THE Inquisition may be said to have reached its apogee under Philip IV.
We have had ample opportunity to see how that pious monarch yielded to
its aggressiveness, until it became a virtually independent organization
within the State, obeying the royal mandates or not, as best suited its
convenience, and engaged in almost perpetual controversies with the
other branches of the government, while the king, with rare exceptions,
submitted to its exigencies. It is true that, in his financial distress,
he compelled the restitution of a small part of the confiscations and
that he asserted the royal prerogative of making and unmaking
inquisitors-general and of appointing members of the Suprema but, when
once he had exercised the power, his appointees acted in independence.
It would not be easy to imagine a more complete assertion of
irresponsible authority than the sudden arrest of Villanueva—of a
leading minister in the absence of the sovereign, at a time of the
utmost confusion, when nothing would have been risked by delay, save
perhaps that the sovereign might have refused assent. Yet not only did
Philip condone this but he threw himself into the persecution of his
favorite with such ardor that he could scarce restrain himself from
risking a rupture with the Holy See in defence of the Holy Office. Under
the disastrous regency of Maria Ana of Austria and the reign of Carlos
II, the royal authority almost disappeared and, although this gave such
men as Nithard and Valladares opportunity to assert still further the
independence of the Inquisition, it also enabled Don John of Austria to
banish Nithard and the other governmental departments to emulate its
disregard of the royal authority. There was an omen of the future when
they united, in 1696, in the Junta Magna, to protest against the
encroachments of the Inquisition and to demand its withdrawal into its
proper limits, although by dextrous management the attempt was baffled.
With the advent of the Bourbon dynasty a new element entered into the
political organization of Spain. The absolutism of Louis XIV had
embraced the Church as well as the State, and the Gallican theories as
to the power of the Holy See were encouraged in order to assure the
headship of the crown. It was inevitable that Philip V and his French
advisers should entertain very different views as to the relations
between the king and the Inquisition from those which had been current
for a century. Even at the height of the War of Succession, we have seen
how Philip, in the affair of Froilan Díaz, intervened as master and
regulated the relations between the inquisitor-general and the Suprema,
how he undertook to reform the Inquisition and how, in many ways he
curbed its audacity. But for a court intrigue, working through Philip’s
uxoriousness, Macanaz might have succeeded in his project of rendering
the Inquisition wholly subordinate to the crown, and though the
vindictiveness of the Holy Office inflicted on him life-long punishment
for the attempt, this did not prevent the continued assertion of the
royal supremacy, as we have had occasion to see in repeated instances
and in many different directions.
PHILIP V
Philip’s assertion of the royal prerogative, however, by no means
implied any lack of zeal for the faith and, as long as the Inquisition
confined itself to its duties of exterminating heresy, it had his
cordial support. Frequent allusions have been made above to its renewed
activity during the period following the close of the War of Succession.
Full statistics are lacking, but in sixty-four autos, between 1721 and
1728, there appeared nine hundred and sixty-two culprits and effigies,
of whom one hundred and fifty-one were relaxed.[852] That this met his
hearty approbation is manifested by the letter which he addressed,
January 14, 1724, to his son Luis, when abdicating in his favor. In this
the exhortations breathing a lofty morality are accompanied with earnest
injunctions to maintain and protect the Inquisition, as the bulwark of
the faith, for to it is attributable the preservation of religion in all
its purity in the states of Spain, so that the heresies which have
afflicted the other lands of Christendom, causing in them ravages so
deplorable and horrible, have never gained a foothold there.[853]
Small-pox cut short the reign of Luis to seven months, after which
Philip was obliged to resume the weary burden, till death released him,
July 9, 1746, and if, during this later portion of his government, the
Inquisition was less busy, this may safely be attributed to flagging
energies and lack of material and not to any restraint on the part of
the sovereign. The punishment which he allowed it to inflict on Belando,
for the history of his reign of which he and his queen, after careful
scrutiny, had accepted the dedication, shows how untrammelled was its
exercise of its recognized functions.
Yet Philip unwittingly started the movement that was ultimately to
undermine the foundations on which the Inquisition rested. He brought
with him from France the conviction that the king should be the patron
of letters and learning, and he had the ambition to rule over a people
of culture. He aroused the slumbering intellect of Spain by founding the
Academies of Language and of History and of Medicine, the Seminary of
the Nobles, and the National Library, and he replaced for Catalonia the
University of Lérida by that of Cervera. Notwithstanding the vigilance
of the censorship, it was impossible that the awakening intelligence of
the nation, thus stimulated, should not eagerly grasp at the forbidden
fruit of modern philosophism, all the more attractive in that it had to
be enjoyed in secret. Fernando VI, from 1746 to 1759, followed his
father’s example, in encouraging the spread of culture. Carlos III was
even more energetic in urging the enlightenment of his subjects, and
thus there was gradually formed a public, few in numbers, it is true,
but including the statesmen in power, which had lost the old Spanish
conception that purity of faith was the first essential, and regarded
the Inquisition as an incumbrance, save in so far as it might be used
for political ends. The Inquisition still inspired fear, and the case of
Olavide shows that these opinions had to be cherished in secret, but
the number who entertained them was indicated when the bonds of society
were loosened and the national institutions crumbled in the earthquake
of the Napoleonic invasion.
Possibly the diffusion of this modern rationalistic spirit, insensibly
affecting even those opposed to it, may partly explain the rapidly
diminishing activity of the Inquisition. The great tribunal of Toledo,
in the fifty-five years, from 1740 to 1794 inclusive, despatched but
fifty-seven cases, or an average of but one a year.[854] This cannot be
attributed to a lack of culprits, for bigamy, blasphemy, solicitation,
sorcery and similar offences, which furnished so large a portion of the
penitents of old, were as rife as ever. The fact is, that the officials
were becoming indifferent and careless, except in the matter of drawing
their salaries. When, on May 22, 1753, the priest Miguel de Alonso
García was to be sentenced in the audience-chamber with closed doors and
in the presence of the officials, it happened that there were no
witnesses of the solemnity because none of the officials were to be
found in the secreto.[855]
CARLOS III
The personnel of the Inquisition was visibly deteriorating and
consequently forfeiting the respect of the community. There had long
been complaint of the insufficiency of the salaries, which had remained
stationary while the purchasing power of money had greatly diminished,
and there had been no reduction in the official staffs to correspond
with the dwindling business. Thus, in spite of the empleomanía
characteristic of the nation, and of the privileges and exemptions
attached to official position, it became increasingly difficult to fill
the offices properly. As early as 1719, the inquisitors of Barcelona
complained to the Suprema of the trouble they experienced getting people
to serve, on account of lack of desire for the offices and the absence
of advantage accruing from them.[856] In 1737 we find that the Toledo
tribunal had neither a commissioner nor a notary in Guadalajara, the
capital of a province which, in 1787, numbered 112,750 souls.[857] In
1750, a writer deplores that the stipend of eight hundred ducats is
insufficient to support the dignity of an inquisitor, so that the
inquisitor-general is not always able to make fitting nominations. This
necessitates the appointment of calificadores to examine the doctrines
brought under review, resulting in the indefinite prolongation of cases,
and also in lack of vigilance to suppress the errors perpetually
propagated in books; when the calificadores are not paid, they are slow
in their work and, to escape paying them, many things which ought to be
referred to them are passed over.[858] That the respect felt for the
Inquisition should diminish under these circumstances was inevitable and
altogether, at this period, it presents the aspect of an institution
which had survived the causes of its creation and was hastening to its
end. Yet it had exercised too powerful an influence in moulding the
Spanish character for it to disappear when its mission was accomplished,
and we shall see how violent were the struggles attendant upon its
dissolution.
Meanwhile it dragged on its existence under constantly increasing
limitations. Fernando VI, it is true, gave it obstinate support in its
quarrel with Benedict XIV over the works of Cardinal Noris, but he dealt
a severe blow when, in 1751, he deprived of the fuero the officials of
the tribunal of Lima. Carlos III, who succeeded in 1759, came from
Naples with the highest ideals of royal supremacy, coupled with less
respect for ecclesiastical claims than was current in Spain; he
surrounded himself with advisers such as Roda, Campomanes, Aranda and
Floridablanca, who were more than suspected of leanings to modern
philosophism, and his reign of benevolent despotism was marked with a
series of measures designed to diminish or abolish the privileges of
inquisitorial officials, to repress abuses and to tame arrogance. The
complete control which he assumed over its functions is exhibited in the
rules imposed, in 1768, on its censorship and, in 1770 and 1777, on its
jurisdiction over bigamy, when he ordered it in future to limit its
operations to the suppression of heresy and not to embarrass the royal
courts. The theory thus developed of the relations between the crown and
the Holy Office is formulated in a consulta of the Council of Castile,
November 30, 1768: “The king as patron, founder and endower of the
Inquisition, possesses over it the rights inherent in all royal
patronage.... As father and protector of his vassals, he can and ought
to prevent the commission of violence and extortion on their persons,
property and reputation, indicating to ecclesiastical judges, even in
their exercise of spiritual jurisdiction, the path pointed out by the
canons, so that these may be observed. The regalías of protection and of
this indubitable patronage have established solidly the authority of the
prince, in issuing the instructions which he has deigned to give to the
Holy Office acting as an ecclesiastical tribunal.”[859] Under such
conditions, he was quite content with its existence and, when Roda
suggested its suppression and presented various documents to show that
this had been discussed under Charles V, Philip II and Philip V, he
merely replied “The Spaniards want it and it gives me no trouble.”[860]
In fact, the time had not arrived for such drastic measures. The Abbé
Clément reports a conversation with Aranda, October 29, 1768, in which
the count warned him that it was necessary to speak of the Inquisition
with great reserve, for people imagined that all religion depended on
it; it was, in truth, an obstacle to all improvement, but time would be
required to deal with it, and he advised Clément to allude to it only to
Roda and Campomanes.[861]
With the accession, in 1788, of Carlos IV, there opened for Spain a new
and disastrous epoch. Timid, irresolute, indolent, he had fallen
completely under the influence of his wife María Luisa, an energetic and
self-willed woman. Until 1792 he kept in office Floridablanca, who was
succeeded for a short time by Aranda, and then power was grasped by
Manuel Godoy, subsequently known as Prince of Peace. Cadet of an obscure
family of Badajoz, he had entered the royal body-guard, where he
attracted the attention of the queen, whose favored lover he was
universally believed to be, as well as the favorite of her husband. He
speedily rose to the highest dignities and became omnipotent; although a
court intrigue occasioned his dismissal in 1798, he was restored in
1800, remaining arbiter of the destinies of Spain, until the “Tumult of
Lackeys,” at Aranjuez, in 1808, directed against him, caused the
abdication of Carlos in favor of his son Fernando VII. Light-headed,
selfish, vain and unscrupulous, he was mainly responsible for the
misfortunes which overwhelmed his country and from which it may be said
not to have as yet recovered.
ALTERED FUNCTIONS
The outbreak of the French Revolution gave a new importance to the
Inquisition. When the seductive theories of the French philosophers
were preached as the foundation of practical politics, overturning
thrones and threatening monarchical institutions with the doctrines of
the social compact, the sovereignty of the people and the universal
brotherhood of man, the Holy Office might claim that, as the foundations
of social order were based on religion, its labors were essential for
the safety of the State, while the State recognized that it was the most
available instrumentality for the suppression and exclusion of the
heresies of liberty and equality.
In this tumultuous breaking down of the standards of thought and belief,
in this emergence of a new order on the ruins of the old, the functions
of the Inquisition adapted themselves to the exigencies of the times, in
other ways besides the increased sharpness and vigilance of its
censorship. I have frequently had occasion above to refer to an
alphabetical list of all the persons denounced to the various tribunals,
from 1780 to 1820, some five thousand in all, and this, taken as a
whole, affords us an insight into the change in the objects of
inquisitorial activity. Judaism and Islam and Protestantism no more
claim its attention. The Church is no longer threatened by enemies from
without; what it has to dread is revolt among its own children.
Three-fifths of the denunciations are for “propositions,” largely among
the cultured classes, including a fair proportion of ecclesiastics.
Their precise errors are not stated, but doubtless many were Jansenistic
and more were hostile to the claims of the Church Militant and to the
absolutism of the monarchy. There is also a large class of cases,
virtually unknown a century earlier, significant of a vital change in
the intellectual tendencies of the nation, calling for the special
vigilance of the Inquisition. Popular indifferentism is revealed in the
numerous prosecutions for inobservance or contempt of church
observances. Even more noteworthy are those for outrages on images of
Christ, the Virgin and the saints, and even for sacrilegious treatment
of the Venerable Sacrament. In many other ways was manifested the
weakening of the profound and unquestioning veneration which, for three
centuries, had been the peculiar boast of the Spanish race. On the other
hand it is not a little remarkable that there are very few cases of
offences against the Inquisition, for, in all these forty years, there
are but nine that can in any way be included in this class.[862]
At the same time, when we recall the old-time punctilious enforcement of
profound respect, it argues no little decline in popular awe when, in
1791, a simple parish priest, Dr. Joseph Gines of Polop (Alicante) dared
to address the Valencia tribunal in terms of violent indignation at the
conduct of its secretary, Dr. Pasqual Pérez, when on a mission to
collect testimony. He tells the tribunal that, if it does not dismiss
Pérez it will sink greatly in his estimation, and his whole epistle
breathes a spirit of independence and equality wholly impossible at an
earlier time.[863] It was not without reason that, in 1793, the
tribunal, in appealing for increase of salaries, complained of the
decline in popular respect for its officials, which it attributed to
their meagre pay and the curtailment of their privileges.[864] How
completely the tribunals had lost their former energy is indicated by
the abandonment, about this time, as we have seen (Vol. II, p. 98) of
the publication of the Edict of Faith, which of old had been so
impressively solemnized and had proved at once so fruitful a source of
denunciations and so powerful a means of maintaining popular awe.
POLITICAL FUNCTIONS
Coincident with this, and as though the Inquisition felt that it was on
trial before the people, there was a marked tendency towards
amelioration of procedure, coupled with benignity in treatment of
culprits. Allusion has been made above to the introduction of the
audiencia de cargos, through which the accused was afforded an
opportunity of knowing what was alleged against him, and frequently of
clearing himself without the disgrace of arrest and trial. There is a
very suggestive instance of merciful consideration, in 1791, in the case
of Josef Casals, a weaver, charged before the Barcelona tribunal with
the utterance of shocking blasphemies in the church of Santa Catalina. A
century earlier he would have been arrested and, on proof of the
offence, he would have been sentenced to scourging or the galleys. In
place of this Padre Miguel Alberch was instructed to report secretly as
to the character of the accused, which he did to the effect that Casals
had regular certificates of confession, but was of quick temper and
occasionally broke out in curses. Then a commission was issued to
Alberch to summon Casals and to represent to him the gravity of his
offence and of the punishment incurred, and the mercy shown by the
tribunal, which would keep a watch on him.
In pursuance of this the good priest reported that Casals was deeply
repentant and desired to be heard in confession, which he had
permitted.[865] The case is trivial, but of such was the bulk of
inquisitorial business, and the temper in which it was conducted was of
no little import to the people at large.
Partly this may be attributable to the modern softening of manners,
partly to a growing sense of insecurity, and partly to the inertia which
led the officials to shun all avoidable labor. It was becoming more and
more a political machine and neglectful of the objects of its creation.
During the inquisitor-generalship of Manuel Abad y la Sierra, from 1792
to 1794, we are told that, in all Spain, there were but sixteen
condemnations to public penance. Abad was an enlightened man; he thought
of assimilating the inquisitorial procedure to that of other courts of
justice, and consulted with Llorente as to the formula for such a
reform, but conservatism, however relaxed in practice, was not ready for
total abandonment of the old methods. His design became known: he was
forced to resign and was relegated to the Benedictine monastery of
Sopetran, under a charge, as we have seen of Jansenism.[866]
In fact, an absolute renunciation of the old procedure would have
largely deprived the Inquisition of its usefulness in its new political
functions, to which its established methods were peculiarly adapted.
When, in 1796, a powerful intrigue was formed for the overthrow of
Godoy, the Inquisition was naturally selected as the only weapon with
which to strike at the favorite. Three friars were found to denounce
him, because for eight years he had avoided confession and communion,
and because of his scandalous relations with women. Had
Inquisitor-general Lorenzana been resolute, Godoy’s fate might have been
that of Olavide, but he was timid. Archbishop Despuig of Seville and
Bishop Muzquiz, then of Avila, who were the leaders of the plot, vainly
assured him that Godoy’s arrest would insure success; he refused to act
except under orders from Pius VI. Despuig then prevailed upon his
friend Cardinal Vincenti to induce the pope to write to Lorenzana
reproaching him with his indifference to a scandal so hurtful to
religion. It chanced that Vincenti’s letter, inclosing that of Pius, was
intercepted at Genoa by Napoleon who, to ingratiate himself with Godoy,
forwarded to him the correspondence. Godoy assured his position and took
a mild revenge, which does credit to his sense of humor, by sending
Lorenzana, Despuig and Muzquiz into honorable exile as special envoys to
condole with the pope on the occupation of his territories by the
French.[867] In fact, Capmany describes the Inquisition of the period as
devoted to the unholy work of an Inquisition of State, in order to
preserve its imperilled existence, and its ministers as trembling at the
sight of the infamous favorite, when they had the honor of joining the
crowd of his flatterers.[868]
Inquisitors might reasonably feel anxious as to their position, for
projects of reform were in the air. Gaspar Melchor de Jovellanos, the
most conspicuous Spaniard of his time for intellectual ability and
rectitude, had been exiled from the court, in 1790, and had betaken
himself to his native Gijon, where for years he labored in founding the
Instituto Asturiense. Desiring to endow it with a library of scientific
works, he applied, in 1795, to Lorenzana for licence to import them, but
Lorenzana refused on the ground that there were good Spanish writers,
rendering recourse to foreigners unnecessary, especially as foreign
books had corrupted the professors and students in various
universities—a process of reasoning applied to works on physics and
mineralogy, which Jovellanos characterized as a monumento de barbarie.
The attention thus drawn to his library aroused the suspicions of the
commissioner of the Inquisition, Francisco López Gil, priest of Somió,
who secretly entered it one day while the owner was taking his siesta.
Word was brought to him and he hastened thither, finding Gil examining a
volume of Locke. Jovellanos turned him out, telling him that his office
rendered him an object of suspicion and forbidding him to enter the
building without permission. Gil became a spy and was probably the
author of a denunciation which cost Jovellanos years of captivity.[869]
JOVELLANOS
He was suddenly recalled from his exile, November 23, 1797, to assume
the position of minister of Gracia y Justicia, where he speedily gave
the Inquisition abundant cause to dread him. A competencia had arisen
between the Seville tribunal and the episcopal authorities over a
confessional which it had ordered to be closed. The matter came before
Carlos, who instructed Jovellanos to obtain the opinion of Tavira,
Bishop of Osma, which he duly transmitted to the king, February 15,
1798, with a Representation arguing that the time had come to restore to
the bishops their old jurisdiction in matters of faith; the object for
which the Inquisition was established had been attained; its processes
were cumbrous and inefficient, and its members were ignorant. The
jurisdiction of the bishops could alone furnish an effective remedy for
existing evils—a jurisdiction more natural, more authoritative, more
grateful to the people, and fuller of humanity and gentleness, as
emanating from the power granted to them by the Holy Ghost, wherefore
the authority that had been usurped from them should be restored.
Moreover he took into consideration the condition of the Holy See,
deprived of its temporalities by the French Republic. Everything, he
said, pointed to a fearful schism at the death of Pius VI, in which case
each nation must gather itself under its own pastors. The papacy would
endeavor to retain the cumbrous and costly organization of the curia, by
increasing its exactions, and it would have to be reduced to the
functions exercised during the first eight centuries.[870]
Jovellanos was a sincere Catholic, but after utterances so hardy it was
not difficult for his enemies to convince the king that he was inclined
to heresy and atheism. Godoy had grown alarmed at the ascendancy which
he was acquiring over Carlos; his fellow-minister Caballero conspired
with the Inquisition, and on August 15th the king signed the dismissal
of his minister, whose official life had endured but eight months. A
fortnight later a royal carta orden declared it to be his unalterable
will that the Holy Office should permanently enjoy its jurisdiction and
prerogatives without modification.[871] Jovellanos returned to Gijon
where he lived in dignified retirement for two years and a half. His
offence however had been too great for pardon and his influence was
still dreaded. An anonymous denunciation of the flimsiest character was
laid before Carlos, describing him as having abandoned all religion and
as being at the head of a highly dangerous party, engaged in schemes for
the overthrow of Catholicism and the monarchy. The pusillanimous king
adopted the course suggested to him by the secret accuser. Before
day-break of March 13, 1801, the house of Jovellanos was surrounded by a
troop of horse; he was aroused from sleep, his papers were seized and
transmitted to the ministry of State; he was kept in his house
incomunicado for twenty-four hours, then thrust into a coach and
carried, still incomunicado, across Spain to Barcelona and thence to
Majorca, where he lay in prison until the abdication of Carlos, in 1808,
and the consequent troubles effected his release.[872]
ATTEMPTED SUPPRESSION
A case nearly parallel was that of Mariano Luis de Urquijo, who followed
Jovellanos in the ministry of Gracia y Justicia. He had no cause to love
the Inquisition. Among his youthful indiscretions was a translation of
Voltaire’s Mort de César, which led the Inquisition to make secret
investigations, resulting in the conviction that he was dangerously
infected with philosophism. He was about to be arrested when Aranda, who
recognized his merit, recommended him to the king and, in 1792, he was
appointed to a position in Aranda’s office. The Inquisition had learned
respect for royal officials and substituted for a decree of arrest a
summons to an audiencia de cargos, ending in a sentence of light
suspicion of sharing philosophic errors, absolution ad cautelam, some
secret penances and the suppression of his book, though his name was
considerately omitted in the edict of prohibition. His official
promotion was rapid and, at the age of thirty, he found himself a
minister, employing his power, possibly with more zeal than discretion,
in encouraging enlightenment and all humanizing influences. On the death
of Pius VI he incurred Ultramontane hostility by inducing the king to
sign the decree of September 5, 1799, restoring to the bishops the right
of issuing dispensations—a measure which provoked long and bitter
discussion. This was followed, as we have seen above (Vol. III, p. 504)
October 11th by a sharp rebuke to the Inquisition, ordering it to
confine itself to its proper duties and, soon afterwards, he presented
to Carlos for signature, a decree suppressing the institution and
applying its property to purposes of charity and public utility. This
was too bold a measure; the king shrank from the responsibility and
Urquijo only succeeded in concentrating upon himself clerical hostility,
which was reinforced by the enmity of First Consul Bonaparte, whose
policy he had opposed. Godoy, who commenced to fear him as a rival, and
who was irritated by some imprudent jests, withdrew his support. A
triple prosecution was commenced against him by three inquisitors and he
fell in December, 1801. He was sent to Pampeluna, to the cell which had
been occupied by Floridablanca, and there he lay for a year or two,
deprived of fire, lights, books and writing materials. He was liberated
under surveillance; in 1808 he refused to accompany Carlos and Fernando
to Bayonne, but he attended the so-called Junta of Notables there,
accepted the French domination, served as secretary of State and, with
the other Afrancesados, sought refuge in France in 1813, dying in
Paris in 1817.[873]
It is evident from all this that the opposition to the Inquisition was
gathering strength and boldness, but that its foundations were too deep
and solid to be overthrown without an upheaval that should shatter the
social fabric. A well-intentioned, but somewhat absurd, attempt was made
by Grégoire, Constitutional Bishop of Blois, whose fervent Catholicism,
combined with equally fervent liberalism, was of service so essential in
piloting the Church of France through the storms of the Revolution. In
1798, he addressed a letter to the Spanish inquisitor-general, urging
the suppression of the Inquisition and universal toleration, as a
preliminary to the redemption of Spain from despotism, and to enabling
it to take its place among the nations which had recovered their rights.
This was translated into Spanish and some thousands of copies were
circulated; it may have made some secret converts but the only visible
result was to elicit several replies. One of these, by Pedro Luis
Blanco, told Grégoire, with more or less courtesy, to mind his own
business; assured him that, if the Inquisition was suppressed, Spain
would remain as intolerant as ever, and asserted that no Spaniard had
ever imagined that coercion could be employed to obtain conversion. It
was probably this, mingled with some skilful adulation of the king and
his ministers, that procured for the author, in 1800, the episcopate of
Leon.[874] There was also an anonymous “Discurso historico-legal,”
evidently by a well-informed inquisitor, probably Riesco of Llerena. It
was the most rational history of the Inquisition that had as yet
appeared, although it assures us that experience showed that penitents
were most grateful for the benevolence shown to them, and that it was a
tribunal full of gentleness, the centre of benignity, compassion and
mercy, but also of justice.[875]
A third was by Lorenzo Villanueva, a calificador of the Valencia
tribunal, whose defence of the reading of Scripture has been alluded to
above. It was published under the transparent pseudonym of Lorenzo
Astengo, his maternal name. In view of his subsequent career it is not
without interest to see his indignation at the advocacy of toleration
and his dithyrambic denunciation of the horrors to which philosophism
has led in the assertion of human liberty. The first portion of his work
is an impassioned and rhetorical defence of persecution, supported by
ample learning. Vigorous is his denunciation of the modern theories of
philosophism and the rights of man—since original sin, he asks, what
rights has man save to slavery, to punishment, to ruin? So he combats at
length the doctrine of the sovereignty of the people, which he
stigmatizes as a delirium, a dream and a deception. Yet he admits that
the Inquisition is not perfect—that it has committed errors through
imprudence, through ignorance, through excessive zeal, and through human
frailty, and that it has prevented the development of some things which
would aid the prosperity of the nation.[876] If, as has been asserted,
he expected a bishopric in reward for this, he was disappointed.
POLITICAL UPHEAVAL
Thus, at this period the Inquisition was inert and its very existence
seemed to be threatened, but its potentiality of evil was undiminished.
It was still an object of terror to all inclined to liberal opinions,
and it was regarded by the Conservatives as the bulwark protecting the
land from the deluge of modern thought.
Feeble though it might be in appearance we shall see how prolonged and
stubborn was the contest required for its final suppression.
The treaty of Fontainebleau, October 27, 1807, dismembered Portugal, of
which Godoy was to have the southern portion, as an independent kingdom,
and the King of Etruria (Ferdinand of Parma) the northern portion.
Napoleon sent Junot with an army which, accompanied by Spanish troops,
speedily overran the land, when Junot issued a decree declaring Portugal
annexed to the empire. Simultaneously French armies, under Dupont and
Moncey, entered Spain and occupied the strongholds of Pampeluna,
Barcelona, Figueras and other places. Murat was sent as commander in
chief and took possession of Madrid. The Tumult of Aranjuez drove Godoy
from power and, on March 19, 1808, Carlos abdicated in favor of his son,
Fernando VII, whose accession was received with enthusiasm by the
nation. Beauharnais, the French ambassador at Madrid, and Murat,
however, refused to recognize him; Carlos protested to Napoleon that his
abdication had been coerced; by various devices, Carlos and his queen,
Fernando and his younger brother Don Carlos, were induced to go to
Bayonne to lay their respective pretensions before the emperor. There,
on May 5, Fernando was obliged to renounce the crown to his father and
the latter to transfer it to Napoleon. Carlos and María Luisa were sent
to Compiègne and Fernando to Valençay, where he remained until 1814.
Meanwhile in Madrid, Murat, under instructions, ordered the Infantes
Antonio and Francisco, the remaining members of the royal family, to
depart for Bayonne on May 2d. The indignant populace rose, with the aid
of a few officers and soldiers and, after a gallant struggle against the
veterans of Napoleon, the insurrection was repressed with heavy
slaughter, followed by numerous executions. The heroic “Dos de Mayo” was
the signal of resistance to the invader and, in a few weeks, Spain was
aflame; the desperate six years’ War of Liberation was commenced, and
the nation showed what a people could do when abandoned by its incapable
and cowardly rulers. With a soldier’s contempt for an unorganized
militia, Napoleon pursued his plans. Joseph was called from Naples to
occupy the vacant throne and was acknowledged as king by an Assembly of
Notables, convoked at Bayonne in June, which transformed itself into
Córtes and adopted a Constitution.
This summary of the situation is necessary to an understanding of the
position of the Inquisition. Whatever may have been the views of some of
the local tribunals, the central body accepted the intrusive domination
and was afrancesado—a term which, to the patriots, became one of the
bitterest contempt. The Constitution of Bayonne provided that, in
Spanish territories, no religion save Roman Catholicism should be
tolerated. Raimundo Ethenard, Dean of the Suprema, was a member of the
Córtes and, when he took the oath of allegiance to Joseph, the latter
assured him that Spain was fortunate in that the true faith alone was
there honored. When the Constitution was under consideration, two
members, Pablo Arribas and José Gómez Hermosilla, advocated the
suppression of the Inquisition, but Ethenard and his colleagues of the
Inquisition, Galarza, Hevia Noriega and Amarillas, successfully opposed
it, although they admitted that, in conformity with public opinion, its
procedure should be made to conform to that of the spiritual courts in
criminal cases.[877]
SUPPRESSION BY NAPOLEON
The Inquisition thus deemed itself safe and earnestly supported the
Napoleonic government. After the sanguinary suppression of the Madrid
rising on May 2d, it made haste to counteract the impression produced
and, on the 6th, the Suprema addressed a circular letter to the
tribunals, describing the affair as a scandalous attack by the lowest
mob on the troops of a friendly nation, who had given no offence and had
observed the strictest order and discipline. Such demonstrations, it
said, could only result in turbulence and in destroying the confidence
due to the government, which was the only one that could advantageously
direct patriotic energies. The tribunals were therefore instructed to
impress on their subordinates, and the commissioners and familiars in
their districts, the urgent necessity of unanimously contributing to the
preservation of public tranquillity. This communication was received by
the Valencia tribunal on May 9th and, on the 11th, it was read to the
assembled officials, calificadores, notaries and familiars of the city,
with exhortations to comply strictly with its commands—action which
was doubtless taken by the other tribunals.[878]
The Inquisition thus remained in Madrid under the protection of the
French arms, but its freedom of action was curtailed. The Abate
Marchena, a fine classical scholar, but revolutionary and tinctured with
atheism, had abandoned Spain early in the French Revolution and had
barely escaped the guillotine during the Terror. He returned, in 1808,
as Murat’s secretary, when the Inquisition thought fit to arrest him,
but Murat sent a file of grenadiers and forcibly released him.[879] When
Napoleon reached Madrid, December 4, 1808, the capitulation granted to
the city provided that no religion but Catholicism should be tolerated
but, on the same day, he issued a decree which suppressed the
Inquisition, as contrary to sovereignty and to civil authority, and
confiscated its property to the crown.[880] The Inquisitor Francisco
Riesco stated, during the debate in the Córtes of Cádiz, that this
sudden decree was motived by the refusal of the members of the Suprema
to take the oath of allegiance to the new dynasty, but this is evidently
incorrect, as most of them had already done so at Bayonne, and Arce y
Reynoso, who resigned his inquisitor-generalship, adhered to the French
and accompanied them on the final evacuation. Riesco further asserts
that Napoleon ordered them to be imprisoned, but they escaped and
scattered to places of safety.[881] The Inquisition was thus left in an
anomalous position and without a head, for correspondence with Pius VII
was cut off, and neither his acceptance of Arce’s resignation nor his
delegation of powers to a successor could be had. The Junta Central,
which was striving to govern the country, attempted to fill the vacancy
with Pedro de Quevedo y Quintano, Bishop of Orense, but he could obtain
no papal authorization and made no attempt to act. It was argued that
during a vacancy the jurisdiction continued with the Suprema, but this
was denied and it remained an open question.[882]
During the period which followed, the tribunals maintained their
organization and exercised their functions after a fashion, when not
prevented by the French occupation. Thus when the invaders reached
Seville, February 1, 1810, the Inquisition was suppressed, but its
members took refuge in Ceuta. Valencia remained in operation until the
city was captured by Suchet, in 1811, while Barcelona at one time
transferred itself to Tarragona. Activity was intermittent and, in the
excitement of that stirring time, there was little energy for the
prosecution of heresy while, even when the enemy had withdrawn, in many
cases the buildings had been ruined. The Valencia record shows that the
total number of cases brought before all the tribunals in 1808 was 67;
in 1809, 22; in 1810, 17; in 1811, 25; in 1812, 1; in 1813, 6. Probably
few of these cases were regularly heard, if we may judge from that of
Don Vicente Valdés, captain of volunteers who, in 1810, was denounced to
the Valencia tribunal for blasphemous propositions. October 27th it was
ordered that, in view of the circumstances, a fitting occasion should be
awaited for the audiencia de cargos demanded by the fiscal—a
postponement which proved to be protracted for it was not until 1816
that he was tried.[883] Still, where the Inquisition itself was
concerned it could act swiftly and effectively. In 1809 the French took
possession of Santiago. Felipe Sobrino Taboada, professor of civil law
in the university, was acting as police-magistrate and, by order of the
director-general of police, he issued a proclamation exhorting the
people to lay down their arms and praising the suppression of the
Inquisition. When the French retired, the university refused to readmit
him to his chair. He obtained a decision of the tribunal of Public
Safety of Coruña re-establishing him and then the Inquisition arrested
him, without the prescribed preliminary formalities, and kept him for
five months in the secret prison. Afterwards he was allowed to keep his
house as a prison and, when finally the bounds were enlarged to the
province of Galicia, it was with the condition that he would accept no
public office.[884]
ASSEMBLING OF THE CORTES
The Junta Central, which had endeavored to govern, amid much opposition
from the particularist tendencies of the provincial juntas, retired to
Cádiz when the French occupied Andalusia.
On January 1, 1810, it issued a convocation for the assembling of
Córtes, and on the 31st it dissolved, after appointing a Regency and
imposing on it the duty of convoking the Córtes by March 1st. The
Regency delayed until, forced by the pressure of public opinion, on June
18th it published a decree ordering elections where they had not been
held, and summoning the deputies to meet in August in Isla de Leon, now
San Fernando, near Cádiz. Suffrage was virtually universal and, in the
letters of convocation, the nation was called upon to assemble in
general Córtes “to establish and improve the fundamental constitution of
the monarchy,” while the commissions of the delegates empowered them to
decide all points contained in the letters and all others, without
exception or limitation.[885] The Córtes accordingly assumed the title
of Majesty, as embodying the will of the people and occupying the throne
of the absent sovereign. When they were opened, September 24th, about a
hundred deputies were present, two-thirds of whom were elected by the
provinces not occupied by the French armies, and the rest selected in
Cádiz from among natives of the unrepresented districts, including the
colonies, then more or less in open revolt, while, as the vicissitudes
of the war permitted, deputies came straggling in from districts
unrepresented at first. As a whole, the body fairly reflected existing
public opinion. The Liberals numbered forty-five, and the majority
consisted of ecclesiastics, men of the privileged classes and government
employees.[886] It was an unavoidably hazardous experiment, this sudden
wrenching of Spain from the old moorings and launching it on the
tempestuous waters of modern ideas, under the conduct of men without
training or experience in self-government. Grave mistakes were
inevitable and their constructive work was idealistic and doomed to
failure—a failure bound to result in blood and misery. At the moment,
however, there were no misgivings and the Córtes were regarded as the
salvation of the nation.[887]
The oath administered to the members bound them to maintain Catholicism
as the exclusive religion of Spain and to preserve for their beloved
monarch Fernando VII all his dominions. Their first act was to adopt a
series of five resolutions, offered by an ecclesiastic, Diego Muñoz
Torrero, rector of the University of Salamanca, of which one provided
that the Regency should be continued as the executive power, on taking
an oath recognizing the sovereignty of the nation as embodied in the
Córtes and promising obedience to their enactments. Rather than do this,
the Regency proposed to break up the Córtes, but the threatening aspect
of the people and the army caused a change of heart, and that same night
they took the oath, except the implacable conservative Quevedo Bishop of
Orense, who resigned both from the Regency and the Córtes. His
resignations were accepted but he was forced to take the oath required
of all prelates and officials before he was allowed to retire to his
diocese. It was evident that the Córtes and the Regency could not pull
together; on October 28th, the latter was dismissed, its membership was
reduced from five to three and a new Regency was installed with which
the Córtes could work in harmony.[888]
THE INQUISITION ASSAILED
After settling relations with the other departments of the State, the
first attention of the Córtes was given to the freedom of the press. Two
days after the opening session the subject was introduced and referred
to a committee; no time was lost, a decree was reported October 8th, and
on the 18th, in spite of the reclamations of the opposition, it was
passed by a vote of 68 to 32. This was regarded as a preliminary attack
on the Inquisition, which was thus deprived by implication of the
function of censorship. Some members desired this to be explicitly
stated, giving rise to a hot debate in which Inquisitor Riesco, a member
of the Córtes, pleaded in vain for some honorable mention of the Holy
Office. There was also indignation excited by the provision subjecting
prohibition by the bishops to revision by the secular power, which was
subversive of the imprescriptible rights of the Church, whose judgements
are final.[889] If this was really the first move in a campaign against
the Inquisition, it was not unskilful, for it set at liberty the pens
which had hitherto been restrained. At once there arose a crowd of
pamphleteers and journalists, not only in Cádiz but throughout Spain,
who attacked the institution unsparingly, raising a clamor which showed
how severe had been the repression. Sturdy defenders were not lacking
and the wordy war was vigorously waged. The two most prominent champions
on either side were Antonio Puigblanch, who, under the pseudonym of
Natanael Jomtob, issued a series of pamphlets, collected under the title
of “La Inquisicion sin Máscara” or “The Inquisition unmasked,” and Padre
Maestro Fray Francisco Alvarado, a Dominican of high repute for learning
and eloquence, whose letters under the name of El Filósofo Rancio or
Antiquated Philosopher, continued for two years to keep up the struggle
against all the innovations of the Liberals.[890]
Puigblanch was no exception to the general rule that those who attacked
the Inquisition were careful to profess the highest veneration for the
faith and in no way to advocate toleration. His work commences with an
eloquent description of religion as the foundation of all civil
constitutions and Catholicism as the noblest adornment of enlightenment
and liberty, the only question being whether the Inquisition is the
fitting institution for its protection. He is careful to maintain to the
last his abhorrence of heresy and his desire for its suppression, which
he proposes to effect by reviving episcopal jurisdiction under certain
limitations.[891] With all this his denunciation of the Inquisition was
unsparing, and he had ample store of atrocities with which to justify
his attacks, although there was unfairness in attributing to it, in the
nineteenth century, the cruelties which had stained its previous career.
Alvarado was a man of extensive learning, but of little claim to the
title of philosopher, whether antiquated or modern. Though his methods
were not such as to make converts, they were well adapted to stimulate
those of his own side, for he was an effective partizan writer, fluent,
sarcastic, often coarse, vulgar and vituperative, using assertion for
argument and indifferent as to truth. The chief value of his letters is
the flood of light which they shed on the conservative attitude of the
time, which explains much in the subsequent vicissitudes of Spain.
Philosophers, he says, are wolves, robbers and devils, monsters who
cannot be regarded without horror, enlighteners who are nothing but
ignoramuses and cheats and emissaries sent by hell. To seek to undermine
popular confidence in the priesthood he holds to be a crime greater than
the crucifixion of Christ. The ferocity of his intolerance shows how
little Spanish churchmen had changed since the days of Torquemada. As to
the relations of religion and the State, he assumes that the only
function of the civil power is to punish him who offends the faith; the
Catholic religion is as intolerant as light is of darkness, or as truth
is of falsehood, and this intolerance distinguishes it from all
religions invented by man. Repeatedly and savagely he proclaims that
burning is the proper remedy for unbelief, and he tells his adversaries
that, if they wish free thought, they may go to England or to the United
States, but in Spain what they had to expect was the quemadero.[892]
Such advocacy could only render the Liberals more eager to accomplish
their work.
THE CONSTITUTION OF 1812
While this controversy was contributing to the greater enlightenment or
obscuration of public opinion, the Córtes were engaged in framing a
Constitution. The committee entrusted with this task had a majority of
conservatives, including several ecclesiastics, but these were quite
willing to circumscribe the royal power, while seeking to extend the
privileges of the Church, and all the members signed the project as
presented.[893] It commenced by asserting the sovereignty of the nation,
which had the exclusive right to establish its fundamental laws, and
could never be the patrimony of any person or family, and it affirmed
that the religion of the nation was, and always forever would be the
Catholic, Apostolic, Roman, the only true one, which the nation protects
by wise and just laws, and prohibits the exercise of any other.[894]
This apparent concession to intolerance was denounced, when too late, as
a trap, for it placed in the hands of the representatives of the nation
the power of deciding what the wise and just laws should be for the
protection of religion. Be this as it may, the Córtes were resolved that
there should be no refusal to accept the new framework of government.
In secret session of March 16, 1812, it was decreed that whosoever
should refuse to swear to it should be declared an unworthy Spaniard and
be driven from Spain, and measures were taken to have it read in every
parish church, where the assembled people should swear to obey it and to
be faithful to the king. As the French armies were driven back, the
Spanish commanders made it their first duty to see this ceremony
performed, and where there was opposition, chiefly arising from the
priests, force was employed. A priest of the Cádiz cathedral who alluded
to it slightingly as a libelo, or little book, was prosecuted, and the
irreconcileable Bishop of Orense, who refused to take the oath, was
exiled and declared to be an unworthy Spaniard. As a whole, however, it
was enthusiastically accepted as the dawn of a new era, though we may
well question how many of those who took the oath comprehended the
purport of its three hundred and eighty-four articles, covering all the
complicated minutiæ of institutions based on an entirely new conception
of the relations between the Government and the governed.[895]
It was inevitable that, in the effort to create a new Spain, the fate of
the Inquisition should be involved, especially as its disabled condition
invited attack. That a struggle was impending had long been evident to
all parties, and that this was felt to be decisive as to the character
of the future institutions of Spain is seen in the tenacity with which
it was fought. The Inquisition was the conservative stronghold, to be
defended to the last, after all the outer defences had been abandoned,
and the deep roots which it had established are manifested by the
tactics required for its overthrow, and by the fact that the contest was
the bitterest and the most prolonged in the career of the Córtes, which
had so unceremoniously converted Spain from absolutism to liberal
constitutionalism.
Some preparation had been made for the struggle by the conservatives.
The first Regency had endeavored to reconstitute all the old Councils of
the monarchy and, on June 10, 1810, Ethenard, the Dean of the Suprema,
addressed to it a memorial requesting it to order the reassembling of
the Suprema, to which it responded, August 1st, by issuing such an
order. The scattering of the members precluded this, but, when the early
acts of the Córtes foreshadowed what was to come, on December 18th,
Ethenard and Amarillas asked the new Regency to appoint as a member the
fiscal Ibar Navarro and as fiscal the Madrid inquisitor, Galarza, thus
enabling the body to resume its functions. As no attention was paid to
this, an old member, Alejo Jimenez de Castro, who had been exiled to
Murcia by Godoy, was brought from his retreat to Cádiz, so as to have
material for a quorum present. The occasion to utilize this offered
itself in January, 1811. The freedom of the press enabled Don Manuel
Alzaibar to start “La Triple Alianza,” a frankly irreligious journal, in
the second number of which there appeared an article ridiculing the
immortality of the soul and suffrages for the dead. On January 28th
advantage was taken of this to ask the Córtes to refer it to the
Inquisition for censure, which was carried in spite of opposition. The
next day the editors asked that the action be rescinded, leading to a
three days’ debate in which the Inquisition was denounced as a
mysterious, cruel and antichristian tribunal and, for the first time,
its suppression was openly advocated. President Dou ruled that the
inculpated journal must be passed to the Junta de Censura, for he
understood that the Inquisition was not organized, when he was told that
there were three members of the Suprema in Cádiz, and that the Seville
tribunal was in Ceuta. This raised larger questions and the whole matter
was referred to a committee so composed that it was expected to report
against re-establishment, but it withheld its report for a long time and
meanwhile there were other moves in the game.[896]
SKIRMISHING FOR POSITION
On May 16th, the members of the Suprema notified the Regency that they
were prepared to act, in response to which the minister of Gracia y
Justicia expressed his surprise that they should meet as a tribunal,
without awaiting the decision of the questions submitted to the Córtes,
and forbade them from forming a Council until they should have express
authorization.[897] The matter was brought before the Córtes and
Inquisitor Riesco vainly argued in favor of the Inquisition; his motion
was referred to the committee, where it lay buried in spite of repeated
calls for a report. The Liberals insisted that a National Council would
be a more suitable body for the mature consideration of such questions;
their object was solely to gain time, which was fighting on their side,
but the idea was seriously entertained, even by the clericals. The
committee on the external discipline of the clergy reported, August 22d,
in favor of the project, with a list of matters to be submitted to the
Council; on August 28th the Córtes ordered it to be convoked, but
postponed consideration of the details. Other matters supervened and no
further action was taken, which Archbishop Vélez assures us saved Spain
from a schism, or at least from a scandal for, under the proposed
program, it would have proved a second Synod of Pistoja. In fact, the
journals naturally took a lively interest in the matter; thousands of
pamphlets, we are told, appeared everywhere, pointing out the abuses and
relaxed morals of the clergy and demanding a reform that was assumed to
be necessary. It is easy to imagine that the ecclesiastical authorities
were willing to let the project drop.[898]
The position of the Liberals was greatly strengthened by the adoption of
the Constitution, in March 1812, as was abundantly shown in the next
debate on the Inquisition. This was provoked by the publication, in
April 1812, of the “Diccionario crítico-burlesco” of Gallardo, librarian
of the Córtes, in which all that the mass of the population held sacred
was treated with ridicule, neither refined nor witty. It created an
immense sensation and was brought before the Córtes, which enabled
Riesco, on April 22d, to call for the immediate presentation of the
report of the committee on the Inquisition, for which the Córtes had
been waiting for more than a year. The committee, in fact, had reached a
decision, in July 1811, in favor of the Inquisition, and we are not told
why it had been held back, for four members had concurred in it and only
Muñoz Torrero had dissented. The report was accordingly presented,
re-establishing the Suprema in its functions, with certain limitations
as to political action; the debate was hot, but the Liberals had taken
precautions to avoid a direct vote on the question. In a decree of March
25th, creating a supreme court of justice, they had introduced an
article suppressing the tribunals known by the name of councils, and
they pointed out that this embraced the Suprema, which gave abundant
opportunity for discussion. Even more important was a decision of the
Córtes, adroitly planned for this especial purpose, December 13, 1811,
during the discussion on the Constitution, that no propositions bearing
on the fundamental law should be admitted to debate without previous
examination by the committee on the Constitution, to see that it was not
in opposition to the articles thereof. It was notorious that
inquisitorial procedure was in direct contravention of the
constitutional provisions to secure justice in criminal prosecutions
and, after an exciting struggle and a postponement, the report was
referred to the committee on the Constitution. The Conservatives were so
exasperated that they proposed to dissolve the Córtes, and have a new
election under the Constitution, to which the Liberals agreed, except
that the new body should meet October 1, 1813, and the existing one
should remain in session until then. Archbishop Vélez tells us that the
policy of the Liberals was to gain time, for their personal safety was
at stake if the Inquisition was re-established, nor does he recognize
how monstrous was the admission involved in this, for an institution
that could prosecute and punish legislators for their official acts was
virtually the despot of the land. Doubtless the deputies felt this, and
that the struggle was one for life or death.[899]
The flank of the enemy was thus skilfully turned. The committee on the
Constitution was in no haste to report and occupied itself with
collecting documentary material from the archives wherever accessible.
