments of life, and to
the dignity of rational beings, hapless creatures,
doomed by the caprice of Nature to inexpressible
feeling and irremediable ignorance, is perhaps
the highest and proudest effort of human contrivance.
Of all which I have yet beheld at Paris, this
is to me the most interesting sight. Other objects
strike the imagination, but this moves the heart.
Farewell, my dear sir, the night is far advanced;
but I could not place my head on the pillow, till
I had attempted to communicate to you, how
much I had been pleased with this admirable and
philanthropic institution.
I am, &c.
LETTER VII.
A thé or evening party.—French remarks on Shakspeare, and
Mr. Fox.—Dullness and pedantry of parisian society.
Paris, december 3d, 1801 (3 frimaire.)
MY DEAR SIR,
I have just received your last letter, and as
you complain, that I am not sufficiently minute
in my descriptions of private society, I will endeavour
to satisfy your curiosity, by giving a
faithful account of an assembly, or thé, as it is
called here, to which I was invited a few evenings
since.
The lady, at whose house this entertainment
was given, belonged to the old court; but having
remained in France during the whole of the revolution,
has preserved her property. I drove to
her hotel, about eight in the evening, and after
passing through a dark and dirty antichamber,
in which her servants and those of her guests sat
very quietly, while I passed, without moving from
their seats, I found my way, not without difficulty,
into the “salon,” or drawing room: In this
apartment, the walls of which bore the faint
semblance of having been painted white, some
thirty years before, and on which shattered remnants
of tarnished gold might still be discovered,
I perceived near the fire, the lady of the mansion.
She half rose from her seat, as I approached,
and after a short “bon jour monsieur,” continued
in a whisper, an earnest conversation, in
which she was engaged with an old gentleman,
who, as I have since learnt, was a ci-devant
duke, lately returned from emigration. As I was
left entirely to myself, (for I was introduced to
no one) I had ample time to examine every thing
around me. The room, sombre in itself, was
rendered still more so, by a patent lamp suspended
in the middle, which was the only light I
perceived, and which simply answered the purpose
of making “darkness visible.”
There were about twenty or thirty persons
assembled, of different ages, and of different
sexes. Having heard so much of french gayety,
I was astonished at the melancholy countenances
I saw around me, and at the general stupidity of
this party. In one corner was placed a whist
table, at which, two ci-devant countesses, a member
of l’ancienne académie française, and a former
financier were disputing for sous. There
were round the fire, two rows of fauteuils, or
arm chairs, in which the ladies not occupied with
cards, were seated in awful state. Two or three
young men dressed à l’anglaise, with the preposterous
addition of immense neckcloths, ear
rings, and half a dozen under waistcoats, lounged
about the middle of the room, and now and then
caught a glimpse at their favourite persons, in
an adjoining glass. The fire was monopolized by
a party of zealous disputants, who, turning their
backs to the company, and talking all together,
formed a separate group, or rather a debating
society, round the chimney. From the loudness
of their voices, and the violence of their gestures,
I supposed they were discussing some great
national question, and expecting to gain much
useful intelligence, listened with all the painful
attention of extreme curiosity. I soon discovered,
to my no small astonishment, that it was not the
fate of the nation, but the accuracy of an expression,
which excited their zeal. The abbé
Delille had, it seems, in a poem lately published,
used this phrase,
“Je n’entends que silence, je ne vois que la nuit[30].”
Whether it was possible “to hear silence,” and
“see night,” was the great subject of dispute:
and the metaphysical distinctions, nice definitions,
and pedantic remarks, which this question excited,
formed a curious specimen of the french character.
Some of the ladies joined in the debate;
and I know not to what height it might have been
carried, had not the arrival of the thé interrupted
the orators, and stopped the conversation,
with a subject more agreeable to the general
taste.
At twelve o’clock, the beverage I have mentioned,
which the french think unwholesome at
all times, and which even the english fear to take
at so late an hour, was placed near the fire, on a
large table, surrounded with cakes, creams, custards,
a large tureen of soup, and a bowl of
punch, the party crowded round the table, and
helped themselves to the refreshments it contained.
When the ceremony was over, those
who did not return to the card tables, entered
into conversation; and as literary subjects were
still the favourite theme, a young man, with a
pompous manner, and a solemn tone of voice,
said, addressing himself to me, “Is it true, sir,
that there are englishmen, so blinded by national
prejudice, as to prefer votre bizarre Shakspeare[31],
to our divine Racine?” Endeavouring
to avoid a discussion, which I knew the answer I
was inclined to give would create, I contented
myself with observing, that Shakspeare and Racine
were such different authors, that it was absurd
to compare them. “As well,” said I,
“might you draw a resemblance between the
beauties of Switzerland, and those of Versailles.”
“The proper simile,” retorted the first speaker,
“would be between Versailles and a barren
heath, on which some few beautiful plants may
have been accidentally scattered, by the capricious
hand of nature.” The whole circle joined
in the triumph, which my antagonist supposed he
had gained, and I in vain attempted to recapitulate,
and to translate some of the striking passages
of Shakespear. Though all condemned our
“heaven-inspired poet,” I soon perceived, that
few had ever read, and none understood the sublime
work which they presumed to criticise.
“Speaking of english authors,” cried the member
of the ci-devant académie française, “makes
one think of english orators. I see, by Chateau-Brian’s
account of England, that the cause of Mr.
Fox’s retirement from parliament, has been at last
discovered; and that it arose from his mental
powers having been weakened by the effect of excessive
drinking. To this I suppose one must
attribute his late unwarrantable attack on the
house of Bourbon.”
Astonished at this extraordinary assertion, I
took the liberty of assuring the gentleman, that
Mr. Fox’s talents were as perfect as ever, and
that his last speech was one of the finest efforts
of human reasoning. “Pardonnez,” cried the
academician. “Mr. Fox could never reason.
He was indeed once a fine declaimer, but as to
the powers of argument, he never possessed
them.” I was ridiculous enough to combat this
absurd opinion, and to assure him, that there
was not an englishman, (whatever his political
sentiments might be) who would not willingly
bear testimony to the wonderful argumentative
talents of the extraordinary man in question.
I talked in vain, the whole company joined
with the academician, who pour toute réponse[32],
said, “C’est Mr. Pitt, qui sait raisonner, mais
pour Mr. Fox il déclame joliment, voilà tout
son talent. Vous me permetterez de savoir!”
assuming a look of great dignity, “parceque
c’est moi qui ai traduit ses discours.” So saying,
he turned away, and soon after the company dispersed.
Can I give you a stronger instance of the
taste and justice, with which the french pronounce
on the merits of our authors, and public
characters?
If Shakspeare is not a poet, nor Mr. Fox an
orator, where are we to look for examples of
perfection?
Thus it is on every subject in this country.
The french suppose, that they understand english
books, and english politics, much better than we
do; and this is not the first lesson which I have
received. I have often been contradicted on
constitutional, as well as literary questions; and
I have always found, that the company supported
not the opinion of the native, whose local knowledge
deserved some little credit, but the bold
assertion of their countryman, who was generally
believed and applauded, in proportion to the
extravagance and singularity of the doctrine which
he laid down.
I forgot to mention, that great offence being
taken at Mr. Fox’s remarks on the old government,
a gentleman took great pains to persuade
me, that l’ancien régime was the freest constitution
under the sun. You will not be surprised
to hear, that he did not make me a convert to his
opinion, and that I assured him, if such was a
free government, I hoped it would be long, very
long, before England should possess it.
This evening’s entertainment gave me altogether
but a very unfavourable opinion, both of
french society, french taste, and french gallantry.
There was no mirth, no general conversation,
and scarcely any intercourse between the men
and women. As to Mrs. ⸺, she was left to
the uninterrupted enjoyment of her own thoughts,
for no person took the trouble of addressing
her. Her english dress, however, did not escape
the criticism of the ladies; and my pronunciation
was equally a source of amusement
to the gentlemen. I shall only add, that if this
be a specimen of french society, I may obtain
much information at Paris; yet I shall certainly
receive but little pleasure from my journey.
I am, &c.
LETTER VIII.
Bonaparte.—The monthly review or parade in the court of
the Thuilleries.
Paris, december the 6th, 1801, (15 frimaire.)
MY DEAR SIR,
My curiosity is at last gratified. I have seen
Bonaparte. You will readily conceive how much
pleasure I felt to day, in beholding, for the first
time, this extraordinary man, on whose single
exertions the fate of France, and in many respects
that of Europe, has for some time depended.
I was fortunate enough to obtain places in one
of the apartments of Duroc, the governor of the
palace, from the windows of which I saw the
review to the greatest advantage. It is impossible
to describe the impatience with which we
awaited the appearance of Bonaparte. Mrs.
⸺ well observed, that her eyes ached with
looking.
As soon as the court of the Thuilleries, (that
is to say the ground, which is enclosed with iron
railings, near the Carousel,) was filled with the
different regiments, who arranged themselves with
wonderful skill, and without the least confusion,
notwithstanding the limited space allotted them,
the generals descended from their horses, went up
stairs into the palace, and, after some little delay,
conducted Bonaparte to the door. He instantly
sprang on his white charger, (which waited for him
at the gate) and commenced the review. As he
passed several times before the window where I
sat, I had ample time to examine his countenance,
his figure, his dress, and his manner.
His complexion is uncommonly sallow, his countenance
expressive but stern, his figure little but
well made, and his whole person, like the mind
which it contains, singular and remarkable. If I
were compelled to compare him to any one, I
should name Kemble, the actor. Though Bonaparte
is much less in size, and less handsome than
that respectable performer, yet in the construction
of the features, and in the general expression,
there is a strong resemblance. There is,
however, such originality about the appearance of
the first consul, that, without having seen him,
it is difficult to form an idea of his person. The
picture of Bonaparte at the review, exhibited
some time back in Piccadilly, and the bust in
Sèvre china, which is very common at Paris, and
which has probably become equally so in London,
are the best likenesses I have seen. As to his
dress, he wore the grand costume of his office,
that is to say a scarlet velvet coat, richly embroidered
with gold, to this he had added leather
breeches, jockey boots, and a little plain cocked
hat, the only ornament of which was a national
cockade. His hair unpowdered was cut close in
his neck.
After riding through the ranks, and receiving the
salutes of the officers, he passed by every regiment,
the colours of which were lowered as he went on.
He then placed himself in the middle of the parade,
and his generals and aides-de-camp having
formed a group around him, he distributed swords
and firelocks of honour to such officers and soldiers,
as in different campaigns had deserved
them. Berthier, the companion of his victories,
and now minister of war, presented one by one
these articles to Bonaparte, who having read the
inscription which was engraved on each, recording
the action by which it was deserved, delivered
with his own hands the respective badges of honour.
After this ceremony was over, the different
regiments passed by the first consul, and
the captain of each company or troop saluted him
in passing. The cavalry went in full gallop, and
as they approached him stopped with wonderful
neatness. Thus concluded the review. He then
rode with his officers to the palace gate, dismounted,
and retired to his apartments, followed
by the generals and a strong detachment of men.
The spectacle was altogether extremely brilliant.
The windows of the palace, of the gallery
of the Louvre, and of all the adjoining houses
were filled with ladies elegantly dressed, and the
iron gates which separate the court from the palace,
were surrounded by the people. I shall
say nothing of the discipline of the troops, not
being a military man, and consequently little conversant
with such matters. I shall only speak of
what struck the eye. The consular guards are
the handsomest men I ever saw, scarcely any are
less than six feet high, and if we may believe the
report of persons connected with the government,
every individual in the corps owes his situation
to long service, or some distinguished act
of valour. Their uniform is a long coat of fine
blue cloth, faced with white, and edged with red,
with a yellow button, on which is written “garde
des consuls.” They wear white waistcoats and
breeches, and a fur cap, with a gilt plate, on
which appears the same inscription as that on the
buttons. “La garde consulaire à cheval,” or
consular horse guard, wears the same uniform as
the foot of that service. The dragoons are dressed
in green, with a casque, from which is suspended
a large braid of hair.
Several regiments of the line, which formed part
of the review, have been highly distinguished
during the war, particularly the celebrated demi-brigade,
which at Marengo is said to have saved
the life of Bonaparte, when in the ardour of
battle he had exposed himself to almost certain
destruction. These regiments were ill dressed,
the men were little, and their whole appearance was,
when compared with the consular guard, far from
favourable. The guides commanded by the young
Beauharnois, (madame Bonaparte’s son) were
very elegantly dressed in scarlet hussar uniforms,
and mounted on light bay horses, splendidly caparisoned.
Generally speaking, the horses of
the cavalry were very indifferent, excepting one
fine regiment of blacks, which was commanded
by Louis Bonaparte, the third brother of the
consul.
As soon as Bonaparte left the ground the regiments
began to file off by different gates, in
the same good order in which they had arrived,
and though nearly ten thousand men had been
on the parade, in less than a quarter of an hour
not an individual remained.
The generals wear blue uniforms, richly embroidered,
with tricoloured sashes. The aides-de-camp
are very handsome young men, dressed in
blue jackets, long pantaloons, and hussar cloaks,
the whole almost covered with gold. I remarked
amongst them Lauriston, who took the preliminary
ratification to London, and young le Brun,
son of the third consul, who at the battle of Marengo,
behaved with uncommon valour, and received
in his arms the unfortunate and gallant
Dessaix[33]. I make no apology for the length of
this letter, for knowing that you wished to have
a particular account of the consular reviews, I
have been purposely as minute as possible. These
reviews regularly take place on the 15th of every
month, according to the republican calendar.
Adieu!
LETTER IX.
The tribunate.—Speech of Portalis on presenting the code civil
in the corps législatif.—Debate in the tribunate on the same
subject.
Paris, december the 20th, 1801, (29th frimaire).
MY DEAR SIR,
I went this morning to the tribunate, which
holds its sitting in the ci-devant Palais royal, in
order to hear discussed the proposed project of
civil laws. This reminds me, that by a strange
and unaccountable omission, I have not in any
of my letters mentioned the speech, which the
celebrated Portalis delivered on the 24th of last
month, in presenting the measure to the corps
législatif, and which speech I was so fortunate as
to hear. To remedy my neglect, I shall begin
my letter with mentioning what passed on that occasion;
and shall conclude it with the debate,
which took place to day, on the same subject, in
the tribunate.
Portalis is a man of grave, respectable appearance,
about fifty years old, and so shortsighted,
as to be nearly blind. As soon as he
ascended the rostrum, the utmost silence prevailed,
and the legislators seemed to listen with
that profound attention, which is only given to
those from whom we expect either amusement
or instruction. As for me, I received both from
his discourse; and I do not remember to have
been yet so well contented with a public speaker
in France. He spoke for rather more than an
hour and a half, without notes and without hesitation.
He explained with precision, the principles
and the heads of the code, which he was
ordered to lay before the legislature; and while
he was clear and intelligible in every part of his
speech, he was frequently extremely eloquent.
His principal aim seemed to be, as he expressed
it, “de profiter des lumières de notre temps, mais
pas de les avancer[34].” He particularly recommended
a system of laws, corresponding with those
of other nations, and which should strengthen
the ties of matrimony, and the security of domestic
happiness. Among the many strong expressions,
with which his speech abounded, I
remarked the following. “Pour aimer le monde
entier, on peut dire, il faut aimer premièrement
sa patrie, mais celui qui commencerait à
aimer le monde entier, finira à n’aimer aucun
pays[35]. La philosophie a fait son devoir, c’est
à vous, citoyens législateurs, d’achever le votre. La
philosophie commence à faire le bonheur des hommes,
mais c’est la législation qui l’acheve, &c.” The
legislature ordered his speech to be printed, and
adjourned.
To day this important question was debated in
the tribunate; and I must confess, that the expectations,
which I had formed, were not a little
disappointed. I did not, it is true, flatter myself
with the idea of hearing either a Fox, a Pitt, a
Sheridan, or a Mirabeau; but I imagined, that
among the members of the only deliberative assembly,
now in France, some few men would be
found capable of discussing with sense, argument,
and extended views, a measure so important,
not only to the present happiness of the
country, but to that also of the latest posterity.
It would be too presumptuous to say, that there
are no such men in the tribunate. On the contrary,
I know, that there are some members of
very superiour knowledge, great genius, and liberal
principles. I shall be forgiven, however, for
remarking, that the talent displayed on this occasion
was by no means equal to the dignity of the
subject in question, or worthy the assembly in
which it was discussed. Five or six members
had put their names down, as intending to speak,
and each was heard in his turn. Nothing could
be duller than these speeches; every one of which
was read from a written paper. A very ridiculous
circumstance arose from this manner of speaking.
As each of the discourses had been previously
prepared, there was no reference to the arguments
used in the debate; and the advocates and
opposers of the measure, equally disregarded,
and left unanswered, the remarks of those who
happened to precede them in the debate. I was
not a little entertained with the conceit of one
of these lamp-oil orators, who discovered, that
unless they restored la loi d’aubaine[36], englishmen
might buy up all the woods of France, and thus,
at one blow, deprive the government of its ships,
and the people of their fuel.
The only decent speech delivered on the occasion
was by the celebrated Boissy d’Anglass[37], who
adduced some very strong reasons against the
proposed project. Speaking of England, he called
the climate, “ce climat ténébreux et humide[38].”
The expression may apply; but from the damp
and foggy weather, which, during some time has
prevailed at Paris, I am apt to think, that it is
not exclusively descriptive of Great Britain.
After this tame and languid debate, more resembling
the dull repetition of school boy’s exercises,
than the speeches of a great popular assembly,
the measure was rejected by a large majority.
I shall make no remarks on this decision, as
doing so would necessarily lead into a political
discussion, which it is my great object to avoid.
The tribunes, being but one hundred in number,
sit in a small hall appropriate to their use.
There is a gallery, which from the specimen of
eloquence displayed this day, I was not surprised
to find nearly empty. The tribunes wear a uniform
of blue cloth, embroidered with silver, hussar
boots also edged with silver, white waistcoats,
blue pantaloons, and a tricoloured sash. They
also begin and end their meetings with military
honours.
I am, &c.
LETTER X.
Bal des étrangers, (a public subscription ball).—Thinness
of the ladies’ dresses.
Paris, december 27th, 1801 (6th nivôse).
MY DEAR SIR,
I was last night at a public ball, given by a club
or society, called, “le salon des étrangers.”
This is an establishment, formed on the plan of
our subscription houses in England, and lately
opened in a handsome hotel in la rue Grange
Batelière, the windows of which look on the
Boulevard. It consists of frenchmen, who are
admitted by ballot, and of foreigners of all nations.
The latter are received, (being introduced
by a member) on paying the annual subscription
of five louis. The house is handsomely furnished,
and consists of several large rooms,
which are open every morning and evening, for
the use of the subscribers. Besides the ordinary
games played in such sort of houses, there is a
very excellent billiard table, and a room fitted
up for reading, in which are found periodical
publications, and all the newspapers, french,
german, and english. It was this latter circumstance
which induced me to subscribe; and it is
here where I usually end my walk, and amuse
myself for half an hour, in running over the
publications of the day.
The club or society, by way I suppose of
gaining to its aid the protection and interest of
the fair, without which nothing is to be done in
France, or, to speak the truth, any where else,
gives a ball, about once in ten days, and it was at
one of these assemblies, that I was present last
night.
At twelve o clock, Mrs. ⸺ and I drove to
“le salon des étrangers,” (for no ball begins at
an earlier hour) and the string of carriages was
so very long, that we were nearly an hour in
getting up to the door. I cannot help taking this
opportunity, of commending the admirable order
preserved by the police, on all such occasions at
Paris. Though, from several streets meeting on
the Boulevard, the crowd was great, yet there
was not the least accident, nor even the smallest
confusion. The staircase, by which we ascended,
was elegantly ornamented with orange, and other
artificial flower trees. When we entered the outward
room, there were already so many persons
assembled, that it was not without considerable
difficulty, that we made our way into the salon,
or drawing room. Never shall I forget my surprise,
when, looking round me, I perceived the
dress, or rather the nakedness of the ladies. I
had heard much of the indecency, of which some
females were guilty, in respect to costume at
Paris, and I had already seen specimens of the
thinness of their apparel; but till this evening,
I thought it only the failing of a few. I now saw
at least two hundred women, of different ages,
and different situations in life, all displaying,
without reserve or disguise, the beauties, which
they had either received from nature, imitated by
art, or believed themselves by the aid of flattering
fancy to possess. The young and the old, the
handsome and the ugly, the fair and the brown,
all prodigally dragged into common view, those
charms, which a virtuous woman conceals from
motives of modesty, and a sensualist from those
of discretion. The buxom girl of sixteen, the
newly married woman, and the superannuated
mother of a numerous family, were all equally
exposed. Naked necks, naked backs, and their
form, scarcely concealed by a transparent petticoat,
left nothing to the powers of fancy.
You will think, perhaps, that I am drawing an
exaggerated picture; but I can assure you, on
the honour of a man of truth, that such was the
costume of at least two thirds of the ladies present
at this ball. The head-dresses, classically
imitated from the ancient statues, were elegant;
and the number of diamonds, pearls, and other
precious stones, strikingly brilliant. There were
many handsome women; but their beauty was
uniformly of one kind. The embonpoint, and the
nez retroussé, characterised them all. I looked
in vain for those graceful figures, and those
grecian countenances, which form so often the
ornament of an english assembly. Among the
most celebrated belles, madame R⸺, the young
wife of an affluent banker, was pointed out to
me; madame V⸺, an Italian lady, much the
fashion at Paris, and the renowned madame
Tallien. I think the first rather remarkable, for
the singularity of her dress, (her head being ornamented
“à la cochoise,” that is to say, as
the peasants of a particular province dress their
hair) her extreme fairness, and downcast look,
than for any real extraordinary beauty. Madame
V⸺ is a fine dark woman, “d’une certaine
age,” with beautiful eyes, and a commanding
person. Madame Tallien, notwithstanding her
great fame, has, according to me, rather an
agreeable countenance, and an enchanting smile,
than features excessively striking. She is fair,
as the fairest of our countrywomen; her neck is
beautiful; and her countenance, mild and good
humoured, is said to be a true picture of her
mind. Yet, in spite of these advantages, I never
should have discovered in her, the reigning belle
of Paris. She, too, is not in the first bloom of
youth. The dances were, the cotillon, (which
they call la contredanse) and the walse. In the
former, the ladies displayed that decided superiority,
which the french possess in the art of
dancing. As to the walse, I was astonished at
the decency, with which that very indecent dance
was danced, by the young parisians; who, placing
their arms round the uncovered persons of the
handsomest women in the room, yet had sufficient
command of themselves, not to shock either
their partners, or the company, by being guilty
of the slightest impropriety. I expressed my surprise
to an elderly lady, at this extraordinary forbearance.
“Croyez moi, monsieur[39],” she replied,
“que nos jeunes gens voient tout cela avec
l’indifférence la plus parfaite.”
What a lesson does this remark hold out to
the fair sex, of every description! That female
is not less deficient in coquetry, and in the art of
commanding the affections of men, than in every
principle of decency, who wantonly exposes to
the common gaze of passing curiosity those attractions,
which are only valuable, as long as the
sight of them is the exclusive privilege of a favoured
lover.
The libertine, if he at first looks on with admiration,
soon ceases to care for that which every
eye may behold; and apathy, united to contempt,
is the sentiment which succeeds to passion.
I return to the ball. The crowd became
greater and greater, and the heat was excessive;
but the scene altogether was lively and amusing.
A frenchman de l’ancien régime, hearing me
express my surprise at the costume of the ladies,
assured me, that excepting the foreigners, there
was not one woman de bonne compagnie in the
room. This term of “bonne compagnie,” is so
often used, and so seldom explained, that I
really do not know, whether he meant that there
was not a woman of the old court, or that there
was not a virtuous female present. If he intended
the former, it only proved, that these balls
were not frequented by the noblesse; if the latter,
he was much severer in his remark than I had
been. I only complained of the ladies being indecent;
he asserted that they were profligate.
At any rate, the one fault leads so rapidly to the
other, that it was difficult to make a mistake.
The room was well lighted; the music excellent,
and the ball, being formed of all the different
classes of society, highly entertaining to a
foreigner. There were a great many english present;
most of the ambassadors, and many other
distinguished characters.
I returned home about three in the morning.
Adieu.
LETTER XI.
New year’s day.—The Palais royal.
Paris, January the 1st, 1802 (11 nivôse.)
MY DEAR SIR,
The people of all nations cling, with such fond
partiality, to their old customs, that it is next to
impossible to eradicate even the most trifling of
these by the power of law. I remarked a strong
proof of this to day. It was an immemorial custom
in France to celebrate new years day, by
making presents of confectionary, trinkets, and
such other articles, to near relations and particular
friends.
Notwithstanding the republican almanack, and
the use of it in all public acts, newspapers, &c.
which makes the year begin with vendémiaire,
answering to our 23d of september, the first of
January is still considered as solely entitled to
these honours. The Palais royal, as it is universally
called (notwithstanding its first revolutionary
and already superannuated name of “Jardin
d’Egalité,” and its present constitutional one
of “Palais du Tribunat,”) was thronged this
morning with persons of all classes, who soon
dispersed themselves among the various shops, in
order to purchase these little annual presents, or
“étrennes,” as they are called in the language
of the country. The jewellers vied with each
other in displaying, in their windows, all the
taste, fashion, and magnificence, of their choicest
merchandise; and diamond rings, pearl lockets,
and amber necklaces, offered to gallantry elegant
but expensive means of testifying its ardour. The
milliners brought forth their finest lace, their
most tawdry colours, and their most extravagant
patterns; and the confectioners, with streamers
at their door, ornamented cakes within, perfumed
bonbons, and amorous mottoes, soon found the
means of filling their respective shops.
What an extraordinary place is the Palais
royal! There is nothing like it in any town in
Europe. I remember hearing an english epicure
once observe, “that as soon as the peace took
place, he would give himself the happiness of
passing six weeks in the Palais royal, without
once going out of its gates.” Certainly, if a
man be contented with sensual pleasures, there
is not one which he may not gratify within the
walls of this building. Restaurateurs, or taverns,
where dinners are served from ten sols to two
louis a head. Coffee houses, where, for three-pence,
the lounger may pass the whole of his
day in playing chess, talking politics, or reading
the papers. Gambling houses, where the man
of pleasure, at the risk of all that is dearest to
him in life, purchases the anxious feelings which
fear and hope excite, and where the chevalier
d’industrie finds the disgraceful means of a dishonourable
existence. Tailors, haberdashers,
silversmiths, and watchmakers, offer every variety
of clothing, of ornament, and of machinery.
Booksellers’ shops are seen in every corner,
where the homme de lettres finds his favourite
authors, the romantic young lady her novels,
and the politician his pamphlets. Opticians,
where the frequenter of spectacles purchases his
opera glass, and the philosopher his telescope.
Crowds of unfortunate, and sometimes lovely
females, challenge, with every variety of dress,
the attention of passengers, and, while they
offer a too easy banquet to libertines and dotards,
fill every reflecting mind with pity and with sorrow.
Such are the objects which the Palais
royal presents. I ought to add, that while the
cellars are filled with inferiour restaurateurs, or
eating houses, where bands of music are constantly
playing, frequently dressed in theatrical
costumes; the upper rooms are occupied with
gambling parties, cabinets of intrigue, and coffeehouses[40].
The latter have every variety of decoration;
some are painted to represent the
Alps, and others are covered with glass, reflecting
in every direction a different room. The
gambling tables are numerous; and I am assured,
that on the stairs, descending from one of these,
there is a pawnbroker’s shop, where it sometimes
happens, that a ruined gamester, after losing the
contents of his purse, deposits, for the sake of
making a last and desperate effort, his watch, his
buckles, and sometimes his coat. With the trifle
advanced him he returns, and, if successful, redeems,
on going away, the objects he has pledged.
If he fail, a pistol, or the river, ends his miserable
days. Such is the consequence of play,
and such are the scenes which this profligate
place presents.
The buildings, which formerly filled the centre,
are now pulled down, and that part is really a
garden, which many persons frequent for exercise.
There are ice houses at each end, and
chairs scattered about, on which the parisians sit
in rows, and take lemonade and other refreshments.
The space under the arcades, not occupied
by the shops, is, as formerly, filled every
hour of the day, and the greatest part of the
night, with figures of all descriptions, with persons
of every class, and, I might add, of every
nation in the world.
“Le théâtre de Montansier” is still in the
Palais royal, besides many smaller play houses.
Puppet shows, dwarfs, giants, quack doctors, vociferating
newsmen, and quiet venders of libels,
who in a whisper offer you indecent and forbidden
publications, complete the catalogue of many-coloured
curiosities which this place presents.
Adieu. I dare not add the reflections which
so singular a spot would naturally create. Were
I to do so, scarcely a volume would contain
them.
Adieu.
LETTER XII.
L’institution des travaux des aveugles, or establishment for
the support and employment of the blind.—Their different
occupations.—The plate glass manufactory.—Description
of another meeting at the hospital of the deaf and dumb.—Massieu
taught galvanism and stenography.
Paris, January the 16th, 1802 (26 nivôse.)
MY DEAR SIR,
I went to day to see the establishment formed
for the protection and instruction of the blind.
It is called “l’institution des travaux des
aveugles[41],” and is situate in the Fauxbourg
St. Antoine, not far from the ci-devant Bastille.
It is here, where persons afflicted with that greatest
of all human calamities, the loss of sight,
are taught the means of gaining a comfortable
existence, of occupying hours which would otherwise
be painfully tiresome, and of rendering themselves
useful to the community.
At the “séance,” or public meeting, which I
attended this morning, I saw several persons,
men, women, and children, either born blind, or
rendered so by illness, now able to read, to write,
to count, to print, and to perform on different
pieces of instrumental music. The mode by
which they read is by feeling the letters, which
are purposely raised on card; and they did so
with such rapidity, that it was difficult in hearing
them to discover their misfortune. What particularly
struck me, was the ingenuity of a blind
woman, who had taught her child to read, an infant
about five years old, not afflicted with this
calamity.
There is a manufactory of steel carried on in
the building, in which the blind turn the wheel;
and they also make whips, writing cases, purses
and paper toys of all sorts, which are sold for
their private emolument. There is likewise a
press, or printing machine, in which the whole
process is performed by the blind; and I am
told, books published by them are more than
commonly correct. The women knit, sew, and
perform other kinds of needlework; and all
of them either sing, or perform on some instrument.
They gave us a kind of concert, which,
if not very good, proved at least that they understood
the principles or music. I am almost
ashamed to mention, that my pleasure in witnessing
this truly philanthropic establishment,
was not a little diminished by the dreadful countenances
of the blind, as the eyes of many, not
being closed, exhibited a very disgusting appearance.
I knew, indeed, that they were not sensible
of this defect, and that I ought to be satisfied
with an institution, which, in rendering them
both happy and useful, had fully discharged its
object. To the truth of this reflection my reason
fully assented; yet, malgré moi[42], my senses revolted
at the sight of human beings, left so imperfect
by the hand of Nature, or so deformed
by illness.
In leaving “les aveugles,” we drove to the
great plate glass manufactory, which is carried
on in the neighbourhood. This celebrated establishment
suffered severely during the revolution,
but is now daily recovering its former prosperity.
Six hundred persons are at present employed,
and I saw mirrors preparing of various and extensive
dimensions. The operation of pouring
quicksilver on glass, by which it obtains its reflecting
qualities, was performed before us; and
we were much delighted with the rapidity and
neatness shown in the process.
As I began this letter with the institution in
favour of the blind, I think I cannot do better
than to conclude it, by speaking to you again of
that of the deaf and dumb. I have, since my
first letter on that subject, attended two extraordinary
meetings of the “sourd muets,” the result
of which I will now give you.
Massieu, the deaf and dumb young man, of
whose superiour talents and acquirements I gave
you so favourable an account, appeared to great
advantage at one of these, in which he received,
for the first time, a lesson on “galvanism.” As
soon as the abbé Sicard wrote on a slate, “galvanism
is a name given to a mode of electricity,
in consequence of its having been discovered by
Galvani, an Italian physician.” Massieu eagerly
snatched the pencil, and wrote, in reply, “I
saw the word galvanism in one of the newspapers,
and not knowing what it meant, looked for an
explanation in the dictionary of the academy.