Its conclusion was that the Inquisition was incompatible with the
fundamental law and, on November 13th, it voted on a project for
establishing “Tribunales protectores de la fe” in compliance with the
constitutional requirements. Finally, on December 8th two reports were
presented. That of the minority by Antonio Joaquin Pérez, who had been
an inquisitor in Mexico, argued that the abuses of the Inquisition were
not inherent; that its procedure conflicted with the Constitution and
should therefore be modified accordingly.[900]
DEBATE ON SUPPRESSION
The majority report was a very elaborate document, tracing the treatment
of heresy from the earliest times, and pointing out the irreconcileable
incompatibility of the Inquisition with the constitutional provisions
securing to the citizen the right of open trial and opportunities for
defence. It concluded with the draft of a decree “Sobre Tribunales
protectores de la fe,” in which such caution was deemed necessary that
the Inquisition was nowhere mentioned. It appealed to the national
pride, by simply reviving a law of the Partidas concerning the
prosecution of heretics by bishops, it prescribed the form and procedure
of the episcopal tribunals, the punishment by lay judges of those
pronounced guilty, and it provided for appeals as well as for the
suppression of writings contrary to religion. The reports were duly
received and January 4, 1813, was appointed for the opening of
debate.[901]
Probably no measure before the Córtes provoked so bitter and prolonged a
debate. The Liberals had secured the advantage of position, and the
Conservatives felt that the issue involved the whole future relations of
Church and State. There was a preliminary skirmish on December 29th,
when Sánchez de Ocaña asked for a postponement until the bishops and
chapters could be consulted, on the ground that the Church was an
independent body.[902] This was voted down and the debate was opened on
the designated day, January 4, 1813. The friends of the Inquisition had
not been idle; the Church organization was in good working order, and
the Córtes were bombarded with memorials from bishops, chapters,
ayuntamientos, military officers, towns and provinces, showing how
active the canvass had been during the two years in which the subject
had been mooted. Yet the Conservatives could only procure, out of the
fifty-nine sees existing in Spain, protests from two archbishops and
twenty-four bishops, the authorities of three vacant sees, and four
chapters of those occupied by the French; while the number from officers
of the army was not large, those from towns were but a small fraction of
the municipalities, and only two provinces—Alava and Galicia—spoke
through their authorities. Muñoz Torrero declared, January 10th, that
every mail brought him mountains of letters in favor of the Inquisition
and Toreno spoke of the reclamations that came in, showing how the
signers of protests had been coerced.[903]
The debate was vigorous and eloquent on both sides but, while it took
the widest range, embracing the history of the Church from apostolic
times and the career of the Inquisition from the thirteenth century, the
parliamentary question in reality turned upon the power of the Córtes to
intrude in the sphere of ecclesiastical jurisdiction. After discussion
lasting until January 22d on the preliminary propositions, the decree
itself was taken up, article by article and strenuously fought over;
amendments were presented and accepted or rejected, as they strengthened
or weakened the measure, and hot resistance was offered to the clauses
allowing appeals from the judgements of the bishops, which the Liberals
supported on the ground that all the members who opposed the Inquisition
had been denounced throughout Spain as heretics, and the safety of the
citizen demanded that episcopal definition of heresy should not be
final. The debate was prolonged until February 5th, when the last
article was agreed to, and the decree in its final shape did not differ
essentially from that proposed by the Committee. There was no formal
suppression of the Inquisition; it was simply declared to be
incompatible with the Constitution and the law of the Partidas was
revived. This latter had been agreed to on January 26th by a vote of 92
to 30, and that date was assumed as determining the extinction of the
Inquisition, regulating the disposition of its property. It is not worth
while to recapitulate the details of the episcopal tribunals and the
provisions for censorship, as the bishops took little interest in the
exercise of their restored jurisdiction, though there are traces of
their action in one or two cases—that of Joaquin Ramírez, priest of
Moscardon and of Doña Antonia de la Torre of Seville.[904] During the
seventeen months that elapsed until the re-establishment of the
Inquisition, we are told that, although the land was full of Freemasons
and other anticatholics, the bishops had no occasion to arrest any one,
for no informers or accusers came forward—doubtless because they
realized that their names would be known.[905]
THE INQUISITION SUPPRESSED
In the debate several ecclesiastics distinguished themselves by their
able advocacy of the measure, among whom were pre-eminent Muñoz Torrero,
who had borne a leading part in drafting the decree; Lorenzo Villanueva,
who had defended the Inquisition against Bishop Grégoire, and Ruyz
Padron, parish priest of Valdeorras in Galicia and formerly of the
Canaries. How they fared in consequence we shall see hereafter. On the
other side one of the most vehement was Pedro Inguanzo, who was rewarded
with the see of Zamora, and ultimately with the archbishopric of Toledo.
The Liberals had won their victory by unexpectedly large majorities,
indicating how great had been the advance in public opinion. No measure
had created such intensity of feeling on either side; the rejoicing of
the Liberals was extravagant, and the anger of the clerical party may be
gauged by the declamation of Archbishop Vélez, who is as vehement as
though the whole fate of Christianity was at stake—the abomination of
desolation, he declares, seemed to have established its throne in the
very house of God.[906] The clergy had already been alienated by various
measures adverse to their interests—the appropriation of a portion of
the tithes to the support of the armies, the escheating of the property
of convents destroyed by the invaders, or having less than twelve
inmates, and the abrogation of the Voto de Santiago, a tax on the
agriculturists of some provinces based on a fraudulent tradition of a
vow made by Ramiro I, when, by the aid of St. James, he won the
suppositious victory of Clavijo.[907] The debate on the Inquisition had
heightened the reputation of the Córtes as an irreligious body, and it
was not wise to inflame still further the hostility of a class wielding
such preponderating influence, but the Liberals, intoxicated by their
victory, proceeded to render the measure as offensive as possible to the
defeated clericals.
On February 5th, after the final vote, the committee on the Constitution
was instructed to prepare a manifesto setting forth the reasons for the
suppression of the Inquisition which, together with the decree, should
be read in all parish churches for three consecutive Sundays, before the
offertory of the mass; that in all churches the insignia of those
condemned and penanced should be removed, and that a report should be
made as to the disposition of the archives of the tribunals. The
preparation of the manifesto delayed the publication of the decree until
February 22d, for it was a long and wordy document, in which the
decadence of Spain was attributed to the abuses of the Inquisition; the
ancient laws had therefore been revived, restoring their jurisdiction to
the bishops, in whose hands the Catholic faith and its sublime morals
would be secure; Religion would flourish, prosperity would return, and
perchance this change might some day lead to the religious brotherhood
of all the nations.[908]
It was not long before the imprudence of this step manifested itself,
for it gave the Church a battle-ground on which to contest, not only the
reading of the manifesto but the execution of the decree itself and, if
defeated, of occupying the advantageous position of martyrdom.
Opposition had for some time been in preparation. As early as December
12, 1812, the six bishops of Lérida, Tortosa, Barcelona, Urgel, Teruel
and Pampeluna, in the safe refuge of Majorca, had prepared a manifesto
widely circulated in private, representing the Church as outraged in its
ministers, oppressed in its immunities, and combated in its doctrines,
while the Jansenist members of the Córtes were described as adherents of
the Council of Pistoja.[909] No sooner was the decisive vote of February
5th taken than the chapter of the vacant see of Cádiz prepared for a
contest over the reading of the decree and manifesto. It had already
appointed a committee of three with full powers, and it now instructed
the committee to communicate secretly with refugee bishops in Cádiz, and
with chapters elsewhere, with a view to common action. Letters were sent
to the chapters of Seville, Málaga, Jaen and Córdova, representing that
the Cádiz chapter was ready to be the victim, but would be strengthened
by the union of others. Seville replied with promises to do the same;
the rest more cautiously, for they felt that they were treading on
dangerous ground.
RESISTANCE OF THE CLERGY
This dampened somewhat the ardor of the fiery Cádiz chapter and it
sought for other support. On February 23d the parish priests and army
chaplains of Cádiz were assembled and addressed the chapter at great
length. To read the decree and manifesto would be a profanation and a
degrading servility. The papal constitutions creating the Inquisition
were binding on the consciences of the faithful, until revoked by the
same authority, and from this obligation the secular power could not
relieve them. To obey would be to incur the risk of a dreadful
sacrilege, and the penalties for impeding the Inquisition imposed by
Julius III and Sixtus V; it was better to fall into the hands of man
than into those of God, and they were ready to endure whatever fate
might befall them. This was rank rebellion, slightly moderated by the
expression of a desire to learn the opinions of the holy prelates who
were in Cádiz. The chapter duly transmitted this address to the
prelates—the Bishops of Calahorra, Plasencia, San Marcos de Leon,
Sigüenza and Albarracin (Calahorra and San Marcos were deputies in the
Córtes and had signed the Constitution)—stating that it entertained the
same sentiments and repeated the request for their opinion. The bishops
replied cautiously, and in substance advised that representations be
made to the Government, which might be induced to modify its
decrees.[910]
Time was growing short, for March 7th had been designated as the first
Sunday for reading the decree and manifesto. On March 3d a capitular
meeting was assembled, in which it was unanimously resolved to obey, but
to make use of the provisions which authorize citizens to obey without
executing and to represent reverentially the reasons for suspending
action until further determination.[911] This was the first step in the
development of a somewhat formidable plot which was organizing. On March
5th the papal nuncio, Pedro Gravina, Archbishop of Nicæa, addressed to
the Regency a very significant protest against the decree itself. The
abolition of the Inquisition, he said, was contrary to the primacy of
the Holy See; he protested against this and he asked the Regency to
induce the Córtes to suspend its publication and execution until happier
times might secure the consent of the pope or of the National Council.
On the same day he was guilty of the indiscretion of writing to the
Bishop of Jaen and to the chapters of Málaga and Granada, under strict
injunctions of secrecy, advising them of the proposed resistance of the
Cádiz chapter and inviting their coöperation.[912] The next day, March
6th, the chapter sent to the Regency the address of the priests and
chaplains of Cádiz, with a communication setting forth the reasons which
not only prevented the execution of the mandate of the Córtes, but
imperiously required the secular power to protect the Church and relieve
it from an act in contravention of its honor and sanctity. The Chapter,
it argued, could not be accused of disobedience for insisting on the
spiritual law which was more binding than the temporal.[913]
The Regency evidently was participating in the plot to overthrow the
Córtes for the purpose of saving the Inquisition. The legislative and
executive branches of the Government had become estranged. There had
been dissension in the matter of the suppression of the convents, and an
investigation made by the Córtes into the affairs of the Regency had led
to a damaging report on February 7th. The Liberals were convinced that
it was planning a coup d’état when, on the night of Saturday, March
6th the rumor spread that it had dismissed the Governor of Cádiz, D.
Cayetano Valdés, and had replaced him with D. José María Alós. Sunday
passed without the reading of the decree and manifesto in the churches
and, on Monday, the minister of Gracia y Justicia sent to the Córtes the
communications of the chapter to the Regency. A permanent session was at
once declared; the Córtes dismissed the regents and replaced them with
the three senior members of the Council of State, Cardinal Luis de
Bourbon, Archbishop of Toledo, D. Pedro Agar and D. Gabriel Ciscar, who
forthwith took the oaths and at 9 P.M. assumed possession of their
office, the dismissed regents offering no resistance.[914]
RESISTANCE OF THE CLERGY
Harmony between the legislature and the executive being thus restored,
on March 9th the Córtes ordered the Regency to compel obedience. Under
threats of measures to be taken, the chapter yielded at 10 P.M. and
promised that the next morning, and on the two following Sundays, the
decree and manifesto should be duly read. It was obliged to furnish
authentic copies of all papers and correspondence, on the basis of which
a sharp reprimand was addressed to the Seville chapter and, on April
24th, prosecution was commenced against the Cádiz capitular vicar and
the three members of the committee, for treasonable conspiracy. Their
temporalities were seized and for six weeks they were imprisoned,
incomunicado. The trial dragged on until the restoration of Fernando VII
rendered acquittal a matter of course and enabled them, in their
defence, to declare that to destroy the Inquisition or to impede its
action in matters of faith was the same as prohibiting the jurisdiction
of the Roman Pontiff, thus trampling under foot a dogma established by
Jesus Christ.[915]
The documents thus obtained showed that Nuncio Gravina had been active
in furthering the plot of resistance. Now that it had been crushed,
policy would have dictated dropping the matter but, on April 22d, the
minister of Gracia y Justicia addressed him a sharp letter, expressing
the confidence of the Regency that he would in future observe the limits
of his office, as otherwise it would be obliged to exercise all its
authority. To this he of course replied defiantly; whenever
ecclesiastical matters were concerned he might find himself obliged to
follow the same course, and the Regency could do as it pleased. Some
further correspondence followed in the same vein and then, after an
interval, his passports were sent to him, his temporalities were seized,
and he was informed that the frigate Sabina was at his disposal to
transport him whither he desired.[916] He declined the proffered frigate
and established himself in Portugal, near the border, whence he
continued busily to stir up disaffection, assuming that he still
retained his functions as nuncio. On July 24th he addressed a protest to
the Government and sent a circular to the bishops inviting them to apply
to him in cases requiring his aid. This led to a lively controversy, in
which the Government charged him with deceit and he retorted by accusing
it of falsehood and challenging it to publish the documents.[917]
This was by no means the only trouble excited by the enforced reading of
the decree and manifesto. Recalcitrant priests were found in many
places, whose cases caused infinite annoyance and bad blood and the
Bishop of Oviedo was recluded in a convent for refusing obedience.[918]
The Government triumphed, but it was a Pyrrhic victory, multiplying its
enemies, heightening its reputation for irreligion, and weakening its
influence.[919]
The result was seen in the elections for the new Córtes ordinarias,
when the deputies returned were largely reactionary, owing to clerical
influence. There were many vacancies, however, which were filled by the
old members for the corresponding places, and thus the parties were
evenly balanced. The new Córtes met, September 26th and, on November
29th adjourned to meet in Madrid, January 15, 1814; the Regency
transferred itself to Madrid, January 5th.[920] By that time the French
were virtually expelled from Spain; Wellington was following Soult into
France, and Suchet was barely holding his own against Copons in
Catalonia.
The return of Fernando el Deseado was evidently at hand and was eagerly
expected. The reaction following the prolonged excitement of the war was
beginning to be felt. There was widespread misery in the devastated
provinces, the relief of which was slow and difficult and was aggravated
by a decree of the Córtes requiring those which had been subjugated to
pay the arrears of the war contributions. Dissatisfaction with the
Córtes was aroused by what were regarded as their sins both of
commission and omission—the lowering of the value of French money
caused great suffering and trouble; all who had served under the intruso
were ejected from office; the parish priests were reinstated in their
old cures, which turned into the streets the new incumbents; people
began to grumble at the preponderance of the Liberals in the Córtes—in
short, there was no lack of subjects of complaint.[921] Exhaustion and
poverty, the inevitable consequences of so prolonged and desperate a
struggle, produced discontent, and it was natural that those who had
guided the nation through its tribulations should be held responsible,
while their services should be forgotten. The military also were
dissatisfied at finding that, at the close of a successful war, they had
not the importance that they considered to be their due, while the
clergy were outspoken in opposition and, through two widely circulated
journals, “El Procurador de la Nacion y del Rey” and “ La Atalaya de la
Mancha,” attacked the Government furiously.[922]
FERNANDO’S RETURN
During all this period, Fernando’s existence at Valençay had been as
agreeable as was consistent with his safe-keeping. The only restriction
on his movements was a prohibition to ride on horseback; Napoleon is
said to have kept him supplied with women to satisfy his strongly
developed sensuality, and he manifested his characteristic baseness in
letters to his captor congratulating him on his victories and soliciting
the honor of a matrimonial alliance with his family. After the battle of
Leipzig, Napoleon, striving to save what he could from the wreck,
represented to Fernando that the English were seeking to convert Spain
into a Jacobin republic; Fernando was ready to agree to any terms and,
on December 11, 1813, there was signed what was known as the Treaty of
Valençay, under which peace was declared between France and Spain, the
English and French troops were to be withdrawn, the Afrancesados, who
had taken refuge in France, were to be restored to their property and
functions, and Fernando was to make a yearly allowance of 30,000,000
reales to his father and mother.[923]
Fernando sent the Duke of San Carlos with the treaty to Madrid for
ratification, instructing him that, if he found the Córtes and Regency
infected with Jacobinism, he was to insist on ratification pure and
simple; if he found them loyal, he was to say that the king desired
ratification, with the understanding that he would subsequently declare
it invalid. The treaty excited general indignation. As early as January
1, 1811, the Córtes had decreed that they would recognize no treaty made
by the king in captivity, and that he should not be considered free
until he was surrounded by his faithful subjects in Córtes. Now the
Córtes responded to Fernando’s message with a decree of February 2,
1814, reissuing the former one and adding that obedience should not be
rendered to him until he should, in the Córtes, take an oath to the
Constitution; on his arrival at the frontier this decree was to be
handed to him, with a copy of the Constitution that he might read and
understand it; he was to follow a route prescribed by the Regency and,
on reaching the capital, he was to come directly to the Córtes, take the
oath, and the government would then be solemnly made over to him. All
this was agreed to with virtual unanimity; it was signed by all the
deputies and was published with a manifesto denouncing the treaty and
expressing the warmest devotion to the king. The publication aroused
general indignation at the treaty and the manifesto elicited universal
applause.[924]
To Fernando, trained in the traditions of absolutism, the Treaty of
Valençay was vastly preferable to the reception prepared for him, but he
uttered no word of dissent when, after Napoleon had liberated him
without conditions on March 7th, he was transferred by Suchet, on the
banks of the Fluviá, March 24th, to Copons, the Captain-general of
Catalonia. He exercised volition however in deviating from the route
laid down by the Regency, and made a detour to Saragossa on the road to
Valencia, but he preserved absolute silence as to his intentions.
Everywhere he was received with delirious enthusiasm; the people
idealized him as the symbol of the nationality for which they had
struggled through five years of pitiless war, and there were no bounds
to their exuberance of loyalty.
To few men has it been given, as to Fernando, to exercise so profound
and so lasting an influence on the destinies of a nation. His ancestor,
Henry IV, had a harder task when he undertook to impose harmony on
compatriots who, for a generation had been savagely cutting each others’
throats. Fernando came to a nation which had been unitedly waging war
against a foreign enemy. Differences of opinion had grown up, as to the
reception or rejection of modern ideas, and parties had been formed
representing the principles of conservatism and innovation; mistakes had
been made on both sides and bitterness of temper was rising, but a wise
and prudent ruler, coming uncommitted to either side and
enthusiastically greeted by both, could have exorcised the demon of
faction, could have brought about compromise and conciliation, and could
have gradually so trained the nation that it could have traversed in
peace the inevitable revolution awaiting it. This was not to be.
Unfortunately Fernando was one of the basest and most despicable beings
that ever disgraced a throne. Cowardly, treacherous, deceitful, selfish,
abandoned to low debauchery, controlled by a camarilla of foul and
immoral favorites, his sole object was to secure for himself the
untrammelled exercise of arbitrary power and to abuse it for sensual
gratification. Cruel he was not, in the sense of wanton shedding of
blood, but he was callously indifferent to human suffering, and he
earned the name of Tigrekan, by which the Liberals came to designate
him.[925]
REACTION
When Fernando entered Spain he was naturally undecided as to the
immediate attitude to be assumed towards the changes made during his
absence, but the enthusiasm of his reception and the influence of the
reactionaries who surrounded him emboldened him in the determination to
assert his autocracy. Several secret conferences were held during the
journey to decide whether he should swear to the Constitution, and the
negative opinion prevailed. In fact, to a man of Fernando’s character,
voluntary obedience to the Constitution was an impossibility. Not only
did it declare that sovereignty resided in the nation, with the
corresponding right to determine its fundamental laws, but the powers of
the crown were limited in many ways; the Córtes reserved the right to
exclude unworthy aspirants to the succession, and to set aside the
incumbent for any cause rendering him incapable—clauses susceptible of
most dangerous interpretation. At this very time, indeed, the Córtes
were deliberating on the appropriation to be made to the king for the
maintenance of his court, which implied the right to subject him to the
most galling conditions.[926]
If anything was needed to induce him to assert the full powers enjoyed
by his predecessors it was afforded by a manifesto known as the
Representation of the Persians, from an absurd allusion to the ancient
Persians in the opening sentence. This was signed by sixty-nine deputies
to the Córtes; at much length and with turgid rhetoric it set forth the
sufferings inflicted on Spain by the Liberals; it argued that all the
acts of the Córtes of Cádiz were null and invalid; it pointed out the
limitations on the royal power prescribed by the Constitution, and it
asserted that absolute monarchy was recognized as the perfection of
government. It did not omit to declare that the Inquisition was
indispensable to the maintenance of religion, without which no
government could exist; it dwelt on the disorders consequent upon its
suppression and it reminded Fernando that, from the time of the Gothic
kingdom, intolerance of heresy was the permanent law of the nation. Even
if the king should think best to swear to the Constitution, the
manifesto protested that it was invalid and that its destructive
principles must be submitted to the action of Córtes assembled according
to the ancient fashion. This paper, dated April 12th, was drawn up and
secretly circulated by Bernardo Moza Reales, who carried it to Valencia
and presented it to Fernando, receiving as reward the title of Marquis
of Mataflorida.[927]
Fernando reached Valencia April 16th and paused there until May 4th,
while secret preparations were made to overthrow the government. The
Córtes, unaware of the contemplated treachery, were amusing themselves
in arranging the hall for the solemnity of the king’s oath and his
acknowledgement as sovereign, and took no measures for self-protection.
Troops were secretly collected in the vicinity of Madrid, under General
Eguia, a violent reactionary, who was made Captain-general of New
Castile. On the night of May 10th, when Fernando was nearing the
capital, Eguia notified Joaquin Pérez, President of the Córtes, that
they were closed; troops took possession of the hall and the archives
were sealed, while police-agents were busy making arrests from a list of
thirty-eight marked for proscription, including two of the regents, two
ministers and all the more prominent liberal deputies.[928] No
resistance was encountered and the precedent was established which has
proved so disastrous to Spain.
DESPOTISM RE-ESTABLISHED
In the early dawn of the 11th, there was found posted everywhere a royal
manifesto dated at Valencia on the 4th. In this, after a rambling
summary of antecedent events, Fernando promised to assemble as soon as
possible Córtes of the old fashion and, in conjunction with them, to
establish solidly whatever was necessary for the good of the kingdom. He
hated despotism; the enlightenment and culture of Europe would never
permit it, and his predecessors had never been despots. But the Córtes
of Cádiz and the existing body were illegal and all their acts were
invalid; he did not intend to swear to the Constitution or to the
decrees of the Córtes, but he pronounced them all void and of no effect,
and any one supporting them in any manner or endeavoring to impede the
execution of this manifesto was declared to be guilty of high treason
and subject to the death-penalty.[929] It is perhaps needless to say
that the promised convocation of Córtes and the salutary legislation
never took place. All the modernized institutions framed since 1810 were
swept away at a word, the old organization of Government was restored,
and Fernando was an absolute despot, disposing at his pleasure of the
lives and property of his subjects who had fought so desperately for his
restoration.
How he used this power was manifested in the case of the fifty-two
prisoners who were arrested at the time of the coup d’état. Nineteen
months were spent in endeavoring to have them condemned by tribunals and
commissions formed for the purpose, but no crime could be proved that
would not equally affect all who had voted with them, many of whom stood
in high favor at court. The last tribunal convened for their trial
advised Fernando to sentence them in the exercise of his royal
omnipotence, and he did so, December 17, 1815, sending them to distant
fortresses, African presidios and convents, with strict orders to allow
them to see no one and to send or receive no letters.[930] As regards
the three specially obnoxious clerical deputies, Villanueva was recluded
for six years in the convent of la Salceda, from which we shall see him
emerge and again play a brief part on the political stage. Muñoz Torrero
was sent to the convent of Erbon, in Galicia. He finally fell into the
savage hands of Dom Miguel of Portugal and perished, after severe
torture, in 1829.[931] Ruiz de Padron was not on the list of the
proscribed; he had not been elected to the new Córtes but was detained
by sickness in Cádiz. On his return in May to his parish of Valdeorras,
his bishop, Manuel Vicente of Astorga, made a crime of his absence from
his cure without episcopal licence and prosecuted him for this and for
sustaining in the Córtes projects adverse to religion and the throne. On
November 2, 1815, he was sentenced to perpetual reclusion in the desert
convent of Cabeza de Alba and, to prevent appeal, the bishop sent the
process to the Inquisition of Valladolid. Ruiz appealed to the
metropolitan, but the bishop refused to allow the appeal. Then a
recurso de fuerza to the Chancellery of Valladolid was tried, which
thrice demanded the process before the bishop, to escape exposure in a
secular court, allowed the appeal. Finally the metropolitan annulled the
proceedings and Ruiz was set at liberty, after four years’ imprisonment,
broken in health and ruined in fortune. This action probably superseded
a prosecution against him for printing his speech in the Córtes against
the Inquisition, a prosecution commenced by the Madrid tribunal and
transferred to Valladolid.[932]
REORGANIZATION
It was at first thought that the manifesto of May 4th, by invalidating
all the acts of the Córtes, in itself re-established the Inquisition. In
fact, Seville, its birth-place, had not waited for this and, on May 6th,
a popular tumult restored it. The next day its banner, piously preserved
by Don Juan García de Negra, a familiar, was solemnly conducted to the
castle of Triana by a procession, at the head of which marched Juan
Acisla de Vera, coadministrator of the diocese; the Te Deum was sung in
the cathedral, the houses were illuminated and splendidly adorned with
tapestries.[933] All this was premature, as likewise were the attempts
made by some tribunals to reorganize, for the absence of an
inquisitor-general and Suprema rendered irregular the transaction of
business. Representations were made to the king by Seville and other
towns, by the chapter of Valencia, and by bishops, praying him to take
action, and the scruples as to the intervention of the civil power in
spiritual affairs vanished.[934] Fernando accordingly, by decree of July
21, 1814, recited the appeals made to him and announced that he deemed
it fitting that the Holy Office should resume the exercise of its
powers, both the ecclesiastical granted by the popes and the royal,
bestowed by his predecessors. In both of these the rules in force in
1808 were to be followed, together with the laws issued at sundry times
to restrain abuses and curtail privileges.
But, as other reforms might be necessary, he ordered that, as soon as
the Suprema should assemble, two of its members, selected by him, and
two of the Royal Council should form a junta to investigate the
procedure and the methods of censorship and, if they should find
anything requiring reform, they should report to him that he might do
what was requisite.[935] Even the Córtes could not assert more
authoritative domination.
The inquisitor-generalship was filled by the appointment of Francisco
Xavier de Mier y Campillo, Bishop of Almería, and the vacancies in the
Suprema were supplied. The junta of reform was organized and met and
consulted. In 1816 we hear of their being still in session, but we are
told that they found nothing requiring amendment.[936]
The Suprema lost no time in getting to work. A circular of August 8th,
to the tribunals, enclosed the royal decree and announced that, in
virtue of it, the council was that day restored to its authority and
functions, which had been interrupted only by the invasion and the
so-called Córtes. The tribunals were ordered to proceed, as in former
times, with all business that might offer, and the officials were to
discharge their accustomed duties, until the Bishop of Almería should
receive his bulls. Lists of all officials were to be sent, with
statements of their dates of service, and of popular report as to their
conduct during the troubles, and whether they had publicly attacked the
rights of the sovereign and of the Holy Office. A process of
“purification” ensued, investigating the records of all officials, many
of whom had bowed to the tempest during the short-lived triumph of
Liberalism. April 7, 1815, a circular letter directed that any one who
had petitioned the Córtes for the abolition of the Inquisition, or had
congratulated them on their action, was no longer to be regarded as in
office or entitled to wear the insignia, but considerable tenderness was
shown to the erring. Thus Don Manuel Palomino y Lozano, supernumerary
secretary of the Madrid tribunal, had signed an address of
congratulation to the Córtes, but on his pleading coercion and fear he
was allowed to retain office.[937]
Allusion has already been made (Vol. II, p. 445) to the difficulties
experienced in re-constituting an institution which, during five years
of war, had been exposed to spoliation and destruction, resulting, in
some places, in the wrecking of its buildings, the purloining of its
movables and the scattering of its papers. Thus, for instance, in
September and October 1815, the Logroño tribunal, which had lost its
habitation, was negotiating with the Marquis of Monasterio for his
house, which he offered rent-free, if it would keep the premises in
repair and make the necessary alterations; the Suprema instructed it to
secure better terms if it could, and to be very economical with the
alterations.[938] As late as 1817 we chance to learn that Santiago and
Valladolid had no prisons and, in 1819, that Llerena was in the same
plight.[939]
The financial question was even more serious. We have seen how, under
Godoy, the tribunals had been obliged to convert all their available
securities into Government funds, which of course had become worthless,
and how the Córtes, by decree of December 1, 1810, had applied the
suppressed prebends to the conduct of the war. It must therefore have
been well-nigh starved when suppressed by the Córtes, but there was no
disposition to expose individuals to suffering and, when its property
was declared to belong to the nation, elaborate provision was made for
the payment of salaries and the customary gratifications, though we may
safely assume that in the majority of cases, these kindly intentions
failed of effect.[940]
FINANCIAL TROUBLES
When re-establishment came the task of gathering the salvage from the
wreck of the past six years was most disheartening. The royal decree
simply called on the Inquisition to resume its functions and said
nothing about its property, the restoration of which was evidently taken
for granted, under the manifesto invalidating the acts of the Córtes.
There was no disposition, however, on the part of the treasury officials
to do this and, in response to a consulta of August 11th, the king, on
the 18th, issued an order on them to make over to the tribunals all real
estate of every kind that had been absorbed by the treasury, the account
of rents to be made up to July 21st and apportioned on that basis. This
left personal property out of consideration and a further decree was
procured, September 3d, ordering the restoration of everything that had
passed into the Caja de Consolidacion, as well as the fruits of the
suppressed prebends, balancing the accounts up to July 21st.[941] This
was slackly obeyed; the necessities of the tribunals were pressing, and
the Suprema presented consultas of October 1st and 23d asking that they
should be allowed to collect the revenues, and that restitution should
be made of all past collections or, in default of this, that a monthly
allowance of eighty thousand reales be made to the Inquisition. To this
Fernando replied that the needs of the royal treasury did not permit the
repayment of back collections, nor could it meet the proposed monthly
allowance, but it was his will that such payments as the General
Treasury and the Junta del Crédito Público could spare should be made as
a payment on account for the most necessary expenses of the Inquisition.
This last was doubtless an empty promise; the royal financiers were
determined not to go back of July 21st, and it appears, by a letter of
December 16th, that the royal officials were still making collections.
The most that the Suprema could accomplish was to procure from the Junta
del Crédito Público an order of January 9, 1815, and from the chief of
the Treasury one of January 30th, to their subordinates to cease
collecting from the property of the Inquisition, under the rigid
condition that an account should be kept by the tribunals of their
collections, so that whatever they might obtain of arrears due prior to
July 21st should enure to the benefit of the Government.[942] In this,
however, there was recognized the justice of a claim for the unpaid back
salaries of the officials, and elaborate arrangements were made to
ascertain and put these in shape, but it was labor lost. The treasury
was at too low an ebb, and the claimants for services rendered during
the troubled years of war and revolution were too numerous, for the
Inquisition to obtain what it demanded.
The Suprema was also diligent in seeking to recover the amounts which
the tribunals had been obliged to invest in Government securities, but
this was as fruitless as other attempts to save fragments of the wreck.
The last we hear of it is in 1819, when the Suprema was still
endeavoring to meet the exigencies of the Treasury in framing lists of
the dates and numbers of the bonds.[943]
It was difficult to evolve order out of the chaos of destruction,
especially where the papers had been scattered, so that evidences of
indebtedness and accounts were lost, interfering greatly with efforts to
reclaim property. In November, 1814, we find the Valencia tribunal
issuing an edict requiring the return of all books and papers and
records within fifteen days, under pain of excommunication and two
hundred ducats; as to the furniture and other effects, they were to be
restored under threat of legal proceedings. Although Valencia had been
for two years under French occupation, it seems to have been more prompt
than some others in getting its finances into intelligible condition. In
November the Suprema calls upon it for a detailed schedule of resources
and expenses and, in the latter it is not to omit the contribution
required by the Suprema, amounting to 130,896 reales, and meanwhile it
is not to pay out anything for salaries or other purposes without
awaiting permission. Under this it was allowed, January 21, 1815, to pay
salaries up to the end of 1814, and in May to make further payments. Yet
in 1816 we find it reduced to seeking a loan wherewith to meet the
salaries and a sum of thirteen thousand reales demanded by the
Suprema.[944]
The Suprema itself, despite the contributions which it sought to levy
from the tribunals, was in a condition of penury so absolute that, on
July 3, 1815, it announced that it had no funds wherewith to pay the
salaries of its officials or the postage on the official communications
from the tribunals, which must therefore in future arrange with the
Post-Office to prepay the postage and settle monthly or quarterly. This,
however, as it explained August 19th, applied only to what was addressed
to it as, under a decree of May 19, 1799, letters to the
inquisitor-general and other heads of councils were carried free.[945]
RESUMPTION OF FUNCTIONS
There was gradual improvement, but it was slow. A carta acordada of
September 3, 1818, says that the Suprema cannot view with indifference
the deplorable financial condition of nearly all the tribunals, whose
diminished revenues force them to allow the meagre salaries of their
officials to fall into arrears, nor can it close its ears to the clamors
of these unfortunates, reduced as they are to the deepest indigence.
Seeking for partial remedies, it must insist on the avoidance of all
expenses not absolutely indispensable, and the suppression of all
superfluous offices. One of these is the notariate of the court of
confiscations; when it falls vacant it is not to be filled, and its
duties are to be performed by the secretary of sequestrations, whose
salary will consequently be raised by fifty ducats. This was a somewhat
exiguous conclusion of so solemn an exordium, seeing that the actual
work of the tribunals could readily have been performed by less than
half the officials who swelled their pay-rolls, but it is not without
interest as showing how persistently the old inflated organization was
maintained, and was struggling to support itself on the remnants of its
once prosperous fortunes. Under such a system, poverty naturally
continued to the last. When the Revolution of 1820 broke out, and the
Seville tribunal contributed six thousand reales to the committee
organized to resist the rising, it had no funds and was obliged to
borrow the money on interest. As almost the first act of the successful
revolutionists was to suppress the Inquisition, the lenders in this case
doubtless found themselves to be involuntary contributors.[946] At this
time the Seville tribunal had a force of twenty-eight officials, with a
pay-roll of 92,300 reales, while the amount of its work may be gathered
from the fact that the revolutionists found only three prisoners to
release.[947]
Thus amid difficulties and tribulations the tribunals one by one resumed
their functions. In October, 1814, Seville was prosecuting Lt. Colonel
Lorenzo del Castillo for propositions; Saragossa was receiving the
self-denunciation of Mathias Pintado, priest of Bujanuelo, for heregia
mista, and Valencia was suspending the sumaria of the Capuchin Fray
Pablo de Altea for mala doctrina, while in December Murcia was
prosecuting Don Josef de Zayas, a prominent lieutenant-general of the
royal army, for Free-Masonry.[948] Business, however, at the first was
scanty. In the book of secret votes of the Suprema, there is an interval
from December 22, 1814, until February 16, 1815. As the months of 1815
passed on, the breaks grow shorter and, by the summer of 1815, the
decrees follow each other closely. Valladolid seems to have been
dilatory in getting to work for, although it had three inquisitors
drawing salary, no case came up from it until January, 1817, and, from
this one it would seem that it had not been in operation until October,
1816.[949]
The prosecution of such a man as Zayas shows that the reorganized
Inquisition did not hesitate to grapple with those in high place, and
another early case illustrates this still more forcibly. During the
French occupation the Duke and Duchess of Sotomayor and the Countess of
Mora had obtained possession of the books and indecent pictures
accumulated in the Madrid tribunal. Apparently they refused to surrender
them; the tribunal prosecuted them and rendered a sentence, subject to
the royal permission, that these objects should be seized, but in such a
manner as not to attract attention or to provoke resentment. The Suprema
confirmed the sentence, ordering its execution by a single inquisitor,
accompanied by a secretary, so as to reconcile the respect due to the
parties with the secrecy that was essential.[950]
A politic act was the issue of a general pardon for all that had
“impiously and scandalously” been uttered and done against the
Inquisition under the fatal circumstances of the recent troubles.[951]
It could afford to assume this attitude of magnanimity, seeing that the
Government was pitilessly avenging it on its most prominent adversaries.
When the Government failed in this duty, the Inquisition had no
hesitation in nullifying its edict of pardon. We have seen its
prosecution of Ruiz de Padron, until it found that the Bishop of Astorga
was rendering this superfluous, nor was this by any means an isolated
case. In August, 1815, we find the Suprema acting on sumarias from
Canaries, in the cases of Mariano Romero, a priest, for a sonnet against
the Inquisition, and of Francisco Guerra for a sonnet and an epitaph of
the same character. So, in November, 1815, there is a prosecution of the
Duke of Parque Castrillo for congratulating the Córtes on the abolition
of the Inquisition and for a general order to the troops, December 2,
1812. His case dragged on until June 10, 1817, when its suspension was
ordered.[952]
FERNANDO’S FAVOR
Yet it was not easy to revive the old-time veneration for an institution
that had been so buffeted and roughly handled by the press and the
Córtes. A couple of cases in Madrid, in 1814, of women in whose shops
scandalous pictures and objects were exhibited, would seem to indicate
that its commands were not obeyed with alacrity.[953] It was doubtless
with a view of overcoming this indifference that Fernando himself
assumed the office of an inquisitor, February 3, 1815, when he visited
the Suprema, presided over its deliberations and participated in its
decisions, examined all the offices and expressed his royal satisfaction
with the methods of procedure. By royal permission the Suprema sent its
president and three members to return the visit and express its
gratitude for a mark of royal favor such as Ferdinand the Catholic nor
any of his successors had ever made. A full report was printed in the
Gaceta of February 16th, copies of which the Suprema sent to the
tribunals with orders to read it to the officials and place it in the
archives.[954] With the same purpose, he erected, as we have seen, the
Congregation of San Pedro Martir to a knightly Order, with a habit and
badge and, on April 6th, the feast of St. Peter Martyr, he presided over
the Congregation, with his brothers Carlos and Antonio, wearing the
insignia. In communicating this to the tribunals, the Suprema rendered
it especially impressive by ordering them to commence the payment of
salaries earned since July 21st and to continue it monthly.[955] Noble
courtiers doubtless found that assuming office in the Inquisition was an
avenue to royal favor, and we speedily see many of them submitting their
genealogies for this purpose. The great Duke of Berwick and Alva,
Fitzjames Stuart Silva Stolberg y Palafox, thus seeks the office of
alguazil mayor of the tribunal of Córdova; the Marquis of Altamira does
the same for the position of honorary secretary in that of Madrid, and
we happen to hear of the Count of Mazeda, a grandee of the first class,
serving as alguazil mayor of the tribunal of Santiago, and the Marquis
of Iscar as honorary secretary to the Suprema.[956]
In spite of all this, the Inquisition could not regain its former
position. Not only was it not respected but it dared not to enforce
respect. Two Edicts of Grace for Free-Masons were issued, January 2d and
February 12, 1815, when the Valladolid tribunal sent those for Medina
del Campo and its district to its commissioner Victor González to be
posted. The vicar-general and Ordinary, Doctor Josef Suárez Talavera, as
ecclesiastical judge, demanded that they should pass through his hands,
and when they were posted they bore the MS. subscription “Fixese, Doctor
Suárez,” thus assuming that it was by his permission, and arrogating to
himself a jurisdiction superior to that of the Inquisition. When this
was reported to the tribunal it ordered González to take them down and
replace them with unsullied ones, which he did. Thereupon Suárez sent
him word that, but for starting on a journey, he would make him repent
and that, had he known of his being in Medina he would have cast him in
prison and seen who could get him out. The tribunal meekly swallowed
this flagrant insult; it was under instructions to perform no act
indicating jurisdiction superior to that of the Ordinaries, so it
quietly gathered evidence verifying the facts and sent the papers,
September 15th, to the Suprema.[957]
The Inquisition recognized and felt acutely its altered position. In a
report to the king on the subject of visitos de navios, made by the
Suprema, in 1819, there are repeated confessions of powerlessness; the
times are so unfortunate that its regulations fail to effect their
object.[958] The same consciousness of weakness is manifest in the
conduct of the occasional competencias which still occurred. In such of
these as I have had an opportunity of examining there are a studied
courtesy and evident desire to avoid giving offence, without wholly
abandoning the claims of the Holy Office.
MISGOVERNMENT
To the same cause we may, at least partially, ascribe the marked
tendency to mitigation of punishment—except in the case of political
offenders—and to avoid all unnecessary hardship and humiliation of
culprits. When, in March, 1819, the Madrid tribunal pronounced a severe
sentence on Teodoro Bachiller, for propositions, the Suprema moderated
it greatly in every way, in order, it said, to make him understand its
benignity in taking care of his honor and of the comfort of his family.
In January, 1817, Lorenzo Ayllon was tried in Seville for abusing a
priest while celebrating mass and endeavoring to snatch away the
host—offences for which, of old, he could scarce have escaped the
stake, but now he had only absolution ad cautelam, a reprimand, two
years of presidio followed by six years of exile, and the Suprema
relieved him of the vergüenza which had been included. Even more marked
was the case of Diego Blásquez, postmaster of Villanueba de la Serena,
who with some others committed the sacrilege of burying a dog with
funeral rites. The Llerena tribunal commenced a prosecution and sent the
sumaria to the Suprema, which contented itself with ordering a
courteous note to be addressed to the secular and ecclesiastical judges,
expressing a hope that they would not permit a repetition of such
scandals.[959] It would be easy to multiply similar instances, but these
will suffice to show how completely, in dealing with offences against
the faith, the spirit of the Inquisition had been tamed, and how
factitious was the claim that its existence was essential for the
preservation of religion, when there were over half a hundred episcopal
tribunals perfectly competent to try such offences and perfectly ready
to treat them with greater severity.
Meanwhile Fernando’s reign had continued as it commenced. Under the
influence of a camarilla of low-caste and ignoble favorites, who
pandered to his vices and enriched themselves by trafficking in offices
and in contracts and in justice, his government was a compound of
brutality and imbecility, and the affairs of the nation fell into
complete disorder. All the abuses that had flourished under Godoy were
intensified and coupled with persistent cruel persecution of those
designated as Liberals, who filled the gaols through constantly
recurring lists of proscriptions. De Martignac, who, as royal
commissioner, accompanied the Duke of Angoulême in the invasion of 1823,
was a thoroughly well-informed and unprejudiced observer, who after a
vigorous description of the misgovernment of Fernando sums up by saying
“We can conceive the influence of such a régime on the prosperity of the
land, and yet it is difficult to realize the extent of disorder,
wretchedness and weakness to which it fell. It was necessary to resort
to arbitrary taxes, to exorbitant duties which destroyed commerce, to
loans raised without credit. It was impossible to provide for the most
pressing necessities of the State; everything was neglected or
abandoned; the army was unpaid; the navy, destroyed at Trafalgar,
remained in ruins; the administration, destitute of all means of action,
did nothing and could do nothing to improve conditions, or even to
preserve what there was. From this arose the discontent of the
people.”[960] It can scarce excite surprise that the crazy enthusiasm of
Fernando’s welcome in 1814 had evaporated.
During this disastrous period, every year saw an attempt at revolution.
In 1814 it was tried at Pampeluna by General Mina, who escaped; in 1815
in Galicia by Porlier, who was executed; in 1816 in Madrid by Richard,
who shared the same fate; in 1817 in Catalonia by Lacy, who was shot; in
1818 in Valencia by Vidal, who was put to death. Again in Valencia a
plot was formed to break out January 1, 1819, but it was betrayed and
thirteen of the conspirators were hanged. O’Donnell, Count of la Bisbal,
an able soldier and unscrupulous intriguer, was privy to this, but
averted suspicion and was appointed to command an expeditionary force
collecting at Cádiz for Buenos Ayres, against the revolted colony. With
customary negligence, transports were not provided; the troops lay idle
for months, discontent spread and a formidable conspiracy was organized,
which counted on la Bisbal’s support; he concluded that loyalty was
safest and seized the leading plotters, for which he was rewarded with
the grand cross of Carlos III., but suspicion arose; he was removed and
replaced by the incapable Count of Calderon.
The situation, however, was growing impossible, and revolution was in
the air. A portion of the troops were cantoned at las Cabezas de San
Juan, a town not far from Cádiz. There, on January 1, 1820, Rafael de
Riego, commander of the battalion of Asturias, assembled his men, made
an inflammatory harangue, and they all declared for the Constitution. He
made a dash for Arcos, where he captured Calderon and three of his
generals, effected a junction with the battalions España and Corona,
under Colonel Antonio Quiroga, and failed in an attack on Cádiz. Delay
and irresolution followed, until January 27th, when Riego, at the head
of fifteen hundred men, marched to Algeciras, where he remained until
February 7th. Defeated in an attempt on Málaga, he reached Córdova on
March 7th, with some five hundred despairing followers. No effort was
made to capture them; the garrison and citizens looked on placidly,
while Riego refreshed his men and headed for the Sierra Morena; they
dropped off during the march and he was left with fifty followers; so
far as he was concerned, the movement was a failure.
REVOLUTION ACCOMPLISHED
Still, its preliminary success had aroused the slumbering elements of
discontent. On February 21st revolution broke out at Coruña and spread
to Ferrol and Vigo, when the Count of San Roman abandoned Galicia
without a struggle. Saragossa followed on March 2d, the captain-general
and garrison joining the magistrates and people. When the news reached
Barcelona, on March 10th the people rose and sacked the Inquisition, but
did no injury to the officials.[961] Within a few days Tarragona, Gerona
and Mataró followed the example, the garrisons participating in the
movement. In Navarre, Mina’s account of the rising shows that there was
prearrangement, and that the municipal authorities and military
officials were fully in accord. When he reached Pampeluna with a large
force, gathered on his way from the border, he found that the revolution
had already been peacefully accomplished on March 11th. Meanwhile la
Bisbal, seeing that the movement promised success, spared no promises to
obtain command of the forces concentrating in la Mancha to put down
Riego’s rising. He received the appointment and, on reaching Ocaña, he
induced the regiment Alejandro to cry “Viva la Constitucion.” The
revolution was accomplished and was bloodless, save a hideous massacre
at Cádiz of the unarmed multitude, perpetrated in cold blood by Don
Manuel Freyre.[962]
During the two months of this desultory movement, which prompt action
could so readily have suppressed, the court was nerveless and incapable.
When the news came of the rising in Galicia, Fernando issued, February
28th, a plaintive appeal, promising amendment. His terror increased as
evil tidings came pouring in, and on March 3d he published a decree
bewailing the state of the kingdom, and announcing that he had ordered
the Council of State to prepare a comprehensive scheme of reform. This
was followed, March 6th, by another calling an immediate convocation of
Córtes. It was too late; he found himself abandoned by all, even by his
Royal Guard, which General Ballesteros reported was planning to retire
to Buen Retiro and send a deputation asking him to swear to the
Constitution. This was decisive and, on the night of the 7th, he issued
another decree announcing his intention to do so. This was received, on
the 8th, with popular rejoicings, but, as no further action was taken,
an impatient mob, on the 9th, surrounded the palace with seditious cries
and threats. The guard was impassive; Fernando was deserted and was
absolutely alone when the crowd began to mount the stairs to demand that
he should swear to the Constitution, but they were restrained on
learning that he had ordered the reassembling of the Ayuntamiento of
Madrid as it had existed under the Constitution. Its members were got
together and proceeded immediately to the palace, where Fernando
received them with warm expressions of affection; he took the required
oath of his own free will, and ordered Ballesteros to make the army do
the same. A general illumination and bell-ringing for three nights were
ordered, and the people dispersed, not, however, without first visiting
the Inquisition, releasing the prisoners and scattering the archives.
Only two or three prisoners were found and these were political. Rodrigo
tells us that the mob wanted them to pose as victims of persecution, but
they prudently refused, and a neighboring cobbler was persuaded to
exhibit himself as the presiding figure of the celebration.[963]
INQUISITION SUPPRESSED
On the same day, March 9th, Fernando issued a decree abolishing the
Inquisition. This bore that, as its existence was incompatible with the
Constitution of 1812, for which reason it had, after mature
deliberation, been suppressed by the Córtes, and in conformity with the
opinion of the Junta this day established, he ordered that, from this
day, the Suprema and the Inquisition be suppressed throughout the
monarchy, setting at liberty all prisoners confined for political or
religious opinions, and transferring, to the bishops in their respective
dioceses, their cases to be determined in accordance with the decree of
the Córtes.[964] This was followed, March 20th, by a royal order
providing for inventories of all property pertaining to the Inquisition,
and reviving the decree of February 22, 1813; the Bureau of Public
Credit was to take possession of and administer the property, until its
destination should be determined by the Córtes shortly to be assembled,
while the salaries of officials were to be continued. When the Córtes
met, a decree of August 9th included this with other escheated property,
to be sold at auction by the Junta nacional de Crédito.[965]
During the slow progress of the Revolution, the Inquisition seems to
have been watching events with full consciousness of the fate in store
for it if the movement should prove successful. A letter of January
19th, from the Seville tribunal to the Suprema, states that it had
delayed the arrests of the Trinitarian, Fray Juan Montes, and of Don
Tomás Díaz in consequence, at first of the epidemic, and then of the
insurrection, to which the Suprema replied, January 24th, that it left
future action to the prudence of the tribunal.[966] Considering how
feeble at the time was the demonstration of Riego, this shows that its
ultimate consequences were fully apprehended. Still the Inquisition
continued at work, but the last case acted upon by the Suprema was its
confirmation, February 10th, of a sentence rendered January 28th, by the
Toledo tribunal, on Manuel de la Peña Palacios, priest of Ontoba. As the
last act of the dreaded Holy Office, after a career of three centuries
and a half, it has an interest beyond its inherent trivial character,
and it will be found in the Appendix.
At least one liberated prisoner gave expression to his delight at his
release. Don Antonio Bernabeu, a priest, had been a member of the Córtes
of Cádiz and had been arrested with the others in May, 1814, but seems
to have been released in about six months. He was a Jansenist of an
extreme type and, in 1813, had printed a pamphlet to prove that the
State could seize all ecclesiastical property and reduce the overgrown
numbers of the clergy, putting those who were left on moderate salaries.
The tract was a terrible indictment of the Church for its greed of
accumulation, its neglect of duty and its departure from the old
standards in concentrating all power in the pope, which he attributed to
the Isidorian Decretals. On his release from prison, December 14, 1814,
he hastened to denounce himself for this to the Inquisition and was
placed in reclusion. In 1816 he denounced himself a second time for
matters at first omitted. The fiscal presented the accusation, April 20,
1817, rather cleverly drawn, for it demanded precise definition of his
opinions on the wide range of subjects, in which he charged the Church
with deviation from primitive times, and specific proofs of his somewhat
vague declamation as to abuses. To satisfy this would require the
resources of a large library and years of research, while Bernabeu was
confined in a convent and was denied even a copy of his offending
pamphlet, besides being exposed to all manner of persecutions by his
fellow inmates. His trial was still pending when the decree of March 9th
liberated him; he was promptly returned as a deputy to the Córtes of
1820, and he celebrated his release by reprinting his pamphlet, with an
account of his sufferings and his answers to the charges of the
fiscal.[967]
SUICIDE OF LIBERALISM
It would carry us too far from our subject to recount in detail the
extravagancies and follies with which the triumphant Liberals invited
the cruel reaction that awaited them. Moderation, perhaps, was scarce to
be expected of men, smarting under the persecution of the last six
years, and suddenly brought from fortresses and presidios, or from
exile, to take charge of the Government, and to frame laws for the
nation. That they should in turn persecute their persecutors was natural
but impolitic; mutual hatreds were inflamed, and the land was divided
into factions between which harmony and forbearance became impossible.
The long centuries of despotism and the repression of independent
thought and action had rendered the people incapable of the large
measure of self-government provided by the Constitution. So-called
patriotic societies were rapidly formed—de Lorencini, de San Fernando,
la Fontana de Oro, la Cruz de Malta, la Landaburana and others—which in
reality were Jacobinical clubs, where the most radical measures were
advocated, and the most violent means of effecting them were urged. An
unbridled press was busy in adding fuel to the flames and in stimulating
the ardor which sought to realize anarchical dreams. Masonry had been
busy in preparing the revolution, and with its success Masonry became
the avenue to power and place; its lodges multiplied and were rapidly
filled. Then, with the progress of advanced ideas, Masonry became too
conservative for the exaltados, who left it and established the
Comuneros, whose statutes formed a state of revolutionary character
within the State. They rivalled the Masons in numbers and influence, and
the virulent struggle for supremacy between the two bodies at times
paralyzed the Government and neutralized the forces of order. The
disorderly element existing in all communities was utilized whenever
there was an object to be gained, and mob rule became of frequent
occurrence, not only in Madrid but in nearly all the cities. The orders
of the Government were obeyed or disregarded as suited the temper of the
populace or of its instigators. Officials commissioned as
captains-general or governors or magistrates were admitted or rejected;
orderly administration was becoming impossible, and everywhere
turbulence reigned supreme. Liberalism was committing suicide.
Yet Liberalism had need of its undivided strength to maintain itself
against the opposing forces. Fernando, while playing the part of a
constitutional king, was constantly plotting to throw off the yoke, and
was entertaining secret relations with those who were striving to
overthrow the Government. Successive Córtes seemed to take pleasure in
exacerbating the hostility of the clergy, whose influence over the mass
of the people was unbounded. Much of this legislation was no doubt
salutary in itself but, at the moment, it was dangerous, and the blows
succeeded each other so rapidly that the sufferers might well regard it
as systematic persecution. August 31, 1820, a law organizing the
national army exempted from service only such clerics as were actually
in holy Orders. One of September 26th subjected all clerics, secular and
regular, to secular jurisdiction for offences incurring corporal
punishment. Within a week, another decree suppressed a large portion of
the monastic Orders, and the Mendicants who were left were subjected to
the bishops and consolidated into houses of not less than twelve
inmates, and this was followed by other special decrees of suppression.
The property of the suppressed houses was applied to the Crédito
público and, when Fernando refused his signature, a popular tumult was
organized which frightened him into acquiescence. October 26th it was
ordered that dispensations for marriage within prohibited degrees should
be issued without charge to those applying in forma pauperis, thus
cutting off a large source of income. When bands of insurgent royalists
began to make their appearance, and were joined or led by priests, the
bishops were ordered, April 20, 1821, to report what steps they had
taken to punish them and, within eight days, to issue edicts requiring
their flocks to obey the law. Then, on June 29th, without papal
authority, a contribution of thirty million reales was levied on the
clergy and, on the same day, the tithes were reduced one-half, while
allowing some compensation in the removal of certain imposts. The
clergy, not unnaturally, promoted disaffection, and to check this,
decrees of November 1, 1822, authorized the Government, at discretion,
to transfer from one place to another all parish priests and
ecclesiastics, the cost of maintenance of those thus deported being
thrown upon the bishops.[968]
QUARREL WITH THE CHURCH
In fact, the irreconcileable claims of State and Church rendered
hostility inevitable. It was impossible for the latter to understand
that, when it entered politics and became a political factor, it had to
be treated like other political bodies. The theocracy of the middle ages
had so long enjoyed power without responsibility that its immunity
became part of Latin doctrine. Elsewhere the impracticability of this
had been demonstrated, but in Spain the Church has never ceased to
struggle for the maintenance of medievalism, or has understood that
sedition in the pulpit should not be treated differently from sedition
in the tribune. It refused to recognize that self-preservation is the
first law of governments as of individuals, and that they cannot allow
artificial privileges to work their destruction. The theory of the
Liberals was that external ecclesiastical discipline was subject to the
civil authority, while internal discipline was reserved to the Church.
The Church asserted that in all things it ruled itself, and that any
secular interference was a laying of profane hands on the Ark. The gage
of battle was virtually thrown by Veremundo Arías, Archbishop of
Valencia, who, on October 20, 1820, addressed to the Córtes a long
manifesto, upholding all the extreme claims of the Church, and denying
the distinction between external and internal discipline. On November
10th he was arrested and, on the 24th, was put on board ship and sent to
France. This was the commencement of a persecution in which many bishops
suffered. Alvárez de Palma of Granada was set aside and replaced by the
liberal Archpriest Vinegas. Uriz y Lafaga of Pampeluna was summoned to
Madrid but, on the road, was rescued by royalists and conveyed to
France. Blas Beltran of Coria was banished. The Bishop-elect of Santa
Marta (Colombia) received his sentence of exile on his death-bed in
Plasencia. Cienfuegos of Cádiz had to fly to save his life. Pablo de
Sichar of Barcelona fled and remained absent until 1823. Rentería y
Reyes of Lérida was carried under guard to Barcelona, narrowly escaped
execution, and was detained in Málaga until 1823. Ramon Strauch y Vidal
of Vich was imprisoned in Barcelona, then sent to Tarragona and on the
road, under a pretext, was made to descend and was shot with his
attendant. Others who were exiled were Jaime Creus of Tarragona, Ceruelo
de la Fuente of Oviedo, Rafael de Velez of Ceuta and Castillon y Salas
of Tarazona.[969] It is true that the worst of these acts were committed
by mobs or irresponsible parties in the growing disorders of the times,
but they remained unrebuked and unpunished.
A government which thus treated its clergy was not likely to maintain
friendly relations with the Holy See. One of the earliest measures of
the new government was an act of August 17, 1820, suppressing the
Jesuits.[970] Pius VII met this with a letter of September 16th to
Fernando, deploring the perils that threatened religion and the Church
and reciting the obnoxious measures taken, for which he had ordered his
nuncio to make reclamation, but without effect.[971] Relations were not
improved when, April 21, 1821, a decree suppressed all payments, whether
in money or other equivalent, for papal bulls for archbishops, bishops,
matrimonial dispensations and other rescripts, in lieu of which the
paltry annual sum of 9000 silver dollars was offered.[972] This was
unwise but still more so was the sending to Rome as ambassador of
Joaquin Lorenzo Villanueva, towards the close of 1822, when the
intervention of the Holy Alliance was impending. At Turin he was met by
a papal order forbidding him to come further and asking the ministry to
appoint some one else. Evaristo San Miguel, the Secretary of State,
insisted; the papal foreign secretary replied that the opinions
expressed by Villanueva in the “Cartas de Don Roque Leal” and in the
Córtes were such that the Holy See could never receive him. To this the
answer was to send to the nuncio his passports with orders to leave
Spain. The rupture with Rome was complete and, in the eyes of pious
Spaniards, the government had justified the clerical definition of the
Constitution as heresy.[973]
The clerical temper thus stimulated is fairly exhibited in a little
pamphlet by Padre Miguel Canto, parish priest of Callosa de Segura,
celebrating the downfall of Constitutionalism. He is fairly drunk with
joy and consigns the Liberals to the bottomless pit for eternity with
vigorous delight. That the civil power should dare to assume any control
over the externals of the Church fills him with astonishment and rage,
all the greater in view of the suffering which it inflicted, especially
on the regulars. Canto tells us that the fabric of his church had
enjoyed a revenue of four thousand pesos, and that it was reduced to
such poverty that he had not wherewith to provide wafers and wine for
the sacrament, or oil for the lamps.[974] Yet the resources of the
Spanish Church were such that it still had ample funds for political
uses. When, in October, 1823, after his release by the French, Fernando
travelled from Cádiz to Madrid, he received in voluntary offerings from
the chapters of Toledo, Seville, Granada, Jaen and Cuenca, 11,970,000
reales in silver, although the land was in a condition of complete
exhaustion.[975]
DEVELOPMENT OF REVOLT
It is not difficult to believe that the pulpit and the confessional were
energetically used to inflame and organize the disaffection that rapidly
succeeded to the enthusiasm for the Constitution. The new administration
was no more efficient than the old. Ministries, hampered with the
underhand intrigues of the king, perpetually guarding against eager
rivals, and speedily engrossed with suppressing the armed resistance
springing up on every hand, had little opportunity of rectifying the
abuses which had made Fernando unpopular. To the people at large the
only visible result of the revolution was that the Liberals in turn
were persecuting the Serviles. The nobles, moreover were alienated by
the suppression of Mayorazgos and Vinculaciones, or entails and
perpetual charges on lands, a reform which had long been urged by
statesmen such as Jovellanos.[976] Willing and receptive listeners to
clerical invective were abundant, and movements to overthrow the
Government speedily began taking shape. Before the year 1820 was out, in
Galicia there was organized a Junta Apostólica and in Burgos there was a
crazy conspiracy of some frailes and a general.[977] Soon wandering
bands of insurgents sprang up, among whom members of the clergy were
conspicuous, as though it was a holy war. Suppressed in one place, they
appeared in another, waging a guerrilla warfare like that against
Napoleon. The land was torn with faction, and Liberals and Royalists
seemed to emulate each other in contributing to its ruin. Early in July,
1822, the royal guards, with the secret connivance of the king,
endeavored to gain possession of Madrid; after a sanguinary conflict in
the streets they were defeated, when Fernando, from a balcony of his
palace, stimulated the nationals in pursuit of the flying wretches.
Civil broils are apt to be pitiless, but in Spain they assumed a
ferocity not often witnessed elsewhere. If the Royalists in Catalonia
massacred in cold blood the garrison of the Seo de Urgel, a Liberal
noyade in Coruña despatched fifty-one political prisoners, many of them
ecclesiastics and persons of distinction.[978]
The revolt was constantly assuming proportions more alarming, especially
in Catalonia, where it had the almost unanimous support of the
peasantry. The insurrectionary bands coalesced into a force of five
thousand men styling itself the Army of the Faith which, on June 21,
1822, captured the Seo de Urgel and made it their stronghold. There, on
August 15th, was organized a royalist Regency, composed of Creus, the
exiled Archbishop of Tarragona, the Baron of Eroles, a soldier of some
reputation, and the Marquis of Mataflorida. The Counter-revolution thus
adopted a public and official character; the Regency assumed to speak
for the king, held in durance by the Jacobins—in fact, as early as June
1st he had authorized Mataflorida to organize it, and was in constant
communication with it, through one of the officials of the court. It
obtained quasi-recognition abroad; it negotiated a loan of 8,000,000
with the Parisian capitalist Ouvrard and, with the support of Pius VII,
it opened negotiations with Austria and Russia, offering surrenders of
territory in exchange for aid.[979]
Spain was rapidly drifting into anarchy. The Government was too weak to
suppress disorder, whether committed by friends or foes. Compromise
between the factions was not to be hoped for, and even patriots could
see that the only path to order lay through intervention from abroad.
That this was impending became more and more evident. The example of
Spain had been followed by Naples and Portugal, and then by Piedmont, in
forcing on their sovereigns constitutions like that of 1812; the Holy
Alliance took the alarm; the Congresses of Troppau in 1820 and of
Laybach in 1821 ordered armed intervention, and the new institutions of
Naples and Piedmont were readily overthrown. In May, 1821,
communications from Russia to Spain, and a Russian circular to the
courts of Europe, openly expressed dissatisfaction at the success of
armed rebellion, with scarcely veiled threats of action in case the
Córtes should prove disobedient to the monarch; and the conflict with
the royal guard, in July 1822, gave the foreign ministers in Madrid a
pretext for warnings which were diplomatically veiled threats of
intervention.[980] Preparations for it were already on foot in France.
An epidemic of yellow fever in Barcelona served as an excuse for
establishing a cordon sanitaire on the border, gradually strengthened
until it became an army of observation and in reality a support for the
Catalan insurgents, as Mina found when he conducted a successful
campaign which in the beginning of 1823 forced the Regency to take
refuge in France.[981]
INTERVENTION OF THE HOLY ALLIANCE
The Congress of Verona met in the autumn of 1822. The Urgel Regency sent
there the Count de España as its representative to urge that Spain
should be restored to the condition prior to March 9, 1820; the
Government sent no envoy, relying on the friendly aid of England,
represented by the Duke of Wellington. Without his knowledge the Allied
Powers signed, on November 22d, a secret treaty, in which they declared
against the sovereignty of the people, representative government and the
freedom of the press, and in favor of the clergy as an instrument for
enforcing the passive obedience of the subject; and each signatory
pledged itself to a subsidy of twenty millions of francs annually to
France, to which was assigned the duty of suppressing these destructive
principles in Spain and Portugal, and of restoring the Peninsula to the
conditions prior to 1820.[982] Even yet intervention was not certain,
for France was not eager for the task, and there were some negotiations
looking to modifications of the Constitution, but the Liberals would not
listen to such suggestions. Châteaubriand, however, that curious
compound of idealism, bombast and vanity, who, as French foreign
minister and representative at Verona, takes to himself all the credit
for the enterprise, is especially careful to point out that its real
object was the restoration of France to the hegemony of the Continent,
after the abasement of the Restoration by foreign bayonets—an object
which he assumes was fully accomplished.[983]
Early in January, 1823, four notes from the Allies were presented
collectively, offering, in more or less offensive fashion, the
alternative of a return to absolutism or invasion.[984] These portentous
communications were received with the utmost nonchalance. On the night
of their reception, Secretary of State San Miguel carried them to the
Grand Orient and drew up his replies, in which Fernando is said to have
cunningly stimulated defiance to banded Europe. Whatever might be the
decision of France, San Miguel said, Spain would tranquilly follow the
path of duty and justice; its rule of conduct would be firm adhesion to
the Constitution of 1812 and refusal to recognize the right of
intervention on any side.[985]
These would be dignified and resolute words in a united nation facing a
coalition but, under the circumstances, they were mere idle vaporing.
The Government, in fact, was barely able to make head against the
insurrection, save in Catalonia. Navarre, Biscay and Aragon were in open
civil war, with forces equally balanced. In Murcia, the famous robber
Jaime Alfonso was posing as the defender of the faith; in Castile, the
Cura Merino and el Rojo de Valderas were levying war; in Andalusia,
Zaldivar held his own in spite of repeated defeats; in Toledo and
Cuenca, Joaquincillo and the Cura Atanasio were maintaining the
rebellion; in Sigüenza the insurrection of Cuesta was organizing and
was soon to break out. In short, the whole of Spain was in
convulsion.[986]
The only explanation of the attitude of the Liberals is that they were
living in a fool’s paradise, and seem to have welcomed intervention in
the belief that it would kindle national feeling and restore national
unity. Hallucination was carried to the point that they anticipated a
popular rising like that of 1808, that the forty thousand insurgents in
arms would turn against the invader, even that the French troops would
abandon their standards for those of Spain, and that England, which had
calmly seen the Constitution overthrown in 1814, would provoke a war
with all Europe in its defence. They closed their eyes to the fact that,
in 1808, the clergy aroused the masses against the French and were now
their warmest allies, eager to revenge systematic persecution; that the
throne was secretly undermining them, and that they were without
resources, for the treasury was exhausted, the army scarce existed save
on paper, the magazines were empty, and the party in power was rent into
bitterly opposing factions. A kind of delirium seized the deputies when
San Miguel on January 9th laid the correspondence before the Córtes, and
his replies were clamorously approved without distinction of party.[987]
THE FRENCH INVASION
Yet this effervescence soon subsided. A decisive victory gained by the
insurgents at Brihuega, not far from Madrid, on January 24th, threw the
capital into a tremor and, on February 16th, the Córtes adopted a decree
looking to the transfer of the Government in case of necessity.[988] New
Córtes opened their sessions March 1st and their first thought was to
place themselves in safety, carrying with them Fernando, both as a
hostage and as necessary to the assumption that the government of Spain
travelled with them. Resistance on his part postponed the move until
March 20th, when the exodus to Seville took place. There they remained
until June, when the approach of the French necessitated a further
flight and, on the 9th, Cádiz was selected as the place of refuge. This
time Fernando resolutely refused to fly from his liberators and, as
coercion of the monarch was incompatible with the theory that he was
still governing, it was assumed that he was incapacitated by reason of a
temporary delirium; he was deposed and a Regency was appointed which
ordered the transfer to Cádiz; on the 12th the king and royal family
left Seville; the Córtes adjourned to meet in Cádiz June 18th; in four
days Fernando was declared to be again in his right mind and the Regency
resigned. The spectacle of a flying Government dragging with it a
captive king, whom it recognized as still actively reigning, was worse
than ludicrous; it gave to Fernando a claim on the sympathy which he had
forfeited, and served as an incentive and an excuse for cruel
reprisals.[989]
Meanwhile the army of invasion had been gathering on the border under
the Duke of Angoulême, nephew of Louis XIV. From Bayonne, on April 2d,
he issued a manifesto to the effect that he did not come to make war but
to liberate a captive king, to restore the Altar and the Throne, to
release the priesthood from exile, and the whole people from a
domination that was preparing the destruction of Spain. On April 7th the
army crossed the Bidassoa, consisting of 91,000 men, of whom 35,000 were
Spanish royalists. Its discipline was perfect and its conduct admirable.
Everywhere it was received as a liberator, with cries of “Viva el Rey
absoluto, Viva la Religion y la Inquisicion.” Resistance was impossible
and, although five armies had been organized, none worthy of mention was
attempted, except in Catalonia, where the indomitable Mina prolonged the
useless struggle until November, and at Cádiz, where the so-called
Government was battling for existence. Siege was laid there on June 23d,
and was prolonged until October 1st, when Fernando was ceremoniously
conveyed to the camp of his French deliverers. Yet, if rhetoric could
have repelled the invaders, they would have been glad to escape from the
eloquence which accompanied a solemn declaration of war on April 29th,
when Flórez Calderon boasted that the breasts of the deputies would make
an impenetrable rampart around the constitutional King and his
family.[990]
If the French came as pacifiers, they made a mistake in bringing with
them a Junta Provisional of four rabid royalists, formally installed at
Ozarzun, April 9th. It assumed to be the Government and issued a
manifesto rescinding all the acts of the Revolution and restoring the
conditions prior to March 7, 1820.[991] It used its authority in such
unsparing proscriptions that even the royalists became alarmed and
appealed to de Martignac, the royal commissioner accompanying Angoulême,
pointing out the evils to be apprehended from such ferocity. Quarrels
within the Junta afforded an excuse for superseding it, and Angoulême,
on reaching Madrid, empowered the Councils of Castile and Indias to
nominate a Regency, at the head of which was the Duke del Infantado.
This body, on June 4th, published a manifesto promising to use its power
to prevent persecutions and excesses, to maintain internal peace,
execute the laws and make the royal power respected.[992]
These were fair words, belied by acts. The whole arrangement had been
dictated by secret instructions from Fernando, and proscription and
persecution continued as active as ever. The Regency confirmed a measure
of the Junta organizing bodies of so-called Royalist Volunteers, whose
duties consisted in arresting and imprisoning all whom greed or
malevolence might designate as objects of suspicion, in which work they
were aided by the mob, always ready for violence and rapine. In
Saragossa fifteen hundred persons were dragged to prison by the populace
led by priests and frailes. In Navarre, the guerrilla chief known as el
Trapense committed revolting excesses. In Madrid and Córdova the gaols
were crowded with prisoners. This work went on in most of the towns, as
the national forces retreated, the victims being mostly citizens of
wealth and position, while the pulpits resounded with exhortations to
persecution and extermination and the French troops, in so far as they
could, restrained the outrages.[993]
RELEASE OF FERNANDO
Despite his reluctance to interfere, Angoulême felt called upon to put
an end to the cruelty and impolicy of these persecutions and, on his way
to Cádiz, he issued from Andujar, August 8th, a decree forbidding
arrests by the Spanish authorities without authorization from the
commandants of the troops of the districts, who were instructed to
liberate all political prisoners, and to arrest those who contravened
these orders, while all periodicals were subjected to the inspection of
the commandants. The foreign ministers, however, protested against this
as an invasion of Spanish independence, which emboldened the Regency to
remonstrate in a haughty and insolent manner. The Royalist Volunteers
of Navarre, in a manifesto of August 20th, were prodigal of insults and
menaces to the duke; a memorial addressed to him, August 23d, signed by
Eguia and a large number of military chiefs and priests, stigmatized his
effort at pacification as an attempt to perpetuate an impious faction,
and demanded the restoration of the Inquisition. Wherever there were no
French troops the decree was ignored and finally Angoulême, whether
instructed by his court or afraid openly to oppose the Regency, issued
an explanatory order, which virtually annulled the decree. Evidently
there was to be no peace for the distracted land.[994] Even the Regency
felt it necessary to disclaim responsibility for the horrors enacting on
every hand. August 10th, it ordered the prosecution of the rioters who,
at Alcalá, Guadalajara and Torrejon had committed terrible excesses
under pretext of avenging the transfer of the king to Cádiz and, on
August 13th, it commanded the people to restrain their zeal in making
arrests but, while it was powerful to excite passion it was powerless to
enforce order.[995]
When, in view of the hopelessness of further resistance at Cádiz,
Fernando was informed, September 28th, that he was at liberty to seek
the French camp, a tumult arose and a demand for guarantees. He summoned
the ministers, telling them that he desired to give assurances and
ordering José María Calatrava to draw up a decree declaring of his own
free will and, on the faith of his royal word, that he would adopt a
form of government assuring the happiness of the nation, the personal
security, the property and the civil liberty of Spaniards, with complete
oblivion of the past. The amnesty was rendered complete with elaborate
details and, when it was presented to him for signature on the 30th, he
said that, to remove all doubts, he would make some changes with his own
hand, which he accordingly did, rendering some of the clauses clearer
and more emphatic.[996] When, on the next day, he was received by
Angoulême, he shut himself up with the Duke del Infantado and Victor
Damien Saez, his former confessor, whom he appointed universal minister
and, before the colloquy was over, there was drawn up and signed a
decree of two articles; the first declared null and void all acts since
March 7, 1820; the second confirmed the proscriptions of the Junta of
Ozarzun and the Regency. Printed copies of this, together with that of
the day before, were circulated to the no small perplexity of all
concerned. Then General Bourmont, the French commander, learned that
Ferdinand had passed secret sentence of death on some prominent liberals
there present, whereupon they were conveyed on naval vessels to
Gibraltar and saved from his sanguinary vengeance. This was but a
foretaste of the wrath to come.[997] Prescriptive and oppressive
measures followed each other and the persecution inaugurated by the
Regency was sharpened and systematized.
The French had already discovered that they had raised a demon whom they
could not exorcise. They had restored unconditionally to absolute power
a prince who was utterly faithless, whom no promises could bind, who
cared only for the gratification of his passions, and who was surrounded
by vindictive counsellors, eager for the blood and spoils of their
countrymen. The prisons were crowded to repletion and the untamed
ferocity of the multitude, stimulated by the pulpit, was let loose upon
defenceless victims. It was a scandal in the face of all Europe and was
felt acutely. Effort was made to repair the mischief, but with scant
success. Fernando, on leaving Cádiz, had written to Louis XVIII,
expressing his gratitude, and Louis seized the opportunity, in his
reply, to impress on him his own example and that of their ancestor
Henry IV, as the only means of bringing peace to a distracted land,
warning him that a blind despotism weakened instead of strengthening
royal power. Angoulême had manifested his disapprobation of the decree
of October 1st, and a coolness arose between him and Fernando, which
went on increasing. They parted, October 11th, Angoulême refusing all
honors on his homeward journey, and leaving Bourmont in command. The
French army was gradually reduced, but the last detachments did not
leave Spain until November, 1827.
CHÂTEAUBRIAND’S FAILURE
Secure in this protection, Fernando was deaf to remonstrances. It is
true that, when the ambassadors of the powers met him in Seville, under
their pressure, he issued a decree, October 22d, holding out
expectations of what he would do on reaching Madrid, but promises cost
him nothing and these were as futile as those of September 30th. To
emphasize the necessity of conciliation, the French cabinet prevailed
upon the Russian ambassador, Pozzo di Borgo, to visit Madrid, in the
name of the Holy Alliance. He arrived there October 28th and held long
conferences with Fernando and Victor Saez, urging clemency and a general
amnesty, but he met, in reply, with nothing but vague
generalizations.[998]
If the welfare of a nation had not been at stake, the reflections of
Châteaubriand on the success of his enterprise, and his correspondence
with Talaru, the French ambassador, might well raise a smile. He was
disgusted, he said, with having to do with a monarch who would burn his
kingdom in a cigar, and he declared that the sovereigns of today seem
specially created to destroy a society ready to perish. In Spain, the
political sore is the king and it is almost impossible to apply a
remedy. At first he assumed that he could dictate a policy, and asserted
that he would not tolerate the follies of the king nor allow France to
appear as an accomplice in stupidity and fanaticism. Talaru was to speak
as a master; if the ministry was not to his mind, he was to have it
changed, the threatened withdrawal of the troops being what would force
Fernando to listen to reason. He soon found, however, that behind the
ministry was the camarilla—the real power that could not be
dislodged—and that the clergy was also a body to be reckoned with.
Châteaubriand’s effervescence wore itself out against the
impenetrability to reason and argument of Fernando and his advisers, and
his demands shrank to asking for a decree of amnesty—it would be badly
framed, he knew, but at least it would have the appearance of doing
something. After months of urgency, at last Fernando agreed to it. A
fairly liberal scheme was drawn up but, after it had been submitted to
the revision of the friends of Don Carlos, of the bishops, of the secret
Junta de Estado and of the Council of Castile, its framers could scarce
recognize it. While it offered pardon to all participants in the
disturbances since 1820 in support of the Constitution, there were
fifteen excepted classes, some of them vague and comprehensive. It
ordered the discharge of all prisoners not comprised within the
exceptions, but this was not obeyed. It ordered the bishops to
contribute to bring about union, but few of them did so. It was dated
May 1, 1824, but was not published until the 20th, and the interval was
employed all over Spain in gathering evidence to bring individuals under
the excepted classes, so that they could be arrested simultaneously with
the publication of the decree; the prisons were filled with new victims,
and the courts were overwhelmed with prosecutions. The courts, moreover,
were supplemented with military commissions, whose procedure was
informal and summary. The Gaceta de Madrid, between August 24th and
October 12, 1824, chronicled 112 executions by shooting or hanging.
Whatever scanty favor was shown to Liberals in the decree was more than
counterbalanced by another of July 1st, granting pardon for all assaults
and injuries committed on them or their property except when murder had
resulted.[999] The Royalist Volunteers thus had full licence, and the
Liberals were virtually outlawed.
DEMANDS FOR THE INQUISITION
Proscription and persecution were systematized in a manner without
precedent, by the compilation of lists of all suspects. During the
constitutional period, Fernando had kept a Libro Verde, noting down the
names of all who displeased him, thus marking them for future vengeance.
On his restoration to power, a secret Junta de Estado, consisting
chiefly of ecclesiastics, was formed, whose business it was to gather
information against all who were opposed to absolutism. Denunciations
were invited from priests and frailes, from enemies and from the lowest
class of informers, to whom inviolable secrecy was promised, and all the
scandal and false evidence thus accumulated was recorded opposite the
name of the party, for use as occasion might require. The list was
divided into districts, and copies were sent to the respective
intendants of police, who contributed such further names and charges as
they could gather from all sources however vile. Thus every man’s
liberty and property were at the mercy of secret and irresponsible
informers. It was a Libro Verde on a scale which the Inquisition itself
had never imagined, and the system was more thorough and more dangerous
to the innocent than that of the Inquisition.[1000] Such was the
condition of Spain during the terrible ten years, from 1823 to 1833,
known as the Epocha de Chaperon—Chaperon being the president of the
military commission of Madrid and notorious for his cruelty.
One result of this is well set forth in a singularly outspoken
representation addressed by Javier de Burgos to Fernando, January 24,
1826. He had been sent to Paris to negotiate a loan, and he ascribes his
failure, not so much to the poverty of the land, as to the absence of
peace essential to prosperity, and this arose from the successive
proscriptions which had desolated Spain. Now, he says, simple police
orders deprive of common rights whole classes, and subject them to
penalties which in well-ordered countries can be inflicted only by
tribunals. Much is said of the league of European bankers against
Spanish credit, but this has only been made invincible by the efforts of
the six or eight thousand proscribed exiles in England, France and
Belgium. A few days ago the journal which represents commerce and
industry said “As for Spain, it continues to fall rapidly into
barbarism. It is a second Turkey, only more miserable and worse
governed.” Mexico, Colombia, Peru and Chile obtain loans, even though
their independence is not recognized, but Spain cannot get a
maravedí.[1001] It is creditable to Fernando that he took this
plain-speaking good-naturedly and subsequently gave the writer the cross
of Carlos III, but he was impervious to the good advice.
The decrees of the Regency and of Fernando, restoring the conditions
prior to March 7, 1820, and invalidating all subsequent acts, seemed
necessarily to revive the Inquisition. Its officials, however, hesitated
to resume their functions without positive orders, and it was known that
the French were opposed to its restoration. Numerous petitions for it
were made to Angoulême, but he evaded categorical replies, saying that
he would procure the liberation of the king and leave him to determine
what would best promote the happiness of the nation.[1002] After
Fernando’s release, felicitations came pouring in, warmly thanking him
for his proscriptive measures and among these were many urging that the
Inquisition should be set to work. If, at the moment, he desired to meet
these wishes, he was restrained by the earnest opposition of the Allies,
who especially shrank from the responsibility of resuscitating an
institution so universally abhorred. As Châteaubriand wrote to Talaru,
December 1st, “We will not permit our victories to be dishonored by
proscriptions or that the fires of the Inquisition be raised as altars
to our triumphs” and, on December 11th, he declared it to be necessary
that the royal confessor should not be an inquisitor.[1003]
Fernando, however, seems already to have questioned whether the
Inquisition would really be of service to him politically and, as
religion with him was merely a matter of policy, he preferred to let the
question slumber, without committing himself. It is related that once,
when a bishop of extreme views was urging upon him the utility which the
Inquisition had always been to the crown, he walked across the room to a
balcony and, looking up at the serene sky, exclaimed “What a cloud! a
great storm is coming.”[1004] His intentions, however, were indirectly
manifested, by a decree of January 1, 1824, which withdrew from the
Crédito público the administration of the property of the Inquisition
and placed it with the Colector-general de Espolios, who was charged
to pay the salaries of all the officials of the tribunals.[1005] This
indicated that there was no intention to restore the institution to
activity, and to this Fernando adhered, notwithstanding the urgency
which continued.
THE INQUISITION DORMANT
In fact, as the reaction established itself, Fernando could not but
recognize that he had nothing to gain from the Inquisition and might
risk something. His one object was unlimited absolutism. Circumstances
had enabled him to attain this to a degree which none of his
predecessors had enjoyed. The defeat of the Liberals was so complete,
and the servility of the Royalists so great, that he could disregard
whatever remnants of the old Spanish institutions had still placed some
restraints on the crown. There was no secret made of this. A royal order
of October 17, 1824, destroyed at a blow all the municipal
self-government of Spain; the Ayuntamientos of the towns were no
longer to be elective; those in office were to choose their successors
in thirds at a time, and the appointees were subjected to revision by
the royal Audiencias while, in the preamble, the object of this was
openly stated to be that there should disappear for ever from Spanish
soil the most remote idea that sovereignty resided elsewhere than in the
royal person, and the people should know that not the slightest
alteration would ever be made in the fundamental laws of the
monarchy.[1006]
The only claim of the Inquisition to efficiency, greater than that of
the police and royal tribunals, was in its delegated faculties from the
pope and, to a monarch thus resolved to concentrate in his own hands all
power, it was naturally distasteful to employ for political ends foreign
authority which, nominally at least, was not under his own control. This
objection he might have disregarded, if he had reason to expect from the
Inquisition any special service, but such there was not. While there
still was law in Spain the Inquisition might be useful as being above
the law, but now that law was merely the sic volo, sic jubeo, the
Inquisition was superfluous, while its secret procedure was more tardy
and cumbrous—perhaps even less certain—than that of the military
commissions; and the system described above of lists of suspects with
evidence gathered from every source by thousands of informers was far
more comprehensive in plan and in detail than anything that the
inquisitorial organization had ever attempted.
The Inquisition thus had nothing to offer and, careless as was Fernando
of the public opinion of Europe, even he could recognize the wisdom of
avoiding the odium of re-establishing an institution so generally
condemned. To the victims it made little difference whether their judges
were called military commissioners or inquisitors; their offences were
justiciable by either, for the pulpits resounded with the doctrine that
all Constitutionalists and Liberals were Jansenists and heretics—a
doctrine justified by a royal order of May 2, 1824, to the bishops,
requiring them to celebrate, in their dioceses, Missions calling the
Liberals to repentance.[1007]
Yet there was a lurking Jansenism in this tacit assumption that the
regalías enabled the king to prolong at his pleasure that suppression of
the Holy Office which, in 1813, had been proved by learned theologians
to be in violation of the canons and of the authority of the Holy See.
The clerical party was restless and dissatisfied, the more so because,
as Fernando’s theory of government was to render his own power secure by
promoting discord among his followers, he occasionally favored the
moderate Royalists against the extremists. The latter were not content
even with the prevailing cruel persecution, and longed for one more
searching with the Inquisition as its instrument. The secret
organization known as the Junta Apostólica, or Angel Exterminador,
had cast its eyes upon Don Carlos as a leader who could realize their
aspirations, for he was completely under priestly influence and belonged
to the extreme faction, besides being heir presumptive in the probable
case of Fernando dying without issue. Carlos, however, though not a man
of strong character, was strictly honorable and was bound to Fernando
with ties of a mutual affection which endured to the end. He was quite
content to await the chances of succession, but his wife Francisca of
Portugal and her sister the Princess of Beira, widow of the Infante
Pedro, were ambitious. His apartments in the royal palace were the
centre of intrigues, in which he did not personally participate, while
Fernando who, through his spies, was kept informed of them, did not
interfere, confiding in his brother’s loyalty and his own ability to
crush attempts against himself.
RISING IN CATALONIA
In 1824 and 1825 there were movements and risings of the extremists in
various provinces, which indicated concerted action and were suppressed
with more or less facility, except in Catalonia. There the hidden
leaders of the conspiracy found a population discontented with what they
deemed the lukewarmness of the Government, which they were told was now
controlled by Free-Masons. The old members of the Army of the Faith,
moreover, deemed themselves insufficiently rewarded for their services,
and organized under the name of Agraviados, forming the nucleus of a
“Federacion de Realistas puros,” more royalist than the king. Towards
the end of 1826 there was circulated a manifesto from the Federation
urging the necessity of placing Don Carlos on the throne; its
organization rapidly extended, and April 1, 1827, was appointed for the
rising, which was readily suppressed and a free pardon was granted to
the insurgents. The pacification was but temporary. In July, at Manresa,
a Junta superior was formed, and in August the tolling of the bells
summoned the somatenes or levies en masse to arms, when a portion of
the troops joined the insurrection, which was soon supreme in Catalonia.
A report made, August 27th, by Dehesa, fiscal of the court of
Barcelona, states that the war-cry of the insurgents was “Long live the
Inquisition! Death to the Constitution! Death to the negros! Death to
the police!” They were told that the rising was by order of the pope and
that the king was surrounded by Free-Masons; it was supposed to be the
work of the clergy, who desired the re-establishment of the Inquisition,
and to make themselves all-powerful by working on the fanaticism of the
ignorant mountaineers.[1008]
That the situation was becoming dangerous is manifested by the only
kingly act in Fernando’s record, for he resolved to visit Catalonia
himself, after sending the Count de España there with full powers. He
reached Tarragona September 28th, being received everywhere with
enthusiasm, though there was an abortive project of abducting him by a
large body of Royalist Volunteers assembled as though to do him honor.