Not finding it there, I concluded that it was
taken from a proper name. It then occurred to
me, that it was a new medicine, discovered by
the individual, whose name it bore; and that,
perhaps, by means of this specific, the inventor
might cure the deaf and dumb, comme notre
seigneur Jesus Christ[43].”
Never shall I forget the animation which
brightened the countenance of Massieu, while
he rapidly wrote these words, or the curious and
anxious attention with which he followed the
explanation afterwards given him of galvanism.
In the course of the lecture, he showed, by his
questions and answers, that he was perfectly
conversant with the general principles of electricity;
and the ease with which he caught the
doctrine of galvanism was truly astonishing. I
am sure you will be struck, as I was, at the
singularity of his conceiving, that galvanism might
lead to the cure of the deaf and dumb. How
kindly has Nature implanted in our minds a disposition
to cherish hope, even on the slightest
foundation! It is this which gives a zest to all
our pursuits, which supports us in illness, in
affliction, and in sorrow; and no man really
ceases to be happy, till he ceases to hope.
I did not know, at the time, what I have since
learnt, and which, if true, renders the circumstance
still more singular—I mean, that some
deaf and dumb persons have been actually restored
to the senses of hearing and speaking, by
the power of galvanism. This is said to have
taken place in some part of Germany, I believe
at Vienna; but I only give it as a report.
At the second meeting, I saw Massieu taught,
also for the first time, stenography, or the art of
short-hand writing. After the common principles
had been laid down by the written instructions
of the master appointed to give him
this lesson, the abbé Sicard desired Massieu to
define the art which had just been explained to
him. He immediately wrote for answer, expressing
the greatest joy in his countenance,
“C’est l’art d’écrire aussi vite que la parole. La
sténographie va comme le cerf ou le cheval, mais
l’écriture ordinaire comme le bœuf[44].” Through
the whole of the lesson, he displayed the utmost
clearness of idea, and the greatest facility of receiving
instruction.
Before I left the house of the sourd muets, I
visited the boy called the savage of Aveyron.
But the subject is sufficiently interesting to deserve
a separate letter; I shall, therefore, for the present,
take my leave, and will devote my next to
the description of this child.
I am, &c.
LETTER XIII.
The young savage, or wild boy of Aveyron.—His history.—The
state in which he was found, and the means used to
restore him to the use of his senses.—The success with
which these efforts have been attended.
Paris, January the 17th, 1801 (27 nivôse.)
MY DEAR SIR,
I resume in this letter the subject promised
in my last.
The child, so well known in Europe by the
name of “le jeune sauvage d’Aveyron,” or “the
young savage of Aveyron,” was found in the
wood of that name, at the age of eleven or twelve
years, by three huntsmen, who some time before
had seen the same boy at a distance. He was
looking for acorns and roots, which constituted
his principal food, when they perceived him:
and, at the moment of being seized, he attempted
to get away, by climbing up an adjoining tree.
He was taken into a cottage; but, at the end of
a week, he made his escape from the woman, to
whose care he was intrusted, and fled to the
mountains. Here he wandered about, exposed
to the severest cold of winter, with no covering
but a ragged shirt, hiding himself at night in the
most solitary places, and in the day approaching
the neighbouring villages. After leading, for
some time, this vagabond life, he came of his
own accord, into an inhabited house, situate
in the canton of St. Sernain. Here he was
seized, watched and taken care of for three days,
and was then removed, first to the hospital of
St. Afrique, and afterwards to that of Rhodes,
where he was kept several months. At each of
these places, where, of course, he was the subject
of much interesting observation, he was found
wild and impatient of control. He was in constant
motion, and at every instant seemed to seek
an opportunity of escaping. By order of the minister
of the interiour, he was brought to Paris,
at the end of the 8th year of the republic (about
two years ago), under the care of a poor, but
respectable, old man, who became so attached
to him on the journey, that he shed tears at parting
with him, and in going away declared, that
if he ever should be deserted, he would adopt
him as his child.
The physician Pinel, to whose inspection the
boy was first submitted, reported, that the organs
of sense in this unfortunate child were reduced,
from the want of use, to such a state of debility,
that, in this respect, he was inferiour to several
domestic animals. His eyes, without fixing themselves,
and without expression, wandered wildly
from one object to another, incapable of distinguishing
the nearest from the most distant objects.
His organ of hearing was alike insensible
of the loudest noise, or the softest harmony. The
power of the voice was lowered to such a degree,
that he could not make an uniform and guttural
sound. The sense of smelling was so little exercised,
that he received, with the same indifference,
the odour of the choicest perfumes, or the nauseous
stench of the filthy couch on which he lay.
To conclude, the sense of touching was confined
to the mere mechanical functions of taking hold
of bodies.
In respect to his intellectual powers, the same
physician stated him to be incapable of attention
(excepting as to the objects of his immediate
wants), and consequently incapable also of all
those operations which are created by attention.
Destitute of memory, of judgment, and of the
power of imagination, and so limited, even in
the ideas relative to his wants, that he had not
yet learnt to open a door, or to get upon a chair,
in order to reach those objects of food which were
held above his grasp. In fact, destitute of every
means of communication, having neither expression
nor intention in the motions of his body,
passing suddenly, and without any presumable
cause, from the gloom of apathy, to the most
immoderate fits of laughter. Insensible of every
kind of moral affection, his discernment was but
a calculation of gluttony; his pleasure an agreeable
sensation of the organs of taste; his sense,
an aptitude to produce some incoherent ideas
relative to his wants—in one word, all his existence
seemed purely animal.
M. Pinel afterwards compared “le sauvage
d’Aveyron” with children born, or become, irrevocably
idiots; and he was inclined to conclude,
that this unhappy child, doomed to an incurable
evil, was not susceptible either of sociality or
instruction; but he expressed this opinion with
considerable doubt.
Dr. Itard, physician to the national institution
des sourd muets, from whose interesting little
pamphlet I have taken this account, though struck
with the fidelity of the picture drawn by Dr.
Pinel, and the justice of his remarks, was unwilling
to accede to the unfavourable conclusion
with which he had closed his report. Founding
his hopes first on the doubtful cause of his supposed
idiotism, and next on the possibility of the
cure, he humanely determined to make the education
of this deserted child his particular study.
This education, or moral treatment, he began, on
the general principles laid down by doctors
Willis and Crichton, and by professor Pinel
himself, though he could not appeal to any particular
precepts, as no such case had been foreseen
in their works. He conceived, that he had
five principal objects to effect.
1st. To attach him to social life, in rendering
that life more agreeable than the one which he
now led, and particularly by making it more analogous
to the life which he had lately quitted.
2dly. To revive the sensibility of his nerves
by the most poignant stimulants, and sometimes
by exciting the liveliest affections of the mind.
3dly. To extend the sphere of his ideas, by
giving him new wants, and by increasing his connection
with surrounding objects.
4thly. To lead him to the use of speech, by
dragging into use the power of imitation by the
imperious law of necessity.
5thly. To exercise, during some time, on the
objects of his physical wants, the most simple
operations of his mind, and thence to lead it to
objects of instruction.
Dr. Itard then fully explains the methods which
he took towards these important objects, in which,
by incessant care, humane treatment, and the
assistance of madame Guerin (the female to
whose protection, as a nurse, the child was intrusted),
he has so far succeeded, that he no
longer entertains any doubt of his ultimate success.
It is impossible for me, within the compass
of a letter, to enter into the details given on
this subject. I shall therefore content myself
with translating the observations, with which Dr.
Itard concludes the account.
“It may be safely concluded,” says he, “from
my observations, that the child, known by the name
of the savage of Aveyron, is gifted with the free exercise
of all his senses; that he gives continual
proofs of attention, recollection, and memory;
that he can compare, discern, and judge—in one
word, that he can apply all the faculties of his
understanding to objects relative to his instruction.
It is necessary to remark, as an essential point,
that these happy changes have taken place in the
short space of nine months, and those too in a
subject, who was thought incapable of attention.
Hence we may fairly conclude, that his education
is possible, if it be not already certain,
from the success already obtained, independently
of that which may naturally be expected from the
assistance of time, which, in its constant unvarying
course, seems to give to infancy all that
strength and power of unfolding itself, which it
takes from man in the decline of life.”
I ought, perhaps, to mention, that this unfortunate
child, to whom the name of “Victor”
has been given, because he listened easily to the
sounds which formed that name, has already pronounced
the word “lait,” milk; that he has
learnt to put the letters together which compose
that word; and that he regularly does so, when
he wishes to drink, taking also in his hand a
little cup to receive his favourite beverage. Dr.
Itard assured me, that he entertained no doubt
of his ultimately speaking.
He is warm, passionate, grateful, and he has
already given strong proofs of his attachment to
his nurse, madame Guerin. His person is not
very remarkable, but his countenance is mild.
His face has been cut in several places. He
cannot yet use any two senses at the same time;
and, to enable him to hear, it is necessary to
bind his eyes. When he is angry, he makes a
noise like the growling of a dog. He is now
dressed like another boy; but I am told, it was
long before they could persuade him to bear the
restraint of clothing. I remarked, that while we
were in the room, he kept his eye constantly on
the door, and that the desire of escaping has not
yet abandoned him.
To conclude, it seems that he has a mark in
his neck, which proves, almost to a certainty,
that his life was attempted in his infancy. The
hapless offspring of illicit love, he was probably
first wounded by the trembling hand of an unnatural
mother; and then, under the supposition
of being dead, thrown into the wood, where he
so long wandered, and was at last discovered.
If you feel as much interested as I do on this
subject, you will easily pardon the prolixity of
my letter. I only regret, that I cannot send you
a more perfect account.
I am, &c.
LETTER XIV.
Detailed account of all the theatres or spectacles.
Paris, january 21st, 1802 (1 Pluviôse).
MY DEAR SIR,
You have, doubtless, been surprised, that I
have not in any of my letters spoken of theatres,
or spectacles as they are called at Paris. I purposely
omitted doing so, till I had had an opportunity
of seeing the greater part of those which
are now in vogue, that I might place them all before
you at one view.
“Le théâtre françois de la république,” formerly
called, “le théâtre du roi,” situate in la rue de
la Loi, ci-devant de Richelieu, deservedly takes
the lead. It is here, where the tragedies of
Racine, Corneille, and Voltaire, are constantly
acted; and where also the best comedies on the
french stage are represented. The most celebrated
performers in the tragic line are, Talma,
and la Fond, among the men; and madame Pettit,
(otherwise called, mademoiselle Vanhove,) mademoiselle
Volney, and mademoiselle Burgoing,
among the women. Talma and la Fond have
each their admirers, and it is a disputed matter
in society to which the palm is due. The same
thing may be said of the actresses. In some
circles, madame Pettit is commended as a performer
of very extraordinary talents, highly superiour
to her competitors; in others, mademoiselle
Volney is the favourite; and lately, mademoiselle
Burgoing has disputed the victory with
both. It is presumptuous perhaps, in a foreigner,
to form a judgment on a subject on which natives
are divided. I shall only say, that to my english
ear, the roaring declamation, common to all the
french tragedians, is dreadfully offensive. I must
add, that I have more than once mistaken the
violence of their action for bombast, and the perpetual
motion of their features for grimace.
After making this candid avowal, I do not deserve
or expect any credit for the judgment I am
about to pronounce. I think Talma less bad
than la Fond; but such is the difference of
national taste, that I am sure neither of them
would be suffered on an english stage. I entertain
the same opinion of madame Pettit, and
mademoiselle Volney, though the latter is to my
mind, infinitely superiour to the former. As to
mademoiselle Burgoing, she has the great merit
of being natural; and it is for this reason, I
suppose, that in several of the newspapers here,
she is accused of being cold and insipid. I saw
her perform “Zaire” a few evenings since, and
I never remember to have been more amused.
She is a beautiful young girl of sixteen, with
a fine expressive countenance, and an elegant
graceful figure. Her voice is clear and articulate;
her manner simple and unaffected; and her
representation of the different passions strong
and impressive, without “outstepping the modesty
of nature.” Her dress was elegantly simple,
and her deportment truly correct. After the play,
“Zaire” was called for again and again, (this is
the highest compliment which can be paid to a
performer at Paris) and it was long before she
could be persuaded to appear. At length the
curtain drew up, and Talma led her, “still unwilling,”
towards the audience. She seemed really
distressed, by the thunder of applause which
greeted her, and she ran off the stage, as soon
as respect to the company would permit.
If mademoiselle Burgoing has the good sense
to remember, that this early praise can only be
secured by incessant study; and if she has the
courage to disregard the ridiculous criticisms of
the french journals, (in which she is daily recommended
to use more action, to speak in
a louder tone of voice, &c. in short, to lay
aside the happy naturel, which constitutes her
merit) it is highly probable, that in a few years
she may become the first tragic actress of Europe.
If, generally speaking, I am not pleased with
the french tragedians, I entertain a very different
opinion as to their comic actors. In this line,
I conceive their stage is very superiour to ours.
The celebrated mademoiselle Contat, who, for
so many years, has been the delight of the public,
is still here. She retains all her powers of acting,
and much of her beauty. Molé is as admirable
as ever; and Dezencourt and Dugazon, in their
different lines, cannot be rivalled. Fleury too, is
incomparable; and whoever has seen him act
Frederic the 2d, in “Les deux Pages,” has seen
the most perfect performance, which any stage
ever presented. Mesdemoiselles Mezeray, and
Mars (cadette), are also excellent actresses; and
St. Fal, in many parts, deserves to be considered
as a very respectable actor.
In the “Philosophe marié,” in the “Vieux
Celibataire,” and many other comedies, and in
the farces of “Les deux Pages,” and of “le
Circle,” (in which most of these eminent actors
perform), I have sometimes forgotten, that I was
at the play, and believed I saw before me, the
characters which they represented. In the “Abbé
l’Epée,” (which has been so well translated into
english) “Monvel” deservedly obtains great applause,
for the excellent and natural manner, in
which he represents the philanthropic abbé. How
interesting is this play! those who have seen, as
I have done, the “institution des sourd muets,”
view it with double pleasure. The whole appears
like a real scene, and the abbé Sicard has so
admirably followed the example of his humane
predecessor, that the soul of the latter seems
revived in the former; and in seeming the
play, we forget that l’abbé l’Epée no longer
exists.
The théâtre françois, though a very large
building, is always full, when the good actors
perform. You will be surprised, perhaps, when
I add, that I have not found “Molière’s” plays
act as well as I expected. I was present a few
evenings ago at the representation of “Tartuffe,”
and though all the parts were admirably cast, I
was heartily tired before the curtain had dropped.
I have more than once heard the audience hiss
some of his farces, believing them to be modern
ones; and to say the truth, they are not on the
stage, what they appear in the closet. I cannot
determine, whether the change of manners, which
has taken place, makes us no longer relish a
satire on follies, which exist no more; whether
the metre in which these plays are written, fatigues
the ear, or that the broad fun which they
are intended to produce, is too coarse for modern
taste. It may arise indeed, from that taste being
vitiated, for Voltaire said, long ago,
“Vous parlez de Molière, oh son regne est passé,
Le siècle est bien plus fin, notre scène épurée,
Du vrai beau qu’on cherchoit est enfin décorée[45].”
Without pretending to decide, whether my judgment
be bad or good, I can only say, that I have
never yet been entertained with the performance
of one of Molière’s plays; and if I may judge
from the thinness of the house, in some cases,
and the unusual noise of it in others, the parisians
are of my opinion. Even the “Bourgeois
gentilhomme” is obliged to borrow the assistance
of a dance: and with this aid, brings but an indifferent
audience.
To conclude my account of “le théâtre françois,”
I ought to say something of their company,
and of their accommodations. All the spectacles
here lose much of their effect, from the undress,
in which it is the fashion to frequent the play
houses, excepting on a first representation of a
new piece, when the ladies make it a point to
appear “en grand costume.” On common occasions,
hats or morning caps, shawls and coloured
gowns, are the toilet of the ladies; and boots,
round hats, and great coats, that of the gentlemen.
Wax candles are not used at all; and one
solitary lustre of (what we call in England)
patent lamps, suffices for the whole building:
this throws a dim and melancholy light on the
countenances of the audience, and on the appearance
of the house in general. Nothing, indeed,
can be less lively, than a french theatre.
“La gallerie,” which is of course filled with inferiour
company, occupies that part of the building,
which in England forms the front and side
boxes, and the boxes below are behind the gallery.
“Les premières” are immediately above these,
answering in height to our green boxes; but
they are considered as the principal seats, and
are accordingly the dearest.
There are four tiers of boxes above, which,
under the respective names of 2me, 3me, 4me,
and 5me, diminish in price, in proportion as you
ascend. A box may be engaged before hand, by
taking all the places, which vary in number, from
three to eight; and when this is done, no person
whatever has the right of coming there, without
the permission of those by whom it is hired; and
it is not necessary, as in London, to come before
the conclusion of the first act. The box, for the
whole of the evening, is private property. It is
but justice to add, that if the french theatres are
less gay than the english, they are infinitely more
orderly; and I never remember to have seen any
thing like a dispute, or riot at any of the spectacles.
Women, too, of a certain description,
do not ply for custom, (with the single exception
of one theatre, which I shall afterwards name)
as at Covent Garden, and Drury Lane, and indeed
are rarely seen at the larger play-houses.
The price of each ticket in the first places, is six
livres, twelve sous, answering exactly to five shillings
and sixpence of our money. The stage
box, ornamented with scarlet cloth, richly embroidered,
is reserved for the family of the first
consul; but he generally occupies a little loge
grillé, or shaded box, in which he cannot be
seen, immediately under the large one, in which
madame Bonaparte often sits.
The next theatre which I shall mention is,
“the opera,” or “le théâtre de la république, et
des arts,” by which latter name it is daily advertised,
but never called.
An englishman just arrived at Paris, will be
much disappointed, if, in going to the opera, he
expects to find that blaze of beauty, that striking
coup d’œil, and that brilliant assemblage of rank
and fashion, to which he has been accustomed in
the Hay market. A connoisseur, and “lover of
soft sounds,” will turn away with equal disgust
from a performance, in which the miserable rant
of french composition takes the place of the best
italian music. But to those, who are contented
with splendid exhibition, graceful attitude, and
extraordinary agility, this theatre affords an
amusement decidedly unequalled. The ballets,
in this respect, deserve all their celebrity; and
the opera, in addition to the first figurantes in
Europe, and the most striking decorations, has
to boast some very superiour dancers, without
counting either Vestris, Dehayes, or mademoiselle
Chamroi, of whom I shall probably have occasion
to speak hereafter; but who, though engaged,
have not yet appeared this season. The most
distinguished dancer at present is mademoiselle
Clotilde, an almost gigantic beauty, who, to great
strength and extraordinary height, unites much
grace, agility, and knowledge of her profession.
Her person is well made, her figure commanding,
and her countenance expressive. Next to her
in reputation is madame Gardel, who is deservedly
a great favourite with the parisian public;
and madame Vestris, madame Chevigney,
and several others, are always received with considerable
applause. If the french ballet has a
decided advantage over the english, it arises from
the great art and neatness, with which they contrive
to fill the stage. It is not an unusual thing,
to see in processions or dances, which require
the pomp of show, two hundred persons assembled
at a time, all of whom are so admirably
drilled, that the whole proceeds with the utmost
regularity. Lais is the only singer, who enjoys
any thing like popularity; and judges of music
assure me, that his voice is uncommonly good.
As to the audience, I have only to refer you
to the remarks which I have already made about
“le théâtre françois.” It is the fashion to be, if
possible, less dressed at the opera, than at any
other spectacle; and the boxes (very few of
which are hired by the year) are exactly on the
same footing as those of the french theatre. The
price is something dearer.
The lighting is equally defective; in short,
the whole amusement consists in the dancing;
which, notwithstanding the extraordinary degree
of perfection, to which it is carried, does not, in
my mind, sufficiently repay you for the ennui of
hearing the hoarse screaming of execrable singers,
and for the fatigue of being three or four hours
locked up in a hot and gloomy theatre. I never
visit this house, without feeling the truth of lord
Chesterfield’s remark, who well observed, that,
in going to the opera, he always left his understanding
at the door, with his half-guinea. I
cannot help taking this opportunity, of mentioning
a singular trait in the french character.
Notwithstanding the levity of which, they are,
perhaps, not unjustly accused; and notwithstanding
their passion for talking, which I fancy is
also indisputable, the most solemn silence prevails
at their spectacles; and if an individual,
during the longest and dullest performance, ventures
to speak, though in a whisper, he is instantly
called to order. I am afraid that the
theatre in the Hay market would soon lose half
its subscribers, if such a rule were to be enforced
in London, though a Banti, or even a Billington
were the occasion of it. The stage box of this
theatre, also ornamented and embroidered, is
kept for the use of the first consul.
After “le théâtre françois de la république,”
and “the opera,” the most esteemed is “le théâtre
comique rue Feydeau.” The building is elegant,
and though smaller than the other two, yet sufficiently
spacious. It is of a circular form, supported
by Corinthian pillars, and prettily decorated.
It is here, where are performed comic
operas, and little pieces, in which are blended
dialogue and music. The singers are very good,
and the actors respectable. “Le Caliph de Bagdad,”
“la Maison à vendre,” and “la Folie,” are
the performances, which have attracted the greatest
crowds this winter. Mademoiselle Phyllis is the
principal performer. She is a very pretty woman,
with an excellent voice, and an elegant person.
“Feydeau,” as it is commonly called, is much
frequented by the fashionables of Paris, and is by
many preferred even to the larger theatres. “Vaudeville”
is an extremely pretty little theatre, where
short lively pieces are acted, enlivened with songs,
all of which have an epigrammatic turn. Celebrated
authors, distinguished public characters,
and temporary occurrences, are often the subjects
of these pieces. The philosopher of “Ferney,”
is well represented in one of these called, “Voltaire,”
as are, “Florian,” “Gesner,” “Scarron,”
&c. in the pieces called, by their respective
names. When lord Cornwallis honoured this
little theatre with his presence, couplets were instantly
sung in celebration of the peace; and a
farce has lately been acted here, called, “le
Peintre françois à Londres,” in which a very
handsome compliment is paid to the english
character. Madame Henry is the heroine of
“Vaudeville.” She is a good actress, and one
of the most beautiful women I have yet seen in
France.
“Le théâtre de Louvois,” is larger than “Vaudeville;”
but smaller than “Feydeau.” Here
plays are acted mostly of two or three acts; but
they sometimes perform longer pieces. I saw at
this house, a few nights since, a comedy taken
from Fielding’s Tom Jones. It was a sentimental
drama, and neither ill written, nor ill acted; but
the ridiculous use of the following expression,
“Tom, mon cher Tom[46],” in the midst of a very
pathetic scene, had such an effect on my muscles,
that I could not recover my gravity for the rest
of the evening. Apropos; the french have a
most extraordinary aptitude to make mistakes in
translating, and adopting our english appellations.
In a serious drama, or in a novel taken from our
language, the vulgarism of addressing a young
lady, by the name of, “miss,” is retained in
french; and the absurd manner in which the
word is pronounced, united to the coarse familiarity
of the expression, often destroys the effect
of the best imagined passages. In the same
manner, “Mrs.” instead of being translated
“madame,” is written “mistriss;” and if “a lord
William,” or a “lord Charles” is mentioned, he
is sure to be called in the next page, “le chevalier
baronet,” &c. A respectable old steward receives
the childish name of “Dick,” a heroine is
“miss Peggy,” and a renowned warrior, “sir
Jack,” or “admiral Billy.” I resume my subject.
The actors of “Louvois,” are tolerably good;
the house is about the size of our little theatre in
the Hay market, and the pieces represented here
are often entertaining.
“Le théâtre de la rue Favart,” to which “l’opera
Buffa,” or the Italian opera has lately removed
from “la salle olympique,” is a handsome
building, the boxes of which are so far more
lively than those of the other theatres, that they are
open. In most of the play-houses at Paris, the
boxes are separated by a partition on each side,
like the division of the private ones in London.
This is not done at “Favart,” and the effect is
favourable to the appearance of the theatre; the
company not being concealed from view, as at
the other “spectacles.” Madame Bolla has lately
made her appearance on this stage, and has excited
a considerable degree of public curiosity.
She is generally much admired; and when her
name is announced, the house is sure to be full.
The music is excellent, the orchestra is well
chosen, and some of the actors are uncommonly
good. The “opera Buffa” is particularly patronized
by madame Bonaparte, who has a box here,
and seldom fails to attend, when any favourite
piece is performed. The first consul is likewise
said to be partial to this house.
Besides the six principal theatres, which I have
already enumerated, and which are not only the
most frequented, but also the most central,
being all situate in, or near “la rue de la Loi;”
there are several others scattered about the town,
which are full every night. The buildings of
many of them are pretty, and the acting far from
indifferent.
The “théâtre de Montansier,” in the Palais
royal, is devoted to little farces, and to that sort
of comedy, which rather forces an involuntary
laugh, than claims a smile of serious approbation.
The blunders of a clownish servant, the tricks of
Scapin, or the caricature of some reigning fashion,
and now and then a sentimental piece of one
act, (for “sentiment” is the order of the day, at
Paris) constitute the kind of amusement, usually
offered at this house. At this theatre are lobbies,
or foyers as they are called, in which the ladies of
the “Palais royal” roam at large, as at Covent-garden
and Drury-lane. On this account, “Montansier”
is not much frequented by women of
character; though now and then it is the fashion,
even for the first females of the place to make
parties, and go there.
“Le théâtre de Molière,” as it was called, till
last week, when it assumed, I know not why, the
name of “théâtre National et Étranger,” is situate
in “la rue St. Denys.” It is a very elegant
little theatre, and the backs of the boxes are
covered with glass, by which means the audience
are reflected, and doubled on every side. I saw
here, a few evenings since, “le Lovelace Anglois,
ou la Jeunesse de Richelieu,” an excellent comedy,
which, to my great surprise, was very well
performed by the actors of this house.
“L’Ambigu-comique,” at the most distant part
of the Boulevard, not far from the ci-devant
Bastille, is much frequented, on account of its
splendid processions. A piece called, “le Jugement
de Solomon,” has been so extremely popular,
as to render it very difficult to get a seat, when
it was performed. After several fruitless attempts,
I succeeded last night in gaining admittance;
and I must confess, that I was much disappointed.
The theatre is little and dirty; and the stage is
too confined for the shows presented on it, to
produce any effect. “Le Jugement de Solomon,”
notwithstanding its great celebrity, seemed to me
a very tiresome, dull, uninteresting piece of tawdry
parade.
“Le théâtre des jeunes Artistes,” is also on
the Boulevard, very near “l’Ambigu-comique.”
“La salle,” or the hall, appropriated to the purpose,
though small, is neat and prettily decorated.
Here I saw a pantomime in five acts; the hero of
which was the renowned “Puss in Boots,” or
“le Chat botté,” as he is called by the french.
Need I add, that I was completely ennuyé. The
actors are really young beginners, or “jeunes
artistes;” and I fear, from the promising appearance
of three or four of the female performers,
(none of whose ages exceeded sixteen)
that this theatre is a nursery for other places,
besides the play-houses.
“Le théâtre du Marais,” I have not yet visited;
but I am told, that the building is elegant.
A detachment from the company, which I have
already mentioned as acting at “le théâtre de
Molière,” performs at this house.
There are likewise, “le théâtre de la Gaieté,
rue Thionville,” “le théâtre des jeunes Élèves,”
et “le théâtre sans Pretension,” on the
Boulevard. I have not seen them; but I hear
they are exactly on the same plan, and in the
same state as “le théâtre de l’Ambigu-comique.”
Besides these numerous play-houses, there are
several exhibitions of horsemanship, on the plan
of Astley; and there is likewise a very curious
optical deception, called, “la Phantasmagorie de
Robertson.” The latter is very well worth seeing.
After viewing in the outward room various electrical
machines, mechanical inventions, and other
curiosities, you are led into a dark apartment, in
which the ghosts of distinguished characters are
supposed to appear. This is extremely well managed;
and the principle of optical deceptions is
exemplified, and clearly explained. A man of
the name of Fitzjames also appears as a ventriloquist;
and after he has thrown his voice into
different parts of the room, he declares, that the
power of doing so is not a natural gift, but simply
a habit acquired, of varying the sound of the
voice. The same man gives a most admirable
imitation of the meeting of a jacobinical club;
and in hearing him, you really imagine, that the
demagogues of those bloody days are still haranguing
with all the absurdity and madness,
which characterised them. In addition to the
amusements which I have specified, there are
innumerable puppet-shows, théâtres de société,
mountebanks, tumblers, fights of wild beasts, jugglers,
rope-dancers, and quack-doctors.
Having given you this general sketch of the
spectacles of Paris, I shall, in my future letters,
only mention such particular performances, as
by their merit or their popularity, may deserve
your attention.
I am, &c.
LETTER XV.
The play of Henry IV, read by le Texier.
Paris, february 10, 1802 (21 pluviôse).
MY DEAR SIR,
I went this evening to hear le Texier, so well
known in London, read la Partie de Chasse de
Henry IV. The reputation of the reader, and
the singularity of being present at the recital of a
comedy in the french republic; the fame of which
formerly depended on the attachment of the
people to the cause of monarchy, and particularly
to the house of Bourbon, drew an unusual
crowd, and I had great difficulty in obtaining admittance.
“La salle,” or hall of “le Brun,” in
the rue de Cléry, in which subscription concerts
are usually performed, was the place appropriated
to this purpose; and though the room is extremely
large, it was soon filled in every corner.
The benches were in a few minutes occupied,
and many persons were obliged to stand during
the whole performance. Le Texier, to my great
astonishment, appeared much confused. Though
accustomed, for so many years, to appear before
the public, he had all the horrours of a young
beginner. I know not, whether his alarms arose
from the numerous audience which he saw collected,
from any apprehension he might entertain
as to an interruption from the police, or from
the criticisms which he expected from the french,
who, more conversant in the language, in which
he was about to read, than those to whom he
was used to address himself, might be less indulgent.
From whatever cause his fears arose they
were very apparent. His hand trembled, the
sweat dropped from his brow, his voice faltered,
and in some scenes, he forgot material passages.
It is unfair to pass any judgment on a person so
circumstanced, I shall therefore only observe, that
I saw with regret, that though much applauded,
he was but little admired. As to me, I have
often been so highly amused and delighted with
his readings in England, that I was more than
commonly disappointed.
“La Partie de Chasse de Henry IV” seems to
have lost none of its popularity; for, notwithstanding
the very imperfect manner in which it
was read, the most unbounded applauses testified
the approbation of the audience, at the recital of
those passages, which were formerly in the mouths
of every one. A person unacquainted with Paris,
would have been apt to conclude, from what passed
this evening, that the french were all royalists.
But it must be remembered, that, in the first
place, the greater part of those assembled on this
occasion, were drawn there by their particular
sentiments; secondly, that any thing new, no
matter what, is sure to be well received; and
lastly, that Henry the IVth, besides being the favourite
of the ladies of all parties, was at the
beginning of the revolution considered as a kind
of popular character, whom even the most violent
democrats held up to public admiration. He
was likewise a military hero; and, after all, there
is nothing so much esteemed in France, as martial
merit. Perhaps it was this part of his character,
which induced general Moreau to attend the
reading of a play, of which so renowned a warrior
was the subject.
This celebrated general sat in the gallery, with
a lady of considerable talents, in whose company
I afterwards supped. The lady in question entertained
the company, with a lively account of
the bon mots, brilliant thoughts, and happy expressions
of her warlike companion; but as madame
is particularly famed for the richness of
her fancy; and as, notwithstanding his decided
merit as a soldier, no one ever before heard of
the conversation talents of Moreau: it was universally
allowed, that the general was not a little
indebted for his favourable testimony to the imagination
of his fair reporter.