From Tarragona he issued a proclamation to the effect that those who
should not lay down their arms within twenty-four hours must expect no
mercy, and that he would deal with their leaders as he saw fit. The
secret societies had already issued orders of pacification; organized
resistance was abandoned, nine of the chiefs were hanged and the land
was speedily at peace. Carlos took no part in the rising, but he knew of
the plans and had not opposed them, and the name of Carlists was
thereafter used to designate the extreme royalists.[1009]
It is significant that, when Fernando ordered the bishops to exhort
their subjects to peace, some of them obeyed, but Pablo de Jesus de
Corcuera y Caserta, the prelate of Vich, refused in a letter of October
6th, on the ground that he could not conscientiously do so. Fernando, he
said, had not kept his promises; he had assembled a junta to examine all
books in circulation, yet poisonous ones, like that of Thomas à Kempis,
were allowed to be read; he had ordered the restoration of everything to
the conditions prior to March 7, 1820, yet the Inquisition had not been
re-established; other royal short-comings were pointed out and, in the
face of all this it was impossible for a bishop not to take part in
temporal matters; to preach obedience as required would be to compromise
the episcopate and to become the instrument of the enemies of God, nor
would it avail anything, for it would be impossible to make the people
think otherwise. These outspoken sentiments of the fiery bishop explain
much that is saddest in modern Spanish history; he was not punished for
them but, when the Count de España came to Vich he summoned the
recalcitrant prelate before him and reminded him of the fate of Acuña of
Zamora, which might be repeated if it so pleased the Catholic
king.[1010]
After this there was no further demand for the restoration of the
Inquisition, as Fernando’s determination was recognized as unalterable.
For awhile however it had not accepted its suppression as final, and it
still sought to perform some of its functions in hopes of being again
revived. This is demonstrated by the Valencia register, laboriously and
faithfully compiled and brought up to the end of 1824, and the same
seems to have been done in Madrid for, in a document of 1817, there is
an appended note referring to the Madrid register of January 31, 1824.
As the salaries were continued, an organization was kept up and a show
was made of performing some kind of work. The Valencia register thus
contains several cases in which it acted in 1824, though it modestly
styles itself “este tribunal eclesiastico” and not “Santo Oficio.” Thus
Valero Andreu was accused to it of a blasphemous proposition and was
duly sentenced. The criminal court of Valencia regarded it as still
functioning and, when in trials there came evidence of matters
cognizable by the Inquisition, the proofs would be sent to the tribunal
which would summon the offender and pass judgement on him, the penalty
however being not more than a reprimand. Three cases of this kind are
recorded, the latest being July 3, 1824.[1011] We may fairly assume that
in some, at least, of the other tribunals, trivial work of this kind was
similarly performed.
REMNANTS OF THE INQUISITION
Some papers connected with a quarrel between the officials of the
Majorca tribunal give us an insight into its internal condition in 1830.
Its business consisted in the collection of the censos and other sources
of revenue. There were many of these—loans to towns and villages as
well as to individuals throughout the islands; payments were apt to be
tardy and the labor of collection was considerable, frequently
involving legal proceedings. The inquisitor had disappeared, although
from another document we learn that he was named Francisco Antonio
Andraca and that he was drawing his salary elsewhere. The existing head
of the tribunal was a juez subdelegado, a representative of the old
juez de bienes; there was a treasury and an auditing department with an
administrador tesorero, Juan Antonio Togores, who was disabled and
represented by his son, José Antonio Togores. The secretary of the
secreto was Bartolomé Serra y Bennassar, acting as auditor ad interim,
whose clerk was Pedro Mascaro, notary of sequestrations. The only other
official was the portero, Sebastian Banza. Togores claims that, when the
buildings were destroyed in 1820, he incurred many enmities by efforts
to compel restitution of plundered materials—among others a Count of
Ayamans was sued for purloining building stone. Togores constructed a
wall around the site, and the heaps of stone and tiles still lay
scattered there. Outside of the enclosure, a couple of small buildings
were erected for offices, with a warehouse below for the storage of the
rescued materials. One of the charges against him was that he had used
the site of the old garden of the senior inquisitor to raise vegetables
and flowers for himself.[1012] There is impressiveness in this glimpse
of the old officials clinging to the ruins of what had once been so
formidable.
From this quarrel we learn that the central authority of the Inquisition
was the General Superintendent of the Property of the
Inquisition—apparently a subordinate of the Colector-general de
Espolios, to whom the assets were confided by the decree of January 1,
1824. In 1830 this General Superintendent was an old inquisitor,
Valentin Zorilla, and he had as fiscal another inquisitor, Vicente
Alonso de Verdejo. The Inquisitor-general, Gerónimo Cavillon y Salas,
Bishop of Tarazona, was still drawing his salary of 71,491 reales 24
mrs. and did not die until 1835. Of the Suprema there were but two
survivors, the Dean Ethenard and Cristobal Bencomo, Archbishop of
Heraclea, who by 1833 had disappeared, leaving Ethenard alone. There was
still a relator, a private secretary of the inquisitor-general, a
keeper of the archives, and four minor officials. All these, however,
were mere pensioners. The active organization consisted of the
superintendent and his fiscal, with a treasurer and receiver-general
ad interim, Don Angel Abad, whose accounts for 1830 show that he had
received by drafts drawn upon the several tribunals
| From | Valencia | 35,000 | rs. |
| Córdova | 26,000 |
| Barcelona | 28,000 |
| Granada | 60,000 |
| America | 93,417 | .17 |
| Santiago | 52,000 | |
| Murcia | 60,000 | |
| Majorca | 50,000 | |
| Saragossa | 84,000 | |
| Canaries | 112,635 | .17 |
Logroño, Madrid, Cuenca and Llerena apparently contributed nothing. The
sums credited to America and Canaries were probably old balances. The
receipts from prebends must have gone directly to the Superintendent,
for the decree of final extinction in 1834 shows that they were still
held for the benefit of the Inquisition. There were other sources of
revenue, principally from censos, of which the most notable was one of
the Count of Altamira, from whom was collected, in 1830, the sum of
272,335 reales 25 mrs., being arrearages that seem to run back to 1818.
He was still hereditary alguazil mayor of the Seville tribunal, in which
capacity he was receiving a yearly salary of 4411 reales 26 mrs. The
Duke of Medinaceli, as alguazil mayor of the Madrid tribunal, was still
drawing his yearly stipend of a thousand reales and personally signing
monthly receipts. There are scattering entries of payments to officials
of various tribunals, showing that they were gradually thinning out, and
refugees from the American Inquisitions were kept on the pay-roll.[1013]
Such was the moribund condition of the Holy Office on the eve of its
extinction.
While the Inquisition was thus suspended, the more zealous bishops
replaced it with so-called Juntas de fe, based on the same principles,
with secrecy of procedure and exercising jurisdiction in the external as
well as internal forum. No record of the proceedings of these anomalous
tribunals seems to have been preserved except in the case of Valencia,
where the archbishopric was held by Simon López, in reward for his
defence of the Holy Office in the Córtes of Cádiz. Almost his earliest
act on assuming his new dignity, in 1824, was to issue a pastoral
confirming the junta de fe, established by his predecessor Veremundo
Arias, and empowering it to receive denunciations. He took the
presidency with Dr. Miguel Toranza, the former inquisitor of Valencia as
his colleague, Dr. Juan Bautista Falcó as fiscal and Dr. José Royo as
secretary.[1014]
JUNTAS DE FE
Thus the old tribunal was revived under another name, and it speedily
proved that such juntas were more dangerous than those of the
Inquisition, as they were not subject to the supervision and control of
the Suprema. A poor schoolmaster of Rizaffa, named Cayetano Ripoll, had
served in the War of Liberation and had been carried as a prisoner to
France, where he became a pervert. He abandoned Christianity for Deism,
while at the same time he was a living embodiment of the teachings of
Christ, sharing his scanty pittance with the needy, and constantly
repeating “Do not unto others what you would not have done unto you.” He
did not seek to propagate his beliefs, but he was denounced to the Junta
by a beata for not taking his scholars to mass, for not making them
kneel to the passing viaticum, and for substituting in his school the
ejaculation “Praise be to God” instead of “Ave Maria purissima.” He was
arrested September 29, 1824, and his trial lasted for nearly two years.
The testimony confirmed the denunciation and showed that the only
religious instruction which he gave his pupils was the Ten Commandments.
During his prolonged trial he made no complaints; he shared his meagre
prison fare with his fellow-prisoners; he openly avowed his convictions,
and the repeated efforts of the theologians to convert him were futile.
The sentence bore that the tribunal had consulted with the Junta de Fe
and concluded that he be relaxed, as a formal and contumacious heretic,
which had been confirmed by the archbishop. There was no hypocritical
plea for mercy, and the Sala del Crimen of the Audiencia, to which he
was handed over, gave him no hearing or opportunity for defence. Its
function was purely ministerial, and he knew nothing of its action until
the sentence was announced to him that, within twenty-four hours, he was
to be hanged and burnt, but the burning might be figurative by painting
flames on a barrel, in which his body should be thrust into
unconsecrated ground. He listened to this with the patient resignation
that he had exhibited throughout his trial, and his last words on the
gibbet, July 26, 1826, were “I die reconciled to God and man.”[1015]
This barbarity scandalized all Europe and proved to be the last
execution for heresy in Spain. While it gratified the zealots, who were
clamoring for the resurrection of the Inquisition, it displeased
Fernando, who caused the Audiencia to be notified that the Government
recognized no such tribunals as the juntas de fe.[1016] In spite of this
rebuke, the episcopal juntas continued to exercise an irregular and
irresponsible jurisdiction, until the sufferers sought from the Holy See
the protection denied to them at home. Pius VIII listened to their
prayer, whether from motives of humanity or of establishing in Spain the
jurisdiction which the Inquisition had sought so sedulously to exclude,
and, in a constitution of October 5, 1829, he recited the numerous
prayers reaching him from those persecuted in Spain for matters of
faith, asking that they might have opportunity of appealing from
sentences rendered by archbishops and bishops, before being subjected to
punishment. To save them from the expenses and delays of appeals to
Rome, he empowered the tribunal of the Rota, in the papal nunciature, to
hear all appeals in matters of faith, even twice, thrice, four or five
times in succession, until three concording sentences should be
rendered.[1017] Fernando was less sensitive than his predecessors as to
papal encroachments, and he gave this the force of law by a royal order
of February 6, 1830.
QUESTION OF SUCCESSION
The death of Queen Amalia, May 17, 1829, was an abundant source of
intrigue, for a fourth marriage of Fernando might prove fruitful and
thus destroy the prospects of Don Carlos. The efforts of the Carlists to
prevent it were vain and, on December 9th, Fernando married his neice,
the Neapolitan princess, María Cristina de Bourbon, whose sister
Carlotta was the wife of the Infante Francisco de Paula, the second
brother of Fernando. There was soon prospect of an heir to the throne,
and the uncertainty as to sex rendered it advisable to determine in
advance whether the Salic law excluding females from the succession was
in force or not. The ancient Spanish law, as expressed in the Partidas,
provided for the succession of a daughter in the absence of sons or of
children of a son.[1018] Under this, Spain had seen the glorious reign
of Isabella the Catholic and the unfortunate one of Juana la Loca, and
female succession, in default of male children, was firmly established
in the tradition of the nation until 1713, when María Luisa of Savoy
persuaded her husband Philip V to effect a change. Much pressure was
required to bring this about, but a pragmática, agreed to by the Córtes,
provided that only in the event of the total default of male
representatives should the daughters of the last reigning sovereign
succeed, according to age, and all laws to the contrary were
annulled.[1019]
In 1784 there was talk of revoking this pragmática, but it was postponed
until after the accession of Carlos IV, when the Córtes of 1789
petitioned for the revival of the law of the Partidas. The king assented
but, to avoid giving offence to reigning houses whose possible claims to
the succession were thus cut off, it was kept a profound secret,
although filed away in the archives.[1020] This was the position when
Fernando, to assure the succession to a possible daughter, by a
pragmática of March 29, 1830, ordered that of 1789 to be published and
commanded the literal observance of the law of the Partidas.[1021] The
proceedings of 1789 were freely denounced as fraudulent by the Carlists,
they were confident in the support of two hundred thousand Royalist
Volunteers, and they regarded the new pragmática as a reason for more
energetic organization.
In due time, on October 10th, a girl was born, known to history as
Isabel II. Carlos believed that his rights had been sacrificed and,
though he refused to snatch at the sceptre during his brother’s
life-time, he assured his partizans that he would not permit his neice
to mount the throne. Fernando’s health was rapidly giving way under
repeated attacks of gout and, on September 17, 1832, his life was
despaired of. The prospect was most critical. Propositions were made to
Carlos about sharing the government, but he declared that conscience and
honor would not permit him to abandon rights given to him at his birth
by God. In the perplexity of the situation, Calomarde, who for ten years
had been the king’s most trusted minister, represented to Cristina the
terrors of the inevitable civil war, and the dangers to herself and her
children, for she had recently given birth to a second daughter, María
Luisa Fernanda. She yielded, Fernando assented and signed a paper
annulling the pragmática of 1830, which was read to the assembled
ministers on the night of September 18th, under the strictest
injunctions of secrecy, but it was treacherously divulged, and copies
were posted about the court. Cristina’s servants commenced packing her
effects for departure and Carlos, in his apartments, was saluted as
king.
Fernando however commenced to rally; many nobles offered their lives to
Cristina and formed an association to defend the claims of Isabel.
Carlotta, who was in Andalusia, hastened to Madrid, reaching it on the
22d and, being of a determined character scolded Cristina and threatened
Calomarde—it is even said that she cuffed him in the face, when with
ready wit he quoted Calderon—“White hands inflict no disgrace.”
Fernando agreed to recall the decree, when she obtained the original and
the copies and destroyed them. This only led the followers of Carlos to
prepare to assert his claims by force, and there was no time to be lost
in organizing a party to resist them.[1022]
This necessitated a reversal of the policy of the last ten years,
identified with Calomarde—in fact the period was often designated as
the Epocha de Calomarde. The ministry was dismissed; Calomarde was
banished to his native place, and then was ordered to the citadel of
Minorca, but he was concealed in a convent from which he escaped to
France. Fernando, on October 6th signed a decree constituting Cristina
regent during his illness; the next day she issued a general pardon of
all political prisoners and, on the 15th, a general amnesty, including
the exiles who were allowed to return, the only exceptions being those
who at Seville had voted to replace the king with a regency, and those
who had commanded bodies of troops against him, all of whom Fernando
obstinately refused to pardon. This complete reversal of policy led to
some premature insurrectionary movements by the Carlists, but they were
easily suppressed.[1023]
ISABELLA RECOGNIZED
The declaration of September 18th had been destroyed, but it had not
been invalidated. To effect this in the most impressive manner an
assembly was held on December 31st of all the great officers of the
Government, representatives of the grandees, and deputations of the
provinces, in which Fernando presented a holograph paper setting forth
that advantage had been taken of his desperate illness to threaten him
with civil war and induce him to sign a revocation of the pragmatic
sanction of March 29, 1830; now, convinced of his inability to alter the
immemorial customs of the land, he pronounced the nullity of the
declaration which had been snatched from him by surprise. Then he signed
and rubricated the paper, all present were asked whether they had
understood its purport, and the next day, January 1, 1833, the
proceedings of the Córtes of 1789 and their confirmation by Carlos IV
were published.[1024]
The next step was the assembling of Córtes to take the oath of
allegiance to Isabel, and for this summons were issued April 4th
appointing June 20th. Carlos was got out of the way by inducing Dom
Miguel of Portugal to invite him, but, when Fernando desired to remove
him still further to Italy, a long and very curious correspondence
ensued between the brothers, couched in the most affectionate terms, in
which Carlos evaded obedience. He was the only absent member of the
royal family when the Córtes met, where all, including bishops,
grandees, nobles and the procurators of the cities duly took the oath
of allegiance. The whole kingdom followed the example, and the
Biscayans, under the historic Oak of Guarnica, spontaneously recognized
Isabel as the heiress of Biscay. Yet sparks of rebellion manifested
themselves in one place after another, and there were symptoms of
insubordination in the army, showing that the Carlist organization was
at work and was awaiting only the death of Fernando.[1025]
By the beginning of September he was scarce more than a living corpse
and on the 29th the end came. The obsequies were held on October 3d, the
leaden coffin having a glass plate through which the face could be seen
and verified. The Duke of Alagon, as captain of the body-guard,
commanded silence and, in a loud voice exclaimed Señor! Señor! Señor! As
there was no reply, he added “Since his majesty does not answer, he is
truly dead.” Despite the leaden coffin, the stench was such that several
persons fainted.[1026] It might be said that his malignant influence
lasted until the grave covered him—or, perhaps, the truth is more fully
expressed by Benito Pérez Galdos: “That king, who deceived his parents,
his masters, his friends, his ministers, his partizans, his enemies, his
four wives, his people, his allies, all the world in fact, deceived also
death, who thought to make us happy in delivering us from such a devil,
for he left us his brother and his daughter, who kindled a fearful war,
and the legacy of misery and scandal is yet unexhausted.”[1027]
DEFINITE EXTINCTION
It is not our province to enter into the horrors of the savage Carlist
war, which broke out forthwith and lasted until the Convenio de Vergara
in 1839. The rapid sketch which we have given of its antecedents
suffices to show how Cristina, in order to make head against the
extremists, was perforce obliged to consolidate a party composed of the
moderate Royalists and the Liberals, while the progress of events threw
her more and more into the arms of the latter. The solemn proclamation
of Isabel’s succession, October 20th, was accompanied by measures
restricting the oppressive powers of the Royalist Volunteers, restoring
the laws respecting mayorazgos and other reforms of the Constitutional
period. That this process, once begun, should continue with accelerated
momentum was inevitable, and also that it should sweep aside the poor
remnants of the Inquisition. This was so much a matter of course and, in
the comatose condition of the institution, was of importance so slender,
that the memoir writers and historians of the period, if they allude to
it at all, do so in the briefest and most perfunctory manner. Yet the
profound roots which it had struck in the national life, and the hold
which it had acquired on popular veneration, are manifested in the fact
that the struggle for its extinction had extended over a period of more
than twenty years, and required for its consummation a change in the
ideals of a majority of the people. The time for this had at last come,
and the final dissolution was accomplished with only so much of
discussion as to show that the opinions of those called upon to decide
were virtually unanimous in principle and only different as to the
opportuneness of the measure.
At a meeting of the Consejo de Gobierno, July 9, 1834, there was
submitted the project of a decree for the extinction of the Inquisition
and the disposition of its property. This was considered, July 11th,
when the majority, consisting of the Archbishop of Mexico, the Duke of
Bailen, the Marquis of las Amarillas and Don José María Puig, approved
of the decree, with some unessential modifications. The minority,
consisting of the Marquis of Santa Cruz, the Duke of Medinaceli and Don
Francisco Xavier Caro, opposed the article extinguishing the
Inquisition, on the ground that it was already extinguished, matters of
faith were treated in the episcopal tribunals, and it was inopportune to
call public attention to an affair which all the world regarded as
settled, while the application of the property ought to be submitted to
the approaching Córtes. At the next meeting, held July 13th, a dictamen
was adopted, embodying the views of the majority and suggesting certain
amendments, of no special moment in principle, which were virtually
accepted by the Regency.[1028] No time was lost in making the final
draft, which was published July 15th. The preamble recited the desire of
the Regency to strengthen the public credit in all ways compatible with
justice; that the late king had considered the imprescriptible episcopal
jurisdiction and the laws of the land sufficient for the protection of
religion; that a decree of January 4, 1834, had committed to the
bishops censorship over writings on religion, morals and discipline;
that the labors on the criminal code, now completed, established
appropriate penalties for assaults on religion, and that the Junta
eclesiastica, created by decree of April 22d, was occupied with
proposing what was deemed necessary to this end. Therefore the Regent,
in order to provide a remedy, in so far as the Real Patronato extended
and with the concurrence of the Holy See, as far as this was necessary,
after consulting the Council of Government and the ministers, decreed—
Art. I. The tribunal of the Inquisition is declared to be definitely
suppressed.
Art. II. Its property is appropriated to the extinction of the public
debt.
Art. III. The one hundred and one canonries annexed to the Inquisition
are applied to the same object, subject to the royal decree of March 9th
last, and for the time expressed in the Apostolic bulls.
Art. IV. The employees who possess prebends or obtain salaried civil
offices will have no claim on the funds of the Tribunal.
Art. V. The other employees will receive from the sinking fund the exact
salaries corresponding to the classification which they will establish
with the Junta eclesiastica.[1029]
Such was the brief and decisive decree which terminated the existence of
the institution created by the piety of Isabella and the fanaticism of
Torquemada.
VICISSITUDES OF TOLERATION
There still remained the juntas de fe of the bishops, some, at least, of
whom persisted in maintaining them, with the old inquisitorial methods,
in spite of the constitution of Pius VIII and the royal decree of
February 6, 1830. Their continuance was incompatible with the rapidly
increasing anticlerical spirit of the dominant party, and they were
prohibited by a decree of July 1, 1835, in which, after alluding to the
disregard of the papal and royal utterances, Cristina ordered that they
should cease immediately wherever they had been established. The
ordinary episcopal courts were required to observe the law of the
Partidas, the canons and the common law in all cases of faith and
others, of which the extinguished Inquisition had had cognizance,
conforming their procedure to that in other ecclesiastical matters and
admitting the appeals allowed by law. Cases of solicitation were
provided for by a clause providing that, where scandal or offence to
morals might ensue, a prudent secrecy should be observed, the hearings
to be held with closed doors, in the presence of the accused and his
counsel, from whom nothing was to be withheld.[1030] Thus the last trace
of inquisitorial procedure was forbidden on Spanish soil.
After so many centuries of conscientious intolerance, the lesson of
toleration was hard to learn. On August 14, 1836, the Motin de la
Granja forced Cristina to proclaim once more the Constitution of 1812,
with its prohibition of any religion save Roman Catholicism. This
instrument, with all its crudities, was soon found to be unworkable, and
the Constitution of 1837 marked an advance, in its simple declaration
that the State obligated itself to maintain the cult and ministers of
the Catholic religion, which was that of Spaniards. Then came a reaction
and, when the Constitution was revised in 1845, the principle of
intolerance was reaffirmed. The European disturbances of 1848
strengthened this spirit in the Church, and it found expression in the
penal code of 1851, of which Articles, 128, 129, 130 and 131 inflict
imprisonment and exile for any attempt to change the religion of Spain,
for public worship in other faiths, for apostatizing from Catholicism,
or for publishing doctrines in opposition to it.[1031] The Spanish
bishops were even encouraged to call for the revival of the Inquisition
under their management, but this would have been superfluous.[1032] That
the law was quite sufficient for the repression of Protestant propaganda
was shown, in 1855 by the long imprisonment and exile of Francisco Ruet
at Barcelona. It is true that in 1856, during the brief return of the
Liberals to power, a Constitution on a more tolerant basis was framed,
but a speedy reaction prevented this from going into effect, and the
instrument of 1845 remained in force until the revolution of 1868.
Ruet’s chief disciple was Manuel Matamoros, who made numerous converts
in Málaga, Granada and Seville, but, in 1860, prosecution caused to fly
to Barcelona, where he was thrown in gaol and taken back to Granada.
Some twenty more were arrested, among whom were his two principal aids
José Alhama and Trigo. Matamoros and Alhama were condemned to eight
years of presidio and Trigo to four, while similar sentences were
pronounced in Seville on Tomas Bordallo and Diego Mesa Santaello. The
affair made a sensation throughout Europe; the Evangelical Alliance
bestirred itself and a deputation representing nearly every nation
assembled in Madrid to intercede for the convicts. The pressure was so
great that, on May 20, 1862, the sentence rendered three weeks before
was commuted to nine years’ of exile, which enabled the Evangelicals,
from the safe refuge of Gibraltar, to maintain relations with their
secret converts.[1033] That under this reaction the resuscitation of the
Inquisition was seriously considered, may be assumed from the
publication, in 1859, of a pamphlet containing the speech of Ostolaza,
in the Córtes of Cádiz, in favor of the Inquisition, and those of Muñoz
Torrero and Toreno against it, with the manifesto of the Córtes, thus
contributing to the debate, under the guise of impartiality, the weight
of argument against the Holy Office.[1034]
When came the revolution of 1868, the Constituent Córtes, after a
vigorous debate, affirmed, May 8, 1869, the principle of religious
liberty by the decisive vote of 163 to 40. In the new Constitution,
proclaimed June 6th, the free exercise, public and private, of faiths
other than Catholicism was guaranteed both to foreigners and
Spaniards.[1035] Under this the Código penal reformado, which is still
in force, provides penalties of fine and imprisonment for any
interference with religious belief, whether by constraint to acts of
worship or impeding those of the individual’s chosen faith.[1036]
Finally, in 1876, still another Constitution, which has endured to the
present time, after declaring Roman Catholicism to be the religion of
the State, prohibits the molestation of any one for religious opinion or
for the exercise of his cult, in so far as Christian morals are
respected, but it does not permit public ceremonies other than those of
the State religion.[1037]
VICISSITUDES OF TOLERATION
This summary of the vicissitudes in the progress of toleration, since
the suppression of the Inquisition, is not foreign to our subject, for
it teaches two lessons. One is that the main assaults on the
ecclesiastical system of Spain, its members and its temporalities, were
committed before toleration was extended to the heretic, for the
secularization of church property, the abrogation of tithes and first
fruits and the suppression of the regular Orders were chiefly effected
by measures adopted between 1835 and 1855. The other is that the slender
results of Protestant propagandism, from the days of George Borrow to
those of Pastor Fliedner, show how little Catholicism has to fear from
such efforts among a people who, if they abandon the faith of their
fathers, are much more apt to seek refuge in negation of religion than
in heresy. Together they demonstrate that the terrors of the Inquisition
were superfluous, and that the injuries which it inflicted on Spain were
not compensated by any corresponding benefits, even from the stand-point
of the Church.
PRESENT CONDITION
NO modern European nation has endured such vicissitudes of good and evil
fortune as the Spanish. From the virtual anarchy of the Castilian
kingdoms under Juan II and Enrique IV, the resolute wills of Ferdinand
and Isabella evoked order and, by the union with Aragon, the conquest of
Granada, Naples and Navarre and the acquisition of the New World, they
left Spain in a most commanding position. When, under Charles V, to this
were added the Netherlands, the Austrian possessions, Milan and the
headship of the Holy Roman Empire, the hegemony of Europe was secured,
and the prospect of attaining the universal monarchy seemed sufficiently
possible to arouse the fears of Europe. The loss of the Empire and of
Austria, awarded to the younger branch of the Hapsburgs, strengthened
rather than weakened the inheritance of Philip II, by rendering it less
cumbrous and unwieldy, while the acquisition of Portugal unified the
Peninsula and the increasing wealth of the Indies promised almost
unlimited resources for the extension of his power. Yet this power, so
colossal in outward seeming, was already becoming a mere shell, covering
emptiness and poverty, for its rulers had exhausted the nation in
enterprises beyond its strength and foreign to its interests. Throughout
the seventeenth century its downward progress was rapid until, at the
death of Carlos II, in 1700, it had reached a depth of misery and
helplessness in which it might almost despair of recuperation. Yet its
efforts, in the War of Succession, showed that it still possessed a
virile nationality; its decadence was arrested, and a slow upward
progress was begun, accelerated under the enlightened rule of Carlos
III, until, at his death in 1788, it had so far regained its position
that, if not yet a power of the first rank, it might not unhopefully
look forward to attaining that position. Then followed the weak and
disastrous reign of Carlos IV, under the guidance of Godoy, when
impotence invited the intrusion of Napoleon, resulting in the
manifestation of national energy, which surprised the world in the
heroic War of Liberation. After the Restoration in 1814, the land was,
for more than half a century the scene of almost unintermittent conflict
between antagonistic forces, resulting in the apathy of exhaustion after
attaining the form of democratic constitutional monarchy. Yet we are
told that absolute monarchy has merely been replaced by absolute
Caciquismo or, in American parlance, the rule of the political
“boss.”[1038] Government, it seems, is exploited purely for the private
interest of the office-holding class and the strength of the nation has
been wasted, its development has been neglected, until the unexpected
feebleness revealed in the war of 1898 led earnest patriots to declare
that, if the existing maladministration were to continue, it would be
better to seek shelter under England or France, and to put an end to the
history of Spain as an independent nation.[1039] This shock to the
national consciousness, and the skilful and vigorous agitation to which
it gave birth, bear promise of results in the political as well as in
the material and industrial development of the land, and we may
reasonably hope that a nation, which has suffered so much with
fortitude, is entering upon a new career that may make amends for the
miseries of the past.
Vicissitudes such as these have their causes, and we cannot conclude
this long history of the Inquisition without inquiring what share it and
the spirit, which at once created and was stimulated by it, contributed
to the misfortunes endured, with few intermissions, by the Spanish
people since its organization. These causes are numerous, many of them
not directly connected with our subject, but yet to be enumerated in
order that undue importance may not be ascribed to the influence of the
Inquisition.
To begin with, the Spanish monarchy developed into a pure despotism,
based on the maxim of the Institutes—quod principi placuit legis habet
vigorem—the prince’s pleasure has the force of law. All legislative
and executive functions were concentrated in the crown; the king issued
laws, levied taxes, raised troops, declared war, made peace at his will,
and the execution of the Justicia Lanuza, in 1591, without a trial,
shows that the lives of his subjects were at his disposal. It was the
same with their liberties, as illustrated by the imprisonment, without a
hearing, of ministers like Cabarrús, Floridablanca, Jovellanos and
Urquijo. For awhile the ancient fueros of the kingdoms of the crown of
Aragon served as some restraint in those territories, but Philip V, in
1707 and 1714, took advantage of the War of Succession to declare them
forfeited. Under such concentration of authority, the fate of the nation
depended on the character and capacity of the monarch. Charles V had
unquestioned ability, but his ambitious enterprises, while flattering to
the national vanity, not only exhausted the resources of Spain, in
quarrels foreign to its interests, but crippled its prosperity by the
reckless devices employed to supply his needs. Philip II was a man of
very moderate talents, irresolute and procrastinating to that degree
that the Venetian envoy Vendramino, in 1595, declared that what would
cost another prince ten ducats cost him a hundred, in consequence of his
dilatoriness.[1040] His enormous and disjointed empire was too much for
his narrow intelligence, and his vast expenditures in defence of Latin
Christianity consumed all his resources and kept him in perpetual
financial straits. At his death, in 1598, he had nothing to show for the
ruin of his country but the gloomy pile of the Escorial and the
acquisition of Portugal. Holland was hopelessly lost; his rival, Henry
IV, was firmly seated on the throne of a reunited France, and the papacy
was alienated. The internal condition of the land is depicted in the
despairing complaints of the Córtes of 1594—“The truth, which cannot be
questioned, is that the kingdom is totally exhausted. Scarce any man has
money or credit, and those who have it do not employ it in trade or for
profit, but hoard it to live as sparingly as possible, in hope that it
may last them to the end. Thus comes the universal poverty of all
classes.... There is not a city or a town but has lost largely in
population, as is seen by the multitude of closed and empty houses, and
the fall in the rents of the few that are inhabited.”[1041]
GOVERNMENT BY FAVORITES
With Philip III we commence the long line of favorites who dominated
Spain during the seventeenth century. Well meaning, but weak and
incapable, he left everything to the Duke of Lerma, under whose guidance
a reckless course of prodigality was followed as though the only trouble
was to get rid of surplus revenues. Charles V had cast aside the severe
simplicity of the old Castilian court for the stately magnificence of
the Burgundian household; his successors followed his example, in spite
of the remonstrances of the Córtes, but where Philip II spent on it four
hundred thousand ducats a year, Philip III lavished a million and three
hundred thousand, while he was begging money of his nobles and prelates
and seeking to seize all the plate in the kingdom in order to coin it.
He was not alone in this, for the nobility and gentry were consumed with
usury and overwhelmed with debt, owing to their extravagance. The
Venetian envoy Contarini, in 1605 describes the land as overspread with
poverty and general discontent and all the evils attendant upon a
corrupt and vicious government, under an indolent king and a rapacious
and incapable minister. The worst war, he concludes, that could be made
on Spain was to allow it to consume itself in peace under misgovernment,
while to attack it would be to arouse the dogged determination of the
people. The reports of the Lucchese envoys tell the same story.[1042]
Such was the condition when the expulsion of the Moriscos robbed the
land of its most productive class.
Matters grew worse when Philip IV ascended the throne, in 1621.
Good-natured, affable, indolent and pleasure-loving, his thirty-one
unacknowledged natural children, besides the acknowledged one—the
second Don John of Austria—serve to explain why he abandoned the cares
of state to his favorite, the Count-Duke Olivares, after whose fall in
1643 his nephew, Don Luis de Haro, succeeded to the post. The official
historiographer describes Spain, at his accession, as being in
extremity, and the people crushed under their burdens; everything was in
disorder, and the condition of the nation so weakened that it could only
be deplored and not amended. Yet Philip’s first act was to break the
truce with Holland and, from that time to the end of his long reign, he
was involved in almost continual war. He called together the Córtes and
asked for supplies to which they replied by petitioning him to try to
stop the general depopulation and find occupation for the people, who
were wandering with their families over the country in vain search for
work.[1043] Yet Philip, engrossed with his plebeian amours and the
pleasures of his court, continued his wars and his extravagance, without
giving thought to the misery of his people whom he was crushing with
ever new exactions. The courtly festivities were conducted with a
magnificence till then unexampled; the carnival festival of 1637 was
officially admitted to cost three hundred thousand ducats and was
popularly estimated at half a million.[1044] In 1658 the Venetian envoy
reports his giving to the son of Don Luis de Haro fifty thousand pesos
for skilfully arranging a ballet for the ladies of the court. Every
bull-fight cost him sixty thousand reales, and the celebration at the
birth of Prince Prosper (who speedily died) involved an expenditure of
eight hundred thousand pesos. All this, as the envoy remarks, was
extracted from the blood of the miserable people, who were poorer in
Spain than anywhere else. The immense resources of the kingdom were
absorbed by the rapacity of the ministers or were dissipated by the
profuseness of the king.[1045]
RESOURCES AND POSSIBILITIES
In 1665, Carlos II, then but four years of age, succeeded to his father,
under the regency of the Queen-dowager Maria Ana of Austria. We have
seen how she abandoned affairs to her confessor, the Jesuit Nithard, and
when he was dismissed by the efforts of Don John of Austria, in 1669,
she replaced him with the worthless favorite Fernando de Valenzuela.
Again Don John was called in; Valenzuela was exiled to the Philippines
and Don John assumed the reins of government. His limited abilities were
unequal to the task; he was driven from power and died soon afterwards
in 1679. Carlos had been declared of age in 1675; he was utterly
incapable and, though he can scarce be said to have had favorites, under
such ministers as the Duke of Medinaceli and the Count of Oropesa, Spain
sank deeper in misery and degradation until his death in 1700. The
kingdom was reduced to the last extremity, without money, without
industry, without means of defence to resist the aggressive wars of
Louis XIV, or to defend the colonies from the ravages of buccaneers. The
population is said to have shrunk to 5,000,000; in 1586 it had been
estimated at 8,000,000 by the Venetian envoy Gradenigo.[1046] Such was
the result of two centuries of absolute government, under monarchs not
wilfully evil, who merely reigned according to the light vouchsafed
them.
Yet it was not so much the extravagance of the court, or the perpetual
wars of the Hapsburgs, or the emigration to the colonies, that reduced
the population and the power of Spain. The land could have endured all
these if its rich resources and vast opportunities had been wisely
developed. Lying between two seas and holding Sicily and Naples, it
commanded the Atlantic and the Mediterranean; with its wealthy colonies,
the source of the precious metals which revolutionized the finances of
Europe and furnished the basis for the most profitable commerce that the
world had seen, it was invited to become the greatest of maritime
states, with a navy and a mercantile marine beyond rivalry, dominating
the seas as the Catalans had dominated the Mediterranean in the
thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. It was largely secured from hostile
aggression by the Pyrenees, and could work out its destinies with little
to fear from external enemies. It is true that much of its surface is
mountainous, and that large districts suffer from insufficient
precipitation, but the Moors had shown what wonders could be wrought by
irrigation, and how, by patient labor, even mountain sides could be made
to yield their increase. No land could boast a greater variety of
agricultural products, including those of semi-tropical and temperate
zones which, combined with mineral wealth, should have rendered it
self-supporting. All that was needed was steady and intelligent
industry, fostered by wise legislation, encouraging production and
commerce, and enabling every man to work out his own career with as few
artificial impediments as possible, and Spain might be today what she
was in the sixteenth century, the leader among civilized nations.
This was not to be. The fatal gift of the Burgundian inheritance
distracted the attention of her rulers from the true arena of her
expansion in Africa and on the ocean, to distant enterprises wholly
foreign to her true interests, while the undeviating determination to
enforce unity of faith at home, and to combat heresy elsewhere, led her
to drive out her most useful population, and involved her in ruinous
expenditures abroad. To extort the means for the furtherance of this
policy, industry was strangled with the most burdensome and complicated
system of taxation that human folly could devise, the weight of which
fell almost exclusively on the oppressed producing classes, who were
least able to endure it, while the nobles and gentry and clergy, who
held by far the larger portion of Spanish wealth, were exempt.[1047] As
taxation was virtually at the discretion of the monarch, imposts were
added as the exigencies of extravagance demanded, usually with little
thought as to their consequences, until the taxpayer was entangled in a
network which crippled him at every step. This moreover was accompanied
with regulations to prevent evasions, and to protect the consumer at the
expense of the producer, which greatly enhanced the deadly influence of
the anomalous and incongruous accumulation of exactions.
OPPRESSIVE TAXATION
All this fell with peculiar weight on agriculture and on the
labradores or peasants, on whom ultimately the support and prosperity
of the nation depended. When, in 1619, the Royal Council, in obedience
to the commands of Philip III, presented an elaborate consulta on the
causes of depopulation, it commenced by ascribing this to the grinding
and insupportable taxation of the producing taxables, and the exemption
of the consuming classes—the mules and cart of the peasant were seized
for taxes, he was driven from the land and hid himself in the large
cities, or sought a livelihood abroad.[1048] The warning was unheeded
and, ten years later, Fray Benito de Peñalosa y Mondragon, while
enthusiastically extolling the power and wealth of Spain, describes the
condition of the labradores as the poorest, most completely miserable
and depressed of all, as though all the other classes had combined and
conspired to ruin and destroy them. Their cabins and huts of mud walls
are decaying and crumbling, they possess some badly cultivated lands and
lean cattle, always hungry for lack of the common pasture, and they are
burdened with tributes, mortgages, taxes, censos and many impositions,
demands and almsgivings that cannot be escaped. In place of wondering at
the depopulation of villages and farms, the wonder is that any remain.
Probably most of those who go to the Colonies are labradores and they
also flock to the cities, engaging in all kinds of service.[1049]
The process went on without interruption. A century later an experienced
financial official tells the same story, in a report to Philip V. The
burden of taxation fell upon the poor; all that was unpaid was added to
the levy of the succeeding year; a horde of blood-suckers lived by
selling out delinquents, when the costs amounted to more than the taxes.
Consequently the poor were obliged to sell their property to meet the
demands of the tax-gatherer, or to let it be seized and sold, thus
becoming beggars and tramps, and every year saw their numbers increase.
The peasant, moreover, was subject to special and ruinous restrictions.
The tassa or price of his grain was officially determined every year, at
a maximum above which he was forbidden to sell it; moreover it could not
be exported, nor could it be transported by sea from one province to
another to prevent infractions of the prohibition. The result of this
was that if the harvest was deficient, grain was secreted and held at
exorbitant prices and this infraction of the law was winked at under
necessity. The sufferer was the peasant, who had not the means of
storing his grain but had to sell it to the wealthy who could withhold
it, and thus, whether the harvests were abundant or scanty he fared ill.
Thus production was discouraged and diminishing; the producer realized
little, while the consumer paid extravagantly, checking both production
and consumption. Lands were left uncultivated and labor was unemployed;
everything moved in a vicious circle, and the evil was constantly
growing. Trade was similarly strangled. The alcavala of 10 per cent. and
the cientos of 4 per cent. were levied on every transaction, no matter
how often an article changed hands. Manufactures, under this system, had
almost disappeared. Spaniards were forced to sell their raw products to
foreigners at low prices, for there were no other buyers, and to
purchase them back in their finished state at the sellers’ prices. The
heavy tariff increased the cost to the consumer, while innumerable
smugglers enabled the importers to realize the benefit of the duties.
The foreigner, moreover, secured all the precious metals of the Indies,
for all exports thither were of foreign goods, with which Spaniards
could not compete, owing to the excessive imposts and tributes, which
doubled the price of everything to the consumer. Yet of the product of
these crushing burdens but little reached the treasury, owing to the
system of collection, smuggling, and frauds.[1050]
THE MESTA—FORESTRY LAWS
The disabilities thus imposed on agriculture, industry, and trade were
greatly aggravated by the absence of means of intercommunication, and it
is symptomatic of Spanish policy that the energies of the rulers were
concentrated on the suppression of heresy, foreign wars and court
festivities to the exclusion of care for internal development. It is
true that, under Charles V and Philip II, considerable effort was spent
on the water-ways; the Canal Imperial de Aragon was built along the
Ebro, as well as the smaller canals of Jarama and Manzanares, and there
were improvements in the navigation of the Tagus and Guadalquivir, but
these ceased and no attention was paid to the roads which, for the most
part were mere caminos de herradura, or mule-tracks. Even as late as
1795, Jovellanos tells us that there was no communication by wagon
between the contiguous provinces of Leon and Asturias, so that the wines
and wheat of Castile could not bear the expense of mule carriage to the
seaboard. In 1761 Carlos III undertook to construct highways from Madrid
to Andalusia, Valencia, Catalonia, Galicia, Old Castile, Asturias,
Murcia and Extremadura, but in 1795 none of them had reached half-way,
and no attention was paid to interprovincial wagon-roads, to enable the
miserable peasant to get from village to village, or from market to
market, save at the cost of exhausting his cattle and at the risk of
losing everything in a mudhole.[1051]
Another intolerable burden on agriculture was the Mesta, or
combination of owners of the immense flocks of sheep, which wintered in
the lowlands and summered in the mountains. Through privileges dating
from the fourteenth century and gradually increased, the provinces,
through which the trashumantes or migratory flocks passed, were
subjected to serious disabilities. Pasturage could not be broken up for
cultivation, its rental was fixed by an unalterable tassa, and a
mesteño tenant could not be evicted. All enclosures were forbidden in
order that the flocks when migrating might feed without payment on the
stubble in the autumn and on the fallow land in the spring, although
this privilege was somewhat curtailed in 1788 by permitting the
enclosure of orchards, vineyards and plantations. Thus the husbandman
was deprived of control over his property and the raising of horses and
of stationary herds of cattle and sheep—vastly more important than the
trashumantes—was effectually discouraged within the range of the
Mesta. Equally short-sighted were the forestry laws, designed to foster
the production of lumber, which was greatly needed both for building and
shipping. The owner was obliged to get and pay for a permit before he
could fell a tree, to obey fixed rules as to pruning, to sell against
his will and at a fixed price, to admit inspections and official visits,
and to answer for the condition and number of his trees—thus opening
the door to unlimited extortion. In short, the freedom of action through
which men seek their interests, and thus contribute to the general
welfare, was destroyed by the paternalism of an absolute government,
which blindly hampered all improvement and checked all individual
initiative and ambition.[1052]
This explains the despoblados and baldíos—the depopulated villages
and uncultivated lands—which were the despair of the statesmen who
discussed the possible regeneration of Spain. According to Zavala, in
the circumscription of Badajoz alone, the baldíos amounted to over
three hundred square leagues, mostly good farm land, in which the
remains of buildings could be traced, but then grown up in copses and
thickets, affording refuge to wolves, smugglers and robbers. In
Andalusia, Jovellanos tells us that these baldíos were immense; they
were less in Extremadura, La Mancha and the two Castiles, while, in the
northern provinces, from the Pyrenees to Portugal, the population was
denser and the baldíos less frequent and of inferior quality.[1053] We
have seen the attempt made by Carlos III to reclaim these districts with
the nuevas poblaciones, and how the promising experiment was checked
by the Inquisition.
INDOLENCE
As though these blind and irrational policies were insufficient to
destroy prosperity, an equally efficient factor was devised in tampering
with the coinage. This began tentatively in 1566 by Philip II, in
diminishing the alloy of silver in the vellon or copper coinage. In
1602, Philip III, in his financial distress, was bolder and resolutely
issued a pure copper coinage with a fictitious value of seven to two,
calling forth the protest of Padre Mariana which cost him his
prosecution by the Inquisition. In 1605 the Lucchese envoy informs us
that the treasury had already reaped a profit of 25,000,000 ducats by
this fiat money, of which the marc cost 80 maravedís and had a forced
circulation of 280. This was the first of a long series of violent
measures continued throughout the seventeenth century, of alternate
expansion and contraction. Thus, in 1642 the fictitious legal-tender
value was suddenly reduced to one-sixth, followed in 1643 by raising it
fourfold, and in 1651 by increasing it still further. In 1652 an attempt
was made to demonetize the vellon, June 25th, which was abandoned
November 14th. In 1659 the vellon grueso was reduced in value one-half
and, in 1660 it was trebled. Attempts were made to regulate prices by
decrees of maxima and to prevent or define the inevitable premium on
gold and silver, but the unwritten laws of trade were imperative, until
at last, in 1718, the real de plata was admitted to be worth twice the
real de vellon, a ratio which remained nearly permanent. The largest
vellon coin was the cuartillo, or fourth of a real, equivalent to
about three cents of American money, which became the standard of value
in Spanish trade; the coins were tied in bags of definite amount and
these passed from hand to hand, for the precious metals necessarily
disappeared, and were rarely seen except in Seville, in spite of the
most savage decrees against their exportation.[1054] It would be
impossible to exaggerate the disastrous influence on industry and
commerce of these perpetual fluctuations of the circulating medium. The
relations between debtor and creditor, between producer and consumer,
were ever at the mercy of some new decree that might upset all
calculations. All transactions, from the purchase of a day’s supply of
bread to a contract for a cargo of merchandise were mere gambling
speculations.
These causes of decadence were accentuated by an aversion and contempt
for labor, which was recognized as a Spanish characteristic,
attributable perhaps to the long war of the Reconquest and the endless
civil broils which rendered arms the only fitting career for a Spaniard,
and accustomed him to see all useful work performed by those whom he
regarded as belonging to inferior races—Jews and Mudéjares. Their
expulsion was destructive to all industrial pursuits, but the Old
Christian still looked down on the descendants of the Conversos who were
to a large extent debarred, by the statutes of Limpieza, from the
Spanish resource of living without labor by entering the Church or
holding office. The evil effects of this were intensified by
constitutional indolence. The Spanish Conquistadores gave memorable
examples of indefatigable energy and hardihood, sparing no toil when
their imaginations were inflamed with the lust of conquest or the hopes
of gold, but they would not work as colonists. One of them, Bernardo de
Vargas Machuca, who for thirty years was Governor of Margarita, defends
the enslavement of the Indians by candidly saying that Spaniards would
not settle on unoccupied land, no matter how healthy or how rich in gold
and silver, but would go where there were Indians, even if the land were
sterile and unhealthy for, if they had not Indians to work for them,
they could not enjoy its products, and its possession would be no
benefit.[1055] Nor were the Spaniards of whom he speaks gentlemen
adventurers, but were mostly drawn from the humbler classes. It was the
same at home. Already, in 1512, Guicciardini, who spent two years in
Spain as envoy from Florence, describes Spain as a land rich in natural
resources, but sparsely populated and largely undeveloped. The people,
he says, are warlike and skilled in arms, but they look upon industry
and trade with disdain; artisans and husbandmen will work only under
pressure of necessity and then rest in idleness until their earnings are
spent.[1056] The Córtes of Valladolid, in 1548, complain that
agricultural laborers and mechanics would not come to work before 10 or
11 o’clock, and would break off an hour or two before sunset. A century
later, Dormer, the historiographer of Aragon, reproves the indolence of
the people, except in Catalonia, for they would not work as was
customary in other lands, but only a few hours a day, with perhaps
frequent intermissions, and they expected this to provide for them as
fully as the incessant labor of other lands.[1057]
EDUCATED IDLENESS
Spanish indolence was a frequent theme with the Venetian envoys who
describe Spain as abounding in resources, and able to supply all its
needs, but dependent upon foreign nations in consequence of the rooted
dislike for labor. As Gianfrancesco Morosini writes, in 1581, the people
have little aptitude for any of the mechanic arts, and are most
negligent in agriculture, while in manual labor they are so slow and
lazy that what anywhere else would be done in a month, here takes
four.[1058] The Lucchese envoys, in the next century, tell the same
story. There are few Spaniards, they say, except office-holders, who
will work; the greater part of the workmen are foreigners, who have made
a new Spain, to the great detriment of the old kingdoms. This explains
why Spain is only a port through which the precious metals pass; the
Spaniards consume only foreign merchandise imported by foreign
merchants; among the contractors there is not a single Castilian, and
there are more pieces of eight in China than in Spain.[1059] So, in
1687, Luis de Salazar y Castro attributes the decline of the monarchy to
its substance flowing out through every pore, and the ultimate cause of
this is the lack of energy. “I say it is our indolence, ignorance and
want of application ... we attribute to deficient population what is
laziness and sloth. Could our torpidity go further than our requiring
Frenchmen to makes tiles, to grind knives, to carry water and to knead
bread?”[1060] A moralist of the period is excessively severe upon this
indolence coupled with reckless extravagance, which he compares with the
tireless industry and thrift of the Frenchman.[1061] To this he
attributes the poverty of Spain, as we have seen (Vol. III, p. 390) had
been done, in 1594, by Francisco de Idiaquez, the secretary of Philip
II.
One development of this indisposition to labor is touched upon by the
consulta of the Royal Council in 1619, when it alludes to the
multiplication of grammar-schools, to which the peasants send their
children for a smattering of education, and thus withdraw them from
productive industry.[1062] The Córtes of the same year asked for
restrictions on this and Navarrete, in his commentary on the consulta,
dwells at some length on the evils thence arising, for the sons of
peasants flock thither, to gain the exemptions of the learned classes;
an infinite number of them fail to reach the priesthood, becoming
beggars and vagrants and criminals, while many of those who enter orders
are forced to dishonorable practices, the public suffering in
consequence from the lack of laborers and artisans.[1063] Protests were
in vain and, in 1753, Gregorio Mayans y Siscar still called attention to
the crowds of half-educated students who sponged on the
community—drones who sucked the honey while they might be of service in
driving a plough or handling a musket—a complaint echoed with still
greater vigor by Jovellanos in 1795.[1064]
To this tendency may be attributed the frenzied rush for office, to
which the suggestive name of empleomanía has been given, burdening the
State with a vast superfluity of employees and depriving it of their
services in useful production. In 1674 the Lucchese envoy wonders at
the revenues, estimated at seventy-five millions, without apparent
result, which he ascribes partly to the waste in collecting, the
collectors employed numbering two hundred thousand—a manifest
exaggeration, but yet suggestive.[1065] About 1740, Macanaz ranks this
as the first in his enumeration of the causes of Spain’s condition;
there are, he says, a thousand employees where forty would suffice, if
they were kept at work, and the rest could be set at some useful
labor.[1066] The evil still continues, if we may believe modern writers
who regard it as one of the serious impediments to prosperity.[1067]
IMPROVEMENT
From the depth of poverty, disorder and humiliation to which Spain had
fallen, the process of recuperation under the Bourbons was slow and at
first vacillating. Something was accomplished by Philip V, in spite of
his continual wars and his melancholy madness, when he had rid himself
of such adventurers as Alberoni and Ripperda and gave scope to the
practical genius of Patiño.[1068] The upward impulse continued under
Fernando VII, while, under Carlos III and his enlightened ministers the
progress was rapid. A memorial addressed by Floridablanca to the king,
towards the close of his reign, enumerates the reforms and works of
utility undertaken during his ministry. There were canals, both for
navigation and irrigation, the drainage of marsh lands, the
establishment of the nuevas poblaciones, the improvement of roads. The
trade to the colonies was thrown open to all the ports instead of being
restricted to Seville, with the result that the exports quickly trebled
and the customs revenue doubled. The Banco Nacional was founded and the
public credit, which had fallen very low, was speedily restored.
Insurance companies were established and other trading associations,
which gave life to industry and commerce. The tariff on imports was
rendered uniform at all the ports, and its schedules were arranged so as
to foster internal development, being light on machinery and raw
materials and heavy on articles produced in Spain, not only stimulating
industry to the great prosperity of the land, but increasing the
customs revenue to a hundred and thirty millions when it had previously
never exceeded thirty millions in the most prosperous years. The
complicated and burdensome Rentas Provinciales were regulated so as to
fall equally on the various provinces and to be easily borne; the
Millones were reduced one-half; the formalities of the alcavala were
simplified and its percentage greatly reduced, so as to bear lightly on
industry, and with the expectation of its abrogation. The numbers of the
exempts were diminished. All the mechanic arts were “habilitated,” so
that nobles engaging in them should not forfeit their nobility, thus
taking away the excuse for idleness and vice of those who called
themselves noble and refused to work, however poor they might be.
Through this policy during the reign of Carlos III, the population of
Peninsular Spain increased by a million and a half and, under his
guidance it emerged from the Middle Ages and began to take position with
modern nations.[1069]
Much as had thus been accomplished, much remained to do, as set forth,
in 1795, by Jovellanos in his celebrated “Informe.” Unfortunately
progress was arrested by the indolent Carlos IV and his favorite Godoy.
Then came the Napoleonic wars, and the course of events, as traced in
the preceding chapter, was not conducive to improvement. Yet, in all the
vicissitudes which Spain has endured since then, if we may trust the
growth of population as an index of advancement, the substitution of
liberal institutions for absolutism has proved a success and, however
real may be the abuses of which the reforming element complains, the
present situation is vastly better than the past. The census of 1768
showed a total of 9,309,804; that of 1787, 10,409,879; that of 1799,
something over 12,000,000. Then there was a falling off and, in 1822, it
was 11,661,980. Yet, in spite of Carlist wars and political troubles, in
1885, it had risen to 17,228,776, and it is now reckoned at 19,000,000
or about double that of the period of Spanish greatness. The fair
inference from this is that Spain has a future; that, while much remains
to do, much has been accomplished, and that there is progress which, if
continued, will restore in great measure her ancient strength, although
the enormous growth of modern nations precludes the expectation that she
can resume her commanding position.
In addition to these secular causes of Spanish decadence, there remains
to be considered another class of no less importance—those arising from
clericalism, or the relations of the Church to the State, and its
influence on the popular character and tendencies.
The accumulation of lands and wealth by the Church, and especially by
the religious Orders, was, from an early time, a source of concern to
statesmen and of complaint by the people, for the exemption from the
royal jurisdiction, from military service and from taxation, claimed as
imprescriptible rights by the Church, weakened the power of the State
and threw increased burdens upon the population. Almost all the European
nations endeavored to curb this acquisitiveness by laws of which the
English Statutes of Mortmain and the French droits d’amortissement may
be taken as examples. These acquisitions came from two sources, each
abundantly productive—gifts or bequests and purchase. The sinner,
unable to redeem in money the canonical penance for his sins impossible
to perform, would make over a piece of land and obtain absolution or, if
on his death-bed, would bequeath a portion of his estate to be expended
in masses for his soul—perhaps founding a capellanía for that
purpose, or as provision for a son who would serve as chaplain. So
audacious became the demands of the Church on the estates of the dying
that, in 1348, the Córtes of Alcalá complained that all the Orders
obtained from the royal chancery letters empowering them to examine all
testaments, whereupon they claimed all bequests made to uncertain places
or persons; also, if there was not a bequest for each Order, those
omitted demanded one equal to the largest in the will and they further
claimed the whole estates of those who died intestate. If these demands
were contested, they wearied the heirs with litigation into a
compromise. Alfonso promised to revoke all such letters but the Black
Death, which speedily followed, brought an immense accretion of lands
for the foundation of anniversaries and chaplaincies, which led to
lively reclamations by the Córtes of Valladolid, in 1351.[1070]
THE BURDEN OF THE CHURCH
With wealth thus constantly accumulating, the church or monastery would
purchase lands from the laity, and as these became exempt from taxation
it could afford to pay more than a secular purchaser. Whatever thus
passed into ecclesiastical possession was never alienated; it remained
in the grip of the Dead Hand which, by constant accretions, came to
hold a large portion of the most desirable lands and thus of the wealth
of the kingdom.
It would be tedious to recapitulate the complaints of the Córtes and the
devices attempted by legislation from the eleventh century onward to
check this growth, which was regarded as threatening the most serious
evils to the nation.[1071] Laws were adopted only to be evaded or
forgotten, and the process went on. A new element, however, was injected
into the struggle when, in 1438, the Córtes of Madrigal made a vigorous
representation to Juan II that, if no remedy were applied, all the best
lands in the kingdom would belong to the Church, resulting in manifold
injury to the people and the crown, to which the feeble king evasively
replied that he would apply to the pope.[1072] Hitherto Spanish
independence of the papacy had regarded all such questions as subject to
national regulation, but this utterance indicated that papal
confirmation was beginning to be recognized as necessary in everything
that affected the Church. This was not at once admitted, for Juan, in
1447, in response to the Córtes of Valladolid, and by a decree of 1452,
imposed a tax of twenty per cent, on all purchases, bequests and
donations,[1073] but it gradually established itself and furnished a
ready answer to the vigorous representations which, with growing
insistence, the Córtes of the sixteenth century made in 1515, 1518,
1523, 1528, 1532, 1534, 1537, 1538, 1542, 1544, 1551 and 1573.[1074]
This put all remedy out of the question, for no pope could be expected
to set limits to ecclesiastical wealth and influence, from which the
curia derived its revenues; and the petitions of the Córtes served only
to emphasize the magnitude of the evil and its universal recognition by
the people.
It was not only the progressive absorption of wealth and land that was
detrimental but the corresponding increase in the numbers of the clergy,
regular and secular, who were released from all the duties of the
citizen, and whose vows of celibacy aided in accelerating the diminution
of the population. The process continued with added vigor, especially
after the commencement of the seventeenth century, owing partly to a
wave of religious fervor which led to the founding of chapels and
convents on a greater scale than ever, and partly to the growing
destitution forcing men to seek conventual refuge, where they might at
least escape starvation, and inducing parents to give their sons such
smattering of education as might enable them to take orders and have at
least a chance to secure a livelihood free from the crushing burdens of
taxation. The result of this is seen in Fray Bleda’s boast, in 1618,
that one-fourth of the Christians of Spain were priests, frailes or
nuns, and, even though this is obviously an over-estimate, it indicates
how great was the task imposed on the producing classes to support in
idleness so large a portion of the population.[1075] The increase was
largely in the Mendicant Orders, whose systematic begging, that no one
dared refuse, was a grievous addition to the tithes and first fruits.
A single instance will illustrate this inordinate growth. Cardinal
Mendoza, Archbishop of Toledo, the “third king” under Ferdinand and
Isabella, stubbornly refused to allow convents to be founded in his
province, saying that there were already many that were injurious to the
people obliged to sustain them, but this ceased with his death in 1495.
His biographer, Doctor Pedro de Salazar, penitentiary of the cathedral,
tells us that the city of Toledo held a privilege from Alfonso X
prohibiting the erection of convents there. At that time there were six,
but in 1625, when he wrote, these had been enlarged and numerous others
had been founded, so that they then occupied more than fifty royal and
noble houses and more than six hundred smaller ones. The disastrous
influence of this on the prosperity of the place is self-evident and
Salazar regards this portentous development of ecclesiasticism as the
chief cause of the decline in the population of Spain, which he
estimates at twenty-five per cent.[1076]
THE BURDEN Of THE CHURCH
The consulta of the Council of Castile, in 1619, naturally included in
its enumeration of the causes of national distress the foundation of so
many religious houses, which were filled with those attracted, not by
vocation but by a life of idleness, while their lands were exempt from
taxation.[1077] In a similar mood, the Córtes, assembled by Philip IV on
his accession, made a forcible and somewhat rhetorical representation,
asking for measures to restrain the multiplication of foundations and
the purchases of land, which not only diminished the alcavalas but, in a
few years, would exempt all real estate from the royal jurisdiction and
accumulate all taxation on the miserable poor, thus destroying the
population of the provinces, for it was evident that, if the clergy
continued to increase as it was doing, the villages would be without
inhabitants, the fields without laborers, the sea without mariners and
the arts without craftsmen; commerce would be extinct and, marriage
being despised, the world would not last for a century.[1078]
At the earnest request of the kingdom, which represented that it could
not support these idle multitudes or furnish soldiers for war, Urban
VIII, in 1634, granted a bull reforming the religious Orders and
suppressing some of the Barefooted ones, but the opposing influences
were too strong and it was ineffective.[1079] In 1677 the matter was
again debated, including the excessive numbers of the secular clergy,
but action was postponed until there was a better prospect of results.
The recognized evils were too serious to remain thus pigeon-holed, and
an attempt was again made in 1691, the feebleness of which demonstrates
how completely the Church dominated the State and could not be reformed
without its own consent. The king deplored the multiplication of
convents, and the consequent relaxation of discipline, and the pope was
to be asked for authority to appoint visitors with full powers. The
excessive increase of the secular priesthood, he said, was the cause of
numerous disorders, to cure which the pope was to be applied to for
faculties enabling bishops and abbots to reduce their numbers, so that
all incumbents could live decently. The clergy in minor orders were so
numerous that their exemption from the royal jurisdiction and the public
burdens was a grievous injury to the laity and the bishops were asked to
limit their ordination. The absorption of lands by the Church was an
evil which had puzzled the wisest heads in all ages; many states had
adopted laws regulating this, but he hesitated to have recourse to such
measures until statistics could be gathered, and it could be decided how
to reduce the numbers of the secular clergy.[1080] In short, the Church
was an Old Man of the Sea, strangling the State, which lacked power to
rid itself of its oppressor.
With the advent of the Bourbons there was less tendency to this
hopelessness and, in 1713, the plain-spoken Macanaz, in a report to the
king, presented a terrible picture of the misery and impoverishment
resulting from the overgrown numbers and wealth of the clergy.[1081]
Yet, short of revolution, effective remedy was impossible, and Philip V
contented himself with a decree expressing regret that, without papal
assent or a concordat, he could not afford general relief to his
vassals. While awaiting this, however, he severely characterized the
frauds of confessors in inducing the dying to impoverish their heirs.
Such testators were declared not to be of free will, their bequests were
invalid and scriveners drawing them were threatened with condign
punishment.[1082]
Much of this evil would have been averted had the salutary reforms
prescribed by the Council of Trent been enforced,[1083] but they had
been a dead letter, at least in Spain. In 1723, however, Philip induced
the Spanish bishops to supplicate Innocent XIII on the subject,
resulting in a constitution in which he embodied at great length the
Tridentine decrees as to restricting ordinations and the number of
religious in convents.[1084] It was a tribute to the capacious learning
rather than to the consistency of Macanaz that the Regular Orders
employed him to draw up a memorial to the king, protesting against the
enforcement of the papal decree, in which he lavished praises on them,
and argued vigorously against any restriction on numbers beyond the
capacity of support.[1085] This, however, was but a lawyer’s argument
for a client and did not prevent him, in memorials to Philip V, about
1740 and to Fernando VI, in 1746, from expressing his true opinions as
to the evils which were a main cause of Spanish distress—more than half
the land held in mortmain and exempt from public burdens, and the
immense number of those who, in place of being good laborers were bad
priests, wandering around as beggars to the scandal of religion, while
the overgrown religious Orders were useless consumers, living on the
rest of the nation.[1086]
THE BURDEN OF THE CHURCH
In negotiating the Concordat of 1737, Philip obtained with difficulty a
concession subjecting to taxation future acquisitions, but it was
impossible of enforcement and repeated decrees by him, in 1745, by
Fernando VII in 1756 and by Carlos III in 1760 and 1763, only attest the
powerlessness of the State when dealing with the Church. In 1795 Godoy
dallied with a project of secularizing Church property to meet the
expenses of the disastrous war with France, but was obliged to abandon
the project and only imposed a tax of fifteen per cent, on new
acquisitions.[1087] It was inevitable that the Córtes of Cádiz and the
constitutional Government of 1820-3 should partially carry out what
Spanish publicists for centuries had demanded, and should earn the
bitterest clerical hostility.
As a matter of course the wealth of so numerous, powerful and worldly a
Church was enormous. As early as 1563 Paolo Tiepolo states that the
clergy possessed little less than one half the total revenues of Spain.
He rates the income of the Archbishop of Toledo at 150,000 ducats, and
in addition the church of Toledo had 300,000.[1088] Exemption from
public burdens gave ample opportunity of increase and, at the end of the
eighteenth century, the archbishop was estimated as enjoying an income
of half a million dollars.[1089] Navarrete, in 1624 regards as one of
the leading causes of the hatred entertained for the Church by the
laity, the contrast between its affluence and the general poverty,[1090]
nor is this unlikely for, during the worst periods of national disaster,
the Church seems always to have enjoyed superabundant resources. As its
income, other than the produce of its lands, was largely derived from
tithes, it necessarily varied, from year to year, but was always
enormous. In 1653, we find Plasencia spoken of as one of the four most
lucrative bishoprics in Spain, with an income of 40,000 ducats, but that
there were years in which it had been worth 80,000—and this at a time
when the State was virtually bankrupt, the currency in frightful
disorder, commerce and industry prostrate, and the whole land steeped in
poverty.[1091] Against this, it is true, must be set the habit of the
monarch in calling upon the bishops, as well as on the nobles, for
contributions, as we have seen in the case of Valdés; thus Cardinal
Quiroga, when Archbishop of Toledo, from 1577 to 1594, is said to have
given to Philip II an aggregate of a million and a half of ducats.[1092]
There were also certain papal grants to the crown on the revenues of the
clergy at large, known as the subsidio and the excusado which, in
1573, were reckoned at 575,000 crowns a year and in 1658 at something
over two million ducats.[1093]
THE BURDEN OF THE CHURCH
It betrays a consciousness of overgrown wealth that all knowledge of its
amount was carefully concealed. In 1741, Benedict XIV granted to Philip
V eight per cent. of the revenues of the clergy, regular and secular,
for that year. The collection of this in Granada was delegated, with
full coercive powers, to the Archdeacon Juan Bautista Simoni who, after
Easter 1742, issued an edict requiring all incumbents, within ten days,
to render sworn statements of their property and income. This aroused
intense excitement. Under one pretext or another all, from the
archbishop down, endeavored to escape the revelation of their wealth;
there were meetings held and open threats were made of a cessatio a
divinis if the measure was insisted on. A compromise was offered of
payment of a double servicio, which was assumed to be equivalent to
eight per cent., but they refused absolutely to make a return of
property and income. Simoni seems to have been sincerely desirous of
executing his unpleasant duty with as little friction as possible but,
in reporting this repugnance to make sworn statements, he does not
hesitate to say that its object was to prevent the king from learning
that about three fourths of all the property in Spain was in the hands
of the clergy, secular and regular, and especially of the Carthusians,
Jesuits, Geronimites and Dominicans. It proved to be impossible to
compel the archbishop to make the return, and finally it was compromised
by taking the average of a valuation made during five years of a
vacancy, 1728-32, which resulted in estimating the revenues of the see
at about 39,000 ducats—evidently an undervaluation, although Granada
was reckoned as the poorest of the five Castilian archbishoprics.[1094]
All this wealth and splendor was drawn, in its ultimate source, from the
labor of the husbandman and the administration of the sacraments,
casting a grievous burden on the industry of the land and counting for
much in the general impoverishment. When the little development of
Protestantism in 1558 excited so much dread, it was assumed as a matter
of course that the people would welcome a reform that would bring relief
from the burdens of the church establishment. Jovellanos asks what is
left of the ancient glory of Castile save the skeletons of its cities,
once populous and full of workshops and stores, and now filled with
churches, convents and hospitals, which survive the misery that they
have caused.[1095] So, in 1820, the learned Canon Francisco Martínez
Marina, in indicating the measures necessary to restore prosperity, says
that the first one is to reduce the wealth of the clergy for the benefit
of agriculture and the poor and oppressed peasant, and to abolish
forever the unjust and insupportable tribute of the tithe, a tribute
unknown to Spain before the twelfth century, a tribute which directly
prevents the progress of agriculture and one of those which have
inflicted the greatest misery on the husbandman.[1096]
A clergy thus worldly, and so far removed from apostolic poverty, was
not apt to be devoted to its duties, or to set an example of morality to
its subjects. A project, drawn up by a Spanish bishop, of matters to be
urged on the Council of Lateran in 1512, affords a glimpse into the
deplorable condition of the Church which was so deeply concerned with
the salvation of the Marranos and Moriscos. Few among the laity observed
the prescribed fasts and feasts, and even the Easter communion was
neglected. The priests were negligent and, even in cathedrals, it was
sometimes difficult to have divine service performed. Among the clergy,
from bishops to the lower orders, concubinage was universal and
shameless, while simony ruled everywhere.[1097] The provisions of the
Council of Seville in 1512, and of Coria in 1537, indicate the vicious
and degraded character of the priesthood and the impossibility of
restraining their habitual concubinage.[1098] Alphonso de Castro argues
that if it were not for the protection of God it would be difficult to
preserve religion in view of the unworthiness of the priests and their
wickedness. It is known to all, he says, that the contempt felt for them
arises first from their excessive numbers, secondly from their ignorance
and lastly from their flagitious lives.[1099] Archbishop Carranza is
emphatic in reproving the negligence of the clerics, who were so
indifferent to their duty that they abandoned their churches and might
as well be non-existent, in addition to which were their evil and
scandalous lives and the abuse of their wealth.[1100]
CLERICAL DEMORALIZATION
This is confirmed by Inquisitor-general Valdés who states that when, in
1546, he assumed the archbishopric of Seville, he found the clergy and
the dignitaries of his cathedral thoroughly demoralized. They had no
shame in their children and grandchildren; their women lived with them
openly, as though married, and accompanied them to church, and many of
them kept public gaming tables in their houses, which were resorts of
disorderly characters. If we may believe him, he resolutely undertook a
reform and effected it at great labor and expense, owing to appeals and
suits in Rome and in Granada and in the Royal Council and before
apostolic judges. Then Francisco de Erasso, a favorite of Charles V,
obtained a canonry and joined those who desired to return to their
former dissolute life, against which, in 1556, he appeals to Philip II
for protection.[1101] The lower ranks of the clergy were no better, if
we may believe the synod of Orihuela, in 1600, which asserts that their
concubinage was the cause of the animosity of the people against
them,[1102] and we have seen, when treating of Solicitation, how
frequent was the advantage taken of the opportunities of the
confessional.
There were few prelates as conscientious as Valdés represents himself.
Alfonso de Castro attributes the existence of heresy to their
negligence; they were so slothful that they paid no attention to their
duties; those who did otherwise were so rare that they were like jewels
among pebbles.[1103] The Venitian envoy, Giovanni Soranzo is less
cautious in his utterance, for he describes them as living luxuriously
and squandering their revenues on splendid establishments; few of them
were without children, in whom they took no shame and for whose
advancement they employed every means.[1104] At the other end of the
scale were the clerks in the lower orders, immersed in secular affairs,
who took the tonsure in order to enjoy the protection from justice
afforded by the Church. These were the despair of those responsible for
public order. Fernando de Aragon, Viceroy of Valencia, complains, August
21, 1544, of the impossibility of enforcing justice owing to the zeal
with which the church authorities protected the tonsure, whether right
or wrong. The officials of the archbishops, he says, have been debased
and ignorant men; whose sole aim has been to save criminals from the
punishment of their crimes. He is encouraged to hope for better things
from the appointment as archbishop of San Tomas de Vilanova, and the
latter follows, September 8th, with allusions to his own sufferings in
consequence of his efforts to remedy this condition, which is an offence
to justice and to God and a great damage to the people.[1105]
FANATICAL INTOLERANCE
A Church composed of such elements was not fitted to exercise for good
the enormous influence which it enjoyed over public affairs, not only in
shaping the policy of the kingdom but in directing the national
tendencies. The theory was still the medieval one—that the
ecclesiastical power is the sun and the royal power the moon, which
derives its light from the sun.[1106] To its influence, as represented
by Torquemada, was due the expulsion of the Jews; by Ximenes, the
enforced conversion of the Moors; by Espinosa, the rebellion of Granada;
by Juan de Ribera and his fellows, the expulsion of the Moriscos. In the
royal councils, which formed a bureaucracy, prelates held leading and
often dominant positions, and their subordinates were largely drawn from
clerical ranks. In 1602 a proposition to increase the schools of
artillery was referred to a junta presided over by the royal confessor,
which reported that the expense could not be afforded; the schools came
to be under the charge of Jesuits and frailes and speedily dwindled to
nothing.[1107] The position of royal confessor was one of the highest
political importance. Under Charles V he participated in all
deliberations and had a preponderating influence.[1108] Under Philip II,
his confessor Fray Diego de Chaves, played a leading part in the tragedy
of Antonio Pérez. Fray Caspar de Toledo, confessor of Philip III boasted
that, whenever he told the king that a thing must be done under pain of
mortal sin or that it was sinful, he was obeyed without
discussion.[1109] The Regent María Ana of Austria was completely under
the domination of her confessor Nithard, and the letters to him of
Clement XI, on European politics, indicate that be was the real
ruler.[1110] The substitution of Froilan Díaz for Fray Pedro Matilla,
as confessor of Carlos II, was the only step necessary to effect a
revolution in the government and, when Díaz fled to Rome, he was
reclaimed as a fugitive chief minister of state. We have seen under
Philip V the power wielded by his confessors Daubenton and Robinet, and
the part played by Rábago under Fernando VI. What thus ruled the court
was perpetually at work in every parish and every family, where the
pulpit and the confessional exercised an incalculable influence. What
the Spaniard became was what the Church wished him to be. Clericalism
thus, for good or for evil, was a leading factor in controlling the
destinies of Spain, in exhausting its resources, in moulding the
character of its people, and the Inquisition was its crowning work.
Under such influences, the toleration which had been so marked a feature
of the medieval period gradually gave place to a fanaticism finding its
expression in the Inquisition and inflamed into greater fierceness by
the existence and reaction of that institution. There can be no question
as to the sincere devoutness of Charles V, according to the unanimous
testimony of the Venetian envoys, who describe his punctual discharge of
all religious observances and who state that the surest avenue to his
favor was the manifestation of earnest zeal for religion.[1111] Shortly
before his death, he expressed deep regret that he had not executed
Luther at Worms, in spite of his pledged safe-conduct, for he ought to
have forfeited his word in order to avenge the offence to God. In his
will, executed in 1554 at Brussels, he charged Philip II in the most
earnest manner to favor in all ways the Inquisition, because of the many
and great offences to God which it prevents or punishes and, in the
codicil of September 9, 1558, dictated on his death-bed, his first
thought is to repeat the injunction and to urge his son, by the
obedience due to a father, to prosecute heresy, rigorously, unsparingly
and relentlessly.[1112] Philip II needed no such exhortations. From his
earliest youth he had breathed an atmosphere surcharged by the conflict
with heresy; he had been taught that a sovereign’s highest duty to God
and man was to enforce unity of faith, not only as a paramount religious
obligation, but because it was an axiom of the statesmanship of the time
that, in no other way, could the peace of a kingdom be preserved. There
is no reason to doubt his perfect sincerity when, in 1568, the Archduke
Charles came to Spain, as the representative of the German princes, to
urge an accommodation with the Netherlands, and Philip, besides his
formal reply, gave the archduke secret instructions to tell the emperor
that no human influence, or considerations of state, or all that the
whole world could say or do, would make him vary a hair’s breadth from
the course which he had adopted and intended to pursue in this matter of
religion, throughout all his dominions; that he would listen to no
advice with regard to it, and would take ill any that might be offered.
At the same time he wrote to Chantonnay, his ambassador at Vienna, that
what he was doing in the Netherlands was for their advantage and the
preservation of the Catholic faith, and that he would make no change in
his policy, if it involved risking all his possessions and if the whole
world should fall upon his head. So, in 1574, the instructions to the
commissioners sent to Breda to confer with the deputies of William the
Silent, were to declare emphatically that he would suffer no one to live
under his throne who was not completely a Catholic.[1113] Philip was
merely translating into practice the teachings of the Church and won its
unstinted admiration. Cardinal Pallavicini contrasts the vacillating
persecution in France with his sanguinary rigor, which was not only
grateful to heaven but propitious to his kingdom, thus saved by salutary
blood-letting.[1114]
FANATICAL INTOLERANCE
It was natural that Philip, in his will, executed March 7, 1594, should
reiterate to his son and successor the injunctions which he had received
from his father. The Inquisition was to be the object of special favor,
even greater than in the past, for the times were perilous and full of
so many errors in the faith.[1115] Philip III had not energy enough to
be an active persecutor and if, under the guidance of Lerma, he expelled
the Moriscos, under the same tutelage he made peace with England in 1605
and a truce with Holland in 1609, to the disgust of the pious who could
not understand any dealings with heretics. Yet he was a most religious
prince, who spent hours every day in his devotions and in examining his
conscience, and who set a shining example by the frequency with which he
sought confession and communion.[1116]
It was a matter of course that he should, in his will, leave to his
successor the customary instructions to foster the Inquisition. As to
Philip IV, we have seen abundant instances of his subservience to it,
during his half-century of reign, and of his readiness to subordinate to
it all other interests. He showed his consistency in this when, at the
dictation of the Suprema, he incurred a war with England through his
refusal to sign a treaty forbidding the persecution of Englishmen in
Spain on account of their religion[1117] and, in his will, executed in
1665, he laid the customary injunctions on his successor to aid and
favor the Inquisition, adding an exhortation to honor and defend the
clergy in all their exemptions and immunities, and earnestly to labor
for the reformation of the religious Orders.[1118]
Carlos II was a nonentity who need not be considered and, with the
Bourbons, we enter on the dawn of a new era, in which fanaticism no
longer dominates the policy of the State. It is true that Philip V, when
abdicating, in 1724, enjoined on his son Luis the preservation of the
faith through the instrumentality of the Inquisition as fervently as any
of his predecessors and that, during the first third of the century,
there was a fierce recrudescence of inquisitorial activity, but we have
seen how the spirit of the age gradually made itself felt and, although
the duty of exterminating heresy was still admitted in theory, in
practice its enforcement was greatly mitigated.
It is difficult for us, in the indifferentism of the twentieth century,
to realize or to understand the violence of the passions excited by
questions of faith, dissociated from all temporal interests, and their
influence on a people so emotional as the Spaniards and so apt, as they
tell us themselves, to be swayed by imagination rather than by reason.
We have seen (Vol. III, p. 284) the whole kingdom of Portugal thrown
into excitement by the theft of a pyx with a consecrated host and that
only the opportune discovery of the culprit saved all the New Christians
from expulsion. It might seem to us a very trivial affair that, on the
eve of Good Friday, 1640, there was posted, in the chapter-house of
Granada, a placard ridiculing the Christian religion, praising the
Mosaic Law, and blaspheming the purity of the Virgin, but it produced
the greatest excitement throughout Spain. Special services were held in
all the churches to appease the insulted deity and to discover the
malefactor. He was detected, in the person of a hermit of the Santa
Imagen del Triunfo, who was arrested, and Inquisitor Rodezno deemed it
advisable to break the inviolable secrecy of the Inquisition in order to
calm the public agitation, by letting the people know that the culprit
had been discovered and convicted. Learned doctors improved the occasion
by printing dissertations in which it was proved that he must be burnt
alive, if no death more atrocious could be invented to suit the
crime.[1119] The fanatical hatred of heresy per se, thus sedulously
inculcated and engrained in the moral fibre of every Spaniard is seen in
the statutes of Limpieza, which closed the avenues to distinction to the
descendants of Conversos and of those who had been penanced by the
Inquisition, so that even arrest and imprisonment for a trivial offence
inflicted, according to popular prejudice, an indelible stigma on a
family. We have seen to what insane extent this was carried and what
evil it wrought in the social organization, but more prolific in evil
was the habit of thought by which it was engendered and which it
intensified.
SUPERFICIAL DEVOUTNESS
Yet practically the religion which was so sensitive as to purity of
faith was of a very superficial character. External observances were
strictly enforced, and the Inquisition was ever on the watch to punish
any irreverence in act or word, yet Alfonso de Castro tells us that, in
the mountainous provinces, such as Asturias, Galicia and elsewhere, the
word of God was so rarely preached to the people that they observed many
pagan rites and many superstitions.[1120] To labor on Sunday or
feast-day was a serious offence, involving suspicion of heresy, yet
Carranza says that more offences against God were committed on Sundays
than in all the week-days combined; those who went to mass mostly spent
the time in business or in talking or sleeping; those who did not go,
gratified their vanity or their appetites; the ancient Jews used to say
that, on their feast-days, the demons left the cities for refuge in the
mountain caves, but now it would seem that on week-days the demons
avoided the people who were busy with their labors and, on feast-days,
came trooping joyfully from the deserts, for then they find the doors
open to all kinds of vices.[1121]
Paolo Tiepolo, in 1563, observes that, in all external signs of
religion, the Spaniards are exceedingly devout, but he doubts whether
the interior corresponds; the clergy live as they choose, without any
one reprehending them, and he is scandalized by the buffooneries and
burlesques performed in the churches on feast-days.[1122] The churches,
in fact, seem to have been places for everything save devotion.
Azpilcueta describes the profane observances during divine service, the
inattention of the priests, the processions of masks and demons, the
banquets and feastings, and other disgraceful profanations, so that
there are few of the faithful who do not sin in church, and few who do
not utter idle, vain, foul, evil or profane words; in hot weather, the
coolness of the churches made them favorite lounging-places for both
sexes, including monks and nuns, and much that was indecent occurred;
they were moreover places for the transaction of business, and more
bargaining took place there than in the markets.[1123] This was not a
mere passing custom. A century later Francisco Santos pictures for us a
church crowded with so-called worshippers, where the services could
scarce be heard for the noise; beggars crying for alms and wrangling
among themselves; two men quarrelling fiercely and on the point of
drawing their swords; a group of young gallants chattering and
maltreating a poor man who had chanced to touch them in passing; people
leaving one mass that had commenced to follow a priest, who had the
reputation of greater despatch in his sacred functions; in a chapel a
bevy of fair ladies drinking chocolate, discussing fashions and waited
on by their admirers—all is worldly and the religious observance is the
merest pretext.[1124] This irreverence was shared by the priests. A
brief of Urban VIII, January 30, 1642, recites complaints from the dean
and chapter of Seville concerning the use of tobacco in the churches,
both in smoking and snuffing, even by priests while celebrating mass,
and of their profanation of the sacred cloths by using them and staining
them with tobacco, wherefore he decrees excommunication latæ sententiæ
for the use of the weed within the sacred precincts.[1125] It is evident
that the Inquisition, while enforcing conformity as to dogma and outward
observance, failed to inspire genuine respect for religion.
RESULTS OF INTOLERANCE
It will thus be seen how little really was gained for religion by the
spirit of fierce intolerance largely responsible for the material causes
of decadence which we have passed rapidly in review. The irrational
resolve to enforce unity of faith at every cost spurred Ferdinand and
Isabella to burn and pauperize those among their subjects who were most
economically valuable, to expel those who could not be reduced to
conformity and to institute a system of confiscation of which we have
seen the destructive influence on industry and on the credit on which
commerce and industry depend, while the application of this to the
condemnation of the dead not only brought misery on innocent descendants
but unsettled titles and involved all transactions in insecurity. This
sanctified the ambition of Charles V with the halo of religion. This was
the motive which underlay the suicidal policy of Philip II, leading to
the endless wars with the Netherlands, to the rebellion of Granada and
to the wasteful support of the Ligue. This was at the bottom of the
Morisco disaffection, culminating in the expulsion of 1610, just after
Philip III had practically accepted the loss of Holland by the truce of
1609. The land was robbed of its most industrious classes, it was
drained of its bravest soldiers, its trade and productiveness were
fatally crippled, and it was reduced to the lowest term of financial
exhaustion, all for the greater glory of God, and in the belief that it
was avenging offences to God. To meet the exigencies arising from this,
and from the thoughtless extravagance of the monarchs, the labor, on
which rested the resources of the State, was crushed to earth and
subjected to burdens that defeated their own ends, for they drove the
producer in despair from the soil. Productive industry and commerce,
enfeebled by the expulsions, were so handicapped that they dwindled
almost to extinction and passed virtually into the hands of foreigners,
who dealt under the mask of testas ferrias—of Spaniards who lent
their names to the real principals, for the most part the very heretics
whom Spain had exhausted herself to destroy. Trade and credit were
hampered, not only through the vitiation of the currency but through the
ever-impending risk of sequestration and confiscation, and the
impediments of the censorship as developed in the visitas de navios.
The blindness and inefficiency of the Government intensified in every
way the evils created by its mistaken policy but, at the root of all,
lay the prolonged and relentless determination to enforce conformity, at
a time when the industrial and commericial era was opening, which was to
bring wealth and power to the nations wise enough and liberal enough to
avail themselves of its opportunities—opportunities which Spain was
invited virtually to monopolize through its control of the trade of the
Indies and the production of the precious metals. There is melancholy
truth in the boast of Doctor Pedro Peralta Barnuevo, in his relation of
the Lima auto of 1733, that the determination to enforce unity of faith
at all costs had rendered Spain rather a church than a monarchy, and her
kings protectors of the faith rather than sovereigns. She was a temple,
in which the altars were cities and the oblations were men, and she
despised the prosperity of the State in comparison with devotion to
religion.[1126]
Isabella and her Hapsburg descendants were but obeying the dictates of
conscience and executing the laws of the Church, when they sought to
suppress heresy and apostasy by force, and they might well deem it both
duty and good policy at a time when it was universally taught that unity
of faith was the surest guarantee of the happiness and prosperity of
nations. Spain, with accustomed thoroughness, carried out this theory
for three centuries to a reductio ad absurdum, through the
Inquisition, organized, armed and equipped to the last point of possible
perfection for its work. The elaborate arguments of its latest defender
only show that it cannot be defended without also defending the whole
policy of the House of Hapsburg, which wrought such misery and
degradation.[1127] It was the essential part of a system and, as such,
it contributed its full share to the ruin of Spain.
INFLUENCE ON THE PEOPLE
That occasionally even an inquisitor could have a glimmer of the truth
appears from a very remarkable memorial addressed to Philip IV by a
member of the Suprema, with regard to the Portuguese Jews. He states
that they consider the rigor of the Inquisition as a blessing, since it
drives them from Spain to other lands, where they can enjoy their
religion and acquire prosperity. He wishes to prevent this exodus, which
is depriving Spain of population and wealth and exposing it to peril,
and to win back those who have expatriated themselves, to which end he
proposes greatly to soften inquisitorial severity in regard to
confiscation, imprisonment and the wearing of the sanbenito, except in
the case of hardened impenitents. He would welcome them back and, even
if their Catholicism were merely external, he argues that their children
would become good Catholics, even as has proved to be the case with the
descendants of the Castilian Jews. Indeed, he goes so far as to urge
that foreigners in general should be encouraged to bring their capital
to Spain, to settle and be naturalized, to marry Spanish wives and thus
minister to the wealth and prosperity of the land.[1128] The worldly
wisdom of this was too oppugnant to the prejudices of the time, which
clamored, as we have seen, for extermination and isolation, and its
sagacious counsels were unheeded. The Judaizers were driven forth, to
aid in building up Holland with their wealth and intelligence, and
Spain, in ever deepening poverty, continued to cherish the ideals which
she had embodied in the Inquisition.
There was one service the performance of which it was never tired of
claiming for itself and is still claimed for it by its advocates—that
in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries it preserved Spain from the
religious wars which desolated France and Germany. This service may well
be called in question, for the temperament and training of the Spanish
nation render ludicrous the assumption that a couple of hundred
heretics, among whom but half a dozen had the spirit of martyrdom for
their faith, could cause such spread of dissidence as to endanger peace;
yet even should we admit this service, its method, in causing
intellectual torpor and segregating the nation from all influences from
abroad, only postponed the inevitable, while intensifying the
disturbance when the change should come from medievalism to modernism.
The nineteenth century bore, in an aggravated form, the brunt which
should have fallen on the sixteenth. When the spirit of the Revolution
broke in, it found a population sedulously trained to passive obedience
to the State and submissiveness to the Church. It had been so long
taught, by theocratic absolutism, that it must not think or reason for
itself, that it had lost the power of reasoning on the great problems of
life. It was without reverence for law, for it was accustomed to see the
arbitrary will of an absolute sovereign override the law, and it was
without experience to choose between the sober realities of responsible
government and the glittering promises of ardent idealists. Yet the
Revolution passed away leaving matters as they were before. The habit of
unquestioning submission, inherited through generations, has become so
fixed a part of the national character that, as we are told, the people
fail to recognize that they are as completely under bondage to Caciquism
as erstwhile they were to monarchy—that in fact the nation is still in
its infancy and is unfit to govern itself.[1129]
As in temporal, so it has been in the spiritual field. In the turmoil of
the Revolution the Inquisition died a natural death, but the Church
filled the vacancy. It had grown so accustomed to the acceptance, on
all hands, of its divine mission, it had so long enjoyed unassailable
wealth and power, that it could not adapt itself to the necessities of
the new situation and, when it could not rely upon the brute force of
the State, it called into play the popular passions which it had
fostered. As an irreconcileable, it provoked the attacks made on its
overgrown wealth and numbers; it was uncompromising and would listen to
no adjustment, for it claimed the full benefit of the canon law under
which it was exempted from all interference by the State; its attitude
was of immovable hostility to the new order of things, and it suffered
the rough handling that inevitably resulted, courting martyrdom rather
than tamely to permit profane hands to be laid upon the ark. It has thus
continued to be an unassimilable element in the political situation, its
policy directed from Rome and the vast influence of its perfect
organization employed to retard rather than to stimulate progress in
good government and material prosperity.[1130] What may be the outcome
of the pending struggle between Church and State, aroused by the
recognition of civil marriage, it is too early to predict.