To return to le Texier. His play concluded
without any interruption; and though the words
“vive le roi” were omitted, the song of “vive
Henry IV” was repeated and received with enthusiasm,
by the audience.
Adieu. How strange a nation are the french!
the more I see of them, the more I find it difficult
to discover their real sentiments. I am rather
inclined to think, that they have no decided political
opinions at all; and that their passions, the
fashion of the day, or the accidental humour of
the moment, make them at one time stern and
visionary republicans; then hot headed royalists;
and at another, quiet, submissive, unreflecting
tools of the ruling power, whatever it may be.
But I must not allow myself to enter on such
topics: I therefore take my leave, and bid you,
for the present,
Adieu.
LETTER XVI.
Party at a fournisseur’s.—Ball at a ci-devant noble’s.
Paris, february the 15th, 1802 (25 pluviôse).
MY DEAR SIR,
I received an invitation to spend yesterday
evening at the house of an individual, who is
supposed to have made a very large fortune as a
“fournisseur,” or army contractor; and whose
wife is one of the “élégantes” of the new set.
I send you, therefore, a faithful account, as descriptive
of that class of society, to which the
name of “les nouveaux riches” is given.
A handsome porte cochére[47] led to a well
lighted and elegant stair case, by which we approached
the salon; where madame ⸺, and
some friends who had dined with her, were seated.
As, among the very few houses at which I visit
at Paris, the greater part are of “l’ancien
régime,” I have become so accustomed to dark
rooms, old furniture, and dismal hangings, that
I was quite astonished at the splendour of the
apartment, into which I was now ushered. An
elegant girandole of cut glass, made with the
greatest taste, and filled with innumerable wax
lights, gave such a lively appearance to the room,
that, for a few moments, I supposed myself in
London. The chairs were made with classical
propriety in antique shapes, and the colours
were well assorted. The carpet (a luxury not
often met with in this town) was of the finest
Brussels manufactory; and the walls were ornamented
with designs on the plan of “Echart.”
We were received with much politeness by the
lady of the house, who is a beautiful woman,
and who, whatever her original situation may
have been, is at present graceful in her manner,
highly accomplished, and well acquainted with
the literature of her own country.
Monsieur was neither very handsome, nor
particularly brilliant; but he was very civil, and
took no little pride in showing us the suite of
rooms which adjoined to the salon, and which
were all, like the latter, splendidly lighted.
The apartment next to that in which we were
received, was covered with pictures representing
a naval engagement; and the inscription underneath
proved, that they had belonged to the
unfortunate Louis XVI. A large claw table
was placed in the centre of the room; and our
host, though a good republican, forgot not to
inform us, that it had cost him a large sum of
money; having been taken from the Thuilleries,
where it had long been in the use of Marie
Antoinette. Next to this was the bed-room,
which was particularly splendid. The canopy of
India muslin, so fine that it appeared like a net,
to which was added a rich embroidery of gold.
The stand of this elegant couch was of mahogany,
ornamented with antique figures correctly
carved. The boudoir, which adjoined, almost,
exceeded in luxury that of madame ⸺, already
described in a former letter. The sofa was of
crimson velvet, edged with silver; and the sides
and top of this little bijou were entirely covered
with the finest mirrors. Beyond the boudoir
was another bed-room, furnished in a different
manner, but with equal taste and equal extravagance.
The party consisted of five or six ladies,
who were, perhaps, more expensively, than correctly
dressed, of two of the ministers, and of
some foreigners of distinction. A musician of
eminence performed on the harpsichord; and
accompanied madame ⸺ and one of her
friends, who both sung very prettily.
The evening would have been pleasant, had
there not been a degree of form, which to me
was not a little annoying. About twelve o’clock
supper was announced; which was served on
the ground floor, in a small salle à manger,
which was also elegantly furnished. The supper
was good, and the servants who waited were
attentive.
I saw, this evening, for the first time, general
Berthier. He is a little man, plainly dressed,
with cropped hair. His countenance is expressive,
when he speaks; but his figure is diminutive,
and his appearance by no means military.
He is extremely polite, gentlemanly, and affable.
I am told, he is by birth “gentil homme;” and
by his manner it is easy to see, that he must
have passed the early part of his life in good
company.
After giving you this account of a party at
one of the new houses, you will, perhaps, not
be displeased, if I conclude my letter with a
short description of a ball given by a person,
formerly of very high rank, and still of considerable
fortune.
The antichamber, through which it is always
necessary to pass at a french assembly, is rather a
disgusting sight. The servants, differently occupied,
some playing cards, some sleeping, and
others criticising the dress of those who pass by
them, do not attempt to rise, and even those of
the house seldom give themselves the trouble of
moving, at the arrival of their master’s guests.
If the valet de chambre is near, the company
are announced; if otherwise, they are allowed
to find their way to the apartment of those whom
they are visiting. At the ball, of which I am
now speaking, in addition to the antichamber
devoted to the use I have mentioned, the second
drawing room was filled with filles de chambre,
milliners, and mantuamakers, whom the good
nature of our hostess permitted to sit there, that
they might view the dancing, and learn the
fashions. I observed, that several of these soubrettes
did not direct their attention solely to the
female part of the company.
After passing through these rooms, we found
ourselves at last in the salon, which was extremely
well lighted with patent lamps. These are
much used at Paris, and almost generally substituted
for wax. The oil used here is less offensive
than that which is bought in London; and, when
a sufficient number of reflectors are placed about
a room (which is not very commonly the case)
it becomes very brilliant; but the heat is always
oppressive.
The company assembled on this occasion were
all of the old noblesse; and no nouveau riche,
no person connected with the government, and
very few foreigners, were permitted to contaminate
this quintessence of “bonne compagnie.”
I perceived many of those faces which I had
remembered in London among the emigrés of
distinction; and the lady of the house did not
forget to enumerate the families of dukes, comtes,
marquis, marechals, &c. which formed her society.
It is but justice to this class of company,
to observe, that the ladies (whether from a
natural sense of propriety, from habits contracted
during their residence in foreign countries,
or from the wish of distinguishing themselves
from their plebeian fellow citizens, I shall
not pretend to inquire) are infinitely more correct
in their dress, than those of any other set at
Paris. I saw here several elegant women, who
were tasteful, without being indecent; and though,
perhaps, a hundred persons were assembled
(which is considered a very large party in this
town) there was only one female present, of
whom it could be said, that she was too liberal
in the display of her charms; and she was the
subject of general conversation, and general
censure.
The ball began with two cotillons, or french
country dances, which were very gracefully performed
by eight gentlemen and ladies, who vied
with each other in skill and activity. The rest of
the company were seated on benches, which were
placed in gradations against the wall. A walse
was then played; about fifteen couple stood up;
and the gentlemen, placing their arms round the
waists of their partners, moved round the room
in a circle, while the young men not so employed
formed a group, and filled the centre. The air
appropriate to this dance is extremely pretty, and
the figures of the ladies are seen to great advantage.
Yet, notwithstanding the quiet, respectful
manner of the parisians, I must still continue of
the opinion of Werter; that no modest woman
ought to dance the walse, unless her partner be
either her husband or her brother.
After a short interval, I perceived a string of
young men crowding together, and forming a
line. I learnt with surprise, that this was the
preparation for an english dance; and that the
gentlemen were taking places for their partners.
Though gallantry is, I suppose, the cause of this
mode of determining precedency, it is extremely
dangerous; and the ladies of Paris ought, like
our fair country women, to take the trouble of
arranging, themselves, so important a question.
One or two duels have already taken place, this
winter, owing to the disputes occasioned by the
zeal with which these “preux chevaliers” contended
for the honours of priority; and the evil
will daily increase, if this manner of taking
places be continued.
Walses and cotillons succeeded alternately, for
the rest of the evening. About two o’clock in
the morning, supper was announced. The table,
not being large enough to afford seats for all the
company, was solely occupied by the ladies. The
entertainment consisted of soups, hot dishes,
légumes, fruit, and pastry; after which, as a
remove, two large plates, one of turbot, and one
of salmon, made their appearance. These, to an
english eye, seemed very singular; but I hear,
all good french suppers conclude with fish.
After supper, the ball recommenced, and continued
till six in the morning. On summing up
the occurrences of the evening, I remarked,
that, though the women were handsome, the
company elegant in their dress, and genteel in
their manner; though the music was admirable,
and the refreshments plentiful and good; yet there
was something wanting; I mean that gaiety of
heart, and that flow of spirits, which, according
to all accounts, the french formerly possessed.
The ladies danced to perfection; but they
seemed to do so rather for triumph than amusement;
and any stranger, coming suddenly into
the room, would have supposed, that he saw before
him the élèves of the opera house, not the
daughters of the proud noblesse. Dancing is, indeed,
more a science than an entertainment, at
Paris; and while those who were engaged seemed
to study every step, and to make all their motions
by rule, the by-standers looked on, and criticised
with the same professional attention. There was
little or no conversation: the loud laugh, involuntary
tribute of joy, was not heard; nor the innocent
prattle of unsuspecting, happy youth. I know
not whether this total change of character is to
be attributed to the heavy misfortunes which the
higher classes have experienced, or to some other
cause; but certainly nothing is more obsolete
than french vivacity. I have now passed more
than three months in Paris; and have not yet
seen among its inhabitants[48], one instance of
unbounded mirth. When it happens to me to be
in english, american, or other foreign companies,
I am always surprised at the fun and jollity of
the persons around me.
Before I conclude my letter, I ought, perhaps,
to mention, that I saw, at this party, the celebrated
Kosciusco, whose heroic exertions in the
cause of polish liberty have rendered him so
justly celebrated. I am happy to say, that he is
perfectly recovered from his wound, and that he
has no longer any marks of lameness. He is not
now in the vigour or the bloom of youth; but
his eye is finely expressive. I am sure, Lavater,
in seeing it, would have said, “That eye is the
eye of a poet, a genius, or a patriot.” I had
not the pleasure of being introduced to him, and
can therefore only speak to you of his exterior.
I am, &c.
LETTER XVII.
A play acted for the first time, called “Edouard en Ecosse,” the
hero of which was the english pretender, full of royalist
sentiments, performed twice, and highly applauded; “God
save the King,” played on the French stage; plot of the play,
which was forbidden on the third day.
Paris, feb. 21, 1802 (2 ventose.)
MY DEAR SIR,
I went three evenings ago to see the first representation
of a new play, called “Edouard
en Ecosse[49].” The subject was of course the arrival
in the isle of Sky of the english pretender,
and his escape thence. The applications which
were likely to be made to the present situation
of France, drew an immense crowd. I went
early to “le théâtre françois,” and was fortunate
enough to obtain a seat. If before the curtain
drew up I was struck with the singularity of my
situation as a british subject, about to see on the
stage of the French Republic a play founded on
such a topic, my surprise increased when the performance
began. I soon perceived that the whole
merit of the piece depended on the interest which
an unfortunate prince, banished from the throne
of his ancestors, was calculated to produce on the
minds of the audience; and if such was the design
of the author, he was more than commonly
successful. The passages in favour of royalty,
and particularly those which expressed pity for
the proscribed, were applauded with inexpressible
warmth. The dialogue was well written, and so
artfully worded, that it was difficult for any man,
whatever his political sentiments might be, not
to join in commiserating the fate of Edward.
The story was simple, and as well as I can trace
it from memory, I will give it to you.
The young pretender, after being defeated by
his enemies, and abandoned by his friends, takes
refuge, disguised as a peasant, in the isle of Sky.
Having passed three days without food, he is
driven by want into a house, the door of which
he finds open. Here exhausted with fatigue and
hunger, he falls asleep. In this situation he is
discovered by lady Athol, (the mistress of the
mansion) wife of the governor of the island, and
the particular favourite of king George. He
wakes, and, after an interesting dialogue, confesses
who he is. He then asks of lady Athol
“a little bread for the son of him who once was
her sovereign.” Long divided between the sentiments
of humanity and those of duty and gratitude,
lady Athol cannot resist this last pathetic
appeal, and having supplied him with some refreshment,
she determines to protect him. In
the midst of this scene Argyle, who is commissioned
by the british government to take the pretender,
arrives, and seeing Edward, expresses
some suspicion. To remove this, lady Athol,
with that presence of mind which women often
possess on such trying occasions, declares, that
the person he now sees in the dress of a peasant
is her husband, Lord Athol, (whom Argyle had
never seen) and who, having been shipwrecked,
was just arrived in this pitiful plight. Argyle
believes the story, and having paid his compliments
to the supposed governor, leaves him to
take that repose, of which he concludes he must
stand in need, after the accident which he had
experienced.
Edward afterwards appears in the dress of lord
Athol, and in that character is obliged to preside
at a supper, to which Argyle and some other
english officers had been previously invited. One
of the latter, a violent partisan and rough soldier,
proposes, as a toast, “death to all the enemies
of George.” Edward, after a violent struggle,
throws down his glass, and rising from the table,
exclaims, “I will not drink the death of any
man.”
After this scene, which was rendered very interesting
to the English, by our “God save the
king” being played on the french stage, and to
the whole audience by the last phrase, which
was received with unbounded applause, the real
lord Athol arrives. In this dilemma the courage
of lady Athol does not desert her. She makes
signs to her husband, who discovers the truth,
and recollecting that Edward had once saved his
life at Rome from the hand of an assassin, he determines
to rescue him from the danger of his present
situation. He accordingly pretends to confess
to Argyle, that in assuming the name of Athol,
he (Athol) had deceived him, and that he is the
pretender after whom he is seeking. In this
character, therefore, Athol is arrested, and in the
mean time Edward, conducted by the faithful
steward of lady Athol, makes his escape in a boat.
The whole then is disclosed, and on the arrival
of the duke of Cumberland, Athol is pardoned
for this pious fraud, the duke declaring that he
is convinced that the king himself, would, under
similar circumstances, have acted in the same
manner.
There is a kind of counterplot or episode, in
which the celebrated miss Murray appears as the
sister of Athol, but her character is not material
to the general story of the play. Argyle, who is
in love with her, asks her of her Edward (while
he appears as Lord Athol) and this puts him into
another dilemma, from which he is also saved by
the presence of mind of lady Athol. Mademoiselle
Contat played lady Athol most admirably, and
the part of Edward was performed in a very interesting
and natural manner by St. Fall, who rose infinitely
above himself in the character assigned him.
From this imperfect account you will at least
be able to observe what occasions were given both
in the scenes and in the dialogue, for such applications,
as the friends of royalty took care to
make, and which were applauded with a degree
of ardour, which I never saw equalled either in
England or France.
What a strange people are the French? Do I
see the same nation who put Louis XVI to death,
and who have, with such daring courage, opposed
the return of the house of Bourbon, shed tears at
a similar story, and enthusiastically support the
sentiments of this play, founded not only on an attachment
to monarchy, but on principles of indefeasible
right? Again, do I see the same people,
who a few years back permitted their best
and worthiest citizens, however guiltless, to fall
in crowds under the axe of the guillotine, and
at the nod of a contemptible petty tyrant; I say,
do I see the same people commiserate the sufferings
of an abdicated prince, and loudly applaud
a sentiment which justly declares, that to wish
the death of any one is a base, an unmanly, and
an unnatural action? But I am going out of my
element. I return to the play. It was received
with more and more admiration at every line, and
when the curtain at last dropped, the applause increased,
and continued for several minutes uninterruptedly.
The author was called for, and proved to be
one of the actors of the house, who, as if inconsistencies
of all kinds were to be reconciled
on this occasion, was formerly a violent jacobin.
The play was acted a second night, with the
omission of “God save the king,” and the sentiment
about the toast; and to day it is at last
forbidden.
The royalists are excessively irritated at the
prohibition, but how was it possible to suffer in
a republic a performance, every word of which
expressed respect for royalty, and pity for a
proscribed family?
In England, where, thank God! liberty is less
shackled than in this country, and where our
ideas of government are more fixed, should we
suffer on our stage a play which recommended
republican doctrines? The answer is plain. I
believe this is the right way of judging every question.
Viewing it in this light, I think, that if the
consuls had any fault, it was in suffering “Edward”
to be acted. In stopping it they have
only done their duty.
I am, &c.
LETTER XVIII.
The carnival.—Masks in all the streets.—Account of the different
characters, processions, &c.—Masqued ball at the
opera house.
Paris, february the 25th, 1802 (6 ventose).
MY DEAR SIR,
The streets of Paris have, since sunday last,
exhibited a very singular appearance to the eye
of an englishman. The carnival is now begun;
and the people, being permitted by the present
government to return to all their old habits, are
celebrating this season of the year with that gayety,
whim, and eccentricity, which it has long been
a kind of religious duty, in catholic countries, to
display on such occasions. From six in the morning
till midnight, the principal streets are crowded
with masks of every description; and while a
certain number are contented with exhibiting
their fun and their dresses on foot, others are
mounted on horses, attended by servants, also in
costume, and some are seated in carriages of
every description. In short, Paris has been one
continued scene of jubilee, and it is difficult to
pass through the principal avenues of the town,
on account of the vast crowds of singular figures,
who press forward on every side, and arrest the
attention of spectators. Harlequins, Columbines,
beaux, abbés, lawyers, and monks, present themselves
every where; and while they circulate in detached
parties, mamalukes, turks, and indian savages,
correctly dressed, well mounted, and attended
with bands of music, move in numerous
bodies. These, and motley groups of masks of
all kinds, filling the inside, top, and every part
of hackney coaches, landaus, sociables, curricles,
cabriolets, and german waggons, form lengthened
processions on the Boulevard, in the rue St.
Honoré, and in the neighbourhood of the Palais
royal; while the latter, the Thuilleries, and
Champs Elisées, are filled with pedestrian and
motley coloured wits, who, attacking each other
with poissard eloquence, amuse not a little the
surrounding multitude.
It is difficult to convey an idea of the show,
variety, and eccentricity of the dresses. In the
extraordinary processions, which I have already
mentioned, several handsome carriages were employed,
drawn very frequently by four, sometimes
by six, and, in more instances than one, by eight
horses. Caricatures of all sorts were exhibited;
and it was curious to see the costumes of friars,
nuns, full dressed marquis, powdered abbés, and
mitred prelates, appearing as masquerade disguises
in those streets, where, twelve years before, the
same dresses excited the serious respect of every
one.
The people showed considerable fun in many
of the grotesque figures which they assumed;
and I was particularly pleased with a fellow, who,
imitating our english print, was dressed as a
monk, and literally carried on his back a young
girl enclosed in a truss of straw, with these words
written on his burden, “Provision pour le convent[50].”
Besides innumerable Eves, beautiful
Venusses, and handsome legged damsels, dressed
as boys, Diana had many a fair representative,
clad in flesh coloured pantaloons, and gracefully
perched on the edge of a coach box, embracing
with one arm a Hercules, and with the other an
Adonis. I think you will admire, as I did, the
admirable choice of such a dress, and such a
posture, for the goddess of Modesty. The moral
conduct of each lady was, doubtless, not less appropriate
than her outward appearance to the character
which she assumed.
This amusement has already continued some
days, and will, I am told, last at least ten more.
It is difficult to ascertain how the body of the
people, who alone take part in these sports, can
support both, the loss of time, and the expense
which the dresses, carriages, &c. must necessarily
occasion. It is indeed reported, that the government
pays the whole cost, and that the principal
characters are hired to amuse the mob; but a respectable
gentleman, who was intimately connected
with the minister of police under the old
régime, assures me, that the same thing was said
at that time; and that nothing was more false,
though the masks were then as splendid and
as numerous as they are at present. I believe,
the truth is simply this, that the french are so
fond of pleasure, of amusement, and spectacles
of all kinds, that there is no sacrifice which they
will not endure, in order to be able to indulge
this favourite passion. A parisian will dine for
six days on a sallad, that he may go on the
seventh to a ball or a play; and I have no doubt
that the emperors, caliphs, and janissaries, whom
I have seen to day in such oriental splendour,
have many of them still, like good christians, begun
to mortify the flesh, even before the commencement
of Lent. This necessary sobriety,
united to the regulations of the police, which are
admirable, prevents any disorder or riots in the
streets; and notwithstanding the swarms of idle
masqueraders, who wander at present about this
great city, I have not yet heard of a single accident,
or of the slightest disturbance.
The carnival is celebrated in the same manner
by the higher classes in the evening; and there is
a masquerade every night at the opera house. I
went there yesterday, and observed more gayety
among the persons assembled, than I have yet
seen in France. The pit being joined to the
stage, gave a large space, which was entirely filled.
The gentlemen do not usually wear masks, and
their persons are only covered with a domino.
It is one of the privileges of the ladies to conceal
their faces, and to attack, without being known,
the beaux of their acquaintance. This custom
takes from the splendour of the masquerade, as
very few persons are fancifully dressed, and almost
all are occupied in seeking adventures.
Nor was the conversation livelier than on such
occasions in England: the small number of individuals
who pretended to assume characters,
trusted to their dresses, rather than their wit,
for the support of their parts. There were “english
jockies,” who had never heard of Newmarket,
and who could speak no language but
the french; haughty dons, who could not answer
a question in Spanish; actors, who could not repeat
a single line either of Racine, Corneille, or
Voltaire; beys of Egypt, who knew not the course
of the Nile; grand signors, who heard, for the
first time, that wine was forbidden by the Koran;
and monks, who did not know to what order
they belonged. Yet, notwithstanding these little
defects, the evening was lively; and though there
was no form, there was no disturbance.
Whatever improprieties might have privately
taken place, no indecency shocked the public
eye; no drunken persons made their appearance;
no woman was insulted, and no quiet inoffensive
man dragged into a quarrel.
This is, indeed, the great and striking characteristic
of a public place in France, that it may
be visited in safety; and if the parisian spectacles
are less amusing than those of London, the former
have, at least, the negative merit of not exposing
those who frequent them to riot, rudeness, or inconvenience.
I am, &c.
LETTER XIX.
Bonaparte’s audience.—His address to the english gentlemen
presented to him.—First appearance, this season, of Vestris.—Madame
de St—l’s concert.
Paris, march the 7th, 1801, (16 ventose).
MY DEAR SIR,
I spent yesterday a very busy and a very entertaining
day. On the 15th of every month, the
first consul, after the review (the ceremony of
which I have described in a former letter), gives
audience to the ambassadors and foreigners, in
other words, holds his court. As I was very
anxious to have an opportunity of seeing, in a
private room, and of speaking to Bonaparte,
who, whatever his political merits or faults may
be, is indisputably one of the most extraordinary
men whom the world ever produced, I requested
Mr. Jackson, the british minister, to do me the
favour of presenting me. My name having accordingly
been sent in to the minister for foreign
affairs, I drove to the palace of the Thuilleries,
at three o’clock, where, in a small apartment on
the ground floor, called “la Salle des Ambassadeurs,”
the foreign ministers, and their respective
countrymen, wait till the first consul is ready to
receive them. Chocolate, lemonade, sherbet,
and liqueurs, were served round in abundance;
and, after an interval of nearly an hour, the
doors were thrown open, and we ascended the
great stairs of the palace, which were lined with
grenadiers, who stood with rested arms on
every step. In the antichamber there was an
officer’s guard, which saluted us in passing; and
after going through four or five very large rooms,
in each of which there was on both sides a file of
soldiers, we, at last, found ourselves in what
would be called, in England, the presence chamber.
Here, in a splendid salon, stood Bonaparte,
between Cambacères, the second consul, and le
Brun, the third. They were all three dressed in
their grand costume of scarlet velvet, richly embroidered
with gold. The generals, senators,
and counsellors of state, who surrounded Bonaparte,
retired on our arrival, and a circle was
instantly formed, the foreigners of different nations
ranging themselves behind their respective
ministers. The imperial ambassador stood on
the right hand side of the first consul; next to
him was placed Mr. Jackson; and on the left
I perceived marquis Luchesini, the prussian minister,
and the hereditary prince of Orange, whom
he presented this day. In compliment to the
latter, Bonaparte, contrary to his usual practice,
began the audience on that side. He spoke for
some time to the son of the deposed Stadtholder,
and seemed anxious to render his situation (awkward
and extraordinary as it was) as little painful
as possible; but I thought I could remark, in
the countenance of this respectable young man,
a look which proved that these efforts, though
well meant, were ineffectual. In passing by each
foreign minister, the first consul received the individuals
of their respective nations with great
ease and dignity. When it came to Mr. Jackson’s
turn, sixteen english were presented; and,
after Bonaparte had spoke to five or six of us,
he said, with a smile, which is peculiarly his own,
and which changes a countenance, usually stern,
into one of great mildness, “Je suis charmé de
voir tant d’Anglois ici. J’espére que notre
union sera de longue durée. Nous sommes les
deux nations les plus puissantes et les plus civilizées
de l’Europe. Il faut nous unir pour cultiver
les arts, les sciences, les lettres, enfin pour
faire le bonheur de l’espèce humaine[51].”
Mr. Jackson made no reply, and, of course,
no one else could say any thing. The first consul
spoke to each individual with politeness, and inquired
to what regiments those belonged who
were presented in uniform. He particularly distinguished
colonel Graham, an officer of great
merit in our service, who, both in Italy and in
Syria, had been opposed to the arms of France,
when commanded in person by Bonaparte. After
going round the circle, he spoke a second time
to this gentleman, and paid the same compliment
to the hereditary prince of Orange. The audience
then closed, and we descended with the same ceremonies
as in coming in, to “la Salle des Ambassadeurs,”
where we waited for our carriages.
The whole was conducted with great dignity;
and persons used to courts, all agree, that the
audience of the first consul is one of the most
splendid things of the kind in Europe. The
pomp of military parade with which it is attended,
the beauty of the palace, the handsome uniforms
and commanding figures of the soldiery, the variety
of regimentals worn by the officers of different
nations, the elegance of taste displayed by
some foreigners (for every one not in uniform is
in the full dress of the old court), the splendid
stars, ribands, and orders of others, and, above
all, the celebrity of Bonaparte, unite so many
circumstances in its favour, that you will not be
surprised at a judgment, which, to a person who
has not lately seen Paris, may seem extraordinary.
As to the first consul, he is as superiour in little
things as in great ones; and, had he been born a
sovereign, he could not possibly discharge this
part of his duty with more ease, dignity, and decorum.
He is also very ready in finding subjects
of conversation, and opportunities of civility.
He gave yesterday a proof of this; which, though
I did not hear it myself, I shall venture to report
on the credit of a person on whom I can rely.
A prussian aid-de-camp being presented (whose
name I have forgotten), Bonaparte asked, “where
his general had last served?” The officer replied,
“in the campaign against France.”—“I beg you
a thousand pardons,” rejoined the consul; “but
it is so contrary to the usual order of things (si
peu naturel) to see the prussians and french opposed
to each other, that the circumstance had
entirely escaped me[52].”
Before I conclude my account of the audience,
I ought to mention, that it may be well called a
court; for it is attended not only with all the
requisites of show, parade, form, and etiquette,
but likewise by that flattery and cringing attention,
which it was once the exclusive privilege of
royalty to receive. I saw the proudest nobles of
foreign courts, decorated with all the trappings
of chivalry, humbly bending the body, and anxiously
courting the smile of that individual, whom,
a few years, nay, a few months before, they would
have branded with the names of rebel, jacobin,
and usurper; but the creed of courtiers is to
change with “existing circumstances,” and those,
whose intrigues against Bonaparte were the most
active, are now his most obsequious sycophants.
But a truce to remarks which lead to politics.
The english who were presented immediately
after the peace, were asked to dinner; but owing
to the greatness, I imagine, of our number, this
favour was not yesterday shown to us. I regret
much having missed the entertainment, as I am
told it was strikingly magnificent.
I went in the evening to see a spectacle, infinitely
more interesting, according to french
ideas, though certainly not so according to mine.
I mean, the first appearance, this season, of
Vestris, and mademoiselle Chameroi. This was
at Paris a matter of great importance, and boxes
were engaged for weeks before hand. Mrs. ⸺ was
fortunate enough to procure one; and I
therefore saw the performance (Hecubé, and
“le Ballet de Paris,”) to great advantage.
Vestris has certainly lost none of his merit, and
deserves, as well as ever, that celebrity which
has long been his; but I could not help being
disgusted at the thunder of applause which
greeted his appearance. It is impossible, indeed,
to carry further the sublime art of dancing;
but how contemptible is it to lavish the praises
of a great nation on the exertions of mere bodily
skill! If, as Dr. Johnson well observes, “the
garlands due to the great benefactors of mankind
should not be suffered to fade upon the brow of
those who can boast only petty services and easy
virtues,” much less should they ornament the
head of him, whose utmost claims on the gratitude
of the public are the flexibility of his body,
or the grace of his steps.
Mademoiselle Chameroi, the élève and favourite
of Vestris, danced delightfully, and almost
shared the popularity of her protector.
Bonaparte was present, and sat, for the first
time, in his state or open box. He was welcomed
with warm and universal plaudits; but I
blush to add, that they were not greater than
those which the “quick-footed” Vestris had already
received. Is it possible that the parisians
reward, with the same honours, the services of
their great statesmen, and the exertions of their
favourite dancers?
From the opera I went to a supper and concert,
given in honour of the prince of Orange,
at the celebrated madame de St—l’s. Her
house is one of the most agreeable in Paris, and
one of the few at which foreigners are received
with kindness and hospitality. I have not been
fortunate enough to form part of her dinner
societies; but I am told, that they well deserve
the credit of affording “the feast of reason, and
the flow of wit.” Her evening assemblies, at
several of which I have been present, are the
liveliest and best conducted which I have seen in
this town.
The most distinguished public characters, all
the foreigners of eminence, and most of the reigning
belles of Paris, are always met with at her
house. Her parties, too, are so admirably managed,
that every one does precisely what he
wishes; and a stranger is sure to be amused either
with excellent music, cards, or, what is better
than either, the conversation of the lady of the
house.
Adieu. This letter is already so very long
that I shall make no apology for an abrupt conclusion.
LETTER XX.
The antichamber of the Musée Central, now filled with an
additional collection of fine pictures.—Account of the
wonderful recovery of some chefs-d’œuvre.—List of pictures
in this room.
Paris, march the 20th, 1802 (29 ventose.)
MY DEAR SIR,
I went this morning to the picture gallery, (or
Musée Central des Arts), and was very agreeably
surprised at finding that the antichamber,
which, on my first, arrival at Paris, was filled
with a miserable modern exhibition, now contains
some of the chefs-d’œuvre of the first masters.
These pictures, taken from Venice, Florence,
Turin, and Foligno, have lately been arranged
and deposited in this room. The advertisement
to the additional catalogue, published on the occasion,
acquaints us, that the persons entrusted
with the management of the Musée, anxious to
increase the pleasure of the public, and the improvement
of the arts, had regularly exhibited,
as they received them, the pictures collected at
Bologna, Cento, Modena, Parma, Placenza,
Rome, Venice, Florence, and Turin. But among
the number, there were some in such a state of
decay, that it was impossible to place them in
the Louvre, without incurring the almost certain
danger of their destruction. The administrators,
therefore, very wisely determined to take every
possible means of rescuing these sublime efforts
of the art of painting from that entire ruin, into
which they were rapidly falling. Their zeal and
their perseverance have been crowned with success,
infinitely greater than they could possibly
have expected.
By a report made to the national institute by
Morveau, Vincent, and Taunay, it appears, that
the celebrated picture of Raphael, called “la
Vierge au Donataire,” or the Virgin with the
Donor, found at Foligno, was in such a state of
decay from the dampness of the place, where it
had long been deposited, that the persons employed
by the french government, much doubted
the possibility of conveying it to Paris. After
having taken every precaution, which their experience
could suggest, to prevent the danger
which they apprehended, they ordered the removal;
but they felt, at the same time, that they
could not exhibit this masterpiece in France, till
they had shifted the ground from the wood on
which it was originally painted, and which had
become entirely rotten.