INDIFFERENCE TO MORALS
Thus the conclusion that may be drawn from our review of the causes
underlying the misfortunes of Spain is that what may fairly be
attributable to the Inquisition is its service as the official
instrument of the intolerance that led to such grave results, and its
influence on the Spanish character in intensifying that intolerance into
a national characteristic, while benumbing the Spanish intellect until
it may be said for a time to have almost ceased to think. The objects
for which it was so shrewdly and so carefully organized were effectually
attained and, in the eyes of experienced statesmen, at the time of its
fullest development, it was the bulwork of the faith. In 1573, Leonardo
Donato reflects the prevailing view in governmental circles when he
speaks of its authority and severity as absolutely necessary, for the
number of the New Christians was everywhere so great, recently baptized
with God knows what disposition, and with ancestral memories still
vivid, that, if it were not for the incessant watch kept over them by
the Inquisition, there would be great danger that Spain would lose her
religion. In 1581, Gioan Francesco Morosini declares that, although the
Spaniards were in appearance the most devout and Catholic of nations,
yet, what between the Jews, Moriscos and heretics, Spain would be more
infected than Germany or England if it were not for the fear inspired by
the severity of the Inquisition; and the same views are expressed by
Giambattista Confalonieri in 1591, and by the Lucchese envoy Damiano
Bernardini, in 1602.[1131] Yet the faith, thus sedulously preserved at
such fearful cost, was largely, as we have seen, one of exterior
observance, without corresponding internal piety, ready to burst into
flame for the maintenance of a dogma like the Immaculate Conception, and
to earn heaven by paying for masses and anniversaries and chaplaincies,
but not to labor for it by purity of life and self-abnegation, or by
obeying the divine command to earn its bread by the sweat of its brow.
The natural result of this, when brought face to face with modern
conditions, is that Cánovas del Castillo, in a debate in the Córtes of
1869, declared with sorrow that Spain, of all nations, was the one most
indifferent to religion, and a recent author asserts that there would be
no hazard in affirming the Spaniards to be the most irreligious,
indifferent, and practically atheist people in Europe.[1132]
In fact, the dissociation of religion from morals—the incongruous
connection of ardent zeal for dogma with laxity of life—was stimulated
by the Inquisition. As we have seen, it paid no attention to morals and
thus taught the lesson that they were unimportant in comparison with
accuracy of belief. No matter how dissolute was the conduct of the
confessor with his spiritual daughters, he was safe so long as he did
not commit a technical transgression inferring suspicion of misbelief as
to the sacrament, and even when he neglected these precautions we have
seen how benignant was the treatment extended to him. It is true that,
towards the end of the sixteenth century, the Inquisition showed
remarkable ardor in prosecuting those who gave utterance to the common
opinion that there was no sin in simple fornication between the
unmarried, and that in large measure it suppressed the utterance, but,
as it punished only the utterance and not the sin, this did nothing to
advance morality. The same may be said of its ignorant destruction of
works of art which it regarded as indecent and the occasional
prohibition of a book or play that evoked its disapprobation. In the
absence of more serious work a few cases may be found of its undertaking
to vindicate morals, but they are too rare for us to attribute to them
any motive save a desire to intermeddle. The advancement of morality in
fact was no part of its functions as a bulwark of the faith; rather,
indeed, it aided in disseminating corruption by its custom of reading at
the autos de fe sentences con méritos of which the details were an
effective popular education in vice.[1133] The result is seen in the
seventeenth century, when the only heretics were the scattered and
persecuted Portuguese, and yet there has probably never existed a
society more abandoned to corruption—so abandoned, indeed, that even
the sense of shame was lost. Padre Corella was no rigorist but, towards
the close of the century, he draws a hideous picture of social
conditions; everywhere, he says, is vice and crime, lust and cruelty,
fraud and rapine, in the seats of trade, in the halls of justice, in the
family, in the court, in the churches, while the clergy, if possible,
are worse than the laity. Philip IV, who so religiously supported the
Inquisition, was not only notorious for his licentiousness, but amused
himself with scandalously sacrilegious comedies and farces in his palace
theatre, where the scenes and persons of Scripture were made subjects of
ridicule, and this style passed into popular literature and rhymes which
escaped the censure.[1134]
CONTEMPT FOR LAW
Spanish theology, which was supreme in the sixteenth and early
seventeenth centuries, made only one real contribution—the invention of
Probabilism by Bartolomé de Medina in his commentaries on Aquinas in
1577. On this was founded the new science of Moral Theology, devoted to
evading the penalties of sin, and to applying to the decrees of God the
favorite Spanish device for eluding those of the king, by obeying and
not executing. Escobar, held up to an infamous immortality by Pascal,
merely compiled what he found in theologians of the highest authority
and, when the laxity of the Jesuit Moya’s Opusculum called forth a
papal prohibition in 1666, repeated in 1680, the Spanish Inquisition
asserted its independence by refusing to put the work on the
Index.[1135] The practical influence of all this is described in a
memorial of nine Spanish bishops, in 1717, to Clement XI, against the
Consultas Morales of the Capuchin Martin de Torricella, in which they
state that Probabilism had undermined all morality and all obedience to
divine, municipal and canon law, and that multitudes lived disorderly
lives under appeal to probabilistic casuistry, for so-called probable
opinions could be had to justify whatever men desired to do.[1136]
If the power of the Inquisition thus was withheld when it might have
been exerted with benefit to society, it was actively employed, under
the later Hapsburgs, to loosen the bonds of social order and stimulate
contempt for law. To it was largely attributable the virtual anarchy of
Spain, during the seventeenth century, arising from the numerous
competing jurisdictions and the contempt felt for the royal officials.
This found its origin in the insolent audacity with which the
Inquisition enforced its claims to jurisdiction. When the royal
officials were excommunicated, arrested and imprisoned without scruple,
and the highest courts were treated with contempt and contumely, respect
for law and its ministers was fatally weakened. That the other
privileged jurisdictions—the Cruzada, the spiritual, and the
military—should follow the example was inevitable, and the social
condition of Spain became deplorable.[1137] In 1677, the Council of
Castile represented to Carlos II the evils thus inflicted on the people
by the two chief offenders, the Inquisition and the Cruzada, the most
oppressive form of which was the abuse of excommunication for matters
purely secular. The Council had endeavored to remedy this, but its
authority had been suspended and it was powerless to protect the vassals
of the crown. Carlos feebly replied that, although he could deprive
them of the royal jurisdiction which they abused, yet he deemed it
better not to do so, and he contented himself with prohibiting the use
of censures in temporal matters—a prohibition which of course was
disregarded.[1138] In the very next year Carlos was made to feel his
powerlessness in the face of the arrogant superiority asserted by the
Inquisition.
When, in 1678, the raid on the whole trading community of Majorca gave
promise of immense confiscations, Carlos prudently ordered, May 30th,
the viceroy to look after the safety of the sequestrations. The viceroy
thereupon asked for inventories or statements and, on their refusal,
made threats of taking further measures. The tribunal reported to the
Suprema which instructed the inquisitors to defend their jurisdiction by
censures and, if necessary, by a cessatio a divinis, when, if this did
not suffice, they were to entrust their prisoners to the bishop and sail
for Spain, reporting to the pope. After despatching this defiant and
revolutionary missive, the Suprema, on August 8th, condescended to
inform the king of it in the form of a stinging rebuke. The request of
the viceroy, it said, was an unexampled assault on religion and the Holy
See, and also a profanation of the most venerable sacredness of the
Inquisition; sequestrated property was ecclesiastical property until
confiscated, and to allow a layman to control it would be subversive of
all law, as well as a violation of the secrecy of the Inquisition.
Carlos humbly apologized; he had not meant to show distrust and would
punish the viceroy if he had exceeded his instructions, but he
complained that, without notice to him, the inquisitors should have been
ordered to leave Majorca, and thus cause irreparable evils. The Suprema,
in reply, followed up its advantage. The abandonment of Majorca by the
inquisitors would be a less evil than violating the secrecy of the
Inquisition; the viceroy should have positive orders to keep his hands
off, and the king ought to have consulted it before issuing such
instructions; this would have prevented all trouble, for the operations
of the Inquisition were so special and peculiar that even his superior
intelligence could not understand them without explanations.[1139] This
insolence accomplished its purpose; Carlos was effectually snubbed, and
we have seen how small was the share of the spoils eventually doled out
to him.
DOMINATION
The Inquisition, in fact, was virtually an independent power in the
state, which asserted itself after the vigorous personality of Ferdinand
had been forgotten. Its aspiration to dominate the land was revealed in
the projected Order of Santa María de la Espada blanca which Philip II
was shrewd enough to crush while yet there was time, but the measure of
independence which it had already attained was seen when the Córtes of
the kingdoms of Aragon sought to get the signature of the
inquisitor-general, as well as of the king, to the concessions which
they secured, and when the Inquisition ignored the royal agreements,
even to the point of deliberately contravening them in the matter of
confiscations. It was manifested, in the affair of Antonio Pérez, when
Philip II was obliged to call it to his assistance, and it followed its
own interests in disregard of the royal policy. So, in the long struggle
with Bilbao over the visitas de navios, it virtually set at defiance
both the crown and all the authorities of Biscay. If it helped the
monarchy in the struggle with Rome over the regalías, when it had thus
secured its independence of the papal Inquisition it had no scruple in
turning its powers of censorship against the royal prerogative. But for
the advent of the Bourbon dynasty, it might reasonably have looked
forward to becoming eventually dominant, for it combined legislative and
executive functions, temporal and spiritual jurisdiction, and asserted,
like the Church, the right to define the limits of its own powers. Its
whole career, indeed, shows how baseless is the modern theory that it
was an instrument of the State in establishing the autocracy of the
monarch. If the fallacy of this requires further proof it is
sufficiently demonstrated, even under the first of the Bourbons, by the
fate of Macanaz, whom it dismissed from power and condemned to a life of
poverty and exile because, in the service of the king, he endeavored to
render it what Ranke and Gams fancy it to have been. It is true that, in
its period of decadence, it joined forces with the crown to withstand
the inroad of free thought, which was equally threatening to both, and
that it employed its expiring power to suppress political as well as
spiritual heresy, but in this it was fighting its own battle as much as
that of the monarchy on which it depended for existence.
Defenders of the Inquisition, in the controversy over its suppression
and since then, have relied largely on the assertion that, during its
existence, no voice was raised against it, that all organs of public
opinion and all writers praised it, as the protector of religion, and as
extremely careful to administer exact justice. So far from this being
the case, we have seen its own admissions (Vol. I, p. 538) of the hearty
hatred felt for it and its officials, and we have heard the complaints
of the Córtes of Valladolid in 1518 and 1523, of Coruña in 1520 and of
Madrid in 1575, besides the ceaseless struggles of Aragon and Catalonia,
whose Córtes had not been reduced to servility. What was its reputation
throughout Europe may be gauged by the fact that, in 1535, when João III
was endeavoring to have an Inquisition of his own in Portugal, and there
was talk of referring the subject to the general council then expected
shortly to assemble, his ambassador at Rome, Martinho, Archbishop of
Funchal, warned him that, if the matter was broached in the council, it
would result in abolishing the Inquisition of Spain.[1140] In Spain, its
reputation is to be gathered from the unbiased reports of the Venetian
envoys, who lauded its services in the suppression of heresy, and to
whom, as practical statesmen, it was an object of wonder and admiration,
as a machine perfectly devised to keep the people in abject subjection.
In these reports it is observable that, while all are emphatic as to its
rigor, not one hazards approval of its justice. The envoys were
profoundly impressed by the universal awe which it inspired. As early as
1525, Gasparo Contarini tells us that every one trembled before it, for
its severity and the dread entertained for it were greater even than for
the Council of Ten. In 1557, Federico Badoero speaks of the terror
caused by its pitiless procedure. In 1563, Paolo Tiepolo, after dwelling
on the secrecy and unsparing rigor of its judgements, says that every
one shudders at its very name, as it has supreme authority over the
property, life, honor and even the souls of men. Two years later
Giovanni Soranzo speaks of the great fear inspired by it, for its
authority transcends incomparably that of the king. In 1567, Antonio
Tiepolo echoes these assertions, and all agree in their comments on the
influence of the mysterious secrecy of its operation and the relentless
severity of its action.[1141]
HABITUAL SELF-RESTRAINT
It scarce needs this testimony to explain why no unfavorable opinion of
the Inquisition is to be expected of Spaniards during its existence,
except by those who spoke as mandatories of the people in the Córtes or
high officials in contests over competencias. Terror rendered silence
imperative, and secrecy made ignorance universal. The discharged
prisoner was sworn to reveal nothing of what he had endured and any
complaint of injustice subjected him to prosecution. Criticism was held
to be impeding its action and was a crime subject to condign punishment.
Writers had ever to keep in view its censorship, with the certainty that
any ill-judged word would ensure the suppression of a book, and any
attempt at self-justification would lead to worse consequences, as
Belando found when a petition to be heard cost him life-long
imprisonment and prohibition to use the pen. When, in the yearly Edict
of Faith, every one was required, under pain of excommunication, to
denounce any impeding, direct or indirect, of the tribunal, or any
criticism of the justice of its operation, restraint became universal
and habitual and, in the instinct of self-preservation, men would
naturally seek to teach themselves and their children not even to think
ill of the Inquisition lest, in some unguarded moment, a chance
utterance might lead to prosecution and infamy. The popular refran, Con
el Rey y la Inquisicion, chiton!—Silence as to the king and the
Inquisition—reveals to us better than a world of argument, the result
of this repression through generations, and its efficiency is seen in
the fact that in Toledo, from 1648 to 1794, there was but a single trial
for speaking ill of the Holy Office. Such training bore its fruits when
autocracy broke down under the Revolution and the experiment of
self-government was essayed.
The Spaniard was taught not alone to repress his opinions as to the
Inquisition but to keep a guard on his tongue under all circumstances,
not only in public but in the sacred confidence of his own family, for
the duty of denunciation applied to husband and father, to wife and
children. Even as early as 1534, the orthodox Juan Luis Vives complained
to Erasmus that in those difficult times it was dangerous either to
speak or to keep silent.[1142] The cautious Mariana tells us that the
most grievous oppression caused by the introduction of the Inquisition
was the deprivation of freedom of speech, which some persons regarded as
a servitude worse than death.[1143] We have seen how seriously were
treated even the most trivial and careless expressions, which could be
tortured into disregard of some theological tenet or disrespect for some
church observance, and it behooved every one to be on his guard at all
times and in all places. The yearly Edict of Faith kept the terror of
the Inquisition constantly before every man and was perhaps the most
efficient device ever invented to subject a population to the fear of an
ever-impending danger. No other nation ever lived through centuries
under a moral oppression so complete, so minute and so all-pervading.
That the Inquisition inspired a dread greater than that felt for the
royal authority is illustrated by a curious instance, in which it was
utilized for good in subduing a lawless community. In 1588, Lupus Martin
de Govilla, Inquisitor of Barcelona, in a visitation came to Montblanch,
where no inquisitor had been for many years. He found it a populous
town, torn by factions so bitter that men were slain in the streets,
battles were fought in the plaza, and women at their windows were shot
with arquebuses. After publishing the Edict of Faith he discovered that
witnesses were afraid to come to him through the streets and, regarding
this as a contempt of the Inquisition, he issued a proclamation
forbidding the carrying of arquebuses and cross-bows, and his order was
obeyed. He made an example of one offender by requiring him to hear mass
as a penitent, banishing him and confiscating his arquebus, which
quieted the people, so that the Inquisition could be carried on. Then a
murder occurred, and the regidors procured from the viceroy full powers
for him to pacify the town; by general agreement all placed themselves
under the jurisdiction of the Inquisition, as there was no safety under
the royal, and they gave thanks to God that peace was restored, and that
men could move around without arms. Govilla went to Poblet, when news
was brought him of another murder; he returned and imprisoned and
penanced those guilty, who complained to the viceroy, but the Audiencia,
after examination dismissed the complaint, and this strange jurisdiction
of the Inquisition seems to have continued for some ten years.[1144]
STATISTICS OF VICTIMS
Before dismissing the impression produced by the severity of the
Inquisition it will not be amiss to attempt some conjecture as to the
totality of its operations, especially as regards the burnings, which
naturally affected more profoundly the imagination. There is no question
that the number of these has been greatly exaggerated in popular belief,
an exaggeration to which Llorente has largely contributed by his absurd
method of computation, on an arbitrary assumption of a certain annual
average for each tribunal in successive periods. It is impossible now to
reconstruct the statistics of the Inquisition, especially during its
early activity, but some general conclusions can be formed from the
details accessible as to a few tribunals.
The burnings without doubt were numerous during the first few years,
through the unregulated ardor of inquisitors, little versed in the canon
law, who seem to have condemned right and left, on flimsy evidence, and
without allowing their victims the benefit of applying for
reconciliation, for, while there might be numerous negativos, there
certainly were few pertinacious impenitents. The discretion allowed to
them to judge as to the genuineness of conversion gave a dangerous
power, which was doubtless abused by zealots, and the principle that
imperfect confession was conclusive of impenitence added many to the
list of victims, while the wholesale reconciliations under the Edicts of
Grace afforded an abundant harvest to be garnered under the rule
condemning relapse. In the early years, moreover, the absent and the
dead contributed with their effigies largely to the terrible solemnities
of the quemadero.
Modern writers vary irreconcileably in their estimates, influenced more
largely by subjective considerations than by the imperfect statistics at
their command. Rodrigo coolly asserts as a positive fact that those who
perished in Spain at the stake for heresy did not amount to 400 and that
these were voluntary victims, who refused to retract their errors.[1145]
Father Gams reckons 2000 for the period up to the death of Isabella, in
1504, and as many more from that date up to 1758.[1146] On the other
hand, Llorente calculates that, up to the end of Torquemada’s activity,
there had been condemned 105,294 persons, of whom 8800 were burnt
alive, 6500 in effigy and 90,004 exposed to public penance, while, up to
1524, the grand totals amounted to 14,344, 9372 and 195,937.[1147] Even
these figures are exceeded by Amador de los Rios, who is not usually
given to exaggeration. He assumes that, up to 1525, when the Moriscos
commenced to suffer as heretics, the number of those burnt alive
amounted to 28,540, of those burnt in effigy to 16,520 and those
penanced to 303,847, making a total of 348,907 condemnations for
Judaism.[1148] Don Melgares Marin, whose familiarity with the documents
is incontestable, tells us that, in Castile, during 1481, more than
20,000 were reconciled under Edicts of Grace, more than 3000 were
penanced with the sanbenito, and more than 4000 were burnt, but he
adduces no authorities in support of the estimate.[1149]
STATISTICS OF VICTIMS
The only contemporary who gives us figures for the whole of Spain is
Hernando de Pulgar, secretary of Queen Isabella. His official position
gave him facilities for obtaining information, and his scarcely veiled
dislike for the Inquisition was not likely to lead to underrating its
activity. He states at 15,000 those who had come in under Edicts of
Grace, and at 2000 those who were burnt, besides the dead whose bones
were exhumed in great quantities; the number of penitents he does not
estimate. Unluckily, he gives no date but, as his Chronicle ends in
1490, we may assume that to be the term comprised.[1150] With some
variations his figures were adopted by subsequent writers.[1151]
Bernáldez only makes the general statement that throughout Spain an
infinite number were burnt and condemned and reconciled and imprisoned,
and of those reconciled many relapsed and were burnt.[1152]
Imperfect as are the records, we may endeavor to test these various
estimates by such evidence as is at hand respecting a few of the
tribunals. In this we may commence with Seville, which was
unquestionably the most active. The Inquisition had started there, as
the centre of crypto-Judaism; it was the most populous city of Castile,
with nearly half a million of inhabitants, and its unrivalled commercial
activity rendered it peculiarly attractive to the Conversos, while
Isabella’s Andalusian decree of expulsion must have largely increased
the number of pseudo-proselytes. In 1524, there was placed over the
gateway of the castle of Triana, occupied by the tribunal, an
inscription of which the purport is not entirely clear, but signifying
that, up to that time, it had caused the abjuration of more than 20,000
heretics and had burnt nearly 1000 obstinate ones.[1153] This is
probably an understatement, if we are to believe Bernáldez, who asserts
that in eight years, from the founding of the Seville tribunal up to
1488, it had burnt in person more than 700 heretics, besides many
effigies of fugitives and an infinite number of bones; those reconciled
during the same period he estimates at 5000.[1154] Still its activity
must soon have greatly diminished for, in 1502, Antoine de Lalaing,
visiting the Castle of Triana, describes it as containing more than
twenty heretic prisoners which he evidently regards as a large number,
but which would argue a very moderate amount of persecution in view of
the leisurely procedure that was becoming usual.[1155] There is
therefore an apparent tendency to exaggerate the achievements of the
Holy Office in the statement of its secretary Zurita, some half-century
or more later, that in Seville alone, up to the year 1520, there were
more than 4000 culprits burnt and more than 30,000 reconciled and
penanced, besides the numerous fugitives, and he adds that an author,
very diligent in the matter, affirms these figures to be exceedingly
defective and that, in the archbishopric of Seville alone, there were
condemned as Judaizing heretics, more than a hundred thousand persons,
including those reconciled.[1156] Cardinal Contarini, when Venetian
envoy in 1525, was evidently misled by this tendency to amplification,
when he describes the Inquisition as having made a slaughter of the New
Christians impossible to exaggerate.[1157]
STATISTICS OF VICTIMS
Unfortunately no authentic records have seen the light by which to test
the accuracy of these varying estimates of the activity of the most
destructive tribunal during the early period. It is otherwise with
several of those that ranked next to it in importance. For the province
of Toledo, as we have seen, the first tribunal was established at Ciudad
Real where, in its two years of existence, it relaxed in person 47 and
in effigy 98.[1158] Transferred to Toledo, in 1485, its operations at
first were energetic, but they diminished greatly towards the end of the
century until, in 1501, it had a spasmodic period of activity through
the discovery of “La Moça de Herrera” (Vol. I, p. 186) a young Jewish
prophetess, to whose numerous believers no mercy was shown, for those
who had been reconciled thus incurred the penalty of relapse. The total
operations of the Toledo tribunal, from its origin in 1485 until 1501,
amount to 250 relaxed in person, over 500 in effigy, about 200
imprisoned and 5200 reconciled under Edicts of Grace. Of the personally
relaxed, nearly half, or 117, were followers of the prophetess, leaving
only 139 ordinary Judaizers and, of those imprisoned, about 140 may be
accounted for in the same way.[1159] Saragossa was reckoned as one of
the most deadly tribunals in Spain—indeed, Llorente remarks that if he
had taken it and Toledo as the basis of his calculations, he would have
tripled the number of victims.[1160] For this we have the details of the
sixty-five autos, held from 1485 to 1502, furnished by the record
printed in the Appendix to Volume I. Summarized, this gives the totals
of 119 burnt alive, 5 quartered, beheaded or strangled prior to burning,
3 bodies burnt, 29 effigies burnt and 458 penanced, or an aggregate of
614.[1161] The Libro Verde de Aragon, moreover, gives us an official
list of the residents of Saragossa burnt, from 1483 to 1574, in
summarizing which it appears that, during these ninety-two years, the
total of relaxations in person was 125 and in effigy 77, including seven
witches, three sorcerers and four Protestants. Tabulation by years
emphasizes the diminution of activity after the close of the fifteenth
century.[1162]
Barcelona is another important tribunal of which we have accurate
statistics during its early years, furnished by the royal archivist,
Pere Miguel Carbonell. From its foundation to the end of Torquemada’s
career, in 1498, there were thirty-one autos celebrated in Barcelona,
Tarragona, Lérida, Gerona, Perpignan, Vich, Elne and Balaguer. In these
the totals are only 10 strangled and burnt, 13 burnt alive, 15 dead and
430 burnt in effigy, 1 reconciled in effigy, 116 penanced with prison
and 304 reconciled for spontaneous confession.[1163]
Valencia, of all the tribunals, was the one which best maintained its
activity throughout the sixteenth century, owing to the dense Morisco
population. We have a list of all persons imprisoned for heresy, from
the beginning in 1485 up to 1592 inclusive, amounting in all to 3104, of
whom 530 were contributed by the last four years, 1589-92, when the
persecution of the Moriscos was particularly active. There is also an
alphabetical list of persons relaxed, from the beginning until 1593,
unfortunately imperfect and ending with the letter N, but, by adding
twenty-five per cent. we can obtain a reasonably close approximation to
the total. The list as we have it gives 515 relaxations in person and
383 in effigy, or, with the addition of twenty-five per cent., 643 of
the former and 479 of the latter, being nearly an average of six per
annum of the former and four and a half of the latter.[1164]
Valladolid had the most extensive territory of all the tribunals, but it
comprised the northern provinces, where the New Christians were
comparatively few. It was not organized for work until 1488, making its
first arrest on September 29th of that year, and holding its first auto
on June 19, 1489, when, after nine months’ work on new ground, there
were but eighteen relaxations in person and four in effigy. The next
auto recorded did not occur until January 5, 1492, when the relaxations
in person numbered thirty-two and in effigy two.[1165] This, while
sufficiently cruel, indicates that the victims in the northern provinces
bore but a small proportion to those in the southern.
STATISTICS OF VICTIMS
At the other extremity of Spain was the little tribunal of Majorca,
which acquired a sudden and sinister reputation by the occurrences of
1678 and 1691. It started in 1488 and for some years was fairly active,
lapsing in time into virtual torpor, as far as persecution was
concerned, so that, including its autos of 1678 and 1691, the whole
aggregate of its work for over two centuries amounted to 139
relaxations in person, 482 in effigy and 637 reconciliations, in
addition to 338 reconciled under Edicts of Grace in 1488 and 1491.[1166]
In the later periods there are records which enable us to reach a fairly
accurate computation of the activity of some at least of the tribunals.
A few of these I have had the opportunity of consulting and the
researches of future students will doubtless in time compile tolerably
complete statistics for the second and third centuries of the
Inquisition, after the Suprema had compelled the tribunals to render
periodical reports.
CONSCIENTIOUS CRUELTY
We have those of Toledo, from 1575 to 1610, not wholly complete, for the
auto of 1595 is omitted, and the MS. breaks off at the commencement of
that of 1610. Toledo, at the time, was the most important tribunal in
Spain, for it included Madrid, yet during these thirty-five years the
relaxations amount to only eleven in person and fifteen in effigy, so
that, allowing for the omissions, there may have been one in person
every three years and one in effigy every two years, while the various
penances number in all nine hundred and four.[1167] Small as are these
results they continued to diminish. For the same tribunal we have a
record extending from 1648 to 1794 and, during this century and a half,
there were only eight relaxations in person and sixty-three in effigy,
the latest execution occurring in 1738. This gives us an average of one
of the former every eighteen years and one of the latter every two years
and a quarter. In addition, there were a thousand and ninety-four
penanced in various ways.[1168] It is true that, about 1650, a separate
tribunal was erected in Madrid, but a list of relaxations there, from
its foundation up to 1754, when relaxation had virtually become
obsolete, gives us only an aggregate of nineteen in person and sixteen
in effigy, or one in every five years of the former and in six years of
the latter.[1169] During the height of the renewed persecution of
Judaizers in the eighteenth century, in the whole of the sixty-four
autos celebrated throughout Spain from 1721 to 1727, the total number of
relaxations was seventy-seven in person and seventy-four in effigy,
making an average of about eleven a year of each class—a grim record
enough, but vastly less than has been popularly accepted.[1170] Nor
must it be forgotten that, in the vast majority of cases, the victim was
mercifully strangled before the fire was set. We have seen how very
small was the proportion of impenitents who persevered to the last and
refused to earn the garrote by professing conversion.
The material at hand as yet is evidently insufficient to justify even a
guess at the ghastly total. Yet, after all, it is not a matter of as
much moment, as seems to have been imagined, to determine how many human
beings the Inquisition consigned to the stake, how many bones it
exhumed, how many effigies it burnt, how many penitents it threw into
prison or sent to the galleys, how many orphans its confiscations cast
penniless on the world. The story is terrible enough without reducing it
to figures. Its awful significance lies in the fact that men were found
who conscientiously did this, to the utmost of their ability, in the
name of the gospel of peace and of Him who came to teach the brotherhood
of man. It is enough to know that the inquisitors used their utmost
efforts to stamp out what they deemed heresy, and the tale of their
victims is not the gauge of their cruelty but of the number of heretics
whom they could discover. Save when pride or cupidity or ambition may
have been the impelling motive, the men are not to be blamed, but the
teaching which gave them such a conception of the duty so relentlessly
performed, and framed a system of procedure which shrouded their acts in
darkness and deprived the accused of his legitimate means of defence.
The good Cura de los Palacios was evidently a kindly natured man, but he
declares that the fires lighted by the Inquisition shall burn to the
very heart of the wood, until all Judaizers are slain and not one
remains, even to their children if infected with the same leprosy.[1171]
In the hurried work of the early period there was no effort made to
induce the conversion that would save the accused from the stake, but,
in later times, the persistent labor bestowed on the condemned, during
the three days prior to the auto, is evidence that the tribunals did not
act through thirst of blood and that they were sincerely desirous to
save both the body and soul of the heretic, in the same spirit that
torture was sometimes piously administered in order to confirm the
sufferer in the faith. Still, at times, there was doubtless a certain
pride in affording to the populace the spectacle of a relaxation and
thus demonstrating the authority of the Holy Office. That the public
should relish the entertainment thus provided was natural, both from the
inherent attraction which the sight of suffering has for a certain class
of minds, and from the assiduous teaching that heresy was to be
exterminated and that the slaying of a heretic was an acceptable
offering to God. The Inquisitor Lorenzo Flores relates that, at the
great Valladolid auto of 1609, where there were seventy penitents, many
of them reconciled or sentenced to abjuration de vehementi, the people
murmured because the one condemned to relaxation had professed
conversion in time and had thus escaped the stake, and there were many
complaints that the auto was not worth the expense of coming to see. He
adds that, at Toledo, where there was no one relaxed, the people
declared that the auto was a failure.[1172]
PROFITABLE PERSECUTION
There is something terrible in the fierce exultation which fanaticism
experienced in the agonies of the misbeliever. Padre Garau, in his
account of the Mallorquin auto of May 6, 1691, gloats with an
exuberance, which he knew would be shared by his readers, on the agonies
of the three impenitents who were burnt alive. As the flames reached
them they struggled desperately to free themselves from the iron ring
which clasped them to the stake. Rafael Benito Terongi succeeded in
releasing himself but to no purpose, for he fell sideways into the fire.
His sister Cathalina, who had boasted that she would cast herself into
the flames, when they began to lick her, shrieked to be set free. Rafael
Valls, who had professed stoical insensibility, stood motionless as a
statue so long as only the smoke reached him, but, when the flames
attacked him, he bent and twisted and writhed till he could no more; he
was as fat as a sucking-pig and burnt internally, so that, after the
flames left him, he continued burning like a hot coal and, bursting
open, his entrails fell out like those of Judas. Thus burning alive they
died, to burn forever in hell.[1173] Such were the lessons which the
Church inculcated and such was the training which it gave to Spain, so
that the auto de fe came to be regarded as a spectacular religious
entertainment on the occasion of a royal visit, or in honor of the
marriage of princes. Incidental to this was the cruel perpetuation of
ancestral disgrace by the display of sanbenitos in churches, which
Philip II rightly reckoned as the severest of inflictions. It
intensified the terror inspired by the tribunal which, with a word,
could consign a whole lineage to infamy. It kept alive and vigorous the
horror of heresy and was aggravated by the statutes of Limpieza.
I hesitate to impugn the motives of those who were active in these
terrible “triumphs of the faith,” as they were fondly termed and, as
stated above, the efforts to induce conversion show that there was no
absolute thirst of blood, yet it is impossible, in reviewing the career
of the Inquisition, not to recognize how powerful an adjunct to
fanaticism was the profitableness of persecution. Had the Holy Office
been a source of expense instead of income, we may reasonably doubt
whether the ardor of Ferdinand and Isabella would have sufficed for its
introduction, and it certainly would have had but a comparatively short
and inactive career. We have seen how closely Ferdinand watched its
expenditures and endeavored to keep down its cost, while enjoying the
results of its productiveness, and how grudgingly the crown ministered
to its necessities when aid was unavoidable. We have seen moreover how
eagerly the Inquisition itself grasped at all sources of gain, how it
was stimulated to convict its victims by the prospect of their
confiscations, and how fines and penances were scaled, not by the guilt
of the culprits but by its necessities; how jealously it guarded its
receipts, and how little it recked of deception and mendacity when there
was attempt to investigate its finances. After all is said, the
Inquisition was an institution with a double duty—the destruction of
heresy and the raising of money to encompass that destruction—and there
are not wanting indications that the latter tended to supersede, or at
least to obscure, the former. We may well question the purity of zeal
which provided punishments and disabilities for heresy and at the same
time chaffered over the market price of commutations and dispensations
through which those penalties could be evaded. Not only confiscation but
pecuniary penance and fines were a source of revenue provocative of
continual abuse, and the rage for Limpieza provided abundant
opportunities for extortion. The filthy odor of gain pervades all the
active period of the Inquisition, and its comparative inactivity during
its later career may perhaps be attributed as much to the absence of
wealthy heretics as to the diminishing spirit of intolerance.
Various ingenious theories have been framed to relieve the Inquisition
of responsibility for the remarkable eclipse of Spanish intellectual
progress after the sixteenth century.[1174] It is one of the interesting
problems in the history of literature that Spain, whose brilliant
achievements throughout the Reformation period promised to make her as
dominant in the world of letters as in military and naval enterprise,
should, within the space of a couple of generations, have become the
most uncultured land in Christendom, without a public to encourage
learning and genius, and without learning and genius to stimulate a
public. For this there must have been a cause and no other adequate one
than the Inquisition has been discovered to account for this
occultation.
INTELLECTUAL TORPIDITY
Indeed, but for the effort to argue it away, it would seem superfluous
to insist that a system of severe repression of thought, by all the
instrumentalities of Inquisition and State, is an ample explanation of
the decadence of Spanish learning and literature, especially when
coupled with the obstacles thrown around printing and publication by
their combined censorship. The tribulations of Luis de Leon and
Francisco Sánchez illustrate the dangers to which independent thinkers
were exposed; the great printing-house of Portonares was ruined by the
exigencies of the Inquisition in the matter of the Vatable Bible. All a
priori considerations cast the responsibility on the censorship of
thought, whether printed or expressed verbally in what were known as
“propositions,” and the burden of proof is thrown upon those who deny
it. Their reliance is on the fact that Isabella stimulated the
development of Spanish culture and, at the same time, established the
Inquisition, which thus was in existence for more than a century before
the decadence became marked. This is quite easily explicable. The
Inquisition was founded to extirpate Jewish and Moorish apostasy; in
this it long had ample work without developing its evil capacity in the
direction of censorship, save in such a sporadic instance as Diego
Deza’s prosecution, in 1504, of the foremost scholar of his time, Elío
Antonio de Nebrija, for venturing to correct the errors of the Vulgate
for the Complutensian Polyglot, in the service of Ximenez who protected
him and, when inquisitor-general, allowed him to resume his
labors.[1175] With the advent of Lutheranism there gradually commenced
the search for errors; crude Indexes of condemned books were compiled,
reading and investigation became restricted; the pragmática of 1559
forbade education at foreign seats of learning and an elaborate system
was gradually organized for protecting Spain from intellectual
intercourse with other lands, while at home every phrase that could be
construed in an objectionable sense was condemned. For awhile the men
whose training had been free from these trammels persisted, in spite of
persecution more or less severe, but they gradually died out and had no
successors. In 1601 Mariana explained that he translated his History
from the original Latin because there were few who understood that
language; such learning brought neither honor nor profit and he feared
the unskilfulness of those who threatened to undertake the task.[1176]
It is true, however, that Latin was widely studied as essential to
gaining place in Church or State, but to the neglect of everything else.
Fray Peñalosa y Mondragon, in 1629, while boasting of the thirty-two
universities and four thousand Latin schools and of Spanish pre-eminence
in the supreme science of theology, for which there were infinite
rewards, admits that there were none for the other sciences and arts,
which were not regarded with favor or estimated as formerly.[1177] The
intellectual energy of the nation, diverted from more serious channels,
continued through another period to exhibit itself in the lighter fields
of literature, where the names of Cervantes, Lope de Vega, Tirso de
Molina, Calderon de la Barca, Quevedo de Villegas and others show of
what Spanish intellect was still capable if it were allowed free play.
Even these however passed away and had no successors in the growing
intellectual torpor created by obscurantist censorship, and a dreary
blank followed which even the stimulation attempted by Philip V could
not relieve.
INFLUENCE FOR EVIL
To produce and preserve this torpor, by repressing all dangerous
intellectuality, Spain was carefully kept out of the current of
European progress. In other lands the debates of the Reformation forced
Catholics as well as Protestants to investigations and speculations
shocking to Spanish conservatism. The human mind was enabled to cast off
the shackles of the Dark Ages, and was led to investigate the laws of
nature and the relations of man to the universe and to God. From all
this bustling intellectual movement Spain was carefully secluded.
Short-sighted opportunism, seeing the turmoil which agitated France and
England and Germany, might bless the institution which preserved the
Peninsula in peaceful stagnation, but the price paid for torpidity was
fearfully extravagant, for Spain became an intellectual nonentity. Even
the great theologians and mystics disappeared from the field which they
had made their own, and were succeeded by a race of probabilistic
casuists, who sought only to promote and to justify self-indulgence. How
intellectual progress fared under these influences may be estimated by a
single instance. When, in England, Halley was investigating the
periodicity of the comet which bears his name, in Spain learned
professors of the universities of Salamanca and Saragossa were
publishing tracts to reassure the frightened people, by proving that the
dreadful portent boded evil only to the wicked—to the Turk and the
heretic.[1178] The perfect success of the Inquisition in its work is
manifested in the contrast between the eighteenth and the early
sixteenth century, as illustrated by the statement of Juan Antonio
Mayans y Siscar, that a cartload of the precious MSS. bestowed by
Ximenes on his University of Alcalá was sold to the fire-works maker
Torrecilla, for a display in honor of Philip V, and that several other
similar collections had shared the same fate.[1179] Even after half a
century of Bourbon effort to revitalize the dormant intellect of Spain,
Father Rábago, the royal confessor, grudged the money spent on
historiographers and academies; it was a pure gift, he says, for it
yields no fruits.[1180] In fact, the awakening from intellectual stupor
was slow, for Dom Clemencin tells us that there was less printing in
Spain at the commencement of the nineteenth century than there had been
in the fifteenth under Isabella.[1181]
It is impossible not to conclude that the Inquisition paralyzed both the
intellectual and the economic development of Spain and it is scarce
reasonable for Valera to complain that, when Spain was aroused from its
mental marasmus, it was to receive a foreign and not to revive a native
culture.[1182]
That science and art and literature should thus be submerged was a
national misfortune, but even more to be deplored were the indirect
consequences. Material progress became impossible, industry languished,
and the inability to meet foreign competition assisted the mistaken
internal policy of the government in prolonging and intensifying the
poverty of the people. Nor was this the chief of the evils that sprung
from keeping the mind of the nation in leading-strings, from repressing
thought and from excluding foreign ideas, for the people were thus
rendered absolutely unfitted to meet the inevitable change that came
with the Revolution. To this, in large measure, may be attributed the
sufferings through which Spain has passed in the transition from
absolutism to modern conditions.
We have thus followed the career of the Spanish Inquisition from its
foundation to its suppression; we have examined its methods and its acts
and have sought to appraise its influence and its share in the
misfortunes which overwhelmed the nation. The conclusion can scarce be
avoided that its work was almost wholly evil and that, through its
reflex action, the persecutors suffered along with the persecuted. Yet
who can blame Isabella or Torquemada or the Hapsburg princes for their
share in originating and maintaining this disastrous instrument of
wrong? The Church had taught for centuries that implicit acceptance of
its dogmas and blind obedience to its commands were the only avenues to
salvation; that heresy was treason to God, its extermination the highest
service to God and the highest duty to man. This grew to be the
universal belief and, when Protestant sects framed their several
confessions, each one was so supremely confident of possessing the
secret of the Divine Being and his dealings with his creatures that all
shared the zeal to serve God in the same cruel fashion.
Spanish Inquisition was only a more perfect and a more lasting
institution than the others were able to fashion—as regards
witchcraft, indeed, a more humane and rational one, for no one can
appreciate the service which in this matter it rendered to Spain who has
not realized the horrors of the witchcraft trials in which Catholic and
Protestant Europe rivalled each other. The spirit among all was the
same, and none are entitled to cast the first stone, unless we except
the humble and despised Moravian Brethren and the disciples of George
Fox. The faggots of Miguel Servet bear witness to the stern resolve of
Calvinism. Lutheranism has its roll-call of victims. Anglicanism, under
Edward VI, in 1550 undertook to organize an Inquisition on the Spanish
pattern, which burnt Joan of Kent for Arianism, and the writ De
hæretico comburendo was not abolished until 1676.[1183] Much as we may
abhor and deplore this cruelty, we must acquit the actors of moral
responsibility, for they but acted in the conscientious belief that they
were serving the Creator and his creatures. The real responsibility can
be traced to distant ages, to St. Augustin and St. Leo the Great and the
fathers, who deduced, from the doctrine of exclusive salvation, that the
obstinate dissident is to be put to death, not only in punishment for
his sin but to save the faithful from infection. This hideous teaching,
crystallized into a practical system, came, in the course of centuries,
to be an essential feature of the religion which it distorted so utterly
from the love and charity inculcated by the Founder. To dispute it was a
heresy subjecting the disputant to the penalties of heresy, and not to
enforce it was to misuse the powers entrusted by God to rulers for the
purpose of establishing his kingdom on earth.
RETRIBUTION
In Spain, under peculiar conditions, this resolve to enforce unity of
belief, in the conviction that it was essential to human happiness here
and hereafter, led to the framing of a system of so-called justice more
iniquitous than has been evolved by the cruellest despotism; which
placed the lives, the fortunes and the honor, not only of individuals
but of their posterity, in the hands of those who could commit wrong
without responsibility; which tempted human frailty to indulge its
passions and its greed without restraint, and which subjected the
population to a blind and unreasoning tyranny, against which the
slightest murmur of complaint was a crime. The procedure which left the
fate of the accused virtually in the hands of his judges was rendered
doubly vicious by the inviolable secrecy in which it was enveloped—a
secrecy which invited injustice by shielding its perpetrators and
enabling them to make a parade of benignant righteousness. It was the
crowning iniquity of the Inquisition that it thus afforded to the
evil-minded the amplest opportunity of wrong-doing. History affords no
parallel to such a skilfully organized system, working relentlessly
through centuries.
The inquisitors were men, not demons or angels, and when injustice and
oppression were rife in the secular courts it would be folly not to
expect them in the impenetrable recesses of the Holy Office. If we have
occasionally met with instances of kindliness and genuine desire to do
right, we have incidentally encountered the opposite too often for us to
doubt its frequency. That the rulers of the Inquisition recognized the
danger of this and sought to diminish it by moral influences is evident
from the admirable prayer the utterance of which, by a carta acordada of
April 13, 1600, was ordered daily after mass at the opening of the
morning session. This implored the Holy Spirit to fill their hearts and
guide their judgements, so that they might not be misled by ignorance or
favor, or be corrupted by gifts or acceptance of persons; that their
decisions might be in unison with His will, so that in the end they
might earn eternal reward by well-doing.[1184] Yet we might feel more
confidence in the sincerity of this attempt to curb by moral influence
the evil tendencies fostered by the system if there had been stern
repression and punishment of official wrong-doing, instead of the
habitual mercy which served as an encouragement.
After all, the great lesson taught by the history of the Inquisition is
that the attempt of man to control the conscience of his fellows reacts
upon himself; he may inflict misery but, in due time, that misery
recoils on him or on his descendants and the full penalty is exacted
with interest. Never has the attempt been made so thoroughly, so
continuously or with such means of success as in Spain, and never has
the consequent retribution been so palpable and so severe. The sins of
the fathers have been visited on the children and the end is not yet. A
corollary to this is that the unity of faith, which was the ideal of
statesman and churchman alike in the sixteenth century, is fatal to the
healthful spirit of competition through which progress, moral and
material, is fostered. Improvement was impossible so long as the Holy
See held a monopoly of salvation and, however deplorable were the hatred
and strife developed by the rivalry which followed the Reformation, it
yet was of inestimable benefit in raising the moral standards of both
sides, in breaking down the stubbornness of conservatism and in
rendering development possible. Terrible as were the wars of religion
which followed the Lutheran revolt, yet were they better than the
stagnation preserved in Spain through the efforts of the Inquisition. So
long as human nature remains what it is, so long as the average man
requires stimulation from without as well as from within, so long as
progress is the reward only of earnest endeavor, we must recognize that
rivalry is the condition precedent of advancement and that competition
in good works is the most beneficent sphere of human activity.
Abjuration of Joseph Fernandez de Toro, Bishop of Oviedo.
(Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Libro V, fol. 150). (See p. 75).