“Le Martyre de St. Pierre le Dominican,” or
the Martyrdom of St. Peter the Dominican, esteemed
one of the chefs-d’œuvre of the art of
painting, and the finest work which ever came
from the pencil of Titian, was also, when found
in the church of St. John and St. Paul, at Venice,
painted on wood, and the pannel uncommonly
thick. Its great dimensions obliged the commissioners
to order it to be transported by sea to
Marseilles. As the frigate, “la Favourite,” on
board of which it was embarked, met with a
storm during the passage, the case which contained
it was exposed to the wet, and the humidity
found its way to the picture. It was no
longer possible to discover its beauties; and the
only means left of saving the picture, was, by
removing it from the wood, and placing it on
cloth. This operation, as well as the former one,
rendered, in the latter case, still more difficult,
by the extraordinary size of the picture, was performed
by C. Hacquin, with wonderful skill,
great talent, and singular success. The process,
which was superintended by a committee of the
national institute, is given in the catalogue.
Both these superior specimens of painting are
now restored to all their brilliancy, and to all
their original perfection; and the principles on
which this transposition has been effected, are so
simple, that there is no longer any thing to dread
from similar accidents.
The preface continues to state, that this new
exhibition unites the most esteemed productions
of the florentine, venetian, and roman schools.
Some from the palace of Pitti, at Florence, and
some from Turin. Specimens are presented of
the works of artists unknown in Paris, and perhaps
in many parts or Europe. Such are the
Hunters, by St. Jean de St. Jean; the Virgin,
the infant Jesus, and the infant St. John, by
Lorenzo Sabbatini; and the Ecce Homo, of
Cigoli; to which is added, a valuable picture of
various animals, by J. Weeninix, lately bought
by the minister of the interior, at the sale of
Paillet and Coclers, and united to the collection
of the Musée Central, which, as the catalogue
well observes, will become the most magnificent
of Europe, if acquisitions are thus made of those
productions, which are still wanting to complete
it. I shall conclude this account, by mentioning
the pictures of the celebrated masters.
PAUL VERONESE.
No.
44.
“Les Nôces de Canna,” or the Marriage in
Cana, by Paul Veronese, is a large picture,
in which he has introduced all the dresses and
extraordinary characters of the age in which he
lived. It is one of the four cenes, or feasts, and
was exhibited in the refectory of the monks of St.
George the great, at Venice. The artist received
for this interesting picture only 90 ducats, or
675 livres tournois.—The second cene is called
“le Repas,” or the Repast at Simon’s, and was
in the refectory of the friars of St. Sebastian, at
Venice. It is now in the Musée.—The third is
the Repast at Levi’s, which forms the number 45
in this collection; and the fourth, in which Paul
Veronese paints our Saviour at the Pharisee’s,
has long been at Versailles, in the Salon d’Hercule,
having been given to Lewis XIV by the
republic of Venice. “Ainsi,” says the catalogue,
in the style of french gasconade, “graces
au génie de la Victoire, la publique aura bientôt
la jouissance de voir ces quatre magnifique compositions
réunis dans le Musée Central[53].”
No.
45.
Is the Repast at Levi’s, mentioned above.
46.
Is the Virgin, St. Jerom, and other saints.—One
of his best pictures, taken from the convent of
St. Zacharia, at Venice.
47.
The Martyrdom of St. George, taken from the principal
altar of the church of St. George, at Venice,
esteemed the finest work which Paul Veronese
left in his own country. The Musée has the
same work in little.
48.
Jupiter thundering against Crimes. Taken from
the ducal palace at Venice, where it was placed
in the hall of the council of ten. The crimes
described in the picture are, Forgery, Exaction,
and Treason, which were the subjects specially
entrusted to this dreadful tribunal, whose judgments
were without appeal. Paul Veronese
executed this work after a journey to Rome.
He pretended to have copied, and connoisseurs
pretend to discover, figures imitated from the
antique.
49.
Christ carrying his Cross.—This valuable picture
painted on wood, comes from the old collection
of the kings of France.
50.
The Crucifixion of our Saviour.—This also comes
from the royal collection.
No.
51.
The Pilgrims of Emmaus, taken from Versailles.
PORDENONE.
No.
54.
St. Laurence, Justiniani, and other saints. Taken
from the church of Madona del Orto, at Venice.
Reckoned one of Pordenone’s best works. His
name appears on it, written thus, “Joannes Antoninus
Portapanaensis.”
RAPHAEL.
No.
55.
“La Vierge au Donataire,” or the Virgin with the
Donor.—I have before mentioned the wonderful
manner in which this picture has been recovered.
56.
Jesus Christ, the Virgin, St. John, St. Paul, and
St. Catherine.—This picture, painted on wood,
comes from St. Paolo, at Parma.
57.
The Portrait of Raphael and his Fencing-master,
taken by himself. Painted on cloth, and brought
from Versailles.
58.
The Portrait of Count Balthasar Castiglione. Painted
on cloth, and brought from Versailles.
59.
The Portrait of Cardinal Inghirami. Painted on
cloth. Taken from the palace of Pitti, at Florence.
60.
Portrait of pope Julius II. Painted on wood. Also
from the palace of Pitti.
RUBENS.
No.
61.
Grotius, Justus Lipsius, Rubens, and his Brother.
A picture of the great painter, and his nearest
and most illustrious friends.
62.
The carrying of the Cross.—This picture, painted
on cloth, comes from the abbey of Affingham,
near Alost, in Holland.
No.
63.
Christ thundering against Heresy. Painted on cloth.
Taken from the church of the Jacobins, at Antwerp.
64.
The Assumption of the Virgin. Painted on cloth.
Taken from the church of the Carmes des Chaux,
at Brussels.
ANDREA SACCHI.
No.
65.
St. Romuald.—This picture comes from the church
of the Camadules of St. Romuald, at Rome, where
it was placed above the principal altar. It was
long esteemed one of the four best pictures at
Rome.
SALVATOR ROSA.
No.
60.
The Ghost of Samuel.—This picture, brought from
Versailles, is on cloth.
TINTORET.
No.
67.
Saint Mark freeing a Slave. From the fraternity
of St. Marco, at Venice. One of the best pieces
of Tintoret, and one of the three to which he
affixed his name, in this manner, “Jacomo
Tintor, F.”
68.
St. Agnes bringing to Life the Son of a Prefect, at
Rome. Taken from the church of la Madona
del Orto, at Venice.
TITIAN.
No.
69.
The Martyrdom of St. Peter, the Dominican.—The
wonderful recovery of this precious picture I
have before mentioned. It is now in high preservation.
The colours are rich, and the whole
perfect.
No.
70.
The Portrait of the Marquis del Guasto.—This picture
is painted on cloth, and was in the old collection.
71.
The Virgin, the infant Jesus, St. John, and St. Agnes.
From the old collection.
72.
The Holy Family, called the Virgin with the Rabbit.
From the old collection.
73.
The Pilgrims of Emmaus.—This picture, painted on
cloth, was brought from Versailles.
74.
Titian and his Mistress.—This valuable picture comes
from the old collection.
75.
The Picture of a man. From the old collection.
76.
The Portrait of Cardinal Hippolytus de Medici, in
a military dress. From the palace of Pitti.
VAN DYCK.
No.
84.
Francis de Moncade, Marquis d’Aytone, on cloth.
From the palace of prince Braschi, at Rome.
LEONARDI DA VINCI.
No.
37.
The Virgin and St. Ann, on wood. From the old
collection.
GUERCINO (GIO FRANCESCO BARBIERI.)
No.
33.
St. Petronelle. The chef-d’œuvre of Guerchini.
Taken from the pontifical palace, at mount Cavallo,
at Rome, where it ornamented the chapel
called Pauline.
L. CARRACCI.
No.
19.
The carrying away the Body of the Virgin.
20.
The Apostles at the Sepulchre.—These two pictures
came from Placenza, where they were seen in
the cathedral. Painted in 1608, when Carracci
was far advanced in life.
“The Transfiguration,” by Raphael, is undergoing
the same process as the pictures mentioned in
the beginning of this letter; and will, probably,
when this is finished, obtain all its former celebrity.
I make no apology for this long account; for
knowing your curiosity about paintings, and the
general taste for such subjects in England, I
thought it an indispensible duty to give you the
full particulars of this new exhibition, which,
though on a smaller scale, is perhaps superiour,
in point of real merit, to the larger collection.
Adieu. The more I see of the Musée, the
more am I delighted. I often take advantage of
the hospitable privilege accorded to foreigners,
and come here on those days when the public
are not admitted. I have then the united advantages
of looking on uninterrupted by the noise
of crowds, and of seeing the number of artists, of
both sexes, (some professional, and some amateurs),
who are busily employed in copying the
most esteemed productions.
I think it certain, that so favourable an opportunity
will soon revive, in all its ancient splendour,
the art of painting, which, for some years back,
has been, undoubtedly, on the decline.
I am, &c.
LETTER XXI.
Bois de Boulogne.—Account of that promenade.—Order of
the police against english footmen wearing laced cocked
hats.—Cannon fired in honour of the definitive treaty.—Illuminations
in the evening.—Little effect produced at
Paris by the peace.
Paris, march the 26th, 1802 (5 germinal).
MY DEAR SIR,
We have had for some days delightful weather;
and the parisians have taken advantage of it in
the best manner, by passing several hours in the
“bois de Boulogne,” which answers in some respects
to our Hyde-park. From three till six
o’clock, the champs Elisées, through which the
road runs, leading to this favourite spot, and all
the adjoining streets have been crowded every
day during this week, with carriages of all descriptions.
Berlins, chariots, curricles, gigs, cabriolets,
sociables, &c. These united to innumerable
horsemen and pedestrians, make the
whole city assume a lively appearance.
The bois de Boulogne is about a mile and a
half from the place de la Concorde; and the
avenue and turnpike leading to it, form one of
the most striking entrances of Paris. The wood
itself was formerly very fine; but in one of the
frantic moments of revolutionary violence, great
part of the trees, were, by order of the then
government, cut down for fuel. It is however
still a very pleasant retreat; and though the wood
is not so well garnished as it once was, yet it is
singularly retired and romantic, for a spot so
near a capital. A gate leads to it, where, from
the crowds pressing forwards, it is often necessary
to wait before it is possible to pass. A string of
carriages fills the centre of the road, on the sides
of which, gentlemen and ladies on horseback are
obliged to range themselves, as there is no separate
space for equestrians. Under the trees, to
the right, it is the fashion to walk, or to sit on
chairs, which are placed there for the purpose;
while ice, oranges, flowers, fruit, and lemonade,
are offered by persons, who make it their business
to attend, and who are not a little importunate.
Here the belles of Paris appear in all
their éclat, not dressed in rustic straw hats, and
snow white morning gowns, such as our fair
countrywomen wear in Kensington gardens; and
which, while they are the emblem of their minds,
pure and simple, are the most becoming ornaments
they could assume. The ladies of Paris
disdain such humble attractions; and in showy
silks, embroidered muslins, pearl necklaces, lace
caps, and transparent petticoats, challenge the
attention of passengers. “Les pommes d’albâtre,”
as Voltaire describes them, are as little
disguised as at the balls, which I have mentioned;
and ill-nature has a fair opportunity of determining
by day light, whether they owe their fairness
to nature or to art. Clad in this manner, many
of them appear in open carriages, while others
lounge on the chairs, or loiter along the walk,
followed by their booted beaux, who to english
leather breeches and boots, and cropped hair,
sometimes add a pair of ear-rings, or a smart
military cocked hat, when the sun shines in all
its meridian heat.
The mixture of english and french fashions is,
indeed, very curious at Paris; and whenever a
frenchman wishes to be completely à l’anglaise,
he generally contrives to make himself ridiculous.
The equestrians sit on the necks of their horses,
and turn out their toes, by way of imitating our
manner of riding; and the grooms who attend
them, whom they call “des jockés,” are dressed
like our postilions; that is to say, in short waistcoats,
richly laced with gold and silver, with a
cap, ornamented in the same manner, and without
any coat. The horses, generally speaking,
are very bad, very ill trimmed, and worse managed.
There are some handsome english carriages
already arrived, and the french coachmakers copy
our fashions as much as possible; but they are,
as yet, far behind. The common run of vehicles
is very indifferent. The handsomest equipage
from London, loses much of its elegance here,
from the slovenly manner in which it is sure to be
kept by a french coachman; from the tail of the
latter, which it is very difficult to persuade him to
cut off; and from the shabby horses, usually furnished
by the jobmen. Apropos, a very ridiculous
circumstance occurred a few days ago. All
foreigners are permitted (notwithstanding the republican
prohibition to natives) to have arms on
their carriages, and to give their usual liveries:
of course, several of the english, allowed their
servants to wear gold laced cocked hats. Would
you believe it possible, that the government was
apprehensive of these hats being taken for the
badges, given to distinguish the constituted authorities;
and that, on this ground, they have
been forbidden by an express order of the police,
issued with proper solemnity? Such is the simple
truth. French generals, those renowned and distinguished
warriors, are apprehensive of english
footmen being taken for them. What a strange
littleness in great minds.
“Tantæne animis cœlestibus iræ?” I cannot
help exclaiming with lord Chesterfield, “alas,
poor human nature!”
I beg your pardon for this digression. I return
to the bois de Boulogne; when the day is
fine, the promenade is very lively; and the grotesque
figures produced by the unnatural union
of french finery, and english simplicity, serve to
distinguish it from every thing else of the kind in
Europe. In returning from this motley scene, at
four o’clock to day, I heard the sound of cannon:
I learnt soon after, with inexpressible joy that
the news of the signature of the definitive treaty
was just arrived. Happy day, which gives peace
to all the world; may you long be remembered,
and may many, many years pass over, before you
have a successor! at six, the whole façade of
the Thuilleries, its garden, “les Invalides,” and
the hotel of the minister of marine, were all (as
if by magic), splendidly illuminated. It grieves
me to add, that this important intelligence has
produced no effect at Paris. It has scarcely been
mentioned in society, and I have walked about,
the whole evening, admiring the taste with which
the public buildings were lighted; and heartily
joining in the satisfaction which occasioned them,
without meeting one single group of french spectators.
Indifference is “the order of the day;”
and I really believe, that no subject of any kind
could animate the parisians, or rouse them from
the stupid apathy, into which they have fallen,
on the subject of politics. If “spectacles”
have lost their attraction, it is in vain to try
any other method; for these are the “penates”
of the inhabitants of this great city. I hope
and trust, that the peace will be received in
England, in a very different manner. All good
men will unite in rejoicing at the termination of
a war, which, whether “just and necessary,” as
some assert, or wantonly undertaken as others
represent, was attended with such an unusual
waste of public money, private happiness, and
human blood.
I sincerely congratulate you, my dear sir, on
this, the happiest event, which England has known
for many years.
I remain, &c.
LETTER XXII.
The palais du Luxembourg.—Théâtre d’Odéon.—The pantheon
or St. Généviève.—Tombs of Rousseau and Voltaire.
Paris, april the 1st, 1802 (11 germinal).
MY DEAR SIR,
I went yesterday to see the palace of the
Luxembourg, now appropriated to the use of the
conservative senate, originally the residence of
monsieur, the king’s brother; and afterwards that
of the executive directory. The building is now
undergoing a thorough repair. It is therefore
impossible to judge of it properly, in its present
state. The grand façade, or front, remains unaltered,
and is strikingly magnificent. I viewed
it with particular pleasure; as the college at Oxford,
where I passed some of the happiest days of
my life, and to which I have still the honour of
belonging, was built after the model of this celebrated
palace. This circumstance recalled so
many interesting remembrances, that I with difficulty
tore myself from the gates of the Luxembourg.
I am told, that the proposed alterations
are to be made on a great and extended scale;
and that every member of the senate, is to have
here, a distinct house, or spacious apartment.
The gardens are also to receive every possible improvement.
Several workmen were already employed
in carrying this design into execution;
but the whole is still too imperfect to give any
idea of what it may ultimately become. I saw
nothing but half formed gravel walks, formal
avenues of trees, and preparations for a round
basin of standing water. The ground is indeed
too much surrounded with houses, ever to make
what we should call in England, a fine garden.
The magnificent theatre, called, “le théâtre
français de l’Odéon,” which formerly stood near
the Luxembourg, and which was one of the most
magnificent buildings of the kind in Europe, was,
a few years ago, entirely burnt down, in the
course of eight and forty hours. Nothing remains
but the stone front, which the fire could
not destroy, and which still serves to ornament
this part of the town.
Being in the neighbourhood of St. Généviève,
now called, “the Pantheon,” I ordered my coachman
to drive there.
St. Généviève appears nearly in the same state,
in which I saw it, eleven years since; that is to
say, quite unfinished. Though the interior is still
far from having attained that point of perfection,
proposed in the original plan, yet it is even in
its present situation, very beautiful. As to the
exterior, it is strikingly magnificent. Twenty-two
Corinthian pillars form the portico; eighteen
of them are 54 feet high. There is a cupola
above, where it was intended to have placed a
figure of Fame, 28 feet high; but this plan has
never been carried into execution. At the extremity
of this cupola, there is a gallery raised
166 french feet from the surface of the ground,
whence we enjoyed a most extensive view of
Paris. This is the best point, from which the
town can be seen: and, as there is not here, as
in London, that kind of mist which arises from
coal fires, the view was uninterrupted. I clearly
distinguished from this spot, all the public buildings;
and nearly every private house in Paris.
It is, in short, a kind of real panorama. The
ascent to the gallery is uncommonly easy, up a
flight of stone steps, well lighted, and kept in
such order, that I have not seen any stairs so
clean, since I have been an inhabitant of this
great city. The front, which has not suffered
at all, during the revolution, has the following
words written in large letters, over the principal
porch.
“AUX GRANDS HOMMES, LA PATRIE RECONNOISSANTE[54].”
From the scaffoldings erected in different parts
of the church, I was led to believe, that orders
had been given for the immediate completion of
the original plan. I therefore asked my conductor,
when he supposed the whole would be
concluded. He shrugged up his shoulders, and
said, “il faut faire cette question au gouvernement.
Vraisemblablement l’église sera achevée,
quand le gouvernement aura tant d’argent qu’il
ne saura pas en disposer autrement[55].” I am
afraid this is putting it off “sine die.”
The dome and ornaments of the stairs are both
worked with a degree of nicety, elegance, and
care, which would be commended on a snuff-box;
and the whole building may be considered as a
specimen of good taste and masterly execution.
It will be remembered, that this was the spot
in which, at the beginning of the revolution, it
was proposed, by burying in its vaults, to confer
immortality on such men, as by their talents, their
virtues, or their courage, had deserved well of
the republic. This idea, like many others, started
during the fervour of popular enthusiasm, though
splendid in theory, soon became very objectionable
in practice. The honours of sepulture in
the Pantheon, were contested for by the friends
of deceased public men, with the same eagerness
as they themselves had displayed during their
lives, in the pursuit of the objects of their ambition;
and as the merit which entitled an individual
to the proposed reward, depended entirely on
the capricious estimate of those, who happened
to be in power, at the time of his death; the
most illustrious, and the most contemptible characters;
the virtuous and the corrupt; the hero
and the coward; the man of talents, and the ignorant
jacobin; the enlightened friend of humanity,
and the sanguinary decemvir, received in
their turn the honours of the Pantheon. From
this strange abuse soon arose another, which,
though derived from a better motive, was equally
indecent. The bones of those, whom the successful
party condemned, were dragged from the
tomb, in which they had been placed with so
much pomp and parade, perhaps only a year before,
and thrown, like the carcases of dogs, on a
neighbouring dunghill. Ashamed of having placed
the remains of the infamous Marat, near those of
Voltaire and Rousseau, the revolutionary demagogues
may plead some excuse for this strong,
but indecorous testimony of tardy repentance;
but the scholar, and the friend of genius will hear,
with regret, that the ashes of the eloquent Mirabeau,
who (whatever his political faults might be)
possessed no common talents, as an orator and a
writer, experienced a similar indignity. If his integrity
was not sufficiently evident to entitle him
to a tomb among the benefactors of his country,
yet when it was once erected, his literary merits
ought to have saved it from destruction.
To prevent a recurrence of circumstances so
little honourable to the french name, a decree
was at last past, for clearing away all the monuments
erected in the Pantheon, excepting those of
Voltaire and Rousseau. These I determined to
visit. We accordingly descended into the vaults,
which are neat, clean, well lighted, stone apartments,
where we found the tombs of these celebrated
men. On that of Rousseau only the following
words are written:
“Ici répose l’homme de la nature et de la vérité[56];” and a
hand with a torch rises from the tomb, with this inscription,
“il éclairit le monde même du tombeau[57].”
On the monument of Voltaire, the following epitaph is
written on one side.
“Aux manes de Voltaire,
L’Assemblée nationale
A décrétée le 30 mai, 1791,
Qu’il avoit mérité les honneurs
Dûs aux grandes hommes[58].”
On the second side.
“Poet, historien, philosophe,
Il aggrandit l’esprit humain,
Et l’apprit, qu’il devoit être libre[59].”
On the third side.
“Il défendit Calas,
Serven,
De la Barre et Mont Bally[60].”
On the fourth side.
“Il combattit les athées
Et les fanatiques.
Il inspira la tolérance.
Il réclama les droits de l’homme,
Contre le monstre de la féodalité[61].”
The bones of these distinguished men are in
the tombs, which I have described. Rousseau
was removed from the garden of Ermenonville,
where his shade reposed in its favourite retreat,
under the auspices of friendship; and the heart
of Voltaire, which had remained for some years,
as he desired, among those whom he loved at
Ferney, was dragged from its former resting place
to this more splendid, but less tranquil sepulchre.
I am, &c.
LETTER XXIII.
Concordat with the Pope ratified by the legislative body
after an eloquent speech by Lucien Bonaparte.—Madame
Bonaparte’s first drawing room.—Appearance of Dehayes
at the opera, after a long absence.
Paris, april the 10th, 1802, (20 germinal.)
MY DEAR SIR,
On thursday last, the legislative body, after a
speech from Lucien Bonaparte, brother of the
consul; who, as orator of the tribunate, very
eloquently defended this favourite measure of
government; ratified and approved the concordat
with the Pope, by a large majority. The reestablishment
of religion is therefore determined.
I was not present on the occasion; but persons
capable of judging, assure me, that Lucien’s delivery
was remarkably good; and that his speech
was the finest heard in France, since the time of
Mirabeau. As it will, of course, appear in the
Moniteur, I shall not attempt to copy any of
those imperfect statements which are, already,
handed about.
Madame Bonaparte held, the same day, for
the first time, a kind of court: that is to say, a
card, being previously sent round by the prefect
of the palace, who answers to our master of the
ceremonies, saying, that madame Bonaparte would,
at three o’clock, receive the wives of foreign
ministers; and “des étrangers de marque,” such
ladies as wished to be presented, accompanied
their respective ambassadors, at the appointed
time, to the palace of the Thuilleries. As Mrs.
⸺ was of the number, you may depend on the
account, which I shall now send you. The
ladies were not in hoops or lappets; but were, in
other respects, as much dressed as they would
have been at St. James’s. They were received by
the wife of the préfect du palais, in the apartments
appropriate to madame Bonaparte. She
and the first consul, soon after appeared. A
circle was then formed, and the consul walked
round. In passing, he spoke to each lady with
much politeness. Madame Bonaparte went through
the same ceremony; and at last, seated herself,
desiring her guests to follow her example. She
talked again to those, who happened to be near
her; and, after an interval of a few minutes, she
rose, courtesied, thanked the ladies for the honour
they had done her, and then retired. I understood
that she behaved with great propriety. Her
manners were simple, easy, and unaffected. She
was polite to every one; and particularly civil to
the english. Her apartments, on the ground
floor, looking on the Thuilleries, are not large;
but they are furnished with elegance, and considerable
taste. Her footmen were splendidly
dressed in green liveries, laced with gold; and
they, as well as the “valets de chambre,” who
waited in the antichamber, were particularly civil,
respectful, and attentive. There were no foreign
men present, excepting the ambassadors, and the
prince of Orange; but it is understood, that she
will soon have a drawing-room, for the purpose of
receiving such strangers, as are desirous of being
introduced.
I shall conclude this letter, with a short account
of the opera, from which I am just returned.
The house was uncommonly crowded, on account
of the first appearance this season, of the dancer
Dehayes. This favourite performer, having been
absent more than a year, in consequence of a fall,
which rendered him incapable, during that time,
of pursuing his profession, was received with
every possible honour. A ballet, called “le
Retour de Zéphyr[62],” was composed on the occasion;
and the light and gentle Zephyr was welcomed
with loud and repeated applauses. His
strength is not quite restored; but it is easy to
see, that he is no mean proficient in the art of
dancing. His steps are perfect, and perhaps not
inferior to those of Vestris; but in point of grace,
the comparison is infinitely in favour of the
latter.
It is said, that Dehayes was convicted, during
the time of Robespierre, of an attempt to emigrate
to England. He was condemned to the
guillotine; but afterwards pardoned, on condition
of dancing, during the whole of one season,
without fee or reward, before “le peuple souverain.”
The agility, therefore, of a dancer, obtained
that mercy, which was refused to the innocence
of youth, to the gray hairs of age, to the
purity of virtue, to the charms of beauty, and to
the dignity of talent. After this example of the
power it possesses, the art of dancing ought certainly
to be ranked, in France, if not in other
countries, among the liberal and useful sciences.
I am, &c.
LETTER XXIV.
Versailles.—St. Cloud.—Sèvre.—Petit Trianon.—Specimen
of an extravagant bill.—Curious trial.—St. Germain.—Malmaison.—Waterworks
of Marly.
Paris, april 13th, 1802 (24 germinal).
MY DEAR SIR,
I went yesterday, with a small party of english
friends, to Versailles, and am just returned.
I sit down now to give you the details of our
little excursion.
We stopped at St. Cloud, which is situate
about half way, to view that favourite palace of
the unfortunate Lewis XVI, which will long
be celebrated in history, on account of the extraordinary
meeting held there by the council of
five hundred, in the orangerie, or green house,
which ended in the establishment of the present
consular government.
St. Cloud is undergoing a thorough repair,
previously to its being inhabited by Bonaparte.
It is difficult, therefore, to form a proper estimate,
either of what it formerly was, or of what it may
become. I do not suppose it ever could have
been on a very large scale. The gallery, which
still remains, is a fine room, and the view is extensive
from the large window, by which it is
terminated. The walls are ornamented with some
excellent paintings (I believe) by “le Brun.”
The chapel is now in a state of disorder, and I
did not examine the pictures which it contains.
The garden has been neglected, and can never
have been either very extensive, or very beautiful.
Formal walks, and regular rows of trees,
constitute all its merit. As to the famous jets
d’eau, or cascades, they are still in high preservation;
and the Parisians, on a particular day in
every year, come here, in splendid procession, to
enjoy this favourite sight. I only saw unmoved
stone dragons, Neptunes, frogs, swans, and griffons,
from whose mouths these artificial waterfalls
are vomited. In this state, at least, a jet
d’eau forms but a disagreeable ornament in a
garden, which ought to unite every beauty of nature,
and to disdain every other.
The next object to St. Cloud, which attracted
our attention, was the famous manufactory of
Sèvre. The beautiful porcelain, which bears
the name of this town, continues to be made here,
under the immediate protection of the government.
We visited the shop, or magazin, and
were shown the several rooms of which it consists.
In all of these were tables, covered with specimens
of china made here, but I cannot say that
they answered my expectation. They were neither
as various, nor as splendid, as one should suppose
they would be, at the principal dépôt of so renowned
a manufactory. Probably, the situation
in which France has been during the revolution,
did not afford a sufficient number of purchasers,
to induce the managers to keep by them any considerable
quantity of expensive articles. There
were several busts of Bonaparte in different sizes,
all of which were strikingly resembling. There
were also great and small busts of Voltaire,
Franklin, and Rousseau.
Going thence to Versailles, we drove to
Rambrand’s, which is esteemed the principal
hotel; but finding, on our arrival, that the best
rooms were engaged, we changed our plan, and
proceeded to le Petit Trianon in the park, which,
formerly the much loved retreat of Marie Antoinette,
has, in the strange metamorphosis things
as well as men have experienced in France, become
a common inn.
Having ordered dinner to be prepared in a
small room, once celebrated as the luxurious
boudoir of the ill fated queen, we proceeded to
view the curiosities of Versailles. The park has
lost some trees, and has been neglected. In
other respects, it is not much altered. The
orangerie[63] still retains, unimpaired, all its
beauty. We walked through long avenues of
orange trees, all of which are in high health and
rich foliage. The gardener assured us, that some
of those which were of very large dimensions, had
been planted in the reign of Francis I.
We next visited the private library of the
former kings of France, situate in a separate
house in the town. There is nothing very particular
in the building; but there were, above the
several doors of the library, extremely pretty
paintings of the different capitals of Europe.
We were here shown a very beautiful collection
of illuminated paintings, representing the splendid
fête and tournaments given by the magnificent
Lewis XIV.
Thence our guide wished to take us to
the national manufactory of fire arms, which is
carried on with great activity in this town; but
having seen many acknowledgedly superior works
of the same kind in England, we declined visiting
it, and proceeded at once to the palace. This
superb building has not suffered at all during the
revolution; though, from being neglected and
uninhabited, it has contracted a kind of gloom,
which forcibly recals the misfortunes of its last
possessors, and the uncertainty of human grandeur.
The magnificent furniture, which the
apartments once contained, has been removed;
but the walls are not without ornament, for the
palace having been made (probably with the view
of preserving it from popular violence) a musée
central, or dépôt of the works of art, now possesses
several valuable pictures, and a few excellent
statues. Among the former, I remarked
some good Claude Loraines, and two beautiful
portraits by Vincent. The subject of one was
Henry IV of France; and the other, that of the
celebrated president, Molé. The latter is painted
in his parliamentary robes, heroically exposing
his breast to the violence of the mob, and doing
his duty, unmoved by the poniards raised against
him. You seem to hear him exclaim, as history
records he did, “La distance est grande de la main
d’un assassin au cœur d’un honnête homme[64].”
We walked through the vast suite of rooms,
which, once the seat of gayety, splendour, luxury,
and royal magnificence, are now the abode of
solitude, and the monument of fallen grandeur.
It is unnecessary to state the many reflections
which this spot created. We failed not to visit
the apartment which the unfortunate Lewis XVI
occupied on the 6th of october, and in which
Marie Antoinette took refuge. We were also
shown the balcony window (now stopped up),
where that virtuous and ill fated princess, madame
Elizabeth, with a magnanimity truly heroic, presented
herself, when the queen was called for,
and being taken for her, voluntarily subjected
herself to all the brutal violence of an irritated
mob.
We likewise saw the opera house, built for the
wedding of Lewis XVI, when dauphin, and
which, during the last reign, was sometimes used
as a theatre, and sometimes as a ball room. The
apartment is still perfect, but the scenes and decorations
have been removed.
On leaving the palace, we visited several jets
d’eau; but were prevented from viewing the garden
as particularly as we could have wished, a
violent shower of rain having overtaken us.
The waterworks and pleasure grounds appear
to have been much neglected.
We dined at the Little Trianon, and slept there.
The room, which fell to my share, was that which
the unhappy Lewis formerly occupied, and the
key of the door had attached to it a label, on
which could still be discovered, though half effaced,
the words, “appartement du roi[65].”
In calling for our bill this morning, we found
that this little inn (ci-devant a royal residence)
had two proprietors, one of whom lets the apartments,
and the other supplies the table in the
character of “traiteur.” With the charges of
the latter we had no fault to find; but the demand
of the former was so ridiculously exorbitant, that
have kept the bill as a curiosity, of which I add
the copy.
By way of reconciling us to this extravagant
charge, the mistress of the house sent her daughter
to us, a very pretty girl, with the bill. Our
gallantry, however, did not subdue our reason,
and we determined to resist the demand. Our
hostess having indignantly refused the half, which
we offered as amply sufficient, Mr. ⸺ and I
proceeded to Versailles, in pursuit of a juge de
paix. After being sent to two or three justices,
who told us, that it was not within their jurisdiction,
we at last, in a miserable lodging, and at
an obscure house, found the magistrate of the
division. His dress and his appearance were not
superiour to his residence, and from these united
circumstances, we were far from expecting that
justice which, in the result, we experienced.