Ego Joseph Fernandez de Toro, olim episcopus Ovetensis, coram
Sanctissimo in Christo Patre et Domino nostro Domino Clemente Divina
Providentia papa undecimo humiliter genuflexus vobis Emis et Rmis
DD. cardinalibus contra hæreticam pravitatem Generalibus Inquisitoribus
ei assistentibus, sacrosancta Dei Evangelia coram me posita manibus
tangens, sciens neminem salvum fieri posse extra illam fidem quam tenet,
credit, profitetur ac docet Sancta Catholica et Apostolica Romana
Ecclesia contra quam fateor et doleo me graviter errasse quia tenui et
docui respective errores et hæreses formales ac dogmata contra veritatem
ejusdem S. Ecclesiæ, et præcipue quia tenui et credidi quod non
peccaverim nec peccare fecerim ex speciali Providentia Dei in quibusdam
actibus turpibus a me habitis cum fœminis. Quod concussiones et
corporis tremores cum pollutione sequuta attribuendi essent operationi
Dæmonis ideoque absque peccato essent. Quod actus exteriores amplexuum,
osculorum aliarumque operationum inhonestarum essent supernaturales in
causa, adeoque a Deo et a Jesu procederent. Quod prædicta oscula et
amplexus essent immunes a motu libidinis et essent motiva maximæ
humiliationis ex supposita unione cum Deo. Quod facta turpia cum
fœmina complici procederent ex redundantia amoris erga Jesum adeoque
a parte inferiore procederent et ex motu ipsius Jesu impellerentur. Quod
stante supposita tam mea quam fœminæ complicis unione cum Deo, posset
utriusque status componi una simul cum exterioribus actibus peccaminosis
omnesque impulsus quos in eandam fœminam habebam, Dei et Jesu essent
impulsus. Quod pessima doctrina a me insinuata Dei esset doctrina. Quod
a Deo haberem donum discretionis, spirituum impulsus et illustrationes
ad agnoscendum spiritualem animæ statum, ipsaque spirituum discretio ac
doctrinarum cognitio, esset lux mihi a Deo infusa, essem super omnes
illustratus, ideoque essem omnibus superior. Quod facta turpia a me
habita cum fœmina complici essent exercitium et martyrium a Deo
missum ad utriusque humiliationem et purificationem. Quod deosculando et
amplectendo fœminam complicem in me adesset Jesus ipseque Jesus
mediante me ita ageret et loqueretur. Quod stante dicta supposita unione
cum Deo ab ipso motæ essent potentiæ meæ, memoria, intellectus et
voluntas, ipseque Deus esset meus intellectus, memoria, voluntas et
spiritus idque esset idem, ac tres distinctæ personæ, una Majestas et
unus Deus, et alias credidi propositiones et dogmata mihi in processu
contestata; quæ quidem propositiones tanquam temerariæ, erroneæ,
scandalosæ, Christianæ disciplinæ relaxativæ, male sonantes, periculosæ,
præsumptuosæ, errori proximæ, abusivæ verborum Sacræ Scripturæ,
injuriosæ in Sanctos, insanæ, sacrilegæ, hæresim sapientes, de hæresi
suspectæ, impiæ, blasphemæ, coincidentes cum propositionibus Molinos et
hæreticæ respective censuratæ et qualificatæ fuerunt. Nunc de prædictis
erroribus et hæresibus dolens, certus de veritate fidei Catholicæ, corde
sincero ac fide non ficta abjuro, detestor, maledico, anathematizo et
respective retracto omnes supradictos errores et hæreses, quos et quas
tenui et credidi, et promitto ac juro me nunc toto corde absque ulla
hæsitatione credere et in futurum firmiter crediturum quicquid tenet,
credit, prædicat, profitetur ac docet eadem S. Catholica Ecclesia, et
abjuro, detestor, maledico et anathematizo non solum supradictos errores
et hæreses verumetiam generaliter omnem alium errorem dietæ sanctæ
Ecclesiaæ contrarium, omnemque aliam hæresim et promitto et juro me
neque corde neque voce neque scripto unquam recessurum quacunque
occasione sive prætextu a sancta fide Catholica nec crediturum vel
edocturum aliquem errorem eidem contrarium seu aliquam hæresim. Promitto
etiam me integre adimpleturum omnes et singulas pœnitentias mihi a
Sanctitate vestra impositas sive imponendas et si unquam alicui ex
dictis meis promissionibus et juramentis (quod Deus avertat)
contravenero me subjicio omnibus pœnis a sacris canonibus aliisque
constitutionibus generalibus et particularibus contra hujusmodi
delinquentes inflictis et promulgatis. Sic me Deus adjuvet et illius
sancta Evangelia quæ propriis manibus tango. Ego Joseph Fernandez de
Toro supradictus abjuravi, juravi, promisi et me obligavi ut supra et in
fidem veritatis præsentem schedulam meæ abjurationis propria mea manu
subscripsi eamque recitavi de verbo ad verbum. Romæ, in palatio
Quirinali hac die, 17 Julii, 1719.—Ego Joseph Fernandez de Toro
Episcopus abjuravi ut supra manu propria.
Abstract of the Case of Catalina Matheo in 1591.
(Relacion de las causas despachadas en el auto de la fee que se celebro
en la Inquisicion de Toledo, Domingo de la SSma Trinidad, nueve dias
de Junio, 1591 años.—Königl. Universitäts Bibliothek of Halle, Yc, 20,
T. I.). (See p. 224).
Catalina Matheo, viuda, vezina del Cazar, de edad de cinquenta años fue
presa por el vicario de Alcala con diez y seis testigos de que en la
dicha villa de quatro años a esta parte abian muerto quatro o cinco
criaturas de muertes violentas que era imposible averlas hecho sino
bruxas, y de que la dicha Catalina Matheo y Olalla Sobrina y Joana
Yzquierda eran tenidas por tales publicas, y specialmente la dicha
Matheo. Hizòle proceso y diòle tormento y en el la dicha Catalina Matheo
dixò que era berdad, que podria aber quatro o cinco años que Olalla
Sobrina la abia dicho si queria ser bruxa, ofreciendole que el Demonio
tendria con ella aceso torpe y que era buen officio. Y que una noche por
medio de la dicha Joana Yzquierda la abia llamado a su casa adonde
estando todas tres abia entrado el demonio en figura de cabron, y
hablando aparte primero con las dichas Olalla y Joana las abia abraçado
y despues a la dicha Matheo, porque ellas le abian dicho que tambien
ella queria ser bruxa, y que el dicho Demonio le abia pedido alguna cosa
de su cuerpo, y ella le abia ofrecido una uña de un dedo del medio de la
mano derecha, y que por regozijo del concierto abian bailado con el
dicho cabron y el se abia echado carnalmente con todas tres en presencia
de todas. Y que aquella noche la dicha Olalla la abia untado las
coiunturas de los dedos de pies y manos y en compañia del dicho cabron
abian ydo a una casa y llebando unas brosas en una teja abian entrado
por una ventana a las doze de la noche y echando sueno a los padres con
unas dormideras y otras yerbas puestas debaxo de la almohada, les abian
sacado una niña de la cama y apretandola por las arcas la abian ahogado,
y encendido lumbre con lo que llebaban, y la quemaron las partes
traseras, y quebrantando los braços, y que al ruido abian despertado los
dichos padres, y ellas se abian buelto con el dicho cabron por el ayre a
casa de la dicha Olalla, adonde se abian bestido y ydo cada una a su
casa, y que a la yda y buelta yban por el ayre desnudas, y diziendo de
viga (?) con la yra de Sancta Maria. Y que de alli a pocos dias el dicho
cabron abia ydo una noche a casa de la dicha Matheo y hallandola
acostada la abia forçado y tenido cuenta carnal con ella, diziendo en
esto algunas particularidades y lo mesmo abia tenido otras diez o doze
noches, y en los dichos quatro años otras vezes a menudo, y lo mesmo
abia hecho en las carceles del dicho vicario. Y que a cabo de algunos
pocos dias en casa de la dicha Olalla le abia dado un cuchillo y con el
se abia cortado la uña que le abia mandado y se la abia entregado. Y
otras noches untandose en casa de la dicha Olalla y en compañia de lo
dicho cabron abian ydo a otra casa y ahogado un niño y arrancadole sus
berguenzas, y despues a otras dos casas en diferentes noches y ahogado
otras dos criaturas. Y que una sola vez abia inbocado al demonio
diziendole Demonio ven a mi llamado y mandado. Y pasadas las oras del
derecho se ratifico en la dicha confesion, y el dicho vicario hiço
acareacion de la dicha Catalina Matheo con la dicha Olalla y en su
presencia la dicha Matheo le dixo todo lo arriba dicho, afirmandose en
ello, y la otra negandolo. Y en este estado remitio a la dicha Matheo a
este Sto Offº al qual aviendo sido trayda presa en la primera
audiencia que con ella se tubo dixo que pedia misericordia del grave
pecado que havia hecho en lebantarse a si y las dichas Olalla y
Yzquierda lo que dellas avia dicho y de si confessado ante el dicho
vicario lo qual avia dicho por miedo del tormento. Y abiendose
examinados diez y seis testigos en el Cazar consto ser verdad que los
dichos niños abian sido muertos y se hallaron de la misma manera y forma
muertos y maltratados que la sobredicha Matheo lo abia confessado. Y
aviendose substanciado su processo fue puesta a question de tormento, y
abiendose pronunciado la sentencia y abaxadola a la camara para
executarse antes de desnudarse abiendo sido amonestada dixo ser berdad
todo lo que abia dicho antel vicario de Alcala, y en efecto lo refirio
en substancia, aunque en algunas circonstancias mudo alguna cossa,
asegurando mucho ser berdad ansi en la manera del confesar como del
jurarlo, y pasadas las oras del derecho se ratifico en sus confesiones,
y en otras audiencias que con ella se tubieron despues dixo lo mesmo,
negando saber de que fuesen hechos los dichos inguentos ni aber tenido
otro pacto tacito ni expresso con el Demonio mas de que abia dicho, y
dixo las causas que abia tenido de bengarse de los padres en la muerte
de sus hijos que son las mesmas que los padres testificaron, por donde
sospechaban que ellas se los obiesen muerto. Y subtenciose su causa y
votose auto con coroça, levi, doçiento açotes y reclusa por el tiempo
que pareciere.
Letter of the Suprema on the Tumult of May 2, 1808.
(Archivo histórico nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Cartas del
Consejo, Legajo 17, No. 3, fol. 31). (See p. 401).
Las fatales resultas que se ban experimentado en esta Corte el dia 2 del
corriente por el alboroto escandaloso del bajo Pueblo contra las tropas
del Emperador de los Franceses hacen necesaria la vigilancia mas activa
y esmerada de todas las autoridades y cuerpos respetables de la Nacion
para evitar que se repitan iguales excesos y mantener en todos los
pueblos la tranquilidad y sosiego que exige su propio interes no menos
que la hospitalidad y atencion debida á los oficiales y soldados de una
nacion amiga que á ninguno ofenden y han dado hasta ahora las mayores
pruebas de buen orden y disciplina, castigando con rigor á los que se
propasan ó maltratan á los Españoles en su persona ó bienes. Es bien
presumible que la malevolencia ó la ignorancia haian seducido á los
incautos y sencillos para empeñarles en el desorden revolucionario so
color de patriotismo y amor al Soberano, y corresponde por lo mismo á la
ilustracion y zelo de los entendidos el desimpresionarles de un error
tan prejudicial, haciendoles conocer que semejantes movimientos
tumultuarios lejos de producir los efectos propios del amor y lealtad
bien dirigidos, solo sirven para poner la Patria en convulsion,
rompiendo los vinculos de subordinacion en que esta afianzada la salud
de los Pueblos, apagando los sentimientos de humanidad y destruyendo la
confianza que se debe tener en el Gobierno, que es el unico á quien toca
dirigir y dar impulso con uniformidad y con provecho al valor y á los
esfuerzos del patriotismo. Estas verdades de tanta importancia ninguno
puede persuadirlas mejor que los Ministros de la Religion de Jesu
Cristo, que toda respira paz y fraternidad entre los hombres igualmente
que sumision, respeto y obediencia á las autoridades; y como los
individuos y Dependientes del Santo Oficio deban ser y han sido siempre
los primeros en dar exemplo de Ministros de paz y que procuran la paz,
hemos creydo, Señores, conveniente y muy propio de la obligacion de
nuestro Ministerio el dirigiros la presente carta para que enterados de
su contexto y penetrados de la urgente necesidad de concurrir
unanimemente á la conservacion de la tranquilidad publica la hagais
entender á los subalternos de ese Tribunal y á los Comisarios y
Familiares del Distrito, á fin de que todos y cada uno contribuir (sic)
por su parte con quanto zelo, actividad y prudencia les fuere posible á
tan interesante objeto. Tendreislo entendido, y del recibo de esta
dareis el correspondiente aviso. Dios os guarde. Madrid 6 de Maio de
1808.—Dr. D. Gabl Nevia y Noriega.—D. Raimundo Eltenhard y
Salinas.—Fr. Manl de San Joseph.—Rubricado. Recibida en 9 de Mayo
de 1808.—SS. Bertran, Laso, Acedo, Encina.—Executese como S. A. lo
manda. Rubrica. Valencia.
Certifico el infrascrito Secretario del Secreto del Santo Oficio de la
Inquisicion de Valencia que en el dia once del mes de Mayo del año mil
ochociento y ocho, estando en su audiencia de la mañana los Sres
Inquisidores Dr. D. Mathias Bertran, Licendo D. Nicolas Rodriguez
Laso, Dr. D. Pablo Acedo Rico y Dr. D. Franco de la Encina, entraron
en ella los Ministros, Calificadores, Titulados, Notarios y Familiares
que viven en esta ciudad, á los quales, precedida convocacion para este
fin, se les leyó esta carta de los Señores del Consejo de S. M. de la
Santa y General Inquisicion y en seguida se les exortó por el Señor
Inquisidor Decano á su mas exacto cumplimiento. Y para que lo susodicho
conste doy la presente Certificacion que firmo en la Camara del Secreto
de la Inquisicion de Valencia, en el dia 11 del mes de Mayo de 1808.—D.
Manl Fuster y Bertran, Secretario. Rubricado.
Decree of Fernando Vii, September 9, 1814, Restoring The Property Or the
Inquisition.
(Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 559).
(See p. 427).
Excmo Señor:—Por Real decreto de veintiuno de Julio ultimo, se
sirvio S. Magestad mandar restablecer en todos sus dominios el Santo
Oficio de la Inquisicion al pie y estado en que se hallaba el año de mil
ochocientos ocho y que para la subsistencia y decoro de los Ministros y
demas empleados de sus tribunales se restituyesen toda clase de bienes y
efectos pertenecientes á su dotacion, como son frutos, creditos, reditos
de censos, vales y caudales que se hallan impuestos en la Caja de
consolidacion, asi como de los rendimientos de las canongias
perpetuamente anejas al Santo Officio afectas por Brebes apostolicos.
Comunicado este Real decreto al supremo Consejo de Inquisicion para su
observancia consulto á S. Magestad lo que en su razon tubo por
combeniente al cabal cumplimiento de las piadosas Reales intenciones,
manifestando al propio tiempo los ruinosos y destruidos que se hallaban
los edificios destinados al tribunal del Santo Oficio, estravio de sus
papelea mas interesantes, ya de causas de fe, ya de la Hacienda del Real
fisco que fueron presa de los executores de los decretos de abolicion de
los tribunales de Inquisicion. Enterado S. Magestad de todo y deseoso de
llevar á debido efecto su citado Real Decreto de veinteuno de Julio ha
resuelto se pongan desde luego sin demora ni detencion alguna á
disposicion de los tesoreros de los respectivos tribunales de
Inquisicion todas las fincas y efectos de qualquiera clase que sean
pertinecientes al tribunal y que en este concepto hayan sido
secuestrados, confiscados, detenidos ó aplicados á lo que se llama
hacienda publica ó Nacional, devolviendo todos los titulos de propiedad
y legitimacion de creditos que hubiesen recebido y cortando la cuenta el
dia veinteuno de Julio del presente año den razon de las personas
obligadas al pago de sus arrendamientos y obligaciones con expression de
sus cantidades y procedencias.
De orden del Rey lo comunico á V. E. para su inteligencia y puntual
cumplimiento, y á fin de que esta real resolucion la haga circular á los
Gobernadores, Intendentes, Directores del credito publico ó sugetos
encargados de la Real recaudacion de intereses en los Pueblos de sus
distritos. Dios guarde á V. E. muchos años. Madrid, 3 de Setiembre de
1814.
Sr Virrey y Capitan General de etc.
Decree of Suppression, March 9, 1820.
(Miraflores, Documentos á los qué se hace referencia en los Apuntes
histórico-criticos, I, 93.—Rodrigo, Historia Verdadera, III, 494). (See
p. 436).
Considerando que es incompatible la existencia del Tribunal de la
Inquisicion con la constitucion de la Monarquia Española promulgada en
Cádiz en 1812 y que por esta razon lo suprimieron las Córtes generales y
estraordinarias por decreto de 22 de Febrero de 1813, previa una madura
y larga discusion: oida la opinion de la Junta formada por decreto de
este dia, y conformandome con su parecer, he venido en mandar que desde
hoy quede suprimido el referido Tribunal en toda la Monarquia y por
consecuencia el Consejo de la Suprema Inquisicion, poniendose
inmediatamente en libertad á todos los presos que estén en sus cárceles
por opiniones políticas ó religiosas, pasandose á los Reverendos Obispos
las causas de estos últimos en sus respectivas Diócesis para que las
sustancien y determinen con arreglo en todo al espresado decreto de las
Córtes estraordinarias. Tendréislo entendido y dispondréis lo
conveniente á su cumplimiento. Palacio, 9 de Marzo de 1820. Esta
rubricado. Al Secretario de Gracia y Justicia.
The Last Vote of the Supreme Council, February 10, 1820.
(Libro de Votos Secretos, Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 890).
(See p. 437).
Toledo.—Don Manuel de la Peña Palacios.
En el consejo á 10 de Febrero de 1820. Señores Hevia, Ettenhard,
Amarilla, Galarza, Martinez, Beramendi, Prado.—Hagan justicia como lo
tienen acordado.
Voto del Tribunal. En el Santo Oficio de Toledo en 29 dias del mes de
Enero de 1820, estando en la audiencia de su mañana el Señor Inquisidor
Doctor Don José Francisco Bordujo y Rivas (que asiste solo) haviendo
visto esta causa contra Don Manuel de la Peña Palacios, Presbitero Cura
que fué del lugar de Ontoba y actualmente de Torrejon del Rey en este
arzobispado por delitos de proposiciones y propagar doctrinas peligrosas
contrarias al sentir de la Iglesia: Dixo, Que su voto y parecer es que á
este reo á puerta cerrada en la sala de Audiencia y a presencia del
Secretario de la causa se le reprenda amoneste y conmine por las
proposiciones propaladas ya en sus sermones ya en sus conversaciones
familiares; se le absuelva ad cautelam y por quince dias se le exercite
spiritualmente en el convento de Padres Carmelitas Descalzos de esta
Ciudad al cargo de Director que se le señale; se le advierta que por
ahora le trata el Tribunal con toda conmiseracion y clemencia por
haverselo implorado en las audiencias que con él se han tenido y por
esperar su total enmienda en el modo irregular con que hasta aqui se ha
conducido con sus Feligreses y se estará á la mira de su conducta y
operaciones; y antes de executarse se remita á S. A. con todos los
expedientes que han precedido para su aprobacion; y lo rubricó de que
certifico. Está rubricado.—D. Domingo Sanchez Fijon, Secretario.
Dictamen of the Consejo de Gobierno on the Decree Extinguishing the
Inquisition.
(Archivo de Alcalá Ministerio de Estado, Legajo 906, n. 88). (See p.
467).
Señor Secretario de Estado y del Despacho de Gracia y Justicia.
Exmo Señor: He recibido el oficio de V. E. de 9 del presente con el
proyecto de decreto en que se declara suprimido el Tribunal de la
Inquisicion, se adjudican sus bienes y rentas á la estincion de la deuda
publica y se fija la suerte de los dependientes del Tribunal, cuyo
proyecto remite V. E. de Real orden al Consejo por que lo examine y
esponga su dictamen.
Enterado de todo y despues de una detenida discusion ha acordado el
Consejo manifieste á V. E. que reconoce la conveniencia de coadyubar al
sostenimiento del credito del Estado por cuantos medios esten al alcance
del Gobierno y reconoce asi mismo que los bienes de la Inquisicion
(suprimida á lo menos de hecho por el Rey difunto que nunca permitió que
restableciese) podran proporcionar algun ausilio á la caja de
amortization sin agravio de nadie, pues en el proyecto de Decreto se
establece el conveniente para asegurar á los empleados del Tribunal las
asignaciones que les correspondan segun sus circunstancias y
clasificaciones.
Por estas consideraciones no halla reparo el Consejo en que S. M.
apruebe en lo substancial el proyecto de Decreto aunque en su dictamen
podrian hacerse en el las siguientes modificaciones.
1ª En la parte del preambulo donde hablando de la autoridad Pontificia
se usa de la espresion: Primado de la Iglesia universal, cree el
consejo que podria seguirse el uso constante de designar dicha autoridad
Pontificia con el nombre de Santa Sede ó Sumo Pontifice; no porque el
Consejo desconozca la propiedad del titulo de Primado de la Iglesia
universal con arreglo á los sacros canones, sino porque en materia de
denominaciones y fórmulas es siempre preferible el uso de las
establecidas y mas comunes que inovarlas, porque puede darse lugar à que
se crea que la inovacion envuelva algun designio que la malignidad
interpreta segun su antojo.
2ª Cuando en el Artº 1º se dice que se declara suprimido el Tribuno de
la Inquisicion podra darse motivo á que se infiera por esta espresion
que el Gobierno lo había creido subsistente hasta el dia de derecho:
cuya idea no parece enteramente exacta, pues el Señor Don Fernando 7º
resistiendo siempre á las gestiones de alcunas corporaciones para su
restablecimiento, y habiendo restituido á los Arzobispos y Obispos el
conocimiento sobre las causas de fe que les corresponde por derecho
comun dió bastante á entender que su Real animo estaba decidido á la
estincion de la Inquisicion aunque por ciertas consideraciones no la
hubiere pronunciado mas esplicitamente, cree pues el Consejo preferible
que en dicho articulo se haga algun mencion de lo hecho por el difunto
Rey sobre esta materia, á que aparezca dicha estincion como un acto de
la Regencia en su totalidad: Y si no juzga S. M. que haya necesidad de
ello, por lo menos el Consejo cree que al espresado articulo combendra
añadir la palabra definitivamente, para que diga se declara suprimido
definitivamente el Tribunal de la Inquisicion.
3º El consejo entiende que en la actualidad convendria suprimir
enteramente el Artº 4º por el que se autoriza al Señor Secretario del
Despacho de Hacienda para la pronta enagenacion de las fincas: pues
habiendose vendido muchas de ellas en tiempo del Gobierno
constitucional, y no siendo posible todavia hacer distincion alguna
entre las que se enageraron y las que no se enageraron en dicha época
hasta que las Córtes examinen la grave cuestion relativa á los
compradores de bienes nacionales, podria darse motivo á que se
sospechase que se decidia este punto general por el presente Decreto de
una manera indirecta, mandando vender todos los bienes de la Inquisicion
indistintamente y sin hacer diferencia alguna entre los enagenados y los
non enagenados. Parece pues que por ahora combiene limitarse á lo que se
previene en el Artº 2º aplicando la masa de los bienes de la Inquisicion
á la estincion de la deuda publica sin mas esplicacion.
4º El artº 6º en que se ordena que los sueldos de los empleados del
Tribunal se paguen del Tesoro público, cree el Consejo que podria
modificarse mandando que este pago se hiciese por la caja de
Amortizacion pues no parece justo imponer este nuebo gravamen al Real
Tesoro cuando nada es mas natural que satisfacer el gravamen vitalicio
que pesa sobre los bienes y rentas del Tribunal por el mismo
establecimiento adonde han á ingresar sus productos. Esto no ofrecerá
inconveniente aun despues que se vendan todas las fincas que pertenecian
á la Inquisicion, pues siempre quedarán las ciento y una Canongias de
que habla el Artº 3º del proyecto que no son susceptibles de
enagenacion, y con cuyo producto habrá mas que lo suficiente para pagar
a los cesantes del ramo cuyo número se hallará muy reducido por los que
han fallecido ó pasado á otros destinos desde el año de 1823 hasta el
dia, y se reducira todabia mas por las disposiciones de los Artos 5º
y 6º del mismo proyecto de Decreto.
Lo que por acuerdo del Consejo digo á V. E. en contestacion á su citado
oficio con devolucion del Proyecto.
Dios etc. Madrid, 13 de Julio de 1834. El Conde de Ofalía.
Decree of July 15, 1834, Abolishing the Inquisition.
(Printed by Castillo y Ayensa, Negociaciones con Roma, Madrid, 1859.
Tom. I, Append, p. 165). (See p. 468).
Deseando aumentar el crédito público de la Nacion por todos los medios
compatibles con los principios de justicia: teniendo en consideracion
que mi augusto Esposo (Q. E. E. G.) creyó bastante eficaz al
sostenimiento de la Religion del Estado la nativa é imprescriptible
autoridad de los muy RR. Arzobispos y RR. Obispos, protegida cual
corresponde por las leyes de la Monarquia: que mi Real decreto de 4 de
Enero próximo pasado ha dejado en manos de dichos Prelados la censura de
los escritos concernientes á la fe, á la moral y disciplina, para que se
conserve ileso tan precioso depósito: que están ya concluidos los
trabajos del Código criminal en que se establecen las convenientes penas
contra los que intenten vulnerar el respeto debido á nuestra Santa
Religion; y que la Junta eclesiástica, creada por mi Real decreto de 22
de Abril se ocupa de proponer cuanto juzgue conducente á tan importante
fin, para que provea yo de remedio hasta donde alcance el Real
Patronato, y con la concurrencia de la Santa Sede en cuanto menester
fucre: en nombre de mi excelsa Hija Doña Isabel II, oido el Concejo de
Gobierno y el de Ministros, he venido en mandar lo siguiente: Articolo
Iº. Se declara suprimido definitivamente el Tribunal de la Inquisicion.
2º Los predios rústicos y urbanos, censos ú otros bienes con que le
habia dotado la piedad soberana ó cuya adquisicion le proporcionó por
medio de leyes dictadas para su proteccion, se adjudican á la extincion
de la Deuda pública. 3º Las ciento una canongias que estaban agregadas á
la Inquisicion se aplican al mismo objeto, con sujecion á mi Real
decreto de 9 de Marzo último y por el tiempo que expresan las Bulas
apostólicas sobre la materia. 4º Los empleados de dicho Tribunal y sus
dependencias que posean prebendas eclesiásticas ú obtengan cargos
civiles de cualquiera clase con sueldo, no tendrán derecho á percibir el
que les correspondia sobre los fondos del mismo Tribunal, cuando servian
en él sus destinos. 5º Todos los demas empleados, mientras no se les
proporcione otra colocacion, percibirán exactamente de la Caja de
Amortizacion el sueldo que les corresponda, segun clasificacion que
solicitarán ante la Junta creada al efecto. Tendréislo entendido y
dispondreis lo necesario á su cumplimiento. En San Ildefonso á 15 de
Julio de 1834.—A. D. Nicolás María Garelly.
Prayer Recited Daily at Opening of Morning Session.
(Biblioteca nacional, Seccion de MSS. D, 122, fol. 1). (See p. 583).
Adsumus Domine, Sancte Spiritus, adsumus quidem peccati immanitate
detenti, sed in nomine tuo specialiter aggregati. Veni ad nos, adesto
nobis, dignari illabi cordibus nostris; doce nos quid agamos, quo
gradiamus; ostende quid officere debeamus ut, te auxiliante, tibi in
omnibus placere valeamus. Esto salus et suggestor et effector judiciorum
nostrorum, qui solus cum Deo patre et ejus Filio nomen possides
gloriosum. Non nos patiaris perturbatores esse justitiæ qui summam
diligis æquitatem, ut in sinistrum nos ignorantia non trahat, non favor
infectat, non acceptio muneris vel personæ corrumpat, sed junge nos tibi
efficaciter solius tuæ gratiæ dono ut simus in te unum et in nullo
deviemus a vero quatenus in nomine tuo collecti, sic in cunctis teneamus
cum moderamine pietatis justitiæque ut hic a te in nullo dissentiat
sententia nostra, ut in futuro pro bene gestis consequamur premia
sempiterna. Amen.
A,
B,
C,
D,
E,
F,
G,
H,
I,
J,
K,
L,
M,
N,
O,
P,
Q,
R,
S,
T,
U,
V,
W,
X,
Y,
Z
Abad y la Sierra, Inq.-genl., iv, 293, 294
his resignation, i, 321
proposes reform, iv, 393
Abenamir Brothers, case of, iii, 362
Abencerrages leave Spain, iii, 318
Abd-el-mumin persecutes Jews, i, 51
Abderrhaman II, his embassy to Otho the Great, i, 47
Abiatar Aben Crescas cures Juan II, i, 75
Abito y cárcel, ii, 411
penitencial, iii, 163
Abjuration, de levi and de vehementi, iii, 124
formulas, iii, 124
effects of, ii, 143; iii, 125, 126, 178
with acquittal, iii, 106
in sorcery, iv, 198
for propositions, iv, 143
in bigamy, iv, 319, 321
Abogado de los presos, ii, 250; iii, 45
fiscal, ii, 250.
See also Advocate.
Abolition of Inqn. suggested in 1704, ii, 176.
in 1798 and 1799, iv, 395, 397
by Córtes in 1813, iv, 411
decrees of, in 1820 and 1834, iv, 436, 467, 541, 543,
545
Abonos, iii, 63
Abravanel, Isaac, his financial services, i, 131
Absent, prosecution of the, ii, 466, 467;
iii, 80, 86
effigies of, burnt, i, 183
can return and claim trial, iii, 89
disabilities of children of, iii, 176
and dead, procurator for, iii, 50
Absence from duty, ii, 226
Absolution for occult heresy, ii, 20
for formal heresy, ii, 23
under indulgences, ii, 25
revocation of, ii, 591
dependent on denunciation, iv, 106, 108
in solicitation, iv, 121, 126
by accomplice in sin, iv, 95, 113
papal letters of, ii, 104, 113, 590
Absolutism, development of, iv, 249, 473
of Fernando VII, iv, 454
Abu Ishac, his satire, i, 51
Abu Jusuf, i, 54, 56
Abu-l-Haçan provokes war with Granada, i, 21
Abuses repressed by Ferdinand, i, 187
in Barcelona, i, 529
of commissioners, ii, 269
in confiscation, ii, 346
of fines and penances, ii, 397
Academy of History, its censorship, iii, 489
Accomplice, absolution of, by partner in sin, iv, 95, 113
Accomplices, their denunciation essential, ii, 460, 462, 577; iii, 199, 371
torture to discover them, iii, 10, 11
in witchcraft, iv, 213, 234
of familiars, i, 445
Account of a receiver, i, 294; ii, 446 600
Accumulation of cases for autos, iii, 72, 77
Accusatio, ii, 479
Accusation, formula of, iii, 41
to be presented within ten days, iii, 76, 78
affects limpieza, ii, 311
Accused, protection of, in Aragon, ii, 466
position of, in Inqn., ii, 482
identification of, ii, 553
his genealogy taken, iii, 38
sworn to secrecy, ii, 473
charges withheld from, iii, 39
not allowed to select advocate, iii, 45, 52
can always obtain audience, iii, 37
his examinations, iii, 70
examined as to property, ii, 321
expenses thrown on him, ii, 494; iii, 35
required to answer accusation, iii, 42
his witnesses, ii, 539
treatment of his evidence, ii, 543
kept in ignorance of sentence, iii, 94
Accuser, liability of, ii, 466
sworn to secrecy, ii, 473
Acevedo, Abp., publishes papal decree, iii, 536
Acquittal, iii, 105
decreasing number of, iii, 112
honors paid in case of, ii, 561
with abjuration, iii, 106
with punishment, iii, 107
Activity, diminished in 18th century, iv, 388
change in its objects, iv, 391
political, iv, 248
disappearance of feudalism, iv, 249
trivial use by Ferdinand, iv, 251
the Germanía, iv, 252
case of Jeanne d’Albret, iv, 253
of Antonio Pérez, iv, 254
occasional cases, iv, 273
in War of Succession, iv, 275
used by Bourbons, iv, 276
under the Restoration, iv, 277
export of horses, iv, 278
coinage, iv, 283
Acts of heretics invalid, ii, 325, 327
Acuña, Bp. of Zamora, case of, ii, 44
Adam, cult of, iv, 357
Ad beneplacitum, commissions, i, 176; ii, 161
Adivinas, iv, 180
Adjuration for mercy, iii, 184, 185, 188
Ad perpetuam rei memoriam, ii, 545
Adrian, Cardinal, made inq.-general, i, 181, 216
restores Calcena and Aguirre, i, 215
action in the case of Prat, i, 277
powers of appointment, i, 298
seeks to appoint successor, i, 303
requires episcopal concurrence, ii, 14
refers appeals to Manrique, ii, 121, 126
case of Blanquina Díaz, ii, 122
shares in confiscations, ii, 383
prescribes kindness to prisoners, ii, 524
seeks to relieve Moriscos, iii, 328
suppresses Lutheran books, iii, 413, 421
inaugurates censorship, iii, 481
annexes Military Orders to crown, i, 34
Advocates allowed to accused, iii, 43
papers furnished to, iii, 44, 48
selection of, iii, 45, 52
restrictions on, iii, 44, 48, 49
their functions, iii, 47, 56, 69
become officials, iii, 45
ask places at autos, iii, 46
Affonso V on Jewish ostentation, i, 96
Afrancesados, iv, 400
classed as Jansenists, iv, 297
Agde, Council of, on Jews, i, 39
Age requirements of officials, ii, 220, 233, 236, 279
Age of responsibility, ii, 3, 536
minimum, for witnesses, ii, 536
for confiscation, ii, 321
for reconciliation, iii, 150, 206
for prison, iii, 161
for disabilities, iii, 174
Age, old, scourging in, iii, 137
exempts from galleys, iii, 140
no exemption from torture, iii, 13
Agent, Roman, of Inqn., ii, 110
Agermanados, iii, 346
Agraviados, iv, 456
Agriculture, burdens on, iv, 478
Agueda de Luna, case of, iv, 76
Aguilar, Inq.-genl., his death, ii, 172
Aguirre, dismissed and restored, i, 215
shares in Seville composition, ii, 362
Ailly, Cardinal d’, on Jews, i, 82
Ajodadores, iv, 180
Albarracin, conversion of Moors of, iii, 345
Albaycin, depopulation of, iii, 339
Alberghini, his definitions of propositions, iv, 139
on witchcraft, iv, 240
on suspicion, iii, 123
Alberoni, Card., i, 317, 318
Albertino, Arnaldo, his works, ii, 475
on mercy to Jews, i, 144
on Time of Mercy, ii, 461
on consulta de fe, iii, 73
on the Sabbat, iv, 211, 217
on clerical marriage, iv, 337
Alberto, Miguel, his Repertorium, ii, 475
Albertus Magnus on coerced baptism, iii, 349
Alboraycos, i, 146
Albornoz, Carlos, ii, 220, 455
Albrecht of Austria as inq.-genl., iii, 265
Albret, Jeanne d’, sends missionaries, iii, 450
her prosecution, iv, 253
Alcaide de las cárceles, ii, 248
his duties, ii, 515, 519
Alcaide of penitential prison, ii, 249
Alcalá, University of, admits Conversos, ii, 287
MSS. of, burnt, iv, 530
Alcaldes de Casa y Corte excommunicated, i, 382
Alcántara, Pedro de, on observances, iv, 3
Alcaraz, Firmin de, iv, 92, 93
Alcaraz, Pedro Rúiz de, a mystic, iv, 8
Alcaraz, tribunal of, i, 541
Alcavala, iv, 479
penitents exempt from, iii, 150, 155
officials subject to, i, 377
Alexander II tolerates Jews, i, 88
Alexander III on Jewish synagogues, i, 81
prescribes confiscation, ii, 316
limits canonization, iv, 356
Alexander IV on disabilities of descendants, iii, 173
on sorcery, iv, 184
on usury, iv, 372
Alexander VI praises Torquemada, i, 174
appoints four inqs.-genl., i, 178
grants the penances to Ferdinand, i, 338
rehabilitations, ii, 402
patronage, ii, 416
canonries to Inqn., ii, 423
insists on episcopal concurrence, ii, 12
reserves jurisdiction over bps., ii, 43, 44
his treatment of appeals, ii, 113, 116
his speculative Inqn., ii, 114
allows laymen as inqrs., ii, 234
excludes Conversos, ii, 286
authorizes galley-service, iii, 140
charges bishops with censorship, iii, 480
Alexander VII, his jubilee indulgence, ii, 26
confirms subjection of regulars, ii, 37
on Villanueva’s case, ii, 157
objects to fines, ii, 400
opposes relief of New Christians, iii, 284
on absolution in solicitation, iv, 113
condemns Jansenism, iv, 287
on Immaculate Conception, iv, 369
Alexander VIII persecutes Pelagini, iv, 46
attacks Molinos, iv, 54
persecutes mystics, iv, 60
See also Ottoboni.