Having heard our case, he granted a citation,
requiring the attendance of the landlord; and, of
course, suspended his decision till the arrival of
the other party. While our servant, who carried
the summons, went to execute it, we were present
at a curious trial, the subject of which was a
small quantity, I believe a quart, of vinegar. The
defendant was a coarse masculine woman, at least
sixty years of age, who, when she had exhausted
all her fund of eloquence, burst into tears, and
talked of the weak unprotected stare of an unhappy
widow. The plaintiff was a dirty ill looking
fellow, with a witness of no better appearance.
They all talked together; and the justice, instead
of being able to moderate their violence, found
it difficult to gain a hearing himself. After a
wrangle of an hour, and after swearing and
counterswearing to the same fact, they went away,
without the business being finally settled.
What entertained me much, was, that these
disputants, in the middle of their harangues,
turned round to my friend and me, and seemed
anxious, each in his turn, to convince us, by
their eloquence, of the justice of their respective
cases; though we were not only strangers to the
business, but also to the laws on which this important
question was to be decided.
When our good landlady arrived, her bill was
produced; and the justice having declared how
exorbitant he thought it, she justified herself on
three grounds.
1st. That we had not made a previous agreement;
and ergo, that she had a right to demand
whatever she pleased.
2dly. That she paid a great rent “à la nation[67];”
and that, therefore, “la nation” ought to
permit her to make her guests pay a great rent for
their lodgings.
3dly. That “l’ambassadeur de l’empereur
Russe[68],” having lodged at her house only a
week before, and not having objected to a charge
of two louis per bed, “les milords anglois”
ought to think her present demand extremely
reasonable.
Notwithstanding this very able defence, the
justice told her, that the law would not allow her
d’écorcher les étrangers[69]; and very equitably decreed,
that we should pay 36 instead of 63 francs.
Madame received, very indignantly, the sum allotted
her, and went away in a rage, declaring
that, in future, no person should sleep at le
petit Trianon, who would not bind himself before
hand to pay the price which “son excellence
l’ambassadeur de toutes les Russies” thought so
reasonable.
So concluded our trial, which I have detailed
as characteristic of what is to be expected at inns
in France, if prior arrangements be not made by
travellers; and likewise as an honourable proof,
that justice, though not clad in ermine, is fairly
administered. In going away, I was not a little
surprised to find, that there were no costs to
pay, and that even the summons had been issued
gratuitously.
In England, where we possess so admirable a
system of laws, how much are its advantages diminished,
by the expenses attendant on every
process! for, as a distinguished public man once
well observed, though the temple of justice be
open to all, it is like the London tavern, only
the favourites of fortune dare approach its
threshold.
In returning to our inn, we passed by the
royal stables, which are still kept up, and filled
with horses. These are now appropriated to the
use of the officers of the army, who come here
to be instructed in the menage, and who employ,
for this purpose, the quondam riding school of
the king. The horses appeared, at least to an
english eye, very indifferent. We also saw here
some arabians, lately arrived from Egypt. They
are extremely plain, lanky, and awkward; but
the groom assured us, on being asked if they were
swift, “Oui, monsieur, comme les oiseaux.”
(“Yes, sir, as swift as birds.”) It was in vain
to object to outward form, when we learnt that
these animals had the talent of flying. If, according
to the old jockey phrase, “no good horse
can have a bad colour,” certainly no horse who
flies can be ugly.
Before we left Versailles, we visited the garden
of le petit Trianon, which is rented by our
honest landlady, and which may be seen, by
paying a small sum for a ticket at the gate. It
is kept in tolerable order, and has still strong
marks of that good taste, with which it was originally
made. It is really, and not nominally,
an english garden; and would, even in our happy
island, be deemed as prettily laid out, as the
smallness of its extent would permit.
The little theatre, built by the queen, situate
within the precincts of these grounds, is still in
existence, and has suffered no loss, excepting
that of the beautiful glasses with which the boxes
were once splendidly illuminated. The last object,
to which we were led at Versailles, was “le
grand Trianon,” that favourite spot of Lewis XVI.
This elegant building is also unhurt; and the fine
marble pillars, which form the entrance, excited
all our admiration. The poverty, into which the
inhabitants of the town have fallen, in consequence
of the revolution, is strikingly apparent.
In every corner, we were surrounded by half-starved
and half-naked beggars, whose importunities
were not a little troublesome.
In returning to Paris, we took the road of St.
Germain. The old castle still remains; but its
outward appearance was so gloomy, that we felt
no inclination to visit the interiour. If the french
monarch intended to pay a compliment to the
pretender, in giving him a palace as nearly as
possible resembling St. James’s, his choice
was admirable. The view from the terrace is
pretty, but by no means either as extensive, nor
as rich, as I expected from its celebrity.
In continuing our road, we saw the celebrated
waterworks of Marly, which are preserved in all
their perfection. We likewise passed by the famous
aqueduct, and by Malmaison, the private
seat of the first consul. The latter has nothing
very particular to distinguish it. It is simply a
moderately sized house, situate near the river, but so
low, that it cannot command a very extensive
prospect. I hear, the grounds are well laid out,
and that the furniture of the house unites every
thing which taste could order, or luxury afford.
We reached Paris about six o’clock; and my first
employment, after dinner, has been to write you
this account, as I know that Versailles, and its
neighbourhood, are among the number of objects,
about which english curiosity is excited.
I am, &c.
LETTER XXV.
Long Champ, account of that annual promenade, date of
its origin, and of the great preparations made this year for
attending it.—The bustle, and gayety which it produced at
Paris.
Paris, april the 16th, 1802, (27 germinal).
MY DEAR SIR,
All Paris has been alive for the last three
days. Can you guess the reason? Perhaps you
will imagine, that the inhabitants, roused from the
state of lethargy, into which they have for some time
back been plunged, are beginning to give sincere
but tardy marks of joy, at the reestablishment of
internal order, and external peace. Not at all,
my good friend. A subject, much more interesting
to the parisians, is the cause of the show and
gayety so generally exhibited. Know, then, that
“Long Champ” has begun! I must now, like
other learned commentators, explain my explanation.
“Long Champ” is the name of a village,
situate on the other side of the “Bois de Boulogne,”
of which latter place I spoke to you in a
former letter. In this village stood an abbey, or
church; and one of the holy fathers, some hundred
years ago, had a voice of such extraordinary
sweetness, that, when high mass was performed,
crowds of Parisians flocked to hear him. His
popularity was not confined to the lower class,
and the noblesse shared the curiosity of the
public. The fashion of going to Long Champ
so rapidly increased, that, in a short time, it was
no uncommon thing to see whole strings of splendid
carriages at the door of the convent. The
road to this village became the favourite ride,
and vanity soon discovered, that it afforded an
excellent opportunity of displaying all the varieties
of dress, and all the pomp of equipage.
In the course of a few years, it became an established
custom, at this particular period of the
year, to make, during three days, not an humble
pilgrimage, but a splendid procession, to Long
Champ. The mass and the singer were soon
forgotten; but the promenade continued, and
increased every year in the magnificence of parade.
To appear, on this occasion, with becoming
grandeur, the haughty, but often distressed
noble, would, for months beforehand, deprive
himself of his ordinary comforts. To rival “les
dames de bonne compagnie[70]” in richness of
dress, in show of equipage, and blaze of diamonds,
was the grand object of the admired
belles of the opera house; and the means of
doing so, was the exacted price of those smiles,
which the well beneficed prelate, or the wealthy
financier, were sometimes permitted to enjoy.
The Bourgeois and their wives appeared in their
humble cabriolets, but the former wore their
Sunday apparel; and the latter were loaded with
all the tinsel finery, which, during the course of
the year, they had been able to collect. The
common people, or la canaille (as they were
then indignantly called), were equally fond of
this procession; and, at the risk of being run
over, crowded and completed the show, some
dressed in tattered regimentals, some in faded
silk coats, and ragged embroidered waistcoats,
and others with bag-wig’s and wooden shoes.
Such was the custom during “l’ancien régime.”
The amusements of the french vanished with
their old political institutions, and “horrendum
dictu,” Long Champ was long unobserved.
Robespierre, and after him the directors, forbade
every thing which bore the least resemblance
to the customs of former times; but when Bonaparte
came into power, the system was instantly
changed, and the people, left to follow their own
inclinations, greedily returned to all their former
diversions. “Long Champ” was of the number;
and, since the 18th of brumaire, it has been gradually
recovering its ancient magnificence. This
year, from the reestablishment of peace, and the
confluence of foreigners, it was expected to be
finer than ever; and vast preparations have,
during some weeks past, been making. Milliners
tortured their fancy to invent new fashions;
mantuamakers passed whole nights without sleep,
in executing the orders which they had received;
coachmakers exerted themselves with all the art
of their trade, and all the vanity of their country,
in endeavouring to imitate the carriages of the
english; horses were sent for from every part
of the world; regiments of tailors were employed
in making coats for the beaux, habits for the
ladies, and laced jackets for their grooms; strings
of boots were seen dangling on the backs of
porters in every quarter of the town; saddles
were as much in requisition, as if a great military
project, by the means of cavalry, had been in
agitation; and I have been confidently assured,
that no less than three thousand pair of leather
breeches were ordered on the occasion.
In consequence of these active preparations,
and of “Long Champ” having been, for some
weeks back, infinitely more the subject of conversation
than either the peace, or the reestablishment
of religion, I expected, at least, a very
brilliant sight. I must say, I was disappointed.
The only thing which pleased me very much, was
the bustle which it produced in the town, and the
gayety with which it animated the faces of the
Parisians. For three days, every vehicle in the
shape of a carriage, and every animal which
claimed the name of horse, has been dragged
into use, and become part of the procession.
About two o’clock, a military guard was posted
at the beginning of the Champs Elisées, to preserve
order, (for nothing here is done without
soldiers); and from that hour, till some time
after sunset, the crowd gradually increased. At
three, the line of carriages reached from “la
place de la Concorde” to the “Bois de Boulogne;”
and, of course, there were frequent stoppages,
even at the beginning of the promenade. The
road not employed in this manner, was filled with
equestrians of all ranks, and the walk on both
sides was equally thronged with passengers on
foot. There were some few elegant english equipages,
well appointed, and others spoiled, by the
shabby appearance of the servants, or the extreme
badness of the horses. The french coachmakers,
in one or two instances, successfully imitated
the fashions of London; but, generally
speaking, the attempt only served to prove the
vast distance which exists, between the two countries,
in the art of constructing carriages.
Mixed with “les voitures à l’anglaise, ou
véritablement anglaises[71]” were seen old fashioned
berlins, family coaches, and superannuated
cabriolets of all descriptions. Phaetons,
gigs, curricles, and whiskies, completed the procession.
Among the horsemen were seen a few
returned emigrants, who had so well copied the
dress of our young men of ton, that they might
have been mistaken for the beaux of Bond
street; but the greater number (malgré their
leather breeches and boots, their blue frocks and
high crowned hats) betrayed the forgery, by the
preposterous addition of ear-rings, coloured capes,
or pointed toes. The ladies appeared in every
variety of clothing. Some, who ventured to be
their own charioteers, assumed the neat and appropriate
dress of an “amazone,” or habit.
Others, decorating, and concealing as little as
possible, the charms of their person, shone in all
the brilliance of their evening apparel. Worked
gowns, laced caps, and showy turbans, were
sometimes exhibited from the windows of hackney
coaches; and a dirty buggy had, not unfrequently,
the honour of conveying three or four
damsels, whose costume would not have been
unsuited to the first heroine of the stage. It is
impossible to describe, or convey, the faintest
idea of the grotesque figures which appeared on
this occasion; and, notwithstanding the trouble
and expense to which so many individuals had
exposed themselves, by the purchase of new carriages,
new liveries, new horses, new dresses,
and last, not least, new leather breeches, the
whole appeared to me but a shabby exhibition,
dull amusement.
Moving, in slow procession, to the other side
of the Bois de Boulogne, during five or six
hours, constituted the whole pleasure of this
vaunted fête. There were certainly some elegant
carriages, and some handsome horses; but the
number was too inconsiderable to make amends
for the crowd of those of a contrary description.
Nothing could be more tiresome than sitting in
one of these vehicles, as they were compelled,
every instant, to stop, on account of the lengthened
line, which increased every moment. Persons
on horseback were equally ill off, as it required
the utmost care to avoid being driven
against the wheels of the carriages; and as for
the pedestrians, they were almost buried in a
volley of dust.
Such is the celebrated promenade of Long
Champ, which, though an annual festival, appears
to me a wretched and pitiful imitation of
Hyde park on an ordinary sunday. Yet the
french are delighted with their amusement; and
in returning this evening, I heard on every side,
“Quel beau spectacle! quelles jolies voitures!
quels magnifiques chevaux! quelle belle parure!
Vraiment c’est charmant[72]!”
It is not a little flattering to the vanity of an
englishman, to see how rapidly the french are
adopting our fashions; and, notwithstanding the
awkward manner in which they are sometimes
copied, yet such is the general bias, that I entertain
no doubt that, in the space of ten years,
(if the peace should last so long), it will become
almost impossible to distinguish, by his dress, a
native of France from one of England.
The ladies of Paris, and those of London,
differ, indeed, very widely in their toilet. Perhaps
they might reciprocally improve by observing
each other; and while the former would do
right to respect and imitate the modesty, with
which the latter are usually clad, our fair countrywomen
might also, without any injury to their
beauty, or any violation of that delicacy, which is
their brightest ornament, adopt some of that taste,
elegance, and fancy, which are often seen in the
dress of a well bred frenchwoman.
Adieu, my dear sir. I am heartily tired of my
subject, and fear you will have been so some time.
I therefore take my leave for the present.
I am, &c.
LETTER XXVI.
Te Deum sung at Notre Dame, in honour of the peace and
the reestablishment of religion.—Military insolence.—Account
of the ceremony.—Illuminations in the evening.—Indifference
of the people.
Paris, april the 18th, 1802, Easter Sunday (28 germinal.)
MY DEAR SIR,
To day will probably be long remembered in
the annals of France, on account of the promulgation
of the law for (“l’établissement des
cultes”) the reestablishment of religion; on
account of the definitive treaty of peace with
England, the ratifications of which were exchanged
this morning at the Thuilleries; and of
the “Te Deum” sung at Notre Dame, in honour
of these united events.
I wished very much to be present at a ceremony,
which was rendered so particularly interesting
by the number of curious concurring
circumstances, too obvious to be detailed. Having
no ticket, I went to the church at six o’clock
in the morning, hoping to make my way, among
the crowd, into those places, which were not
appropriated to the constituted authorities. The
doors were not open; and about a hundred
persons, who were already arrived, stood enclosed
in a kind of barrier, which seemed to have been
put up for the purpose of preventing too
great a press at the first opening of the gates. I
placed myself against this bar, and hoped to gain
admittance in the second division. I was soon
followed and surrounded by a considerable crowd;
and, after we had all remained about two hours
in this uncomfortable state, a detachment of soldiers
arrived, and attempted instantly to clear a
passage. We were already so squeezed together,
that it was impossible to make room for the military,
without either losing our places, or incurring
the danger of suffocation. When the soldiers
perceived that, notwithstanding the blows
which they dealt around them without ceremony,
the people did not immediately make way,
they lost all patience; and, not content with
fixing their bayonets, called out for a detachment
of horse. The brandishing of the one, and the
fear of the other, soon dispersed the mob; but
not till some had been wounded, and several severely
bruised.
I could not help reflecting, with some degree
of indignation, on this singular scene. In England,
under a monarchical form of government,
the military are not allowed to interfere, but in
cases of positive danger, or actual insurrection;
and even then under the orders of a civil magistrate.
In France, where the system is called
“republican,” and every man supposed to constitute
a part of the sovereignty, the body of the
people, coming quietly to see the first solemn service
of that religion, which is said to be restored
in compliance with their wishes, are driven with
blows and military violence from the doors of
that church, in which peace, liberty, equality,
and good order, are about to be celebrated. Perhaps,
indeed, it may be urged, that this was only
a necessary precaution of the police, and that the
object of the guard was to prevent that riot and
danger to which the public, not so protected,
would have been exposed. The answer is plain.
If it was thought necessary to maintain order by
the assistance of the military power, the sentinels
ought to have been placed the preceding night,
or at the dawn of morning. It was adding insult
to cruelty, to permit the people to assemble, and
after the loss of several hours, and the endurance
of great fatigue, to dismiss them in the manner I
have described.
It is needless for me to say, that I soon relinquished
all hope of getting into the church, and
thought myself happy in being able to make my
escape unhurt from the claws of these heroes.
In going away, I perceived at the window of
an adjoining hospital, nearly opposite the church,
some ladies of my acquaintance, who were so
obliging as to offer me a place near them, from
which I might see the procession.
I had scarcely taken this situation, when a
ticket for one of the privileged places in the
church was given me by a person, who was unwilling
to risk the difficulties, with which the
approach to the doors seemed attended. After
being sent about to different gates, I at last
found admittance at one. When I reached the
gallery, it was so completely full, that I found
myself compelled to take refuge in the orchestra.
From this situation I was again driven by the soldiers;
and in despair I returned to the gallery,
where, standing on the back of a tottering chair,
and with at least twenty rows of spectators before
me, I caught, not without some danger, a very
imperfect glimpse of this splendid ceremony.
What I did not see myself, I shall relate on
the authority of persons, who were more fortunately
situate, and on whose accuracy I know I
can depend.
The procession began with a numerous escort
of different regiments. Among these were particularly
remarked “les guides,” a corps of
handsome young men, clad in hussar dresses,
and mounted on beautiful horses, who excited
universal admiration. Next to them came the
“gens d’armes,” or “régiment d’élites,” lately
raised. They are men of a very respectable appearance,
in blue uniforms, faced with yellow,
whence long epaulets are suspended. These, as
well as the buttons, are of silver, as is the lace
of their hats. Their horses are black. The consular
guards, and several regiments of the line,
completed the military cavalcade. The ministers
of state, and the “corps diplomatique,” came
next, and formed a long line of carriages. Those
of the latter were drawn each by four horses, and
ornamented with all the escutcheons of heraldic
pomp. Those of the former were without arms;
but they had all six horses, and their servants,
dressed alike, wore splendid liveries, now put on
for the first time, of yellow, gold, and red. A
small corps of Mamalukes in their egyptian
costume, some of whom led unmounted arabians,
and a few aides-de-camp, immediately preceded
the carriage, in which sat Bonaparte, accompanied
by the other two consuls. His coach,
new on the occasion, was simply elegant, and
drawn by eight very fine horses richly caparisoned.
His servants appeared in green coats
and red waistcoats, on all the seams of which
were rows of broad gold lace. The consuls were
received at the door of the church by the archbishop
of Paris, who placed over their head a
dais (or canopy).
Bonaparte, with Cambacères on his right, and
le Brun on his left hand, was conducted in this
manner to a throne erected near the altar, under
which their three chairs were placed. A similar
throne appeared opposite, in which sat the cardinal
legate.
The bishops bowed first to the altar, secondly
to the consul, and lastly to the cardinal. This
was remarked by the public; as, under the monarchy,
the representative of the pope was permitted
to receive this homage before the sovereign
of the country.
The oath settled by the concordat having been
taken by the clergy, high mass was instantly said.
At the conclusion of this ceremony, M. de
Boisgelin, formerly archbishop of Aix, lately
named archbishop of Tours, ascended the
pulpit, and delivered a discourse appropriate to
the occasion. I regretted much, that the distance
at which I was placed was so great, that
it was impossible for me to hear the venerable
preacher, who excited no little curiosity,
from the singularity of his situation. He is the
same man, who, at the “sacre” or coronation,
of Lewis XVI, preached
before that unfortunate monarch. His sermon
will, no doubt, be published in the “moniteur,”
where you will have an opportunity of seeing it.
It was the custom formerly on these occasions,
for the bishop, in beginning his discourse, to address
himself to the king. A similar form was observed
to day, and the expression of “sire” was exchanged
for that of “citoyen premier consul.”
After the sermon, “Te Deum” was chanted. All
the band of the opera house was employed, and
Lais and madame Bolla supplied the vocal parts.
The effect was fine, yet, comparatively, very
inferiour to our musical meetings in Westminster
abbey. I heard some connoisseurs object to the
air, as not sufficiently grave or dignified for the
subject which it was intended to celebrate. As I
am totally ignorant of music, I can form no
judgment as to the justice of the criticism.
The church was immensely full. The aisle was
filled with the military, the different uniforms of
which had a splendid effect. Behind the consuls
sat the ambassadors, the ministers, and the
generals. In a box above, at the entrance of
the chapel, was placed madame Bonaparte, accompanied
by her daughter and some other
ladies. On the other side was a similar box,
appropriate to the use of the ladies of the “corps
diplomatique.”
The two galleries or choirs, which surround
the church, were divided into an orchestra for
the music, seats for the different constituted
authorities, and places for such individuals
as were favoured with tickets. In the latter were
of course seen all the persons at Paris most distinguished
for situation, talent, or beauty. The
coup d’œil altogether was very striking. The
procession returned with the same ceremony as
that in which it arrived; and all the streets of
Paris were lined with spectators.
A discharge of sixty cannon was heard at the
departure of the first consul from the Thuilleries;
and his arrival at the church, and his return to
the palace, were announced in the same manner.
In the evening, the palace was splendidly illuminated.
Every division of the arches forming
the front towards the garden was covered with
lamps, and a lustre of lights was suspended from
each. The garden itself was prettily, but less
brilliantly, decorated, than on the fête in honour
of the preliminaries.
All the public buildings and offices were also
lighted; but the only illumination at all remarkable,
beside those which I have named, was
that of Mr. Jackson, his majesty’s envoy extraordinary.
The gates of “l’hôtel de Caramon,”
where he lodges, were entirely covered with
lamps of different colours; the effect of which
was much admired, as at Paris that mode of
decorating their rejoicings is unknown. On the
right hand were the letters R. F. (République
Française); and on the left, G. R. (Georgius
Rex).
I forgot to mention that Bonaparte was much
applauded by the populace, in going to Notre
Dame; and that madame received the same compliment,
though she went there without any parade,
in a plain handsome carriage, and seemed
to decline, rather than to court, the notice of
the public.
During the illuminations there was no noise,
and, indeed, no expression of joy. Very few
people were seen in the Thuilleries, though the
weather was fine, and the day sunday. The
more I see of the french, the more am I astonished
and disgusted at the indifference which
they have contracted. Their dullness is the more
disagreeable, from it’s being unnatural; and I
cannot help exclaiming, every hour, with Voltaire,
Que je plains un françois, quand il est sans gaieté;
Loin de son élément le pauvre homme est jetté[73].
Adieu.
LETTER XXVII.
Palais de Justice.—Account of the different tribunals or
courts of law.
Paris, april the 30th, 1802, (10 floréal.)
MY DEAR SIR,
I went this morning to the “Palais de Justice,”
in order to visit the different tribunals.
The “façade,” or front, of this building has a
commanding appearance. A handsome iron railing,
with three gates, forms its barrier; after
passing through which, you ascend a lofty flight
of stone steps. The avenues to the principal
hall are filled with shops of various descriptions,
and particularly those of booksellers. The hall,
or central room, which is of considerable extent,
forms a kind of antichamber to the different
courts. I went into one of the “tribunals de
premier instance,” in each of which three judges
preside. They wear long bands, and black coats,
from which is suspended a cloke or gown of
black silk. The advocates plead in a sort of bar;
but, excepting being dressed in black, have no
distinguishing badge, or professional decoration.
The judges had a grave appearance; and, though
they did not seem to be men of much importance,
conducted themselves with decency and
propriety. I was present while some causes
were argued; but they were not of sufficient
consequence to enable me to form any estimate
of the talents of the advocates, now called, in
the general change of name, “des défenseurs
officiaux[74].” As to their outward garb, it was
not prepossessing; and, if it were not unjust to
form any conclusion from mere exteriors, I
should say, that a french counsel and an english
one appear to be drawn from a very different
class of society. I next saw a court, which,
under the title of “tribunal de la police correctionelle,”
is charged with the investigation and
punishment of petty offences. I here heard the
trial of a man charged with pawning, for his own
use, some goods belonging to a shop, in which
he was employed as a workman. The witnesses
were regularly examined; after which the criminal
was very patiently heard in his defence. As he
had nothing to urge but his poverty and the
charges of a large family, he was found guilty
by the judges, (for I observed no jury) and was
sentenced, though an old offender, to only six
months imprisonment. This trial having satisfied
my curiosity about “la police correctionelle,”
I next visited the chief or supreme
court of the republic, which is called “le tribunal
de cassation.” Here every thing bore a
more dignified appearance. The room was lofty,
the seats elevated, and the judges (whose number
was considerable) seemed, by their dress, their
manner, and their language, to be well suited to
the important functions of their office. They
wore black and red gowns, with cocked hats, the
cords of which were of gold lace. Nothing can
be more respectable than the exterior of this
court; of the proceedings of which I could form
no idea, as the judges were employed in reading
papers relating to mere matters of form. I
imagine, that this is the tribunal intended, in
some respects, to replace the parliament of Paris.
The magistrates, as far as I could form an
opinion from this cursory visit, seem men of
education, learning, and polished manners.
Before I left the Palais de Justice, I looked
in at the criminal court of the “départment de
la Seine.” A culprit was reading a long written
defence, which I had not the patience to hear
concluded. The room was handsome, and the
proceedings orderly and correct. I saw here
nothing like a jury; yet I am told, that all
capital offences are tried by that mode of process.
An Italian was a few days ago tried in
this court, and convicted of assassination. I
regret much, that I was not present at the
trial. I did not hear of the circumstance till
to day. He yesterday underwent the punishment
of the guillotine, being led to the scaffold
in a red shirt, this disgrace being added to the
sentence in cases of murder. I ought to mention,
in honour of the present criminal laws of
France, that this is the first individual, who has
been condemned to death, during the six months
which I have passed at Paris.
Underneath the “Palais de Justice” is situate
that fatal prison, called “la Conciergerie.”
It was here that the sanguinary Robespierre
immured the daily victims of his wild and unrelenting
tyranny; who awaited, within its dismal
walls, the signal of death, under the insulting
and degraded name of trial. It was here, that
rank, beauty, age, philosophy, virtue, and patriotism,
took the places of vice; and, in the
caverns destined to receive the blackest perpetrators
of hideous crimes, were hurled, among
multitudes of other innocent and dignified characters,
the learned Condorcet, the ingenious
Lavoisier, the respectable Madame Roland, the
venerable Malesherbes, and the lovely, courageous,
and once haughty queen of France.
When I have been forced to make such
painful reflections, in viewing the different objects
which present themselves at Paris, I have
always found some consolation in looking round
me, and seeing how completely that system of
suspicion, bloodshed, and injustice, has passed
away. Those horrors, so disgraceful to France,
took place in a moment of national delirium (if
I may be permitted the expression); and the
inhabitants of Paris, who committed, or rather
suffered, the scenes of judicial murder, which
every day contaminated the streets of the capital,
now, restored to their senses, are the first to
deplore and execrate them. I am persuaded,
that crimes like these can never again find their
way into the polished metropolis of this great,
brave, and ingenious people.
With this hope I shall conclude my letter—a
hope, in which I am certain that you will warmly
and cordially unite.
I am, &c.
LETTER XXVIII.
The gardens and walks of Paris.
Paris, may the 2d, 1802 (12 floréal).
MY DEAR SIR,
Whenever you come to Paris, come with
the smiling month of may. On my arrival here,
at the end of october, I was disgusted with the
dirt of the streets, the mire of the Thuilleries,
the ruts of the Boulevards, and the general
gloom of the town. Accustomed to take a great
deal of exercise, I could not persuade myself to
be shut up, the whole of every day, either in a
hot room, or a close carriage. I therefore continued
to walk about: but, while my feet were
cut to pieces at every step, I was frequently in
danger of being run over by a rapid cabriolet,
or squeezed to atoms under the ponderous wheels
of an overloaded cart. Nor was I consoled for
this hazardous undertaking by meeting with any
conversable persons of my acquaintance.
The parisians, who have carriages, never think
of walking during the severe days of winter;
and those who do not possess that convenience,
spend the greater part of every day at home.
To save the expense of a fiacre[75], they will,
indeed, sometimes use their feet in going to a
restaurateur’s, a spectacle, or a ball, or in paying
some of those innumerable visits, in which an
inhabitant of this town passes half his life; but,
as to taking exercise for health, it never enters
into the calculations of a frenchman. Nothing,
therefore, could be so dismal as the streets in
the months of november, december, and january;
and a severer punishment could not be devised
for the daily murder of time committed by
our Bond street loungers, than to condemn them
to a three months pilgrimage, at that period of
the year, round the streets of Paris.
The spring has, with fine weather, changed
the face of every thing here; and a person fond
of exercise may now have all the advantages
which he can possibly desire.
The Thuilleries and Champs Elisées, which
in winter are almost impassable, now offer excellent
gravel walks, and delightful shade under
the long avenues of lofty trees. Here crowds
are collected at almost every hour of the day;
and, besides long lines of pedestrians, rows of
chairs are filled with ladies eating ice, and politicians
reading newspapers.
The Bois de Boulogne affords an admirable
ride for persons in carriages or on horseback,
and a lengthened walk for those on foot.
Besides these, there are several delightful gardens
open to the public in different parts of the
town. The Boulevards, which surround Paris on
every side, are now seen to great advantage.
The walks are in high order, the trees are in
rich foliage; and the number of mountebanks,
printsellers, quack doctors, and shows of all
kinds, collected here, and the crowds of persons
and carriages which are constantly passing, make
them present a very curious and lively scene.
The “Hameau de Chantilly,” or Elisée de
Bourbon, very near the Champs Elisées, has a
very pretty, though not an extensive garden,
into which, for a few sols, you gain admittance.
It was hence I saw madame Garnerin ascend,
about a month ago, in a balloon, unaccompanied
by any one. The day was fine; and we were all
much delighted with the courage of the fair
heroine, who was the first female that had ventured
alone on such an expedition.
She descended a few leagues from Paris, and
supped, the same evening, in public, at the
Hameau, where she was received with universal
and merited applause.
I am particularly pleased with a garden, called
“Mousseux, ou les délices de Chartre,” situate
in the Fauxbourg St. Honoré, and within the
gates of Paris. It formerly belonged to the duke
of Orleans; but, having been confiscated with
the rest of his enormous fortune, is now national
property, and open every day for the use of the
public. The garden is arranged in the english
taste, commands an extensive view, and has all
the advantages and appearance of grounds at a
considerable distance from a capital. Fine verdure,
trees of every kind in the must luxuriant
blossom, variety of flowers, a clear sky, and
birds warbling a thousand wild notes, make you
entirely forget the town; and the whole seems a
fairy scene produced by enchantment.
The only things in bad taste, I mean the modern
antiques and drawbridges, are now falling
into decay; and the artificial ruins are daily
becoming real ones.
The salon or house consists of a long gallery;
but it has been so much neglected during the
revolution, that it is now in a very tottering and
dangerous state. “Mousseux” is still a most delightful
spot, and must have been exquisitely so,
when kept in proper order. I doubt much, if
such a garden is to be found within the walls of
any other capital in Europe.
I ought to mention, that, though the town is
completely hidden in the shady walks of this
charming retreat, one of the best views of Paris
is enjoyed from a hillock of easy ascent, situate in
the centre of these grounds. There is a traiteur
at the door of the garden, where dinners may be
ordered; but his accommodations (as far as can
be judged from the outward appearance of his
habitation) I should suppose not very superiour.
I have heard, however, of large and fashionable
parties, who have dined here. Nothing is paid
for walking in the garden.
At the further end of the Bois de Boulogne,
about two miles from Paris, there is another
place of this kind, which, whenever you come
to Paris, I recommend your visiting. It is called
“Bagatelle,” and formerly belonged to the
Comte D’Artois, who is said to have built the
house and arranged the grounds in the space of
six weeks. The building, which is now an inn
or tavern, is light and elegant; and the garden
(allowing for some few exceptions) is laid out
with considerable taste. Near the house there is
a very pretty and very striking view of the bridge
of Neuilly. The accommodations here are good,
and a person fond of the country cannot pass a
fine evening more agreeably, than by dining at
Bagatelle, and strolling afterwards about the
grounds.
Before I conclude my account of the gardens
of Paris, I ought to mention two, which, are
opened at this season of the year, at a late hour,
and usually frequented after the opera, or other
spectacles; I mean Frescati and Tivoli.
Frescati consists of a large house and small
garden, situate on the Boulevard. The gate
stands in the corner of “la rue de la Loi.”
The apartments, elegantly painted with italian
landscapes, are large and numerous, and splendidly
lighted every evening. The garden
was illuminated last night, for the first time
this season, and is as pretty as its limited
extent can permit. It is the fashion to come here
about ten o’clock; and the amusement consists
in walking about, chatting with your friends,
eating ices and cakes, or drinking tea, punch, or
lemonade, the sale of which articles constitute
the whole profits of the landlord, to whom nothing
is paid for admittance. Frescati is, in short,
a kind of coffee house; and, notwithstanding the
smell of brandy, gin, and rum, generally prevalent,
is frequented by ladies as well as gentlemen.
When I first came here, I supposed that these
ladies were of a certain description: but I was
soon undeceived; and, besides seeing at this
place the most respectable families of Paris, was
assured by a ci-devant comtesse excessively rigid
on matters of etiquette, “que toute la bonne
compagnie y alloit[76].” After this authoritative decision,
it would be presumptuous to doubt the
propriety of going to Frescati; and our most
scrupulous countrywomen may, without apprehension
of being taken either for “filles” or
“parvenues,” enjoy this strange and singular
amusement.
Tivoli is but just opened for the season. I
have been there once. It is a large and beautiful
garden, situate in “la rue St. Lazare,” in the
“Chaussée d’Antin.” It was illuminated with much
taste; the trees are lofty; and the whole seemed
to resemble what I imagine our Vauxhall was,
before it was covered in.
There was a band of music, and dancing, on
a platform erected for the purpose. There
was also a party of tumblers. The company
was not either very numerous or very genteel;
but the night was not hot, and fine weather is
necessary to render this place agreeable; as
there is no house or shelter of any kind. In
the months of July or august Tivoli must be
delightful.
I forgot to mention, that there were roundabouts,
(as they are vulgarly called in England)
on which full grown people were very
gravely amusing themselves. I heard, the other
day, of a duel, which took place in consequence
of a dispute for one of these places.
You will scarcely believe the report; yet I am
every day convinced, that there is nothing so
ridiculous, that fancy can suppose, which does
not actually and frequently take place in this
most extraordinary town.
Having given you this short sketch of the
amusements “al fresco,” I shall conclude with
repeating my recommendations to you, whenever
you come to Paris, to come in the spring.
Winter is, indeed, the time for private society;
but I have found from experience, that
a foreigner has so little to expect on this head,
that it is much wiser to choose a season,
when an infinite variety of amusements, and
all the charms of Nature, in their richest and
happiest colours, offer a sure and constant fund
of pleasure.
I am, &c.
LETTER XXIX. — POSTSCRIPT.
The manufactory of “Gobelins,” the observatory, “les Enfans
trouvés,” “Champ de Mars,” les Invalides, and the
temple of Mars, containing the colours taken from different
nations, and the tomb of Turenne.—Le Musée des
Monumens françois, or collection of monuments.—List of
the most esteemed of these.—Note to this letter contains
the account of a dinner at the first consul’s.
Paris, may the 5th, 1802 (15 floréal).
MY DEAR SIR,
As my stay at Paris draws towards a conclusion,
I have occupied the three or four last days in visiting
those objects of curiosity, which as yet I
had neglected to see.
The manufactory of Gobelins deserves all its
celebrity. The colours, the design, and the execution
of the tapestry made here, are equal to
the productions of the finest painting. I was
shown some specimens, which were uncommonly
beautiful, particularly two pieces, one of which
represented the assassination of the admiral Coligni,
and the other the heroic conduct of the
président Molé, copied from the picture at Versailles,
an account of which I have already given.
There are ninety persons now employed, of
whom I saw several at work. It is astonishing
with what facility they seem to perform the most
difficult tasks, but I am told that the art is not
learnt without much time and considerable attention.
The apprenticeship requires six years,
and at least eighteen are necessary to make a proficient.
The workmen are not locked up within
the walls of the manufactory, as was the case
during the monarchy, but they are kept under the
constant “surveillance[77] of the police.” Most of the
pieces now in hand have been ordered by the
first consul, and are destined to form the ornament
of St. Cloud, and other public buildings.
From the Gobelins, situate in the most distant
part of the Fauxbourg St. Germain, I drove
along the new Boulevard to the observatory. I
found here only some common sized telescopes,
on which I observed with pride the respectable
name of “Dollond,” of London. I was informed
that a magnificent instrument of this kind
is preparing on the plan of Herschel, which is to
be twenty-two feet long, with a speculum of
platina. It is to be moved on a platform, for
the purpose of making observations, by means
of a machine invented for the purpose. I ascended
the top of the building, and the view
thence, which commands all Paris, is grand and
striking.
Near the observatory is the nursery of that humane
establishment called “les Enfans trouvés,”
which is still kept up on the old philanthropic
plan. Orphan children, deprived by death of
their parents, or abandoned by them, are received
here without question, recommendation, or inquiry,
and are nursed with tenderness, well fed,
properly educated, and lastly, qualified for some
trade or profession, in which they are afterwards
placed at the expense of the public. Their infancy
is passed in the building shown to me;
they are, at a certain age, sent into the country,
for the benefit of the air, and then return to the
principal hospital of the institution at Paris, where
their education is completed. Their number is
seldom less than a thousand.
I shall continue to speak of the different objects
I have lately seen, in the same order in
which I visited them.
The Champ de Mars, where, on the 14th of
july, 1790, I was present, when the unfortunate
Lewis XVI received and repeated the oath of
fidelity to that constitution which was so soon
violated, has still the remains of that vast amphitheatre,
made by the activity and zeal of the parisians
in the course of fourteen days, and on
which were seated nearly a million of people. I
recollected all the spots, where the principal authorities
were placed on that memorable day;
and it will be needless for me to repeat the innumerable
reflections which were created by a remembrance
of the extraordinary and many-coloured
events which have since occurred. The
École Militaire, which is now a barrack for the
consular horse guards, forms the front and principal
ornament of the Champ de Mars, which is
terminated on the other side by the river Seine.
L’École Militaire was built, in 1751, from a plan
of Gabriel. It has a handsome façade, and a
lofty dome, with a dial, and the figures of Time
and Astronomy.
The building of “les Invalides” presents one
of the most striking objects of Paris. Besides
the beauty of its construction, its handsome entrance,
its four courts, its celebrated clock, its
lofty dome, and elegant pillars, it contains, in the
principal hall, or chapel, now called “le Temple
de Mars,” the colours, or ensigns, taken during
the war, by the republican armies, from the different
powers opposed to France. This beautiful
room at least a hundred feet long, is lined on all
sides with the badges of triumph, many of which
bear, from their tattered appearance, the most
convincing proofs of not having been obtained
without considerable difficulty. Among the innumerable
colours of all nations, I perceived,
with pride, that there were only two or three
english; and these, from their size, had belonged
to some ship, perhaps to a merchantman, or to
that man of war, which, after sharing the glories
of Aboukir, was taken by five french vessels of
the line, after a resistance no less honourable
than her former success. In the centre of this
spacious apartment, to the right, surrounded by
the trophies of his successors and countrymen, is
placed the tomb of Turenne. This monument
was removed to the Temple of Mars by the present
government, and placed here, with considerable
pomp, after having been saved from the
fury of jacobinical rage, and preserved, by the
care of le Noir, in the “Musée des Monuments
françois.”
The circumstance which I have just mentioned,
naturally leads me to speak of the last named institution,
which I visited yesterday for the second
time. On my arrival at Paris, I went to see le
Musée des Monuments françois; and not being
as much struck with the exhibition as I expected,
from its great renown, I purposely postponed
speaking of it, till I had had an opportunity of
examining it again with all the attention it deserved.
After several hours employed in this
second view, I continue of my former opinion,
that the spot[78], in which these monuments are
collected, is infinitely too small; that the garden,
meant to be the tranquil site of sepulchral honours,
and the calm retreat of departed grandeur,
is on so limited a scale, is so surrounded
with adjoining houses, and altogether so ill arranged,
that, instead of presenting the model
of
“Those deep solitudes ...
Where heav’nly pensive Contemplation dwells,
And ever musing Melancholy reigns,”
it might easily be mistaken for the working yard
of a statuary, or the pleasure ground of a tasteless
citizen, decked out with Cupids, Mercuries,
and Fauns.
It must, however, be acknowledged, that “le
Noir,” by whose care this establishment was
formed, deserves great credit for the courage
with which he rescued the many precious monuments
here deposited, from the barbarous and
undiscriminating fury of revolutionary vandalism,
for the perseverance and attention which has
marked his conduct in the arrangement, and for
the plan (whether successful or not, I shall not
pretend to examine) of presenting complete and
exact representations of the art of building in the
different ages. Among the innumerable tombs,
crowded together in this collection, of which a
catalogue, in large octavo, is sold at the door, I
observed many of great beauty, taste, and symmetry.
Kings, poets, belles, philosophers, and
painters, torn from the graves, in which, for
centuries past, their remains had tranquilly reposed,
would have had no stone to record their
past celebrity, if this institution had not existed.
The arts, too, are highly indebted to the founder,
for the specimens of sculpture, many of them
chefs d’œuvre, which are here seen in all their
original perfection. Models, too, of ancient and
celtic buildings are added to those of french architecture.
Le Noir’s favourite plan of having a chapel
for each century, ornamented with all the appropriate
decorations, and containing the tombs of
contemporary persons, is in part executed, and
three or four ages have already their respective
temples, completed in the taste of the times which
belonged to them. These chapels have been
much admired by persons, whose knowledge on
such subjects entitle them to respect; and it
would, therefore, be presumptuous in me to give
a dissenting voice. I shall be pardoned, however,
for remarking, that there appeared, in the whole
arrangement, a kind of quackery, which prevented
my feeling that unalloyed satisfaction which I had
been led to expect; and that, in spite of my better
judgment, I felt an inclination to laugh, when
perhaps my tears ought to have flowed.
As every body must rejoice at the preservation
of these monuments, whatever opinions he may
entertain about the arrangement, I cannot help
regretting, that they are not deposited in a place
more worthy of containing them. Since the restoration
of religion has removed every obstacle
which could be started to such a project, would
it not be worthy of the present government, decidedly
the friend and protector of the arts, to
order that all these precious specimens of sculpture
should become the ornament of one or more
of the principal churches of Paris, the present
naked state of which is an additional argument in
favour of the measure? What splendour would
they not both receive and confer, in being removed
either to Notre Dame, St. Sulpice, or St.
Généviève?
To satisfy the curiosity which I know you entertain
on such subjects, I examined, with attention,
the principal objects, and marked in my
catalogue those which seemed most deserving of
notice. The following is the list:
No.
5.
The tomb of Dagobert, with the figures of Nautilda
his wife, and Clovis his son.
94.
The tomb of Lewis XII.
99.
The Monument, or sepulchral Chapel, of Francis
the First, with Claude his wife.—(Destroyed in
the revolution, and restored by le Noir.)
105.
Monument erected in honour of Ann of Montmorency.
111.
A group of Graces.
113.
Statue of Henry the Fourth of France, assassinated
in 1610, clad in a military dress. The
artist was Francavilla, or Francevelle, as he was
otherwise called. The catalogue mentions, that
judging from the body, found at St. Denys in
1793, and which was yet perfect, one should
suppose that this was a striking likeness.
115.
Statue of Claude Catherine de Clermont Tonnere.
121.
Statue in black marble, representing David after
the death of Goliath, by Peter Francavilla, in
1580.
146.
Monument erected in honour of Charles the Fifth,
taken from St. Germain-des-Prés. His medallion,
in bronze, is by John Cousin.
174.
The Mausoleum of the Cardinal de Richelieu,
taken from the Sorbonne.—This celebrated group
of figures, after a design by le Brun, was executed
by Girardon, and considered as his chef-d’œuvre.
187.
The Mausoleum of Cardinal Mazarin, taken from
the college of that name. This monument, of
white marble, is the work of Coyzevox.
189.
Statue of Ann of Austria, taken from the Pont
au Change. Executed by Guillain.
200.
Monument, erected to John Baptiste Colbert, the
celebrated minister.
263.
Monument, in marble, erected to the memory of
Charles le Brun, one of the most celebrated
painters of the french school. Taken from St.
Nicholas de Chardonnet.
205.
A group of Figures in black marble, representing
Francis Michael Letellier Marquis de Louvois, minister
of state, who died in 1691.—This was the
work of Girardon.
207.
This Monument, called la Pyramide, or the pillar
of Longueville, was erected by Anne Généviève de
Bourbon, duchess of Longueville, and was meant
in honour both of the first and second duke of
that name.
208.
This is a Monument formed by le Noir, from the
ruins of that which formerly stood in la place
des Victoires. He has placed on the pedestal a
figure of Abundance and Equality.
210.
A colossal Statue, taken from les Invalides, representing
Charlemagne. Executed by Coyzevox.
211.
A colossal Statue of Lewis the Eleventh, in black
marble, executed by Couston. Taken from les
Invalides.
214.
A Statue of Lewis the Fourteenth, in black marble,
by Michel Anguier. The king is in a Roman dress.
218.
A much admired Statue, by Sarrasin, of St. Denys
praying. Taken from the abbey of Montmartre.
220
or 449. This fine Monument, executed under the
immediate orders and design of the celebrated
architect Bullant, was taken from St. Martin, at
Montmorency, and was erected in honour of Ann
de Montmorency.
286.
The marble Bust of Lewis de Bourbon Condé, called
the great Condé, from the chisel of Coyzevox.
384.
This is a modern Monument, in honour of modern
events, and of living characters. It is the work
of Foucon, and it is meant to represent, allegorically,
the peace of Luneville, and to record the
glory of Bonaparte.
448.
This is a beautiful Statue, in black marble, of
Francis the First on his death bed. Two thousand
modern goths, not content with mutilating
this chef-d’œuvre, have ventured to record their
barbarity in writing on the monument itself, or
rather on what remains, their dishonoured names,
several of which are still apparent. The convention,
afterwards found it necessary to pass a law,
condemning to ten years imprisonment, in chains,
the mutilators or destroyers of the works of art.
The following are in the garden:
No.
467.
From the Chateau d’Anet, a beautiful group, representing
Diana with a stag, accompanied by
her dogs, Procyon and Sirius—supposed to be the
work of John Gougeon, made for the fountain in
the park of Diana of Poitiers, at Anet.
471.
Statue, in black marble, and on his knees, of
Lewis II. Taken from the church of Notre Dame
de Cléry, where it was dreadfully mutilated by
the fury of the inhabitants. It was the work of
Michael Bourdin, of Orleans, who, not satisfied
with the price which he received for it, stole a
silver lamp from the church, for which crime he
was afterwards executed at Orleans.
507.
A sepulchral Urn, containing the ashes of the celebrated
René Descartes, who died in Sweden, in the
year 1650.
508.
The Tomb of Molière, containing the body of that
celebrated dramatic writer. The following inscription
appears:
The whole is surrounded with myrtles, roses,
and cypress trees.
509.
The tomb of J. de la Fontaine, containing his body.
510.
This is a Monument with four fronts. It contains
the busts of Molière, John la Fontaine, Boileau,
and Racine, who were intimate friends, and
sometimes lived together at Auteuil.
511.
The Tomb which, for some time, contained the
mummy of Turenne, first preserved in the Musée
de l’Histoire Naturelle, then removed to this spot,
and lastly placed, as I have before observed, in the
Temple of Mars.
555.
Sepulchral Urn, containing the ashes of the celebrated
Boileau, with this inscription:
“Ainsi que mes chagrins, mes beaux jours sont passés,
Je ne sens plus l’aigreur de ma bile première,
Et laisse aux froids rimeurs, une libre carrière[81].”
Boileau, Epist. 5. à M. Guilléraques.
There are, doubtless, besides those which I
have enumerated, many tombs deserving of notice;
but I have specified these, on account of
the celebrity of the artists, or that of the persons
whose memory the monuments were intended to
record. I send you a very imperfect account,
yet it is the result of a six hours’ visit, made with
no little care and attention.
Le Noir’s catalogue, which, I understand,
is now translating into english, concludes with a
curious account of the state in which the bodies
of the former kings of France were found at St.
Denys, when, in the year 1793, the national convention,
with a savage disregard of decency, and
with a contempt for departed grandeur scarcely
credible, ordered that the kings, princes, and
other great men, who had for fifteen hundred
years lain in peace at St. Denys, should be dragged
from their tombs, in order that the lead, of
which their coffins were made, should be converted
into ball.
You will be surprised to hear, that the celebrated
Turenne, preserved like a mummy, was instantly
recognized by the resemblance which he
still bore to his busts and pictures; and Henry
the fourth was yet so perfect, (though he died in
1610), that not a feature was altered.
This account is already of such a length, that
I shall make no apology for abruptly concluding
it.
I am, &c.
Returning home to day, at half past four o’clock, from viewing
some of the sights, (which I have mentioned in my
letter), we found a messenger waiting with a note from the
Thuilleries. It proved to be an invitation to Mrs. ⸺,
from the first consul, asking her to dinner the same day at
five. She dressed as quickly as possible, and drove to the
palace. She is just returned; and from her statement, I
send you the following short account.
The entertainment was extremely elegant, and the sight very
striking. More than two hundred persons sat down to
table in a splendid apartment. The company consisted,
besides the family of Bonaparte, of the ministers, the ambassadors,
several generals, senators, counsellors of state,
and other constituted authorities. The number of women
present was by no means in proportion to that of the
men, and did not exceed fifteen. All the english ladies,
who had been presented to madame Bonaparte, were invited
(though not their husbands) to this entertainment;
but it happened, that only two remained at Paris.
The dinner was served entirely on plate and Sèvre china, the
latter bearing the letter B on every dish, and every plate;
and the plateau was covered with moss, out of which arose
innumerable natural flowers, the odour of which perfumed
the whole room.
The first consul and madame Bonaparte conducted themselves
with much ease, and spoke very affably to those around
them.
The servants were numerous, splendidly dressed, and highly
attentive. The dinner lasted more than two hours.
LETTER XXX.
General account of literary establishments at Paris.—National
library.—Manuscripts.—Memoirs of his own times,
by Lewis XIV.—Fac simile of a love letter of Henry IV.—Cabinet
of medals.—Cabinet of engravings, &c.—Library
of the Pantheon.—Mazarine library.—Library of the Institute.—Libraries
of the senate, the legislative body, and
tribunate.—The Lycées, now called les Athénées.—Admirable
lectures given at one of them.—Professors Fourcroy,
Cuvier, and la Harpe.—“L’Institute national.”—“Jardin
national des Plantes”—Collection of birds, plants, fossils,
and insects, in the house attached to the “Jardin des
Plantes.”—“Cabinet de l’École des Mines, à l’Hôtel des
Monnoies.”—Great opportunities afforded at Paris of cultivating
science and literature in all their various branches.
Paris, may the 10th, 1802 (20 floréal.)
MY DEAR SIR,
I have postponed speaking to you of the
literary establishments of Paris, till my residence
here had been sufficiently long to enable me to
give my opinion with some degree of certainty.
Perhaps there is no town in the known world,
which affords such favourable opportunities of acquiring
and cultivating knowledge, as that from
which I am now writing. On this subject, equality
in the best sense exists; and while the poor man
has the finest libraries, and most extensive collections
opened to his use, without any expense
whatever, he, whose circumstances are moderately
easy, obtains, for a trifling consideration, every
possible means of additional improvement.
The national library, which existed during the
monarchy, and was founded by Charles the fifth,
occupies a large building in the rue de la Loi
(ci-devant de Richelieu). An elegant staircase,
painted by Pelegrini, leads to the spacious apartments
on the first floor, which take up three sides
of the large court by which you enter, and which
contain no less than three hundred thousand printed
volumes. Five or six rooms, well lighted and
well aired, offer on each side the best books, in
every science and in every language. Tables are
placed for the convenience of students, and attentive
librarians civilly deliver the works which are
asked for.
In the second room is a curious piece of workmanship,
called “le Parnasse françois[82]” by
Titon Dutillet, in which the different poets and
writers of France are represented as climbing up
the steep ascent of that difficult but inspired
mountain. In my opinion, it deserves attention
more as a specimen of national taste, and private
industry, than as a production either of genius
or of beauty.
In the third “salon” are the celebrated globes,
the one celestial, the other terrestrial, made in
1683, by the jesuit Coronelli, for the cardinal
d’Estrées. They are of immense dimensions, but
require new painting; as, in the first place, they
were made before the last discoveries, and secondly,
the colours are almost entirely effaced
by the lapse of time.
This admirable library, which also contains
collections of medals, and other curiosities, is
open to all persons who choose to attend as
students, without any expense, recommendation,
or favour, every day in the week; but, to prevent
the labours of these being interrupted, the visits
of such as only come from motives of curiosity
are limited to two days in seven. I saw, with
pleasure, that the object of this splendid institution
is fully answered. Forty or fifty young men,
deeply intent on the subject of their inquiries,
were seated in different parts of the room, and
seemed to pursue, with enthusiasm, those studies,
which the liberality of their country thus afforded
them the means of cultivating.
The gallery of manuscripts (called the gallery
of Mazarine) contains thirty thousand volumes,
generally on the history of France, and more
particularly relating to facts which have taken
place since the reign of Lewis XI, twenty-five
thousand of which are in learned or foreign languages.
The librarian, to whose care these precious
papers are entrusted, was known to a gentleman
who accompanied me, and through his
goodness we saw several, which are not commonly
exhibited.
I was much surprised at finding, in the hand
writing of Lewis XIV. memoirs of his own times,
so accurately taken, that, with very little difficulty,
they might be prepared for the press. I
understand that a gentleman, belonging to the
library, began this useful task, and had made considerable
progress, when a sudden illness deprived
his country and the literary world of his services.
I was not a little entertained with the love
letters of Henry IV., which are in perfect preservation,
and some of which have, I believe,
been published. The following is a fac simile of
one, which particularly attracted my notice:
As the tokens of regard, which the gallant
Henry thought his mistress deserved, were only
limited in number to a million, we cannot too
much admire the prudence with which he, who
was never known to break his word, promised to
testify his affection, not according to the merit
of the lady, but to the powers of her lover.
The five large rooms on the second floor contain
the titles and genealogies of private families,
which, though forbidden, since the revolution,
to be kept by individuals, are here preserved, in
order to ascertain the claims of property, and to
assist the researches of historians. They are contained
in five thousand boxes, or porte-feuilles,
and are arranged and labelled with the greatest
precision.
The cabinet of medals is ornamented by drawings
over the doors by Boucher; by three large
pictures, by Natoire, representing Thalia, Calliope,
and Terpsichore; by three of Carlo Vanloo, representing
Psyche led by Hymen, the inventress
of the flute, and the three protectors of the
Muses. The cabinet of antiques, above stairs,
contains the busts, vases, inscriptions, instruments
of sacrifice, &c. collected by the celebrated
Caylus.
The cabinet of engravings, which occupies what
is called, in France, the “entresol,” or the floor
between the first and second, consists of five
thousand volumes, divided into twelve classes.
The first contains sculptors, architects, engineers,
and engravers, arranged in schools. The second,
prints, emblems, and devices of piety. The
third, greek and roman fables and antiquities.
The fourth, medals, coins, and arms. The fifth,
public festivals, cavalcades, and tournaments.
The sixth, arts and mathematics. The seventh,
prints relating to romances and works of pleasantry.
The eighth, natural history in all its
branches. The ninth, geography. The tenth,
plans and views of ancient and modern edifices.
The eleventh, portraits of persons, of all conditions,
to the number of fifty thousand; and the
twelfth, a collection of fashions and costumes of
almost every country in the world, from the
porte-feuille of Gaigniéres. This last class is
said to contain the most extensive collection yet
known of french fashions, from the time of Clovis
to the present age. The greater part of the
sheets are coloured, some are on vellum, copied
from glass windows, from pieces of tapestry, and
from figures on tombs. The picture of king
John, being the first specimen of french painting,
is found in this collection. It is well preserved.
I ought not to conclude my account of the
national library without mentioning, that among
the manuscripts there are several in the persian,
arabic, and Chinese languages.
Besides the “national library,” there is the
library of the Pantheon (or St. Généviève), consisting
of eighty thousand volumes, and two thousand
manuscripts, open every day from ten till
two o’clock.
The Mazarine library, or (“des quatre nations,”)
is open every day, from ten till two
o’clock (excepting on the 5th and 10th of each
month), and contains sixty thousand volumes.
The library of the “Institute” is open every
day to members, and every 15th of the month to
the public.
The legislature, the tribunate, the senate, and
the other constituted authorities, have also their
libraries.
In addition to these sources of knowledge,
there are several literary institutions, called, when
I first came here, “des Lycées, or Lyceums,”
but which, in consequence of the national colleges
lately established having taken that name,
have changed theirs, and assumed the appellation
of “des Athénées.” The most distinguished of
these, “le Lycée,” (or, according to its new
title, “l’Athénée,”), “republicain,” has been
the principal source of my amusement at Paris.
It consists of annual subscribers, who, for the
moderate sum of four louis, enjoy all its benefits.
The society has a large floor, or apartment,
situate near the “Palais Royal,” (in a street
called by its name); and it is open the whole of
every day for the use of the subscribers. There
is a small library, where all the periodical publications
and newspapers are taken in; and while
three or four rooms are appropriated to conversation,
one is devoted to reading, and profound
silence is there ordered and maintained.
In addition to these, there is an excellent lecture
room, with all the necessary apparatus for
experiments, in which the ablest men in France
appear as professors. The subject of the lectures,
which are regularly given, always twice,
and frequently three times, in the course of the
day, are literature, the sciences, and modern
languages. When I add, that Fourcroy takes
the chymical department, that Cuvier reads on
natural history, and that la Harpe, till banished
by the government, was the professor of literature,
you will readily allow, that no establishment
can be better organized. Besides these,
“Hassenfratz” gives very good lectures on
agriculture, and the studies connected with that
science. “Sué,” as an anatomist, is justly celebrated;
and the other professors, in their different
lines, prove themselves well qualified for
the tasks assigned them. With “Fourcroy,”
and “Cuvier,” I was particularly delighted; and
it is impossible, without having heard them, to
form an idea of the clearness and eloquence with
which they explain the subjects of their respective
departments. As to “la Harpe” I must confess,
I was not a little disappointed. From his
great renown, and from the encomiums past on
him, in early life, by Voltaire, I expected to
have been at once pleased, instructed, and surprised.
In these hopes I was strongly encouraged
by the manner in which his lectures were spoken,
of at Paris, and by the crowds which flocked to
the “Lycée,” whenever it was his turn to fill
the chair. Dreadful was my disappointment,
when, at last, I heard him. Pompignan, la
Motte, Fontenelle, and some other authors of
that stamp, were the subjects of his discourses;
and, beginning with telling us that these writers
were either entirely forgotten, or deserved to be
so, he continued, for whole days together, to
drag their ghosts before his audience, whom he
seemed to convert into a “tribunal révolutionaire”
of criticism, and to attack their memory
with all the warmth and violence of an “accusateur
public.” These philippics against
dead and neglected authors, filled up with long
quotations from the works which he ridiculed,
interlarded with attacks on those philosophical
and political principles of which he was originally
the ardent advocate, and enlivened now and
then with a joke, and sometimes with an anecdote,
constituted the whole merit of his lectures.
Yet the members of the “Lycée” heard him
with wonder and admiration; and whenever he
threw down his book, turned round with a look
of self-complacence, or filled his tumbler with
lemonade from the decanter always placed by his
side, the signal was instantly taken, and loud
and repeated applauses thundered from every
corner of the room. To account for this partiality,
I must repeat, that every thing at Paris is
ruled by fashion; and la Harpe being generally
considered as the most distinguished literary
man now alive, every thing which fell from his
tongue was necessarily excellent; and I have no
doubt, that if he had contented himself with
reading an article from one of the newspapers of
the morning, he would have been equally admired
and as warmly applauded.
The “Lycée” is altogether a most excellent
establishment; and, considering, that two lectures,
and frequently three, are given six days in
every week, and that these lectures are included
in the subscription, the price of four louis is very
moderate.
I cannot speak properly of this institution as a
place of society, as I seldom staid there after
the conclusion of the lectures; but I am told,
that the members are, generally speaking, respectable
men. The rooms are constantly full,
and some persons may be said nearly to pass
their lives there, since they are scarcely ever
absent, except at the hour of dinner. I think it
not improbable, that much amusement may be
found in the conversation of the members; but I
confine my recommendation to the advantages
which the “Lycée” affords, as an easy source of
profitable knowledge.
“L’Institut national,” that celebrated society,
which has succeeded “l’académie française,”
which is held up as the great republican
repository of genius and learning, and into which
admittance is solicited with so much eagerness,
both at home and abroad, consists of one hundred
and forty-four members resident at Paris,
and of twenty-four foreign associates. It is divided
into three classes; the sciences, physical
and mathematical; the sciences, moral and political;
literature and the fine arts. Each of these
classes is again subdivided.
The “Institut” has a public séance, or meeting,
on the 15th of every month. I was present
at one of these assemblies; and I am ashamed to
confess, that I had difficulty in refraining from
laughter. The society holds its sittings in a spacious
room in the palace of the Louvre. The
members were seated in such silent, solemn state,
each with his reading desk, books, ink, and wax
lights before him, while a dull and uninteresting
paper was reading, that their gravity produced
the opposite effect on me, and “malgré” my respect
for the establishment, and for those who
belong to it, it was not without a struggle that I
composed my features, and checked the impulse
of nature. At last, fortunately for me, “Colin
d’Harleville,” a dramatic writer of merit, ascended
the rostrum, and read a kind of funeral oration,
or eulogy, on the memory of an author of reputation,
lately dead. The simplicity of the speaker’s
manner, the harmony of his voice, and the feeling
which he displayed, in deploring the loss and
proving the worth of his friend, charmed every
ear; and, notwithstanding the pompous faces
which surrounded me, I became as melancholy
as they wished to appear serious. The members
of “l’institut national” wear a blue cloth uniform,
richly embroidered with silk of the same
colour.
The “Jardin national des Plantes[84],” founded
originally by Buffon, is one of the most interesting
objects at Paris. Naturalists, and persons
fond of botany, have here every opportunity of
cultivating those useful studies, and of gratifying,
in the amplest manner, their favourite taste. The
garden itself, which is extensive, and reaches to
the river, contains every kind of curious and
exotic plant. There is a greenhouse likewise,
filled with such trees, the tender nature of which
cannot bear the coldness of a northern atmosphere.
There is also a ménagerie, or collection of
animals, among which every kind of fierce, rare,
and foreign quadrupeds may be found. On my
first arrival at Paris, there were two elephants,
of different sizes, who had lived several years
together in the same stable. They were of very
considerable dimensions, equal to those, the
effigy of which is sometimes seen on a London
stage. The male has lately died, and “Cuvier”
is to anatomise the body, and give a lecture on
the subject. The female, for some time after the
death of her companion, showed evident symptoms
of grief, and even refused, at first, every
kind of nourishment. The house attached to
“le Jardin des Plantes” is filled with a precious
collection of curiosities in natural history, properly
arranged, and correctly named. Several
rooms are filled with these valuable objects; and
I am told, by persons acquainted with such subjects,
that very little is wanting to make this
dépôt complete. Stuffed quadrupeds[85], birds,
plants, fossils, fish, and shells, offer every kind of
variety; and even the ignorant man finds here a
source of never-failing amusement. The collection
of insects is particularly curious and extensive.
I believe it is considered as the finest in
the world.
The “Jardin des Plantes,” like every other
national establishment at Paris, is seen gratuitously,
and is open to foreigners every day, while
frenchmen are only admitted three or four times
in each week. It is impossible to mention too
often, or to admire too highly, a trait of hospitality
so truly magnificent.
The “cabinet de l’École des Mines” is a superb
establishment. It is situate in the principal
building towards the key of the “hôtel des Monnaies.”
It was formed in 1778, of the collection
which the famous mineralogist, le Sage, was
eighteen years in putting together. The middle
of the cabinet forms an amphitheatre, capable of
containing two hundred persons. Glass cases
enclose, in the finest order, minerals of every
kind, and from every part of the world. Four
other separate cases offer models of machinery.
On the stairs, leading to the gallery, is the bust
of monsieur le Sage, which was placed there by
the gratitude of his pupils. The gallery itself is
surrounded with cases, containing specimens of
the productions of mines, too numerous to be
placed with those which are in the first cabinet of
mines. The interior of the cabinet is 45 feet
long, by 38 wide, and 40 feet high. All the
english, who have seen “l’École des Mines,”
agree, in speaking of it as one of the most interesting
sights of this interesting capital[86].
Beside the great establishments which I have
mentioned, there are several others, which it
would be an endless task to attempt to specify.
There are also many “lycées” or “athénées,”
beside that of which I have spoken. There
are likewise private subscription lectures on all
subjects, many of which are of high repute, such
as those of Mr. Charles on natural philosophy, of
the excellence of whose experiments, and the
clearness of whose discourses, I hear a very favourable
account.
The english, german, and italian languages,
are taught by professors at the different “lycées,”
by particular subscription, and for moderate
sums in other places. In short, there is no
literary pursuit, of any kind, which any man, in
any circumstances, may not cultivate with success
at Paris.
Fortitude is necessary to resist the opportunities
of committing crimes, if the individual be
poor, and of falling into the temptations of pleasure, if
he happen to be rich. Guarded against
these respective evils, the industrious scholar,
whether covered with rags, or “clad every day
in purple,” may move on in the career of letters
with every possible advantage, and with the certitude
of, at last, obtaining the utmost object of
his wishes. If any equality exist in France, it is
found in the fount of knowledge, which literally
“⸺In patriam populumque fluxit.”
In addition to the opportunities afforded for
literary improvement already mentioned, the price
of books is moderate; and “cabinets litéraires”
offer in every quarter of the town, and almost in
every street, newspapers, pamphlets, and periodical
works.
Paris, however, does not possess many circulating
libraries, and of the few which exist, I can
give no favourable account. Perhaps the facility
with which works of value are consulted, and the
trifle for which those of the day are bought, are
the reasons of this deficiency. It is, however, a
considerable convenience wanting in so great a
city; and I think that such an establishment, on
a liberal and extended scale, would be a profitable
and useful subject of speculation.
I have said nothing of “la Société des belles
Lettres” of “la Société de Médecine” of “la
Société d’Institution,” &c. Were I to enumerate
all the useful establishments, both public
and private, connected with literature, my letter
would soon be swelled into a volume, and that
even of no small dimensions. I shall, therefore,
now conclude my account by observing, that
whatever are the particular objects, to which a
studious man wishes to direct his attention, “quod
petit hic est,” he will find here all the facilities
which he can possibly desire for pursuing his favourite
science, with little or no expense and
great advantage.
I am, &c.
LETTER XXXI.
Calculation and estimate of expenses at Paris.—List of
hotels, traiteurs, &c.
Paris, may the 12th, 1802, (22 floréal.)
MY DEAR SIR,
You know how much I dislike the petty detail
of economical arrangements, and will therefore
pardon me for having so long delayed to speak to
you of the expenses and mode of living at Paris.
I have not forgotten your queries, and will, in
this letter, endeavour to answer them as fully as
possible. You will, at least, derive one advantage
from my apparent neglect; that the information
which I shall now send you, is not hastily
given, but the result of experience, gained during
a residence of nearly seven months.
Persons who have represented Paris (to use
a vulgar phrase) as a cheap place, have either
been greatly deceived themselves, or have intended
purposely to deceive. The difference
between the expense of living in London and in
Paris, appears to me infinitely less than it is
generally supposed. It is true, indeed, that a
french family will apparently support a much
more elegant establishment on a given income,
than an english one can in London; but I believe
the cause arises almost entirely from the superiour
economy and arrangement of the former,
from the sparing system observed in the interiour
of private houses, and from the constant and
unvarying attention to the minutiæ of every
disbursement. Though the table of a Parisian
boasts, when company are invited, every kind of
luxury, yet I have reason to suspect, that, on
ordinary occasions, “le bouilli[87],” and “le vin
ordinaire,” form its principal support. A carriage,
which has been in a family twenty or thirty
years, is treated with all the respect due to its
antiquity, and is seldom or ever discarded on
account of its oldfashioned shape or faded colour;
and horses, used only now and then, may
be fed on hay and straw. Liveries are forbidden
by the law; and servants are therefore permitted
to wait in the tattered garments which their present
master has left off, or in those which they
have collected in a former service.
The drawing-rooms, and “salles à manger,”
are lighted, even at the largest assemblies, with
oil, instead of wax; and antichambers and staircases
are so dark, that to find one’s way into the
principal apartment is generally a service of
difficulty, if not of danger. As to fire, on
common occasions, one in the bed room either
of “madame,” or “monsieur,” is thought sufficient,
with the addition of a “poële,” or stove,
which is so contrived, as to heat both the eating
room, and the antichamber, in which latter the
servants always sit. In respect to dress, an old
great coat (or “riding coat,” as they call it) is
often worn in the house, by gentlemen, and the
belles who appear with the greatest splendour in
the evening, sometimes pass their morning in a
powdering gown, or “robe de chambre.”
The same kind of rigid economy is observed
in their amusements. A family of distinction
will occupy a box “au second, or au bagnoir[88],”
to save a few livres; and I knew a young lady
of considerable fortune, who expressed an anxious
wish to see the first appearance of Vestris, and
who, when a place was offered her, refused it,
malgré the general passion for spectacles, and
the celebrity of this, when she found that the
price of the ticket was nine francs (or seven and
sixpence english). I have entered into this explanation,
to account for the apparently splendid
establishments of persons of moderate fortunes,
which might otherwise seem to contradict the
opinion which I am about to give, and which I
have already hinted.
I repeat, then, that an english family settling
here[89], with english ideas and english habits,
would spend very little less than they would do
in London, with a similar establishment.
To enable you to judge for yourself on this
subject, I shall mention the prices of the most
essential articles of expense; some of which are
lower, while others are infinitely higher.
Meat is much cheaper, being only eleven or
twelve sols per pound (or five or six pence
english).
Bread bears, at present, nearly the same price
in the two countries.
The keep of horses costs infinitely less at Paris,
than in London.
Poultry is cheaper; and wine of the best kind
may be bought for something more than we pay
for good port.
On the other hand, house rent is equally dear,
if not dearer. Furniture is exorbitant; and dress
of all kinds, both for men and women (only
excepting shoes and gloves) is, beyond comparison,
dearer in price, and more expensive in its
kind.
The price of amusements, in the first places,
is nearly the same at the large theatres of
Paris, as at those of London; and spectacles,
being infinitely more frequented at the
former than in the latter city, much more is
spent, in this article, in the one than in the other
capital.
Groceries are dearer, and fuel at least double.
Putting these articles, the one against the other,
perhaps with economy eleven hundred pounds in
Paris might purchase as many conveniences as
twelve in London. But I think even this difference
is liberally allowed.
Having given this rough calculation of family
expenses, I shall proceed to speak more particularly
of those of a foreigner, or temporary
resident. On this point I can be more positive,
having experience for my guide.
A job carriage and pair of horses cost from
twenty to twenty two louis per month, according
to the manner in which you are served. A pair
of horses, without the hire of a carriage, may
be had for fifteen or sixteen louis per month. In
both cases the coachman is paid by the jobman;
but the former expects a trifle, as a mark of your
approbation.
A “laquais de place” asks four, but will take
three, livres (or half a crown English) per day.
Apartments vary so infinitely in price, according
to the part of the town where they are situate,
according to the number of rooms wanted,
according to the height of the floor, and, above
all, according to the bargain made by the individual
wanting them, that it is very difficult to
fix any thing like an average. I shall only say,
generally, that I think a single man may be
well lodged (at a price proportioned to the accommodation
which he requires) from five to
twelve louis per month; and a family of two or
three persons, with as many servants, from twelve
to thirty louis.
A “traiteur” will supply a dinner at six livres
(or five shillings) per head; but the fare will neither
be very good, nor very abundant.
Wine, of the best quality, if taken from the
“traiteur,” or the master of the hotel, will
cost from five to six livres the bottle. The same
may be had from a wine merchant at about
half the price. I ought to add, that it is not
expected here, as in England, that the wine
should necessarily be ordered from the person
who supplies your table.
The price of washing is greater than in London;
and the english ladies complain much of
the manner in which it is executed.
Fuel is immensely dear. A “voie de bois,”
or load of wood, the contents of which one fire
will consume in ten days, costs about thirty two
or thirty three livres (making about twenty six
or twenty seven shillings english.)
About nine livres (or seven shillings and sixpence)
are paid for admittance in the first places
for each person at the “opera,” at “le théâtre
de la Feydeau,” and at “le théâtre de la rue
Favart;” at the “théâtre françois” six livres,
twelve sols, (or five shillings and sixpence english)
and in the little theatres, half a crown, or
three shillings. I cannot give the prices exactly,
as they vary according to the manner in which
you go to the play-house. In taking a box,
more is paid for each ticket, than what is otherwise
paid simply for the admittance of each individual
at the door.
Clothing is very expensive. A plain frock of
superfine cloth costs from four louis to five and
a half, according to the fashion of the tailor:
and I am told, that ladies’ muslins are at least
four times dearer than in London.
About lodgings, it is very necessary that those
who intend visiting Paris should make previous arrangements.
The hotels are not so numerous as
before the revolution; and the difficulty of getting
well accommodated is much greater than any
one, who has not been here, can possibly conceive.
Great advantage is also taken of the
situation of strangers, who arrive (unprepared)
at one of these houses with post horses, the
drivers of which are always impatient, and very
often impertinent, if you detain them long in
seeing rooms, or go to several hotels, before you
are settled.
To enable you and your friends to form some idea
of the merits of the different hotels, and accordingly
to give directions to your correspondents, I will add
a list and short account of the most celebrated.
“L’Hôtel de Grange Batelière, rue de
Grange Batelière,” in the Chaussée Dantin,
(where Lord Cornwallis lodged) is a large and
spacious house, in which there are many handsome
apartments. It has also the advantage of
a fine and extensive garden. I think I have
heard, that the charges here are rather high.
The situation of the house is excellent; adjoining
the Boulevard, nearly opposite “la rue de
la Loi (or de Richelieu),” and in that part of
the town, which is now esteemed the most fashionable.
“L’Hôtel de l’Empire,” rue Cerruti, (formerly
the private house of M. la Borde, the
king’s Banker) is much frequented by the english.
It is of course expensive. The high reputation
which this hotel enjoys, induced me to go there
on my first arrival. I was much disappointed.
I did not find either the lodgings good, or the
cooking very superiour. The principal apartment
is certainly very splendid, the price of
which is ninety louis per month; but the other
rooms have nothing very particular to recommend
them. Every kind of refreshment is found
in the house, and charged by the article, as at
the hotels in London, and at about the same
prices.
This house is also in the “Chaussée Dantin,”
and not far distant from “l’Hôtel de Grange
Batelière.”
In the “rue de la Loi,” (or “de Richelieu”)
there are several hotels; but the situation,
though extremely central and convenient, has
the disadvantage of being very noisy. The
upper part of the street, near the Boulevard, is
the most agreeable; and in that position are
“l’Hôtel de l’Europe,” and “l’Hôtel des
Étrangers.” They appear good houses. I know
nothing of their character.
“L’Hôtel d’Angleterre, rue des Filles de
St. Thomas,” very near the “rue de la Loi,”
has been inhabited by several English this winter.
The charges are said to be expensive. The
situation is convenient; but it is noisy, and
surrounded by houses.
“L’Hôtel des Étrangers, rue Vivienne,”
very near the “rue de la Loi,” and the “Palais
Royal,” is also in the centre of the town. This
house I have heard more generally commended
by those who have lodged there, as to its prices,
accommodations, and kitchen, than any other at
Paris; but I cannot say I like the street where
it stands, which is both close and dirty.
“L’Hôtel de Mirabeau, rue de Helder,”
is in a new street, near the Boulevard. It seems
a good house. I do not know its character.
The two hotels, the situation of which is the
most agreeable, being both near the Boulevard,
the Thuilleries, and the Champs Elisées, are
“l’Hôtel de Courlande, place Louis XV, (or
de la Concorde”), and “l’Hôtel des Étrangers,
rue Royale (or de la Concorde).” The former
is part of that fine building, the “Garde
Meuble,” and stands in the most beautiful
“place,” or square, of Paris. The windows
command a delightful view of the “place,” the
bridge, the river, the Thuilleries, and Champs
Elisées. The house is newly furnished, and
only lately opened. I am sorry to add, that it
consists but of few apartments; but those which
there are, are elegant and spacious. The prices
are extremely high. I was asked forty louis
a month for a second floor.
The other house, I mean “l’Hôtel des Étrangers,
rue Royale (or de la Concorde)” standing
in a very wide street, which runs from the
Boulevard to “la place Louis XV,” has equal
advantages as to the neighbourhood of all the
public walks, with the hotel of which I spoke
last; but it does not command the same view.
I am forced also to mention, having lived two
months in the house, that the landlord is a very
insolent fellow, and his wife, if possible, more
impertinent than himself.
There are three small hotels, called, “l’Hôtel
de Galle,” “l’Hôtel des Quinz Vingts,” and
“l’Hôtel de Carousel,” all in the immediate
neighbourhood of the palace of the Thuilleries,
of which each commands a view. A single man
would be agreeably lodged at one of these; but I
should not suppose, that there was sufficient accommodation
at either for a family consisting of
several persons.
In the “Fauxbourg St. Germain,” the hotels
formerly frequented by the english either exist
no more, or have lost their reputation. Those
only which are of any repute in this part of the
town, seem to be “l’Hôtel de Rome, rue St.
Dominique,” where there are several handsome
apartments, more remarkable for their size than
their cleanliness; and “l’Hôtel de Marengo,”
in the same street, and next door to the former.
The lodgings of the latter are good; but some
friends of mine, who lived there, complained
much of the disagreeable state, in which they
found the beds. Both these hotels have good
gardens.
“L’Hôtel de Caramont,” in the same street,
belonging to the ci-devant comte of that name,
though not an “hôtel garni,” is let in apartments,
the greater part of which were occupied
first by Mr. Jackson, and afterwards by Mr.
Merry. The rooms are delightful; but it rarely
happens, that any are vacant. I forgot to
mention, that there is also in this street a small
hotel, called, “l’Hôtel de Jura,” which is well
furnished, and has a pretty garden.
The houses, which I have enumerated, are
those which are the most known, the best situate,
and the most esteemed. Beside these, there are
“l’Hôtel de Vauban,” “l’Hôtel de Congrès,”
and “l’Hôtel de la Grand Bretagne,” all situate
in “la rue St. Honoré,” and said to be respectable
houses. For those also who do not object
to be surrounded with bustle and noise,
“l’Hôtel de la Chancellerie,” near the “Palais
Royal,” will offer good accommodations. I am
told, the apartments there are uncommonly elegant,
and extremely spacious[90].
To this account I must add a negative recommendation
of la rue Traversière, in which there
are several hotels, and into which the windows of
some in la rue de la Loi also look. A perpetual
market, with all the attendant smells, renders
the houses in “la rue Traversière” extremely unpleasant;
and the same reason obstructs the
passage, so that it is difficult, in a carriage, to
find one’s way to any door in this street. The
caution is the more necessary, as postboys
frequently recommend the situation.
There is some objection to almost every hotel;
I cannot, therefore, recommend any one; but,
were I to visit Paris again, I think I should
either try “l’Hôtel de Courlande, place Louis
XV,” the situation of which is incomparable;
“l’Hôtel de Grange Batelière,” which, in
accommodations and size, is superior to any
house of the same kind; or “l’Hôtel des
Étrangers, rue Vivienne,” which is universally
well spoken of by those who have inhabited it.
As to the “traiteurs,” or persons who supply
you with dinners, they sometimes belong to the
house where you lodge, and sometimes not.
I tried several during my stay at Paris, and I
found them all so bad, and so uncertain, that,
were I to return, I would either hire a cook, or
dine constantly at the house of a “restaurateur[91].”
The most celebrated are, Naudit,
and Robert, in the Palais Royal, Beauvillier
in the rue de la Loi, and Verry in the garden
of the Thuilleries. Besides the public room,
which is always elegantly ornamented, there is,
at each of these places, several small rooms, or
cabinets, for private parties. A long bill of
fare, called “la carte,” consisting of all the
delicacies of the season, and every variety of
wine, with the prices affixed to each article, is
handed to you, and the dishes are no sooner
named, than they are instantly served. The
apartments are tastefully decorated, the linen and
plate are particularly clean, and the waiters civil,
attentive, and well dressed. The cooking is
incomparable. Ladies, as well as gentlemen,
dine at these houses, and even in the public room
several of the former are always present. On a
rough calculation, the expense of dining at one
of the first restaurateurs, including a fair quantity
of the best wine, varies from twelve livres
(ten shillings) to a louis each person.
There are, however, inferiour houses of this
kind, where, even for trent-six sols (or eighteen
pence english) a dinner of several dishes, and a
bottle of wine, are allowed. As I never tried
one of these economical repas, I cannot speak
of the fare they afford. A returned “abbé”
assured me, that he dined in this manner “à
merveille;” but, notwithstanding his authority,
I should scarcely recommend a hungry englishman
to make the experiment.
In concluding my account of hotels and
traiteurs, I must repeat my advice to you, to
make a previous bargain for whatever you may
want. In Paris, no tradesman has a settled price;
and the shopkeeper or landlord, who has the most respectable
appearance, is not to be trusted.
An englishman, who, from delicacy, omits to
offer a smaller sum than that which is asked, may
be certain, that he makes a present of at least
fifty per cent to the person of whom he purchases.
In every line of trade the same system
is pursued; and even in buying books and plate,
I have known one fourth of the original demand
taken.
Strangers ought to be particularly careful,
how they deal with the “marchands” of the
“hôtel garni” where they lodge. They are a
tribe of people, who, under the recommendation
of the landlord or porter, to whom they pay a
regular commission at the expense of the traveller,
knock perpetually at his door, and, with
the utmost importunity, insist on showing the
different articles of their trade. What they sell
is always dear, generally out of fashion, and
frequently damaged.
In calculating the expenses of Paris, much
will depend on the manner in which an individual
lays out his money; and I am certain,
that if a good manager and a thoughtless young
man were, during a winter passed in Paris, to
order exactly the same articles, and were afterwards
to compare their disbursements, a difference
would appear in the result, of nearly one
half. It must be remembered also, that “milord
anglais” (as they call every englishman) is supposed
to be so very rich, and so lavish of his
treasures, that he is rather flattered than offended
by the largeness of the sums which he is called
upon to pay; and, while a conscientious tradesman
is satisfied with asking of another foreigner
about forty or fifty per cent beyond the value of
his goods, he fails not to demand double of him,
whom, by his accent, he discovers to be a native
of that happy island, in which frenchmen believe,
that gold is as common as the air we
breathe.
With these remarks, thrown out as a necessary
caution, I shall conclude my subject; and, meaning
to write to you once again, before I leave
Paris, I shall, for the present, bid you adieu.
I am, &c.
LETTER XXXII.
General view of Paris, principally taken as compared with
London.
Paris, may the 14th, 1802 (24 floréal.)
MY DEAR SIR,
Having in my former letters endeavoured to
give you some idea of the particular objects of
greatest curiosity, I shall, in this last, take a general
view of Paris, principally as compared with
London.
I shall begin with remarking, that of all the
foreigners of different nations, who frequent this
city, the english are those who are least satisfied
with its pleasures, its occupations, and its manners.
For this many reasons may be assigned.
The nations of the continent have, in the first
place, in their mode of living, a kind of general
resemblance, which qualifies them more for domesticating
(if I may be permitted the expression)
in a country not their own than we have. A german,
an italian, a russian, or a swede has been
accustomed at home to the french kitchen, or at
least to a bad imitation of its dishes: his habits,
his fashions, and even his literary pursuits have
been formed on the model of the french: and if
he has lived in a court, the french language has also
been, from infancy, as familiar to him as his own.
Very different is the situation of an englishman.
He finds himself, on landing at Calais, in a new
world, and in all the ordinary occurrences of life,
his habits are to be fresh modelled.
The cleanliness, so generally prevalent in England,
not only in private houses but likewise in inns,
taverns, and hotels, is seldom met with on the continent,
and it is necessary for the traveller to lay
aside his best customs, and most excusable prejudices,
before he can become tolerably easy.
To breakfast and dine in a bed-room, to eat
with the same knife of every article, to have the
bed made by a man, and other indelicacies too
gross to mention, are little misfortunes to which
an english gentleman submits with regret, and a
lady with real pain. The numerous but scanty
dishes which crowd a french table, among which
a joint of plain roasted meat seldom appears, cloy
without satisfying the appetite of those who have
been used to simpler but more substantial food.
The wine, also, notwithstanding its high repute,
seldom seems strong enough or of sufficient body
for such as are habitual drinkers of port, though,
when the latter has been for some time discontinued,
the taste becomes disagreeable. The
familiarity of servants and waiters (though less
than before the revolution), is still disgusting
and offensive. The necessity of bargaining, even
at the most respectable shops, for the commonest
articles of merchandize, renders the purchase
of them very unpleasant. These circumstances,
however trifling, occur too frequently in
the course of every day, not to have a considerable
effect on the serenity of John Bull. Accustomed
only to his own language, he is either
totally ignorant of the french, or speaks it with
difficulty, hesitation, and fear. He is tormented
with the frequent visits[92], which he is expected
to pay; and the custom of leaving the table immediately
after dinner, seldom allowing time for
more than one or two glasses of good wine, completely
destroys the original good nature of his
character.
I have recapitulated these little distresses, as I
am convinced they sour the temper, and have a,
considerable influence on the unfavourable judgment
often pronounced by my countrymen. I
do not pretend myself to be superiour to such
weaknesses, and mention the circumstance, that
too implicit credit may not be given to the opinions
of one capable of being biassed by “trifles
light as air.” I must be permitted, however, to
observe, that there are reasons of a much more
serious nature, which make the english less easy
to please than other foreigners. We come from
a country, where all the arts are carried to a
degree of perfection, at least equal to what is
attained on the same objects in France, and
where, in many things, the ingenuity of our manufacturers
is unrivalled. In science and literature
we have not been compelled to look from
home; and while we now admire the many distinguished
writers which France has produced, they
are not our only models, and with Locke and
Newton, Milton and Shakspeare, we cannot pay
that unbounded homage to the genius and learning
of our neighbours, which they are apt to demand.
The freedom and excellence of our constitution
accustoms us to a degree of unrestrained conversation,
seldom met with at Paris; and the general
diffusion of wealth in London, has introduced,
among all orders, a degree of comfort which is
seldom found even in the proudest houses of the
french capital.
The beauty of our women, and the delicacy
of their behaviour, render us less enthusiastic
admirers of parisian belles, and parisian fashions,
than the strangers of other countries.
The perfection to which the stage has advanced
in London, and the splendid manner in which
our theatres are lighted, prevent our being greatly
struck with the renowned spectacles of this place;
and the taste, profusion, and magnificence, displayed
in our private entertainments, oppose too
powerful a contrast to the gayeties of Paris, to
allow us to be much delighted with the latter.
Our race of horses, and our manufacture of
carriages, are both too perfect to render it possible
for us to admire the wretched equipages,
which are here considered as the acme of elegance.
It is equally impossible for us to praise
the gardens of the Thuilleries, the Champs
Elisées, or the Bois de Boulogne, as long as we
remember Hyde park or Kensington gardens.
Nor can the lighting and paving of Paris excite
the admiration of those who have been used to
the comfortable trottoir and brilliant lamps of
the streets of London.
Having thus stated the reasons, good and bad,
for the tameness with which englishmen often
speak of Paris, I shall endeavour to divest myself,
as much as possible, of national prejudice,
and to lay before you the advantages and disadvantages
attendant on a residence in this city.
In respect to literature, the arts and sciences,
certainly every opportunity is offered which
knowledge can afford, or which a zeal for letters
can desire. In this respect, I think, Paris is superiour
to London. Besides the immense acquisitions
which it has lately made, and the great
and wonderful collections that are constantly
open to the public, there are so many private institutions
within the reach of men of moderate
fortune, that this city would soon rival all the
universities of Europe, did not the pleasures of
the place hold out temptations dangerous to the
morals of youth.
Literary men also are more respected than in
England; and, instead of abandoning society
(which is too much the case with men of learning
in our country), the industrious, but unprotected
frenchman, who engages in the career of letters,
finds his way into the most brilliant circles of the
capital. Even the haughtiest of the old nobility
admit into their most intimate coteries, those
who have attained any literary fame, however
low their origin, or however mean their appearance.
On this head, I give unqualified and unrivalled
praise to Paris.
Whether a foreigner could profitably pursue
any commercial speculation here, it is not for me
to inquire. I shall only observe, that, notwithstanding
the laws of equality, prejudices exist as
strongly as ever at Paris; and could a fortune be
accumulated here as rapidly as in London, that
fortune would never purchase the respect and
consequence with which a similar acquisition is
attended in England. A merchant (or “négociant,”
to use the french expression) is still an
insignificant character in this town, and all the
wealth of India would not place him on a
level with a general, a minister, or a ci-devant
noble.
A man of pleasure, or rather of dissipation,
may, in all the joys of unbounded variety, destroy
his health, vitiate his principles, enervate
his mind, and ruin his fortune. To the rich,
however old, ugly, or deformed, beauty will not
refuse her smiles; and every assembly is open to
him who, in the morning, will convey “madame”
to milliners, jewellers, and lace merchants, and
will devote his evenings to the boulotte[93] of
“monsieur.”
The politician, or in other words, he who is
anxious to become acquainted with the real
causes of the present order of things, and to
examine to their source the many-coloured events
which have preceded it, will be much disappointed.
The greater number of those who took an active
part in the revolution, have been swept away in
the general torrent; the few that remain, are
either living in obscurity, and cautious of expressing
their opinions, or become, like other
apostates, as violent on one side as they were
formerly on the other. Of course, no satisfactory
information is to be derived from them. As
to the general bulk of the nation, passive under
the iron tyranny of that sanguinary monster,
Robespierre, they preferred, at that time, the
accidental hope of individual escape, to the generous
and braver conduct of a bold resistance.
They are still the same people; and, now that
their tranquillity and private happiness are secured,
they look on in perfect apathy, and (if
the term were not too rash) I should add, in
sulky content.
Should France be deprived of Bonaparte, a
circumstance which french men of all parties allow
would be at present a great national misfortune,
I have no doubt that obedience would be quietly
and generally yielded to whatever party should
seize the reins of power. It is universally allowed,
that there is no security beyond the life
of the first consul[94]; yet no one proposes, and I
am sure no one thinks of providing against an
event, which, in the order of nature, must sooner
or later arrive. You cannot, living in England,
form an idea of the indifference prevalent here
about public matters.
The time of Robespierre, or “la regne de la
terreur,” as it is commonly called, is often the
subject of conversation, and it is mentioned with
as much disgust and horror as in other countries;
yet it never seems to occur to any one, that in
having been the tacit spectators and instruments
of the murders committed at that time, the inhabitants
of this country were parties to his crimes.
But it is perhaps absurd to complain of the present
want of feeling, when we recollect the
strange unconcern with which, under the immediate
terror and view of the guillotine, the persons
confined in the different prisons, while they
awaited their turn of cruelty, engaged in every
sort of frivolous amusement. I have been assured,
by those who were themselves in custody
at that unhappy period, that toilets were made,
parties planned, cards played, scandal talked of,
assemblies arranged, and little jealousies entertained,
in the very caverns of death. More than
one person was taken from the dinner table, or
the game of chess, to the place of execution.
From a nation so strangely indifferent to its
dearest interests, what intelligence can you expect
to collect? If you ask a question relating to
those dreadful moments, instead of a simple answer
of facts, you receive a violent philippic
against the memory of a man, too infamous even
to deserve the honours of abuse. If you make
an inquiry about the present constitution, you
are laughed at, and, pour toute réponse, are
told, “C’est Bonaparte qui fait tout—tout lui est
soumis—tout lui est possible.[95]”
A gentleman and his wife, proposing to visit
Paris, particularly if they happen to be attached
to each other, and have no decided rank, ought
carefully to provide themselves with all the letters
of recommendation which they can possibly
obtain, if they wish to be admitted into any
of the houses of the parisians. They must remember,
that every thing is calculated in this
town, and that, if the female traveller will not
conciliate the masters of families by her smiles,
nor her husband by presents and attentions to
the ladies, no door will be opened which is not
forced open by the imperious command of some
person, on whose power and interest the party
depends. With the most insignificant title, or
the lowest order of chivalry, something may be
done, for these add to the splendour of an assembly;
but without these advantages, and without
vice, foreigners live but dully in this gay
city. An english lady, of superiour talents, observed
to me one day, with great truth, that she
never discovered that her title of “countess”
was of any use, till she entered the territory of
the french republic. I ought also to mention,
that it seldom happens in this country, that a
person, to whom a stranger is recommended,
thinks it necessary to present him to another.
Of course, the number of acquaintance will not
exceed that of the letters with which a foreigner
is favoured. It may be doubtful, whether all of
these will be attended to; but, at any rate, the
houses of those to whom he is addressed will
form the limits of his society. Families coming
here with children, will have great advantages
in procuring them education. Masters in every
science, and in every language, may be had at
a very easy expense. The only antidote is the
temptation to pleasure. Under a certain age,
no place can be so well suited to the purposes of
instruction.
Having taken a hasty view of the different
situations in which this town may be visited, I
shall conclude my subject by enumerating in
what I conceive London is superiour to Paris,
and in what Paris is superiour to London.
In width, cleanliness, and beauty, the streets
of London have such a decided advantage over
those of Paris, that I believe even a frenchman
would acknowledge, that the question could not
be disputed. The footpaths of the former, on
which the pedestrian may walk without danger
or dirt; the excellent pavement, which prevents
any fatigue from being experienced in the use of
a carriage; and the brilliance of the lamps at
night, which renders the passage, in an evening,
from one part of the town to another, rather a
pleasure than a pain, are but ill contrasted by
the narrow and filthy lanes of the latter, in which
persons on foot are constantly exposed to every
kind of accident and inconvenience; to the neglected
carriage ways, in moving over which individuals
are bruised, and wheels rapidly worn
out, and to the dismal and uncertain light, which
a few lanterns, hung by cords suspended from the
opposite houses, faintly afford. But if the
streets of Paris must yield to those of London,
the former city is undoubtedly superiour in its
palaces and public buildings, and in the height,
style, and architecture of private houses, the
stone fronts, regular plan, and lofty dimensions
of which, have a very commanding appearance.
But though the edifices are finer, and the arrangement
more convenient, each floor consisting
of a complete set of rooms, yet, from their
great size, it usually happens that the same
house is inhabited by several families, and the
stairs, consequently, becoming public, are as
dirty and as disgusting as the common streets.
Where too an individual keeps an entire house
in his possession, the number of his servants is
rarely proportioned to the size of his habitation,
and either only a part is occupied, or the whole
is neglected and in bad order.
I cannot help adding, as a singular circumstance,
that notwithstanding the extensive and
superiour scale on which private hotels are built
at Paris, I have seldom seen open, at an assembly
here, either as many rooms, or those of such
large dimensions, as are met with, on similar
occasions, in families of rank and fashion in
London. The reason of this apparent contradiction,
perhaps, is this, that as but one floor
(whether others belong to the same person or
not) is generally made use of, the bed rooms,
offices, and antichamber, occupy too large a
space to allow much extent for the apartments
devoted to the reception of company. From the
opposite reason, it often happens that a house
in London, of moderate size, has several large
rooms, in which a numerous society may be
entertained, though these rooms are scattered on
different floors.
In respect to furniture, the houses of the
“parvenus” are elegantly and splendidly fitted
up. Most of the other private hotels have received
little improvement, repair, or alteration,
since the beginning of the revolution, and are
consequently not very remarkable, either for
freshness or novelty of taste. Carpets are not
common; and though the beds are generally
better, and in a more ornamental form, than
those usually seen in England, and the antique
shapes are most classically imitated in the decoration
of these, and in the chairs, or fauteuils;
yet, in other respects, I think our modern manner
of fitting up houses has the advantage over
that which generally prevails at Paris. Mahogany,
so commonly used in England for dinner
tables, is seldom applied to that purpose in
France; and, as the cloth is never removed, they
are made of deal. En revanchè it forms, instead
of gold, the frames of satin furniture; and
the walls of drawing rooms are often ornamented
with that wood. I cannot say, I admire mahogany
thus employed; but this is entirely a
matter of taste. Plate glass is, of course, very
superiour, and infinitely more common in the
decoration of rooms than in England; yet, with
this exception, and a few others, I think our
apartments in London are more completely furnished,
are much cleaner, and have many little
comforts which are wanting in those of Paris.
Some particular houses here do, indeed, present
models of taste, profusion, and luxury, unequalled
by any of ours; but the number of these
is very trifling, and alters but little the general
result.
The eating rooms of french houses are very
disgusting. Instead of the comfortable turkey
carpet, handsome curtains, stuccoed walls, blazing
fire, and ornamented sideboard, of a London
parlour, the dinner is here served in a dark and
gloomy apartment, called “la salle à manger,”
imperfectly heated with a stove, the floor generally
of stone, and always without a carpet, the
windows without curtains or shutters, and the
whole dirty and uninviting. Where there is not
a separate antichamber, the servants occupy the
dining rooms in the absence of their masters;
and, in that case, the smell, which such company
are apt to leave, is extremely offensive.
Of the assemblies I have already spoken. Excepting
a great ball given by madame Recamier,
where there was a crowd of three or four hundred
persons of different classes, with only a standing
or sandwich supper, and a superb fête given
by monsieur de Dimidoff, a rich russian, I have
heard of no very numerous party. The balls generally
consist of from fifty to a hundred people.
Those at which I was present, appeared rather
calculated to show the dancing and dress of the
ladies, than to promote general gayety or diversion.
In splendour of costume, and in graceful
movements, our entertainments of this sort must
yield to those of Paris; but in general mirth, in
decorations, in supper, and brilliancy of light,
the comparison is decidedly in favour of the former.
The constant fluctuation also which takes
place in London, from the number of engagements
of each individual, gives a variety which is
wanting in a french party, at which all the invited
pass their whole evening.
The thés, which answer, in some respects, to
our card parties, are infinitely less in number
than the latter. The conversation of the former
is, undoubtedly, on subjects more worthy of occupying
the attention of rational beings, than the
senseless chit chat of our fashionable coteries.
It is only to be regretted, that the desire of
speaking on literary subjects with éclat, so generally
prevalent at Paris, not unfrequently degenerates
into pedantry and affectation. Hence
the tasteless coiner of pompous sentences is often
mistaken for a man of genius; and the chattering
ostentatious coxcomb is admired, while the
silence of modesty, and the reflection of good
sense, expose those in whom they are discovered,
sometimes to ridicule, and always to neglect.
The conversation too, is commonly monopolised
by a few, and the rest of the company
yawn away their evening uninterested and uninteresting.
On this subject the higher classes, of
both countries, might improve, by observing the
faults of each other; those of England, in rendering
the topics of their conversation less trifling;
and those of France, by letting ideas, instead of
expressions, occupy their attention.
The concerts here are dull and tiresome entertainments,
which last five or six hours uninterruptedly.
Young ladies are often the principal
performers, and admired rather in proportion to
their rank and fashion than to the harmony of
their voice, or the scientifical proficiency which
they have made in the study of music. As we
have generally in London the first italian masters,
and the most distinguished singers, I conceive
that our amusements of this sort must be superiour
to those of Paris.
Of the spectacles I have fully spoken in a former
letter. I shall, therefore, be as concise as
possible at present. The opera of Paris is superiour
to that of London in dancing and decoration;
but the latter, in point of brilliance, gayety,
music, beauty, and elegance of company, has
such an advantage over the former, that it may
be justly said to be, in the language of Shakspeare,
“Hyperion to a satyr.” As to the play-houses,
the comic performers in France possess a degree
of extraordinary merit, and of professional skill,
which I do not conceive any theatre of Europe
can equal; but if they have attained a higher
point of perfection than our actors in that line, I
think our tragedians as decidedly exceed the french
in simplicity of diction and of manner, in the just
representation of human passions, and, above all,
in taking nature for their guide, which, in assuming
the buskin, the latter seem entirely to forget.
As to the general state of the spectacles as public
places, those of London are infinitely gayer, but
those of Paris more orderly, and less subject to
riots, indecency, and disturbance.
The walks, or promenades, of both these great
cities, are delightful. Ours have the singular
merit of being pleasant even in winter; and, besides,
our large streets, the footways of which,
even after rain, are soon dry, with the gardens
of our various squares and inns of court,
St. James’s and Hyde park offer constant and
beautiful spots for exercise. At Paris, there are no
trottoirs; and the Thuilleries, Champs Elisées,
and Boulevards, are almost impassable for foot
passengers in bad weather. When the spring
begins, the scene changes, and this city then
boasts some charming gardens, which I have already
enumerated, and which are well frequented.
In my opinion, however, there is nothing here to
be compared either with Hyde park or Kensington
gardens.
For excursions round the town, the neighbourhood
of London seems to afford more variety and
picturesque views than that of Paris; but the vicinity
of both cities is very beautiful.
The hours of the two capitals are now so
nearly alike, that it is unnecessary to draw a
comparison between them. No genteel family
at Paris dines before four or five o’clock, and
some persons not till six or seven. The thés
begin about nine, the balls at twelve. The
theatres commence at seven, and are generally
over between ten and eleven.
The shops of London, as well as every kind of
trade and manufactory, are so decidedly superiour
to those of Paris, that it would be ridiculous to
make the subject a question of doubt. There
have been, however, some very elegant “magazins”
(or shops) lately opened in la Rue de
la Loi (ci-devant de Richelieu), particularly
that of M. le Roi, and another called “la Maison
de la Providence,” nearly opposite la Rue de
Feydeau.
Hackney coaches are a convenience which both
these cities enjoy in great perfection. Those
of Paris have improved so much since the revolution,
that I conceive them now to be superiour
to ours, both in carriages and horses.
The fare for one distance (or “course,”) whether
long or short, provided it be within the
gates of Paris, is thirty sols (or one shilling
and three-pence english). There are, besides
these, “cabriolets,” or open carriages, constantly
plying, which are not only good, but uncommonly
elegant. They are equal to the best
appointed gigs of private persons in London.
The horses are fleet, and the drivers civil. The
fare is something more than that of a “fiacre,”
or hackney coach.
The “hôtels garnis” are not so good or so
numerous as they were formerly; but I think
them still better than our houses of the same
kind in London. There is also a privacy in a
french apartment (the outward door of each
making a distinct habitation), which gives it a
decided advantage over the lodgings of an english
hotel.
The public rooms and private cabinets of
“restaurateurs,” are certainly more elegantly
fitted up than the apartments of our taverns or
coffeehouses. The cooking of the former is
better, and presents a much greater variety of
dishes, and the affixed price to each article, makes
the price of a dinner depend entirely on the
choice of him by whom it is ordered.
As to society, that material ingredient in the
happiness of man, of which every one who has
a head or heart, feels the vast importance, I conceive
that foreigners arriving either in London or
in Paris, without pressing recommendations or
exalted rank, may be much embarassed, and
may in both places pass months and even years,
without making one proper acquaintance. Yet
it appears to me that there is this great and distinguishing
difference between the manners of
the two capitals, that a person properly introduced
to a few families of fashion in London,
will rapidly find his way into every society which
he wishes to frequent, whereas, in Paris, however
well individuals may be received in one or
two of the most esteemed houses, that circumstance
will not contribute to their introduction to
any others, and if a stranger arrives with a certain
number of recommendations, he may, after a six
months residence, quit Paris without having increased
the list of his acquaintance. I speak on
this subject from experience. Besides a near relation
of my own, two or three families[96] long
connected with mine, have still establishments
here, and live in the best company of the
place. By all of these Mrs. ⸺ and myself
were well and hospitably received, but the persons
whom we met at their houses, neither paid
us visits, or in other respects showed us the most
trifling civilities.
Madame de St—l, is the only new acquaintance
to whom we are indebted for a polite and
hospitable reception, which indeed every foreigner
of character is sure to find at her house, which
on account of the public characters often seen
there, on account of the rational conversation,
and general gayety which always prevail, and
above all, on account of the distinguished wit
and universal politeness of “madame,” is the
most agreeable of Paris.
Having thus drawn a comparative statement of
the advantages and disadvantages of these cities,
principally viewed as places either of study or of
amusement, I shall be excused for adding a few
words on the state of charitable institutions,
though they do not immediately form part of
my subject.
Our hospitals and asylums for suffering poverty,
are too well known, and stand on too high a basis
to require any eulogium from me. I am happy
to add, that those of Paris have not been neglected
during the united horrors of war and revolution.
A respectable physician (not a frenchman)
assures me, that even during the most
barbarous moments of the sanguinary Robespierre,
these useful establishments were not abandoned.
By a strange contradiction, while virtue
and innocence were daily dragged to the scaffold,
misery here found a refuge from the agonies of
pain, and the menaces of disease. These institutions
are now kept up with liberality, and every
possible attention. Besides several others the medical
gentleman in question particularly praises
“l’Hôtel Dieu, rue du Marché Palu,” where
from fifteen hundred to two thousand sick persons
receive the advice of the ablest physicians,
and are treated with the most delicate care. The
government, and the persons particularly entrusted
with the management of this establishment, show
the most laudable zeal in its support. “L’Hospice
St. Louis” is an excellent appendage to this,
to which those whose complaints are contagious
are immediately removed. He next commends
“l’Hospice de la Pitié, rue Fossés St. Victor,”
behind “le Jardin des Plantes,” the refuge of
distressed innocence, in which two thousand children
of soldiers, who died in the service of their
country, are rescued from misery, and comfortably
supported. “L’Hospice de St. Sulpice, rue
de Sèvres,” originally built by madame Necker,
in which one hundred and twenty sick, and eighteen
wounded persons are relieved. “L’Hospice
des Incurables,” where the doom of these unhappy
wretches is softened by an extensive garden;
and “l’Hospice de la Salpétrière,” built by
Louis XIII, and maintained at present in all its
original grandeur. The building is fine, presenting
a majestic façade, and its boundaries are so
extensive that it is almost a little city. Here sixteen
hundred girls are employed in making linen
and in working lace. Old married men, young
women affected with madness, and female ideots
here receive those little comforts, of which their
respective situations still allow them to partake.
Requesting you to pardon this digression I shall
conclude my subject with a few short observations
drawn from my former remarks.
To those who are fond of the arts, and who
devote their time to the pursuit, Paris offers objects
of great interest and unequalled beauty.
Persons who pass their lives in a career of dissipation,
who are satisfied with public amusements,
bought pleasures, and high play, will find here,
decked in all the joys of variety, the means of
gratifying their favourite wishes. To such as
come to view the curiosities of the place, Paris
will appear delightful during a residence of two
or three months, as that time will be fully and
agreeably occupied in examining its various institutions,
and in visiting its different theatres, particularly
if the traveller arrives in the beginning of
spring, when the charms of nature are added to
those of art. But to him whose attachments are
centred within the circle of his own family, who
is fond of the investigation of truth, and whose
early days have been passed in the polished societies
of London, Paris, after its great and
striking beauties have once been sufficiently viewed,
will appear comparatively tame, dull, and
uninteresting. He will daily miss the freedom
of conversation, which is so generally prevalent
in England; he will look in vain for that manly
sense, with which great national questions are discussed
by men of education in London, he will
be irritated by the flippancy of french politicians,
and by the pedantic terms and laboured sentences,
which take the place of sound argument
and solid reasoning. He will find the amusements
rather various than splendid. He will find
society difficult when it is good, and dangerous
when it is easy[97]. He will admire the grace
and elegance of the ladies, and will look with an
eye of pity, it not of contempt, on the indelicacy
of their dress. He will hear “la bonne compagnie”
talked of in every set, and never defined.
He will perhaps at last discover that it only exists,
where it does not assume the name, or as
Voltaire says,
“Qui ne s’appelle pas la bonne compagnie, mais qui l’est.”
He will view with wonder and admiration the
works of art, and see with no little pleasure and
curiosity the extraordinary man now at the head
of government. Such will be his principal sources
of satisfaction at Paris. He will soon discover
that every thing else, however blazoned out in
the trappings of grandeur, or vamped up in the
colouring of hyperbole, is only “air and empty
nothing.”
Adieu, my dear sir, I propose setting out to-morrow
morning for Lyons, Switzerland, and Italy.
You will, therefore, not hear from me again till
I am far distant from this capital. I came here
big with hope, and eager in expectation. I rejoice
at having undertaken the journey, as it has
afforded me much useful information, but I leave
Paris without regret, and with but little desire of
a speedy return.
I am, &c.
THE END.
FOOTNOTES
[1] Three horses and a post boy cost six livres, or five
shillings per post. The post is two leagues, or five miles
english.
[2] The room in question has, since this was written, been
limited to a better use. Vide letter xx.
[3] Maria Cosway. Her plan is to follow the arrangement of
the gallery, and to devote one copper-plate to each of the
fifty-seven grand divisions or compartments, of which it at
present consists, engaging to continue her work, as the collection
shall be increased. The size of the copper-plate is to be
twenty-one inches high, and seventeen wide. The numbers are
to appear monthly, and each is to contain two engravings,
with an historical description of the subjects, and the artists,
by J. Griffiths. Didot the elder, in the Palais royal, receives
her subscriptions. Coloured proofs cost thirty-six livres, and
plain ones twenty-four.
[4] I ought perhaps to mention, that judges of painting have
frequently, in my hearing, complained of the double light in
which the pictures are seen in this gallery. Individually
speaking, I was always during the very many times when I
visited this museum so amused, and so delighted, that I had
no inclination to criticise; but it is certainly true, that on some
days the pictures were seen to greater advantage than on
others. The windows of the gallery are directly opposite to
one another, and the paintings are hung on the piers between
them. The glare which this circumstance produces, is the
cause of the objection I have named.
[5] Next to the Apollo and the Laocoon, the most celebrated
statue is the Dying Gladiator, the copies of which
are dispersed over almost every country in Europe.
[6]Spectacle.—This is so important a word, and of such general
use in french conversation, that I cannot too soon introduce
it to the notice of my english reader. It means, first, all
the theatres, puppet-shows, pantomimes, horse exercises, and
other motley amusements of this gay capital.
It is also perpetually in the mouths both of gentlemen and
ladies. If you ask one of the former, whether he were pleased
with the opera, he replies, “Oui, enchanté; le spectacle étoit
magnifique.” (Yes, delighted; the spectacle was magnificent.)
And if you put a similar question about a ball to one of the
latter, you receive a similar answer.
If you speak with enthusiasm of the picture gallery, a parisian
coldly observes, “C’est bien vrai, c’est un très beau spectacle.”
(Yes, it is a very fine spectacle, or sight.)
If a stranger inquire, whether the monthly parade of Bonaparte’s
troops deserve its celebrity, he is told, “Oui, c’est un
très beau spectacle.” (Yes, it is a fine spectacle.)
It is also the favourite theme of conversation; and a
parisian compelled to talk with a foreigner, is sure to begin
with the following words: “Allez vous souvent, monsieur,
au spectacle? Ne sont ils pas bien beaux nos spectacles?”
(Do you often go to the spectacles? Are not our spectacles
very fine?)
A similar observation forms likewise the hospitable kind
of consolation which an englishman sometimes receives,
if he complain, that he has not seen much of french society.
“Mais cependant, vous ne pouvez pas manquer d’amusement;
à Paris les spectacles sont si beaux.” (You cannot
want amusement, however; the spectacles at Paris are so
fine.)
In consequence of the general application of this word in
France to every thing relating to the stage, a parisian, on his
arrival in London, wishing to go to the play, supposed that he
had only to look for the word spectacle in a french and english
dictionary; and, having found that the literal translation gave
him the same word, with perfect confidence directed his
hackney coachman to drive to the spectacle. The fellow, supposing
that he wanted to purchase a pair of spectacles, conducted
him to the celebrated shop at Charing-cross. The
frenchman flew into a passion, and by his gestures conveyed,
that this was not the place where he desired to go. The coachman,
imagining that this was not the optician’s, to which
he wished to be taken, carried him to several others in different
parts of the town. After a long round, during which
the favourite oaths of the two countries were mutually exchanged
between monsieur and his charioteer, the former was
compelled to pass his evening in the hackney coach instead
of the play-house, and thus learnt the difference between
french spectacles and english spectacles.
[7] Mademoiselle Beauharnois is since married to Louis Bonaparte,
one of the brothers of the first consul; to whom she
has become, therefore, both daughter and sister.
[8] Married to General le Clerc, who commanded the expedition
to St. Domingo. She accompanied him to that island,
and incurred all the dangers of climate and of war. She did
so in obedience to Bonaparte’s particular orders; with whom it
is an undeviating principle, that a wife should always follow
the steps and fortunes of her husband.
[9] As we should say in english, “a lost thing.” The french
expression is more commonly used, and is infinitely stronger
in its meaning. It is adopted on all occasions of misfortune;
such as to deplore the death of a friend, or the loss of a “spectacle.”
A general was lately killed in a duel. A fair parisian
of high fashion, to whom he was much attached, on hearing of
the accident, exclaimed, with an accent of deep despair, “Que
je suis à plaindre! il devoit m’avoir amenée au bal de l’opéra
demain. Voilà une affaire bien manquée.” (How am I to be
pitied! he was to have taken me to the ball at the opera
to-morrow. Here is a lost thing, or a party completely deranged.)
[10] What bad weather! what a misfortune! really it is terrible!
it is shocking! The fête would have been so fine, if this
devilish rain had not fallen!
[12] At the house of the respectable M. de la T⸺, whose
niece is the lady of the celebrated P⸺t, some time president
of the convention, and afterwards banished, with
many other worthy men, at the revolution of the 18th of
Fructidor. M. P⸺t is a distinguished writer; and, as a
politician, was much esteemed for the moderation of his
principles, and the integrity of his conduct. Madame P⸺t
is a woman of very superiour talents and great acquirements.
She is likewise justly admired for the humanity which has
induced her to devote her hours to that excellent institution,
la Société Maternelle, of which she is the president. The
object of this society is, to afford deserted orphans that comfort,
of which they have been deprived by the death or the
fault of their parents.
[13] “De mauvaise compagnie”—“of bad company, unfit
for good company.” The terms, “bonne compagnie,” and
“mauvaise compagnie,” are for ever in the mouths of coquettes
and petits-maîtres. It is difficult to define what, I believe, is
meant to be indefinable.
[14]L’ancienne noblesse, literally translated, “the ancient
nobility.” I use the expression in french, because the word
“nobility,” in our language, expresses a very different
thing.—The nobility of England are a small, respectable,
and wealthy body, exercising a great and important part
of the constitution, and possessed of powers highly important
to the state. The french “noblesse” consisted of
sixty or seventy thousand families, every individual of
which would have thought himself disgraced by engaging in
any branch of trade, or useful industry; enjoying many
privileges personally advantageous, but discharging no public
functions, as nobles, at all connected with the government.
[16] Every landholder in France, in consequence of a law
passed in one of the most violent moments of the revolution,
and which is still continued, pays one fourth of his real revenue
to the state; and as, in particular parts of the country,
the rate has been unfairly made, it happens, in some cases,
that even a half is paid, instead of a fourth. The latter is
the minimum of the present taxation.
[23] To the Legislative Body, to the first Consul, and to
madame Bonaparte.
[24] Yes, yes, that tall man is lord Cornwallis. He has a
fine figure. He looks like a military man. He has served
in the army. Is it not true, sir? Look at that little man
near him, what a difference! what a mean appearance!
[25] “They do right,” said one, “to wear boots—it is a
travelling dress. They will not stay here long.”
[26] We pay them ten thousand francs for doing nothing. I
am astonished Bonaparte does not get rid of these fellows.
[27] I believe that your ambassador has an income of his own,
larger than that of all these fellows together. Without their
salary of legislators, they would die of hunger.
[29] The abbé Sicard, in the course of this lecture, took occasion
to remark, that of all languages, the english was the
most simple, the most reasonable, and the most natural, in
its instruction. As a proof of the truth of his assertion, he
informed us, that his pupils, as they began to learn the means
of conveying their thoughts by writing, were constantly guilty
of anglicisms. He added, that it was difficult to make them
lay aside idioms purely english, and still more so, to teach
them those which are peculiar to the french language.
[32] By way of an unanswerable argument, said, “It is Mr.
Pitt who understands reasoning; but as to Mr. Fox, he can
declaim prettily: all his talent consists in this. You will
allow me to know, for it was I,” assuming a look of great
dignity, “who translated his speeches.”
[33] General Dessaix, by whose valour the battle of Marengo,
in which he fell, was principally gained.
[34] To take advantage of the discoveries of the present age,
but not to run before them.
[35] To love the world at large, it may be truly said, that
we ought first to love our own country; but he who begins
with loving the world at large, will probably end in not loving
any country whatever. Philosophy has done its duty; it is
for you, citizen legislators, to discharge yours. Philosophy
begins the happiness of men; but it is legislation which
completes it, &c.
[36] “La loi d’aubaine,” by which foreigners were prevented
from inheriting or purchasing lands in France.
[37] Boissy d’Anglass. This worthy man was president of the
national assembly on one of those occasions, when the mob
burst into the hall, and attempted to dictate to the members.
With heroic courage, he refused to put any question, while
the rabble remained in the assembly; and persevered in his
resolution, notwithstanding the poignards which were raised
against him, and the dreadful example of one of his colleagues,
who was murdered by his side.
[39] Believe me, sir, our young men see all this with the most
perfect indifference.
[40] Coffeehouses.—The number of coffeehouses (properly
so called, as coffee and liqueurs are the only articles
which they supply) is very great at Paris, and they
are constantly crowded. Swarms of idle persons spend
their lives at these places, playing chess, talking politics,
reading the journals, or sitting still. I have often counted
more than one hundred individuals in a coffeeroom of a
moderate size; and there is no hour of the day when the
same scene does not present itself. Paris, under every government,
and at all periods, will bear the same appearance as to
amusements. Montesquieu, in his Persian Letters, gives the
following description of the coffeehouses of his time, which
applies exactly to those of the day:
“Le café est très en usage à Paris, il y a un grand nombre de
maisons publiques, où on le distribue. Dans quelques unes de
ces maisons on dit des nouvelles, dans d’autres on joue aux
échecs. Il y en a une où l’on apprête le café, de telle manière
qu’il donne de l’esprit à ceux qui en prennent; au moins, de
tous ceux qui en sortent, il n’y a personne que ne croie qu’il en a
quatre fois plus que lorsqu’il est entré.”
“Coffee is much in use in Paris. There are a great many
public houses where it is distributed. In some of these
houses the news of the day is reported, and in others chess
is played. There is one, in which coffee is prepared, in such
an extraordinary manner, that it improves the intellects of
those who take it: at least, of those who come from this
house, there is not one who does not think himself four times
as wise as when he went in.”
[41] The establishment for the employment of the blind.
[44] It is the art of writing as quick as speech. Stenography
moves like the deer or the horse, but common writing like
the ox.
[45] You speak of Molière! Oh! his reign is past; our age is
much more refined in its ideas; our stage, cleared of such
trash, is at last adorned with the really beautiful, which was
so long sought for in vain.
[47] Every large house in France is approached by a court
yard, the gate of which is called “la porte cochére.”
[48] I speak only of the superiour orders. Among the common
people, I have remarked some of that liveliness so
vaunted, as forming a material ingredient in the french character.
[51] I am delighted to see here so many english. I hope our
union may be of long continuance. We are the two most
powerful and most civilized nations of Europe. We should unite
to cultivate the arts, the sciences, and letters; in short, to improve
the happiness of human nature.
[52] When the present worthy and respectable minister from
the United States of America Mr. Livingston was presented,
Bonaparte said to him, “Vous venez d’une république libre
et vertueuse dans un monde de corruption.”—(You come from
a free and virtuous republic into a world of corruption.)—Mr.
Livingston, who is rather deaf, and does not perfectly understand
french, did not immediately hear him. Bonaparte
instantly called to M. Talleyrand, and desired him to explain,
in english, what he had said.
[53] Thus, thanks to the genius of Victory, the public will soon have the pleasure
of seeing these four magnificent compositions united in the Musée Central,
or Central Museum.
[54] “The gratitude of the country dedicates this building to
the memory of great men.”
[55] You must ask that question of the government. The
church will probably be finished, when the government has
so much money, as not to know what to do with it otherwise.
[58] To the manes of Voltaire, the national assembly passed a decree, on
the 30th of may, 1791, declaring, that he deserved the honours due to
the memory of great men.
[59] Poet, historian, philosopher, he enlarged the human mind and taught
it, that it ought to be free.
[60] He defended Calas, Serven, de la Barre, and Mont Bally.
[61] He combated atheists and fanatics. He preached tolerance. He vindicated
the rights of man against the monster Feudality.
[63]Orangerie.—The following description, given by la Fontaine
of the same place in his time, is exactly descriptive
of its present situation:
“Comme nos gens avoient encore de loisir ils firent un tour
à l’orangerie. La beauté et le nombre des orangers et des
autres plantes qu’on y conserve on ne sauroit exprimer. Il y a
tel de ces arbres qui a resisté aux attaques de cent hivers.”
“As our friends had still some time to spare, they took
a turn in the orangerie, or green house. The beauty and
number of orange and other plants here preserved, cannot be
described. There are, among these trees, some which have
resisted the attacks of a hundred winters.”
La Fontaine, Amours de Psyche & de Cupidon.
[64] The distance is great from the hand of an assassin to the
heart of an honest man.
N. B. Sixty-three francs of french money make exactly two
guineas and a half english; and this sum was asked for one
night’s lodging (without eating or wine) for three masters’ beds
and four servants’.
[81] My cares, as well as my happy days, are past. I feel no longer the
indignation of my youthful anger, and leave an open course to the tribe
of dull and cold versificators.
[83] The following is nearly the exact translation:
“My dear heart, we have just dined, and are very drunk.
I will see you before I set out from Paris, and will caress
you not as you deserve, but as I can. The bearer hurries
me so much, that I can only say this one word—good night,
my dear heart, I kiss you a million of times.
[85] Among the curious quadrupeds here preserved is the
Camelopardalis. Vide Vaillant’s Travels in Africa.
[86] I do not mention l’École Polytechnique, that admirable
institution, in which eight hundred young men, named by
the government (principally as a reward for the services of
their fathers), are liberally educated, because it forms part
of the system of public instruction, which, being of a political
nature, is foreign to my object. In this letter I only mean to
point out those establishments, from which foreigners can
derive either information or pleasure.
[87] The boiled beef, which, after making the soup, is always
served at a trench table. “Le vin ordinaire,” or
common wine, is a weak, sour beverage, which costs about
sixpence english per bottle, and is not, either in taste or
strength, superiour to our small beer.
[88] The boxes “au baignoir” are on the level with the pit,
under the first tier, and are in the shape of a bath, from
which they take their name.
[89] Persons going to France ought to know, that, the exchange
being at present against England, we regularly lose
from five to seven per cent on the money drawn from the
latter country. This loss must of course be added to the
calculation of expenses on the continent.
[90] I have heard, since I left Paris, that a very fine house,
formerly belonging to a nobleman, and known by the name
of “l’Hôtel de Beauveau,” has lately been opened as an
“hôtel garni,” and assumed the title of “Hôtel de Prince
de Galle.” It stands in “la Rue Fauxbourg St. Honoré,”
nearly fronting one of the avenues to the Champs Elisées.
In spring the situation must be very pleasant. It is at a
considerable distance from the theatres, but in a most respectable
part of the town.
[91] “Restaurateurs” are tavern keepers, where dinners are
served.
[92] Visits.—It is the custom, in all parts of France, and
particularly at Paris, to receive and pay perpetual visits.
The whole of every evening is passed in a routine of this kind
(when the spectacle offers no irresistible temptation); and a
parisian belle was, the other day, quite astonished and disgusted,
when I told her, that in England ladies seldom received
the visits of young men.—“Qu’elle vie ennuyeuse que
votre vie de Londres!” exclaimed the fair one; “qu’on doit
passer des tristes journées! Que peut elle faire, une malheureuse
anglaise, après diner?”
“Elle va aux assemblées ou à l’opera—Mais si elle est
malade?
“Elle reste chez elle.”
“Quoi toute seule! que vos dames sont à plaindre! Que je
me félicite d’être françoise! Sans les visites de quelques amis
choisis, je mourrois d’ennui.”
What a dull life must your english manners afford! What
dismal days must one pass in such a country! What can a
poor english lady do after dinner?
She goes to assemblies, or to the opera.
But if she is ill—
She stays at home.
What quite alone? Oh, how I pity your poor english
ladies! Oh, how I rejoice at being born a frenchwoman!
without the visits of a few well chosen friends I should die of
ennui.
Notwithstanding this passion for receiving and returning
visits among one another, the french are frequently negligent
in this respect towards the foreigners who are recommended
to them. I have heard english ladies at Paris
complain, that their visits were often not returned at all,
and that that early attention was rarely shown as to this little
etiquette, which well bred persons in England are so careful to
observe.
[93]Boulotte is a gambling game much played at Paris, and
said to be the support of several families.
[94] This was, of course, written before the late changes in
the government, which appear to provide against this event.
I leave the remark unaltered, as, in the first place, this provision
comes not from the people, but from the first consul
himself. Secondly, this arrangement is only on paper, and
if it last the life of Bonaparte, will scarcely be respected after
his death.
[95] It is Bonaparte who does every thing—every thing is
submitted to him—every thing is possible for him.
[96] Among the old friends of my family, from whom we received
particular kindness, I shall be pardoned for naming
madame (la ci-devant comtesse) d’H—t, so frequently mentioned
in the confessions of Jean Jacques, and the real model
on which he formed his imaginary Heloise. We had the
pleasure of passing some days at her country seat, in the
valley of Montmorency, and several evenings at her hotel
at Paris. This accomplished woman, who at the age of
thirty, had the talent to attract, and the virtue to resist the
affection of Rousseau, has still at seventy, that amiability of
manner, that suavity of disposition, and that fund of enlightened
conversation, which, notwithstanding the disadvantages
of a person far from handsome, gained her the
love of that extraordinary man. The latter has been very
unjust in the character which he has drawn of the husband
of this lady. He is still living, and is a respectable man of
ancient family, independent fortune, and irreproachable reputation.
St. Lambert, the Thomson of France, resides with
Mr. and madame d’H—t, and his extreme old age receives
from their attention the comforts and kindness of unvarying
friendship.
[97] There are innumerable houses at Paris in which, with
every appearance of respectability, and often with the assistance
of some lofty sounding title, the unwary stranger often
finds his ruin. Amidst the smiles of beauty, the splendour
of foreign orders, the jollity of wine, and the gaiety of
dancing, youth loses its prudence, and one evening’s entertainment
is paid by the loss of that fortune, on which a man’s
happiness, and perhaps that of many dear relatives depended.
Transcriber’s Note: the errata have been corrected. In addition, accents
in the French have been standardized, and obvious typographical errors
have been amended.