Alexandria, expulsion of Jews from, i, 38
captured by Muladíes, i, 49
Alfonso VI deports Mozárabes, i, 47
takes refuge with Moors, i, 53
his policy with Moors, i, 58
with Mudéjares, i, 61
Alfonso el Batallador, i, 48
Alfonso X limits spiritual courts, i, 15
is aided by Moors, i, 54
descriminates against Jews, i, 61
patronizes Jews, i, 89, 99
on trade with Moors, i, 56
burning for renegades, iii, 183
on sorcery, iv, 180
Alfonso XI restores order, i, 3
loses Gibraltar, i, 54
policy with Jews, i, 95, 100
claims half of confiscations, ii, 316
Alfonso VI (Aragon) expels Jews from Barcelona, i, 110
Alfonso of Aragon made Archbp. of Saragossa, i, 13
Alguazil, his position and functions, ii, 245
pays prison expenses, ii, 210, 259
Alguaziles of commissioners, ii, 270
of Moriscos, their exactions, iii, 370
Alguazil mayor, ii, 246
Alguazilships, sale of, ii, 213
Alhondiga, i, 388
Aliaga, Amador de, his defalcation, ii, 452
opposes grants from confiscations, ii, 383
Aliaga, inq.-genl., forced into Suprema, i, 323
his resignation, i, 307
Aliaga, Abp., tries cases of solicitation, iv, 102, 104
Alicante, failure of Christians in, i, 67
visitas de navíos, iii, 314, 519
Alienation of property by heretics, ii, 324, 339
Aljafería assigned to the Inqn., i, 255
shops opened in, i, 389
attacked to rescue Ant. Pérez, iv, 259
tribunal ejected, ii, 441
Aljamas responsible for fines, ii, 395
Allende, Fr. Lucas de, case of, ii, 532; iii, 96
Allegiance, renunciation of, i, 1
Aragonese oath of, i, 229
Allowance to prisoners, ii, 531
to families of prisoners, ii, 500
Almaden, service in, as penance, iii, 145
Almagro, Moriscos of, iii, 330
Almanzor aided by Christians, i, 53
Almenara, Count of, iv, 256, 259
Almería, its prosperity under Moors, i, 67
quarrel over its precentorship, ii, 425
Almirantazgo, iii, 510
Almohades, their fanaticism, i, 48, 51
Almojarife, i, 74, 98
Almoravides, their invasion, i, 47
Alms as pecuniary penance, ii, 320, 389
Alonso de la Fuente attacks Luis de Granada, iv, 17
assails Jesuit mystics, iv, 19
Altamira, Margarita, case of, ii, 187, 497; iii, 67, 137
Alum, cargoes of, confiscated, iii, 463
Alumbrados appear in Spain, iv, 6
of Llerena, iv, 23
errors ascribed to, iv, 24
cases, ii, 135; iii, 62
Alumbrado y solicitante, iv, 118, 121
Alumbramiento, iv, 4
Alvarado, his Cartas del Filósofo Rancio, iv, 405
on calificadores, ii, 264
on solicitation, iv, 135
on witchcraft, iv, 242
on political use of Inqn., iv, 277
on philosophers, iv, 314
Alvárez, Hernando, iv, 20, 21, 23
Alva, Duke of, interferes with Inqn., i, 186
Alzaibar, Manuel, his Triple Alianza, iv, 408
Ambrose, St., on Jews, i, 37
Amin, i, 593; ii, 566
Amnesty, decree of 1824, iv, 451
and pardon of 1832, iv, 464
Amort, Dr., on revelations, iv, 5
Amusquibar quarrels with abp., ii, 17
Anarchy, virtual, of Castile, i, 4
in 17th century, iv, 511
Ana of Austria, her obsequies, i, 362
Anathema in quarrels with spiritual courts, i, 494
in Edict of Faith, ii, 95
Ancona, Jews invited to, iii, 254
Anchias, Juan de, his Libro Verde, i, 260; ii, 298
as informer, ii, 324
Andalusia, persecution of Conversos, i, 129
expulsion of Jews, i, 131
of Moriscos, iii, 398
effect of Inqn. in, ii, 103
English merchants in, iii, 467
Andorra, subject to Barcelona, i, 543; iii, 460
Andujar, decree of, iv, 448
Angel Exterminador, iv, 456
Angelo da Chivasso on the Sabbat, iv, 209
Anger as extenuation, iii, 63
Anglican Catechism in Spain, iii, 451
Angoulême, Duc d’, iv, 447, 448, 450
Antequera, capture of, i, 4, 65
quarrel over canonry, i, 342, 348
Antist, Inqr., besieged, i, 466
Antagonism, racial, i, 75, 81, 121, 126
Antonino, St., on the Sabbat, iv, 209
Antwerp, torture in, iii, 3
Anusim—unwilling Christians, i, 146
Apartments, autos held in, iii, 221
Aplacería, ii, 508
Apollinaris, Sidonius, on Jews, i, 39
Apostate Jews, their bitterness, i, 113
Appeals, devolutionary and suspensive, ii, 187
Appeals from sentence of torture, iii, 6
in secular cases, i, 509
to inq.-genl. become obsolete, ii, 187
to king, how smothered, ii, 26
none from Inqn., i, 341, 356, 437
referred to bps., ii, 108, 110, 112, 113, 116
to Suprema, i, 271; ii, 164; iii, 95
Appeals to Rome, ii, 103
Villanueva’s case, ii, 145
forbidden by Philip III, i, 494, 496
about canonries, ii, 422
Appel comme d’abus, i, 341
Appellate jurisdiction renounced, ii, 126, 128, 129
Appointees, temporary, ii, 220
Appointments reserved to the crown, i, 158, 290, 300, 302; ii, 237
made by inq.-genl., i, 177, 302; ii, 161, 167
shared by Suprema, i, 298
sale of, ii, 212
nepotism in, ii, 219
Aquelarre, iv, 220
Aquinas on consultation of demons, ii, 173
on coerced baptism, iii, 349
on trances, iv, 4
on Immaculate Conception, iv, 359
Arabic, its use prohibited, iii, 332, 335, 340
writers on magic, iv, 180
Aragon, the Hermandad in, i, 31
rates of interest in, i, 97
popular liberties in, i, 229
Court of the Justicia, i, 450
liberties curtailed in 1592, iv, 270
clerics liable to taxes, i, 375
export of wheat, i, 385
of horses, iv, 279
right of asylum, i, 422, 424
coinage, i, 565
protection of accused, ii, 466
rules as to witnesses, ii, 536, 559
torture not used, iii, 2
trials in absentia, iii, 81
galley-service forbidden, iii, 139
the sanbenito unknown, iii, 162
usurers not prosecuted, iv, 372
massacre of 1391, i, 108, 112
oppression of Jews, i, 117
early tribunals in, ii, 206
separate Inqn. for, i, 180
its Suprema, ii, 164
Torquemada appointed, i, 236, 238
opposition to Inqn., i, 245
effect of murder of Arbués, i, 252
fate of New Christians, i, 259
contest over Concordia of 1519, i, 277
repetition of complaints, i, 285
special oppression, i, 439
Concordia of 1568, i, 454
conflicts of jurisdiction, i, 452
reforms evaded in 1626, i, 455
privileges compared with Castile, i, 453, 458, 459
Córtes of 1645-6, i, 458, 460, 619
number of familiars reduced, i, 462
troubles over familiars, ii, 274
tribunal impoverished, i, 463
agreement not to appeal to Rome, ii, 118
voluntary conversion of Moors, iii, 344
conversion of Moors enforced, iii, 354, 356
position of Moriscos, iii, 342
their disarmament, iii, 379
their expulsion, ii, 486; iii, 401
extensive confiscations, i, 256
grievances of confiscation, ii, 327
confiscations taxed, ii, 352
composition for confiscation, ii, 354
penance replaces confiscation, ii, 395
Inqn. depends on confiscation, ii, 434
Morisco confiscations, iii, 359
carrying arms at night, i, 408
number of officials in tribunal, ii, 211
absence of Judaism, iii, 309
sorcery, iv, 182, 184
affair of Antonio Pérez, iv, 256
bigamy punished, iv, 316
jurisdiction over blasphemy, iv, 328
unnatural crime, iv, 363, 366
Council of, on familiars, i, 447
Aragon, Antonio de, forced on Suprema, i, 324
his report on Catalonia, i, 477
Arancel, or fee-bill, ii, 252
Aranda, Bp. of Calahorra, case of, ii, 43
Aranda, Council of, i, 10, 123
Aranda, Count of, iv, 261, 264, 265, 266,
390
Aranjuez, Tumult of, iv, 390, 399
Arbués, Pedro, i, 244, 249, 251, 252, 255
punishment of his assassins, i, 256
Arca de tres llaves, ii, 231, 450, 452
Arce y Reynoso, Diego de, his salary as professor, ii, 252
submits nominations to king, i, 301
resigns see of Plasencia, i, 310; ii, 154
evades the media añata, i, 378
strives for independence, i, 489
suppresses Madrid tribunal, i, 545
reopens case of San Placido, ii, 138
admits that appeals lie to Rome, ii, 149
prohibits sale of offices, ii, 215
case of Luisa de Carrion, iv, 38
permits cult of fictitious saints, iv, 358
Arce y Reynoso, Ramon de, his resignation, i, 321
joins the French, iv, 401
Archbishops, visits not to be paid to, i, 358
Archives of the Inquisition, i, 159
Ares Fonseca, his memorial, iii, 279
Arévalo, Pragmática of, i, 121, 123
Argüelles, Fray, consults demons, ii, 171
Arguello, his collection of instructions, i, 182
Arguments of advocates, iii, 69
Arians, their toleration of Jews, i, 38
Arias, Abp., arrested and exiled, iv, 440
his junta de fe, iv, 460
Arias, García, case of, iii, 427, 429
Arjona, inquisitorial proceedings, i, 212; ii, 555
Arm nailed to cross as punishment, iii, 133
Armas alevosas, i, 402
Arms, right to carry, i, 270, 401; ii, 272
forbidden to Moriscos, iii, 323, 332
Army of the Faith, iv, 443
Army, Inqn. of, i, 541
conflicting jurisdiction, i, 504
Arnaud of Narbonne, his intolerance, i, 59
Arquebuses, flint-lock, prohibited, i, 404
Arquer, Sigismondo, case of, iii, 453
Arrese, Juan de, tries Luis de Leon, iv, 160
suppresses astrology, iv, 193
Arrest by Inqn., complaint of, i, 185
power of, i, 186, 241, 357; ii, 179
its preliminaries, ii, 486
arbitrary, ii, 491
proof required for, ii, 490
without proof, ii, 493; iii, 232
without jurisdiction, iv, 364
segregation of prisoner, ii, 493
sequestration, ii, 496
money seized for expenses, ii, 494
supervised by Suprema, ii, 184
abuses, ii, 492
infamy caused by, ii, 311, 490, 492
Arrogance towards royal judges, i, 519
towards spiritual courts, i, 494
Ars Notoria, ii, 142; iv, 185
Art, censorship of, iii, 546
Arts, mechanic, habilitated, iv, 487
occult, iv, 179
Asalariados, i, 376
Ashes of culprit scattered, iii, 220
Aspa de San Andrés, iii, 163
Assassination of Arbués, i, 251
Assassins of Arbués, their punishment, i, 256
their sanbenitos, i, 258
Assembly of experts, ii, 265; iii, 72
Assent of Suprema to royal decrees required, i, 325
Assessments in compositions, ii, 359
Assessor, the, ii, 232
as judge of confiscations, ii, 350
Assumpçao, Fray Diogo de, iii, 293
Astesanus on sorcery, iv, 181
Astrology, prosecution for, ii, 140
punishment of, iv, 194
taught at Córdova, iv, 180
condemned by Sixtus V, iv, 189
suppressed in Salamanca, iv, 193
Asylum afforded by Inqn., i, 421, 455, 460
Atheism, punishment of, iv, 307
Auction on arrest of accused, ii, 494, 500
of confiscated property, ii, 363
sale of offices at, ii, 214
prebends farmed out at, ii, 430
Auctorem Fidei, bull, iv, 286, 293, 295
Audience-chamber, the, ii, 231, 541, 554
sentence read in, iii, 96, 180
Audience granted when asked for, iii, 37
delay in granting, iii, 78
at the auto de fe, ii, 586
Audiencia de cárcel, ii, 467, 471
de cargos, iii, 40
de hacienda, ii, 321, 497
de preguntas, iii, 71
Audiencia of Seville, its injustice, ii, 468
Auditor-general, his duties, ii, 366
Auditors of receivers’ accounts, ii, 447
Auditorship, price of, ii, 214
Augustin, St., on marriage with Jews, i, 37
Augustinians exempted from Inqn., ii, 31
attacked by Jesuits, iv, 288
Authors, classification of, iii, 500
defence allowed to, iii, 541
Authorship, discouragement of, iii, 549
Authorities must be present at autos, iii, 211
Autillo, iii, 220
Auto de fe, the, iii, 209
Auto particular, iii, 210, 220
Auto publico general, iii, 209
its discontinuance, iii, 222
preparations for, iii, 214
public, as spectacle, iii, 211, 227
the procession, iii, 217
sentences read in, iii, 93
confession during, iii, 191
audience at, ii, 586
oath taken by kings, i, 353
the first at Seville, i, 163
centralized in tribunal cities, iii, 210
in Saragossa, i, 592
Auto controlled by Suprema, iii, 211
reports required of, ii, 183
cases accumulated for, iii, 72, 77
unattractive without burning, iv, 526
in Rome in 1498, ii, 114
Auto-suggestion in witchcraft, iv, 208, 221, 238
Autos sacramentales of Suprema, ii, 195, 198
Autocracy, growth of, iv, 250
limited by bureaucracy, i, 346, 418
Avellaneda on witchcraft, iv, 214
Avignon, slaughter of witches, iv, 242
Avila, conversion of Moors, iii, 325
tribunal of, i, 171, 542
Avila, Bp. of, appeals referred to, ii, 113
Avisos de cárceles, ii, 515
Avora, Gonzalo de, on Lucero, i, 195
Ayala, Abp., his edict of faith, ii, 8
seeks to instruct Moriscos, iii, 367, 375
Ayerbe, Francisco de, iv, 263, 271
Aymar, Juan, his visitation of Gerona, ii, 239
Ayuda de costa, i, 294
its development, ii, 253
subjected to king, i, 336
restricted by Philip V, ii, 223
conditioned on reports, ii, 183
on visitations, ii, 240
paid from fines and penances, ii, 254
Azanza, Miguel de, his Masonry, iv, 303
Azevedo, Inq.-genl., his death, i, 307
Azofras, iii, 376
Azpilcueta is advocate of Carranza, ii, 71
on denial of sacraments, ii, 520
on sinful prayer, iv, 16
on the Sabbat, iv, 220
on profanation of churches, iv, 5O3
Badajoz, conversion of Moors, iii, 326
mystics of, iv, 20
Badges imposed on Jews and Moors, i, 68, 115
of Inquisition, ii, 284
Badía, Juan de la, plots to kill Arbués, i, 251, 257, 602
Bagages, i, 395
Bahia, New Christians in, iii, 279
Bail, admission to, ii, 507; iii, 111
Baius, Michael, his errors, iv, 284
Baker, Anthony, case of, iii, 437
Bakery, troubles over, i, 388, 391
Balaguer, tribunal of, i, 542
Baldíos, iv, 309, 482
Balearic Isles, i, 266
Balestilla, iii, 23
Ballads of the Cid, i, 1
Moors in the, i, 52
Balmaseda, Jews expelled from, i, 125
Balmés, his opinion of Carranza, ii, 85
Banch Reyal of Catalonia, i, 465, 472
Bandits as familiars, i, 453
Banishment, iii, 126
Bankruptcy of familiars, i, 445
cases, treatment of, i, 453
Banquillo, iii, 20
Baptism necessary to heresy, ii, 3; iii, 69
torture to ascertain, iii, 34
forcible, doctrine of, i, 41, 93, 294; iii, 348
of children of Conversos, i, 146
of Valencian Moors, iii, 346, 355
of Morisco children, iii, 380
manumits slaves, i, 57
of coins, iv, 199
Bar, Catherine of, her missionary project, iii, 451
Barbarj, Filippo de, his influence, i, 155
Barbary, conveying arms to, iii, 104
Barbastro, tribunal of, i, 543
Barber of tribunal, ii, 249
Barbers’ busts, censorship of, iii, 547
Barcelona, massacre of 1391, i, 108
its aljama destroyed, i, 110
admits tribunal, i, 263
disrepute of tribunal, i, 187, 467, 468, 481
visitations, i, 369, 528
abuses of commissioners, ii, 268
of fines and penances, ii, 393, 397, 399
punishes espontaneados, ii, 571
prosecutes for exporting horses, iv, 282
confusion of its records, ii, 258
negligence as to limpieza, ii, 295
conviction on one witness, ii, 562
its finances, ii, 434, 437, 439, 441
its condition in 1632, i, 417
quarrels over its canonries, ii, 430
its perpetual prison, iii, 153, 157
fuero of servants vindicated, i, 433
severity to Frenchmen, iii, 459
case of billeting troops, i, 396
removal of sanbenitos, iii, 165
humiliation of royal judges, i, 518
deportation of Inq. Muñoz, i, 482
visitas de navíos, iii, 314, 518
tribunal argues away Concordias, i, 472
right of asylum, i, 423, 424
witch cases in, iv, 217, 224
acquittals in, iii, 106
operations of Inqn. in, iv, 521
the Inqn. invaded in 1567, i, 469
inqrs. banished in 1611, i, 473
rising of 1640, i, 476
tribunal during rebellion, i, 476
inqrs. during rebellion, i, 477
tribunal re-established, i, 480
during War of Succession, i, 483
Inqn. sacked in 1820, iv, 435
Barcena, Antonio de, i, 211, 212
Barnuevo, Dr., on Spanish intolerance, iv, 505
Baronius, his Annals, iii, 534
Barons, oath of, i, 351
ineligible as familiars, ii, 281
Barre, Chev. de la, case of, iii, 100
Barroeta, Abp., his quarrel with inqrs., ii, 17
Basante, Juan de, iv, 258, 262
Basin, Bernardo, on pact with demon, iv, 185
on the Sabbat, iv, 210
Basle, Council of, its oppression of Jews, i, 119
Bastida, Francisco de la, iv, 346
Baths, prohibition of, iii, 332, 335
Bayonne, Constitution of, iv, 400
Beaurains, his grant on Seville composition, ii, 362
Bearing arms, i, 401
Béarn, export of horses to, iv, 280
Beas, Judaizers of, iii, 90, 298
Beata de Piedrahita, iv, 6
Beata de Cuenca, iv, 90
Beata Clara, iv, 91
Beatas, the, iv, 6
revelanderas, iv, 25, 81, 83
Beccarellisti, iv, 61
Becerro, libros de, ii, 307
Bedding of the relapsed confiscated, ii, 337
Beds supplied to prisoners, ii, 528
Begghards and Beguines, iv, 2
Belando, his History condemned, i, 316
Bell’ Uomo, Gottardo, iv, 51
Belmonte, suppression of canonry, ii, 428
Beltran, Beatriz, her compurgation, iii, 114
Beltran, Felipe, his commission, i, 303, 612
suppression of sanbenitos, iii, 170
Beltraneja, La, i, 19
Benalcázar, Count of, impedes the Inqn., i, 186
Ben-Astruch disputes with Christiá, i, 91
Benavente, Count of, his insolence, i, 8
Bène, Amaury of, iv, 2
Benedict XII, his tax-roll, iv, 340
Benedict XIII entertains appeal from Spain, ii, 160
Benedict XIV on episcopal jurisdiction, ii, 10
Benedict XIV on use of vernacular Bible, iii, 529
limits censorship, iii, 541
condemns the Mística Ciudad, iv, 41
on solicitation, iv, 112, 113
on witchcraft, iv, 245
defends Card. Noris, iv, 289
condemns Masonry, iv, 300
his grant to Philip V, iv, 494
Benedict XIII (antipope) on the Jews, i, 118
Benefit of clergy, i, 427
Benefices, ii, 319, 415, 418, 440; iii, 176
Beneplacitum commissions, i, 176
Beni-Cassi supreme in Aragon, i, 50
Benet, Jaime, on coerced baptisms, iii, 351
Bequest, pious, seized, ii, 337
claims of Religious Orders for, iv, 488
Berin, Judaizers of, iii, 300
Bernabeu, Antonio, case of, iv, 437
on effect of denunciation, iv, 138
Bernal, Juan, an Alumbrado, iv, 23
Bernáldez on Judaism of New Christians, i, 151
account of the expulsion, i, 139
his statistics, iv, 519
his persecuting zeal, iv, 525
Bernat, Hugues, case of, iii, 449
Bernières-Louvigny, his Quietism, iv, 63
Berri, Jean de, case of, ii, 129
Berrocosa, Fray, case of, iii, 456
Berwick and Alva, Duke of, is alguazil mayor, iv, 431
Betrothal leads to bigamy, iv, 317
Bewitchment of Carlos II, ii, 171
Béziers, Council of, on disabilities of descendants, iii, 173
Bibles, Hebrew, burnt, iii, 480
list of prohibited, iii, 485
censorship of, iii, 527
vernacular, iii, 528, 529, 575
Bibliothèque Janseniste, iv, 289, 290
Bigamy, cognizance of, forbidden, i, 271
secular punishments, iv, 316
Inqn. assumes jurisdiction, iv, 317
spiritual punishment, iv, 318
competencias with civil courts, iv, 319
punishment by Inqn., iv, 321
is mixti fori, iv, 323
jurisdiction limited, iv, 324
resumed under Restoration, iv, 326
number of cases, iv, 327
stimulates false-witness, ii, 559
Bigamists, their cases not calificado, ii, 488
Bilbao, quarrel over visitas de navíos, iii, 513
Billeting of troops, i, 394
Bisbal, la, Count of, iv, 434, 435
Biscay admits the Hermandad, i, 31
composition for, ii, 356
protection of accused, ii, 466
visitas de navíos, iii, 515
witchcraft in, iv, 211, 215
Bishops, their character, i, 8; iv, 497
dispute over their appointment, i, 13
of Jewish extraction not admitted, ii, 12
their jurisdiction, i, 153; ii, 5
over heresy, ii, 19; iv, 411
over witchcraft, iv, 242
over bigamy, iv, 318, 320
their concurrent jurisdiction, i, 230; ii, 6-12; iii, 71
appointment of delegates, ii, 17
their juntas de fe, iv, 460
quarrels with inqrs., i, 620
struggle for precedence, i, 358, 361
their exemption from the Inqn., i, 147, 159, 501; ii, 41, 45, 73, 87; iii, 423
their censorship, iii, 480, 544
allowed to grant dispensations, iv, 396
officiate in degradation, iii, 182
ordered to instruct Moriscos, iii, 367
protest against suppression of Inqn., iv, 414
their persecution, in 1820-3, iv, 440
Black Death, massacres caused by, i, 101
Blackstone, Sir. Wm., on witches, iv, 247
Blanca, coin, i, 562
Blanco, Dr., case of, iii, 427, 429
Blanco, Pedro Luis, his reply to Grégoire, iv, 397
Blank papal letters of exemption, ii, 110
pages, rebuke for, ii, 190
Blasphemy, cognizance of, forbidden, i, 271
heretical and non-heretical, iv, 328
definitions, iv, 331
cumulative jurisdiction, iv, 333
punishment, iii, 134; iv, 334
number of cases, iv, 335
used in trial of Ant. Pérez, iv, 258
Blau, Jaime, his fine, ii, 398
Bleda, Fray, his Defensio Fidei, iii, 388
on wealth of Inqn., ii, 437
on number of clergy, iv, 490
Blood of Arbués, its liquefaction, i, 251
judgements of, i, 367; iii, 184, 188, 223
Bobadilla, his Tizon de la nobleza, ii, 298
Bodies, briefs for secret burning of, i, 296
Bohorques, Juana de, iii, 446
Bohorques, María de, iii, 443
Bolgeni on Jansenism, iv, 286
Bolsa, i, 415
Bona, Bartolommeo, iv, 47, 48
Bonaventura, St., on danger of mysticism, iv, 9
Bonds required of receivers, ii, 446
Boniface VIII, his bull Clericis laicos, i, 375
exempts bps. from Inqn., ii, 41
suppression of witnesses’ names, ii, 548
disabilities of descendants, iii, 173
coerced baptism, iii, 348
Bonifaz, Inq.-genl., banished from court, i, 321; iii, 540
removes Card. Noris from Index, iv, 291
Bonifaza, case of convent of, ii, 348
Books submitted to censors, ii, 263
official revisors of, iii, 501
Lutheran, sent to Spain, iii, 421
in English prohibited, iii, 523
lascivious, in Index, iii, 545
all new ones seized, iii, 504
fate of those seized, iii, 509
edict prohibiting, iii, 573
penalties for disregarding it, iii, 482, 488, 525
importation of, iii, 489, 505, 506, 508, 510, 512, 517
exports of, supervised, iii, 507
in transit examined, iii, 508
expurgation of, iii, 492, 494, 497, 498
allowed to prisoners, iv, 157
Booksellers, regulations for, iii, 501
prosecutions of, iii, 499, 525
Book-shops, search of, iii, 482, 486, 487 489, 495, 498, 501, 502
Book-trade, foreign, passes through Suprema, iii, 506
domestic, supervision of, iii, 507
Borja, Card., interferes with Valencia tribunal, i, 230, 240
Borja, Cæsar, prosecution of, iv, 252
Borja, St. Francisco de, his books condemned, iii, 530; iv, 16
Borja, Galceran de, case of, iv, 370
Borri, Fran. Gius., iv, 44
Borromeo, S. Carlo, his pension on Toledo, ii, 70
introduces confessional, iv, 96
burns witches, iv, 242
Bossuet, his quarrel with Fénelon, iv, 64
Bostezo, iii, 19
Bouillon, Card. de, defends Fénelon, iv, 66
Bourbons, restraint of Inqn. under—
control of finances and confiscations, i, 336
inquisitorial arrogance, i, 348
case of Canary tribunal, i, 349
questions of precedence, i, 364
enforcement of police rules, i, 365
tax of salaried officials, i, 383
salt-privilege in Valencia, i, 394
billeting of troops, i, 399
carrying of arms, i, 411
exemption from military service, i, 415
conflicts of jurisdiction, i, 514
appeals to Rome, ii, 159
rivalry of Suprema and inq.-genl., ii, 178
restriction of jubilation and ayudas de costa, ii, 223
financial exactions, ii, 440
restrictions on censorship, iii, 540
jurisdiction over bigamy, iv, 323
political use of Inqn., iv, 275
Bourmont, Gen., saves Liberals, iv, 450
Bourignon, Antoinette, her Quietism, iv, 63
Box for sentences, iii, 215
Brasero, see Quemadero.
Bravonel the Moor, i, 52
Brazil, no tribunal there, iii, 261
New Christians in, iii, 272, 279
Bread-knife, mode of holding, ii, 567
Breakfast at autos, iii, 217
Breviary prohibited, iii, 531
Brianda de Bardaxí, her penance, ii, 390
Bribery in cases of limpieza, ii, 304
of prison officials, ii, 520
of executioner, iii, 32
in witchcraft accusations, iv, 233
Bricklayer reckoned as official, ii, 211
Bridle and pannier as penance, iii, 133
Briefs, papal, for private reconciliation, i, 296
penalty for using, ii, 110
Brothers, transfer of offices to, ii, 220, 221
Brunon de Vertiz, case of, iii, 40
delays in his trial, iii, 79
Buchanan, George, his prosecution, iii, 263
Buen confitentes sent to galleys, iii, 143
Buendias, the, their hardships, ii, 355
Bugia, Conversos to be seized in, i, 185
Buildings for tribunals, ii, 206
Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, i, 159
Bull-fights, perquisites of, ii, 197, 198
school for, iv, 453
Bureaucracy undermines autocracy, i, 346, 418
Burgos, complaint of Jews of, i, 89
tribunal of, i, 543
Burgos, Javier de, his memorial, iv, 453
Burgundian influence, iv, 475, 477
Burial rite, Jewish, ii, 566
secret, of prisoners, ii, 521, 522
Burning of heretics, iii, 183; iv, 406
the sentence to, iii, 185, 219, 220, 225
of effigies, iii, 81
for false-witness, ii, 557
for relapse, iii, 204
for unnatural crime, iv, 361, 367, 368
its popular attractiveness, iv, 526
statistics of, iv, 517
alive for pertinacity, iii, 197
for negativos, iii, 198
infrequency of, iii, 193, 194
Burton, Nicholas, case of, iii, 446
Butcher is a titular official, i, 491
Butchers of San Sebastian, i, 34
Morisco, iii, 381
Butcher-shops of Inqn., i, 389, 392
Caballería, Jaime de la, i, 295
Pedro de la, i, 115
Caballero, Francisca de Paula, iv, 80
Cabarrús, Count, his letters, iv, 314
Cabezon, Declaration of, i, 19
Cabra, Count of, resists assessments, ii, 360
Caciquismo, iv, 473
Cadets, limpieza required for, ii, 312
Cádiz, tribunal of, i, 543
visitas de navíos, iii, 315, 518, 520
composition of, ii, 357
Córtes convoked at, iv, 403
Córtes of, their Jansenism, iv, 297
contest with Chapter, iv, 414
massacre in 1820, iv, 435
as refuge in 1823, iv, 446
Cæsarius of Heisterbach on Jews, i, 82
Cag de la Maleha as almojarife, i, 99
Cagliostro founds the lodge España, iv, 303
condemned for Masonry, iv, 300
Caietano on exclusion of New Christians, ii, 289
Caladui, battle of, iii, 323
Calahorra, tribunal of, i, 543
cost of prisoner’s food, ii, 532
Calatayud, Aljama of, fined, i, 94
tribunal of, i, 544
Calatrava, Order of, attacks New Christians, i, 126
Calcena, Ferdinand’s secretary, i, 193
his influence, i, 210
dismissed and restored, i, 215
his gains from confiscations, ii, 362, 372
ignores and enforces heretic debts, ii, 329
Caldera, his Mística Teología, iv, 29
Calderon, Francisco Garcia, case of, ii, 134
Calidad de oficio, ii, 485, 488
Calificacion, ii, 486
its process, ii, 487
after arrest, ii, 492
becomes obsolete, ii, 488
Calificadores, ii, 216, 263, 486, 488
Calomarde, his disgrace, iv, 463
Camargo, Juan de, enforces subjection of regulars, ii, 37
Camarilla, power of, iv, 451
Caminos de herradura, iv, 480
Campillo, José de, ii, 100
Campo, Elvira de, her case, ii, 489
her torture, iii, 24
Canals, iv, 480
Canaries, tribunal of, i, 544
excesses, i, 348; ii, 527
Englishmen subject to the Index, iii 467
foreign sailors, iii, 462
quarrel over canonry, i, 342, 348
inspection of, ii, 229
receipts from, in 1824, iv, 460
relaxations in, iv, 524
Candia captured by Muladíes, i, 49
Candles, lighting of, on Friday, ii, 566
for penitents, iii, 215
Cangas, demoniacs of, ii, 170
Cano, Melchor, his parecer, ii, 51; iii, 533
relations with Carranza, ii, 56, 62, 63
on Jesuit mysticism, iv, 18
Canonical purgation, iii, 114
Canonization of Arbués, i, 252
of saints, iv, 355
Canonries granted to officials, ii, 416
doctoral and magistral, ii, 421
suppressed for Inqn., ii, 423, 426, 429
for Inqn. of Portugal, iii, 266
their revenues, ii, 430, 443
Canons as commissioners, ii, 422
of Majorca obtain papal brief, i, 498
Canopies, Inqn. deprived of, i, 364
Cantadores, iv, 180
Canticles, Luis de Leon’s version of, iv, 152
Canto, Miguel, his pamphlet, iv, 442
Caone, Hilario, case of, iv, 130
Capellanías, foundation of, iv, 488
Cappa, Ricardo, on pact with demon, iv, 205
Capodiferro, nuncio, iii, 242, 243
Captives, redemption of, ii, 411
Caraccioli, Card., on Quietism, iv, 53
Caraffa, Card., speculates on Jews, iii, 254
Carbonell, Pere Miguel, his statistics, iv, 521
Cárcel y abito, ii, 411; iii, 163
Cárcel de familiares, ii, 508
Carcelero, ii, 247
Cárceles medias, comunes, públicas, ii, 508
Cárceles secretas, ii, 230, 471, 507
preferable to other gaols, ii, 509
terror inspired by, ii, 511
Cardona, Duke of, banishes Inqn., i, 475
Cardona, Folch de,
resists arrest of Admiral of Castile, ii, 172
resists Inq.-genl. Mendoza, ii, 175, 177
Cargoes, seizure of, ii, 338, 497
Carlists prepare for Fernando’s death, iv, 466
Carlos, Don, case of, iv, 253
Carlos, Don, head of ultra royalists, iv, 456
his prospects of succession, iv, 462
insists on his claims, iv, 463
is sent to Portugal, iv, 465
Carlos II claims confiscations, i, 335
increased power of Inqn., i, 347
rejects appeal of Suprema, i, 464
forbids pistols, i, 411
rebuffed by Majorca clergy, i, 504
seeks to check abuses, i, 511; ii, 215, 222, 234, 413
his character, ii, 169
his bewitchment, ii, 170
abandons Froilan Díaz, ii, 173
requires inqrs. to be lawyers, ii, 235
his oath at auto, iii, 218
orders search for Huguenots, iii, 471
persecutes Jansenists, iv, 287
his disastrous reign, iv, 476
on growth of Church, iv, 491
unable to protect his subjects, iv, 511
humiliated by Inqn., iv, 512
Carlos III scrutinizes commission of inq.-genl., i, 303
on Catechism of Mesengui, i, 321
regulates the Suprema, i, 323
enforces police regulations, i, 365
annuls exemption from billets, i, 400
forbids bearing arms, i, 412
exemptions from military service, i, 414
orders Concordias observed, i, 483
limits the fuero, i, 516
insists on courtesy, i, 520
expedites competencias, i, 525
relieves Mallorquin New Christians, ii, 313
on pay of commissioners, ii, 423
on non-Catholic recruits, iii, 476
requires proof before arrest, ii, 493
his Pragmática del Exequatur, iii, 540
limits censorship, iii, 541
expels the Jesuits, iv, 294
his action as to bigamy, iv, 323
his control of Inqn., iv, 389
progress under him, iv, 387, 480, 486
taxes church acquisitions, iv, 493
on profanation of churches, iv, 503
Carlos IV dismisses inq.-genl., i, 321
on conflicts of jurisdiction, i, 505, 524
exclusion of Jews, iii, 314
registers all foreigners, iii, 472
confirms censorship law, iii, 489
revolution is heresy, iii, 543
evokes the case of Salas, iv, 313
his disastrous reign, iv, 390
his treatment of Jovellanos, iv, 395
sent to Compiègne, iv, 399
revives law of succession, iv, 463, 465
taxes church acquisitions, iv, 493
Carlotta de Bourbon, iv, 464
Carmelites, discalced, ask for commutations, ii, 410
Carnicería of Logroño, trouble over, i, 532
Carpenter’s bill referred to Ferdinand, i, 293
Carranza, Abp., case of, ii, 46
his reforming tendencies, ii, 52
his Commentaries, ii, 55
his trial commenced, ii, 62
delays, ii, 71, 73
surrendered to the pope, ii, 79
his sentence, ii, 82
his death, ii, 84
his mysticism, iv, 15
on character of clergy, iv, 486
on observance of Sundays, iv, 502
Carranza, Sancho de, persecutes witches, iv, 215
Carrillo, Abp., his turbulence, i, 8, 287
his treatment of Ximenes, i, 13
appoints an inquisitor, i, 167
on exclusion of New Christians, ii, 285
Cartagena, tribunal of, i, 544
visitas de navíos, iii, 314
contribution from, ii, 201
Cartas acordadas, i, 182; ii, 475
de gracía, ii, 346
del Filósofo Rancio, iv, 405
Cartillas prohibited, iii, 531
of commissioners, ii, 269, 272
Casa de penitencia, ii, 507; iii, 155
its alcaide, ii, 249
Casafranca, Jaime de, case of, ii, 344
Casas, Diego de las, case of, ii, 124
Caspe, conversion of Moors of, iii, 344
Castellano, coin, i, 560
Castile, its turbulence, i, 1
rates of interest in, i, 97
massacres in 1391, i, 107, 112
expulsion of Jews, i, 136
Inqn. for, granted by Nicholas V, i, 147
established, i, 188
separate Inqn. for, i, 180
resistance provoked by Lucero, i, 189
complaints, i, 217, 220, 222, 485
complaints of temporal jurisdiction, i, 510
Concordia of 1553, i, 436
familiars, i, 458; ii, 275, 277
secular procedure, ii, 466, 468
rules as to witnesses, ii, 535, 559
use of torture in, iii, 1
forcible conversion of Moors, iii, 324
Moriscos persecuted, iii, 330, 390
expelled, iii, 399
sorcery in, iv, 182, 184
struggle over blasphemy, iv, 330
unnatural crime, iv, 364
export of horses, iv, 278
See also Córtes
Castro, Alfonso de, on duty of denunciation, ii, 486
on disabilities of descendants, iii, 173
on witchcraft, iv, 217
on the clergy, iv, 496, 497
on religion, iv, 502
Castro, Archdeacon of, case of, i, 193
Castro, Leon de, iv, 150, 159
Castro, Pedro de, Bp. of Cuenca, ii, 50, 66, 87
Castro, Rodrigo de, arrests Carranza, ii, 64
sent to Rome, ii, 74
persecutes mystics, iv, 21
Catalina, Doña, Ordenamiento de, i, 116, 123
Catalonia, papal patronage resisted, i, 12
contempt for New Christians, i, 125
introduction of Inqn. in, i, 236, 260
complaints, i, 265, 283, 285, 286
concordia of 1512, i, 283
Mercader’s Instructions, i, 273
donation to Inqn. in 1520, i, 284
familiars, i, 270, 273, 398, 401; ii, 275
struggles with Inqn., i, 326, 465, 469-74
outrages of billeted troops, i, 396
right to bear arms, i, 403
excludes officials from office, i, 416
limitation of jurisdiction, i, 432
rejects Concordia of 1568, i, 469
social condition in 1632, i, 474
rebellion of 1640, i, 476; iii, 543
forms a national Inqn., i, 477, 479
collapse of rebellion, i, 479
hostility continued, i, 483
its coinage, i, 565
Edict of Faith in, ii, 92
exacts pledges as to Moors, iii, 343
expulsion of Moors decreed, iii, 354
complains of corsairs, iii, 384
Morisco expulsion, iii, 401
Inqn. judges sorcery, iv, 183
struggle over bigamy, iv, 317
Catalonia, struggle over blasphemy, iv, 329
jurisdiction over unnatural crime, iv, 363, 371
revolt of 1822, iv, 443
rising of ultra royalists, iv, 456
Catechism of Mesengui, i, 320
for New Christians, i, 155
of Juan Pérez, iii, 428
Anglican, for Spain, iii, 451
in Romance prohibited, iii, 530
Cathedrals, sanbenitos hung in, iii, 166
Catholic Kings, reasons for the title, i, 143
Catholicism, feigned, punished, iii, 474, 476
Catholics burnt for denying heresy, ii, 586
tried for Lutheranism, iii, 420
Cato, Precepts of, iii, 447
Cazalla, Dr. Agustin, ii, 318, 512; iii, 201, 430, 431, 438
Cazalla, Bishop, iv, 12
Cazalla, María, iii, 96; iv, 5, 12
Cazalla, Pedro de, iii, 429, 431, 442
Cazalla house, razed, iii, 130
Celestina, the, iii, 546
Celibacy stimulated by limpieza, ii, 309
of clergy, iv, 336
Cell-companions, betrayal by, ii, 518, 579
Cella, Jews expelled from, i, 124
Celo de Cristo contra los Judíos, i, 115
Celosia in audience-chamber, ii, 231, 554
Celso, Hugo de, case of, iii, 423
Cemeteries, Jewish, their destination, i, 138
Censors or calificadores, ii, 263
Censorship confided to Inqn., iii, 482
independence of, iii, 486, 493, 535
savage law of Philip II, iii, 488
trivialities of, iii, 491
penalties for infraction, iii, 525
cases of infraction, iii, 526
its extension, iii, 532
power conferred by, iii, 539
limited by Carlos III, iii, 541
political use of, iii, 542
under Restoration, iii, 544
over morals and art, iii, 545
by the State, iii, 549
of the pulpit, iv, 173
of Immaculate Conception, iv, 361
of scientific works, iv, 394
abolished by Córtes of Cádiz, iv, 404
its influence, iv, 528
Censos due to confiscated estates, i, 270
investments in, ii, 435
Census of Inqn. in 1746, ii, 216
of Inqn. exempts, ii, 217
Centellas, Gaspar, case of, iii, 453, 555
Céntimo, value of, i, 565
Centralization, development of, ii, 184, 186
Ceremonial, quarrels over, i, 359
of autos, iii, 213
Certificate of limpieza, ii, 598
of discharge, iii, 109
de no obstancia, iii, 177
Cervantes on Moriscos, iii, 341
Cervantes, Gaspar, his visitation of Barcelona, i, 467, 529
Cervera, capitulations of, i, 20
Univ. of, its Jansenism, iv, 295
Cessatio a divinis, i, 495, 514
Cevallos, Gerón., his book condemned, iii, 535
Chains, prisoners kept in, ii, 466, 467, 511
Chair, ceremonial, question of, i, 362, 364
Chamorro and Uliff, correspondence of, i, 133
Chaplain of tribunal, ii, 249
Chapter of Belmonte submits, ii, 428
of Cádiz, its contest with the Córtes, iv, 414
of Valencia, prosecution of, ii, 133
Chapters resist grants of canonries, ii, 418, 420, 421
Character in priesthood, iv, 336
Character, influence of Inqn. on, iv, 138, 507, 515
Charges withheld from accused, iii, 39
Charles V restrains clerical immunity, i, 18
regulates butchers, i, 33
obtains masterships of Military Orders i, 34
protests against papal letters, ii, 122, 123, 124, 126
his early vacillation, i, 216
his project of reform, i, 218
swears to Concordias, i, 275, 276
contest over Concordia of 1519, i, 278
his answers to Córtes of 1528 and 1533, i, 286
power to appoint inq.-genl., i, 303
grants from confiscations, i, 329; ii, 362, 380, 381, 385
annuls statutes restricting Inqn., i, 365
deprives familiars of arms, i, 404
asserts right to public office, i, 415
grants the fuero to servants, i, 432, 434
suspends cédula of 1518, i, 435
firma served on him, i, 451
abolishes passive fuero, i, 466
offer to him as to confiscations, i, 583
memorial to him from Granada, i, 585
executes Bp. Acuña, ii, 44
his orders to receivers, ii, 191
protects Virués, ii, 127; iii, 418
empowers inspectors, ii, 228
on limpieza, ii, 289
confirms grants by heretics, ii, 328
less liberal than Ferdinand, ii, 348
enforces exclusive jurisdiction, ii, 352
his concession to the Guimeras, ii, 354
orders release of galley-slaves, ii, 412
seeks canonries for Inqn., ii, 424
regulates prison expenses, ii, 530
on suppression of witnesses’ names, ii, 550
on punishment of false-witness, ii, 556
hesitates as to galley-service, iii, 141
on enforcement of disabilities, iii, 175
aids João III, iii, 241
Edicts of Grace for Moriscos, iii, 328
his Granada edict, iii, 332
protects Conversos of Teruel, iii, 345
confirms coerced baptisms, iii, 351
orders baptism of Moors, iii, 352
his edict of expulsion, iii, 354
on Morisco confiscations, iii, 359
suspends Inqn. as to Moriscos, iii, 373
asks Inqn. to protect Moriscos, iii, 376
forbids Moriscos to change domicile, iii, 377
forbids butchering by Moriscos, iii, 381
suppresses Luther’s books, iii, 413
favors Erasmus, iii, 414
urges extermination of Protestants, iii, 434
his list of prohibited authors, iii, 484
letter of January 25, 1550, iii, 565
on export of horses, iv, 278
confiscates for bigamy, iv, 316
evades complaints as to blasphemy, iv, 330
confines usury to secular courts, iv, 374
results of his reign, iv, 474
his devoutness, iv, 499
his death, ii, 57
Charles le Chauve sends for relics, i, 47
Charles II (Navarre) and his Moors, iii, 317
Charles II (England), his treaty with Philip IV, iii, 470
Charles IX (France) complains of arrests of Frenchmen, iii, 459
Charms, curative, iv, 186, 188, 201
Châteaubriand prepares French intervention, iv, 445
strives to repair mischief, iv, 451
protests against Inqn., iv, 454
Chaves, Fr. Diego de, iv, 257, 259
Child-bed, removal from prison during, ii, 505, 524
Children, baptism of Jewish, i, 93
of Moriscos, iii, 380
prosecution of, ii, 3, 321; iii, 150, 161, 206
must denounce parents, ii, 485
of heretics, provision for, ii, 336, 528
their impoverishment a benefit, ii, 336
of accused can consult counsel, iii, 44
refused access to counsel, iii, 48
of dead, their citation, iii, 83
disabilities of, iii, 172
Morisco, detained, iii, 395, 399, 401, 403
Chinchilla, Juan, case of, ii, 468, iii, 190
Christiá, Pablo, disputes with Nachmanides, i, 90
Christian co-operation with Saracens, i, 49, 52, 56
converts to Islam, i, 49
Love, confraternity of, ii, 285
Moriscos expelled, iii, 403, 409
Christianity, hatred of, inspired, iii, 321, 330
Christianization of Moriscos, iii, 365
Christians under Saracen rule, i, 45
not to be burnt alive, iii, 192
burnt as negativos, iii, 287
Christina of Sweden favors Molinos, iv, 49, 54
Chrysostom, St. John, on Jews, i, 37
Chuetas, ii, 312
Church, the, its immunities, i, 11
on forcible conversion, i, 41; iii, 348
seeks to estrange the races, i, 55, 64, 68, 72, 75
on Jews, i, 74, 81, 86
revenues derived from Jews, i, 86
condemnation of usury, i, 96; iv, 372
burden of Inqn. thrown on, i, 331; ii, 423
its claim on confiscations, ii, 316, 318
its responsibility for burning, iii, 183
hostility to it in 1820-3, iv, 439
used to enforce passive obedience, iv, 444
its wealth, iv, 488, 493, 495
its oppressiveness, iv, 492
its influence, iv, 498, 507
Churches, asylum in, i, 421
sanbenitos hung in, iii, 165
autos held in, iii, 221
judgements of blood in, iii, 223
for Moriscos, iii, 366
pollution of, iv, 130
profanation of, iv, 503
Churrucca persecutes Moriscos, iii, 347
investigates conversions, iii, 350
Cibò, Card., on mystics, iv, 56
Cid, the, i, 1, 11, 53
Cientos, iv, 479
Cifuentes, church of, objects to sanbenitos, iii, 168
Circumcision of New Christians, i, 151
as evidence, ii, 566
Ciruelo on jurisdiction over sorcery, iv, 184
on astrology, iv, 192
on punishment for sorcery, iv, 197
on the Sabbat, iv, 220
Cirujano y barbero, ii, 249
Cisneros, Leonor de, iii, 429, 441
Cistercians subjected to Inqn. ii, 31
Citation of children of dead, iii, 83
of the absent, iii, 87
to Rome, ii, 118
Cities represented in Córtes, i, 2
assigned as prison, ii, 508
Ciudad Real, tribunal of, i, 166, 544
its activity, i, 167; iii, 82; iv, 520
persecution of Conversos, i, 126
New Christians denied office, i, 128
Civil law, confiscation in, ii, 316
Claims, buying up of, i, 265, 270, 430
of creditors of heretics, ii, 328
Clementines, rules in the, ii, 5
canon on usury, i, 95
Clamosa, the, ii, 489
Clara, Beata,, case of, iv, 91
Clasquerin, Archbp., on sorcerers, iv, 182
Class privileges, i, 375
Classification of heresy, ii, 4
of authors, iii, 500
of propositions, iv, 139
Cleanliness as evidence, ii, 566; iii, 329
Clemencin, Dom, on decline of printing, iv, 530
Clément, Joseph, his mission, iv, 293, 307, 390
Clement III favors Jews, i, 81
Clement IV rebukes Jaime I, i, 70, 91
Clement V subjects Jews of Toledo to
the chapter, i, 94
Clement VI strives to arrest massacres, i, 101
Clement VII on absolution for occult
heresy, ii, 20
his policy as to regulars, ii, 31, 32
limited jurisdiction over bps., ii, 45
renounces appellate jurisdiction, ii, 126
appeals for Francisco Ortiz, ii, 127; iv, 12
forbids taxes on confiscations, ii, 353
action as to Portuguese Inqn., iii, 239, 240
as to Valencia Moors, iii, 351, 352
as to Moriscos, iii, 371, 376
as to Lutherans, iii, 422, 423
brief of July 15, 1531, iii, 563
grants jurisdiction over unnatural crime, iv, 363
withdraws usury from Inqn., iv, 374
Clement VIII asserts episcopal cognizance of heresy, ii, 8
asserts appellate jurisdiction, ii, 132
on age of inqrs., ii, 236
commutes relapse, iii, 261
prohibits defamatory writings, iii, 531
confirms jurisdiction over regulars, ii, 36
heresies treated as relapse, iii, 201
insists on denunciation of accomplices, ii, 462; iii, 373
on ecclesiastical jurisdiction, iii, 534
relaxation for personating priesthood, iv 340
Clement IX sustains the Majorca Church, i, 502
Clement X suspends Portuguese Inqn., iii, 288
Clement XI, his instructions to Vidal Marin, i, 302; ii, 175, 178
tries Toro of Oviedo, ii, 88; iv, 73
condemns use of Bible, iii, 529
Clement XII condemns Masonry, iv, 299
Clement XIII condemns Mesengui’s Catechism, i, 320
Clergy, their character, i, 9, 10; iv, 496, 508
their immunity, i, 17, 345; iv, 497
their inviolability, i, 367
as tax-collectors, i, 99
taxed in kingdoms of Aragon, i, 375, 379
not to be familiars, i, 443, 454
leniency towards, iii, 100; iv, 368
arrests and sentences require confirmation, ii. 184, 185
confiscation of, ii, 318
levy on, for Inqn., ii, 426
subject to torture, iii, 13
sentenced in audience-chamber, iii, 96
spiritual penance for, iii, 132
circular discipline for, iii, 138
exempt from galleys, iii, 140
not exposed in autos, iii, 180
formal heresy in, iii, 181
judgements of blood forbidden to, iii, 184
tried for treason by Inqn., iv, 275
alienated by Córtes of Cádiz, iv, 413
resist the suppression of Inqn., iv, 414
hostility to, in 1820-3, iv, 439
their numbers, iv 489, 492, 493
refuse to reveal their wealth, iv, 494
of Majorca, obtain papal brief, i, 499
triumph over Inqn., i, 503
Clericalism, influence of, iv, 488, 498
Clericis laico, bull, i, 375
Clíment, Bp., of Barcelona, iv, 293
Clothes of relapsed confiscated, ii, 337
supplied to prisoners, ii, 528
Coaches, trouble over, in Logrono, i, 531
Coadjutorships with reversion, ii, 222
Coast-guard duty of familiars, i, 412
Coasts unprotected, iii, 383
Code, penal, on toleration, iv, 470
Cœlestis Pastor, bull, iv, 59
circulated in Spain, iv, 68
Cœli et Terræ, bull, iv, 189
Coello, Juana, iv, 254, 255, 266,
270
Cæna Domini, bull in, ii, 19
Coercion in baptism, i, 41; iii, 349
Coffer of three keys, ii, 450, 452
Cofradia de S. Pedro Martir, ii, 282
Coinage, Spanish, i, 560
debased under Henry IV, i, 7
violation of laws on, i, 438
debasement of, iv, 482
Inqn. invoked, iv, 283
Mariana’s attack on it, iv, 273
Coins, baptism of, iv, 199
Colegios de Familiares, ii, 282
Collection of debts, i, 434
through Inqn., i, 266
of media añata, i, 378
of confiscations, ii, 341
College for Moriscos, iii, 366, 367, 369, 379
of Santiago in Huesca, i, 456
Colleges, limpieza required by, ii, 298
Colonial tribunals, their finances, i, 332
remittance, seizure of, i, 333
Colonies, New Christians in, iii, 280
contribute to Suprema, ii, 200
Comets, superstition as to, iv, 530
Commentaries of Carranza, ii, 55, 56, 59, 73, 83, 85
Commerce, damage to, ii, 331, 386, 446, 462, 506, 511, 514
Commercial operations of Inqn., i, 176, 389
Commission paid to informers, ii, 323
Commissions of inqrs.-genl., i, 303
Lutheranism included, iii, 423
solicitation included, iv, 99
sorcery included, iv, 189
of inquisitors, ii, 595
issued by inqrs., ii, 218
of familiars, i, 409, 516
renewal of, ii, 162
for discovering hidden property, i, 268
to investigate New Christians, i, 156
on secular business, i, 468
of absolution, papal, ii, 106
military, their cruelty, iv, 452
Commissioners, ii, 268
their appointment, ii, 237
their fees, ii, 271
take ratifications, ii, 544
cannot form competencias, i, 444
must be present at autos, iii, 214
in investigating limpieza, ii, 302
instructions as to witchcraft, iv, 237
temporary, ii, 272
Communion, daily, taught by Molinos, iv, 51
Commutation of punishment, ii, 402, 408; iii, 161
grants of, ii, 410
Companhia da Bolsa, iii, 282
Competencia in 1530, i, 268
difficulty of settling, i, 481, 524
delays caused by, i, 464, 512, 525
formula of i, 518, 519
refusal of, i, 513, 516, 522
in bigamy cases, iv, 319
courtesy displayed, iv, 432
Complaints of Inqn. punished, iv, 515
Compositions for confiscation, i, 236, 267, 331; ii, 353
their violation, ii, 355
the great one of Seville, ii, 357
for individuals, ii, 356
for imperfect confession, ii, 460
for immunity, iii, 362
for military service, i, 334
Compurgation, iii, 113
in trials of the absent, iii, 87
Comte, Juan, inq. of Barcelona, i, 261, 263
Comuneros of 1820-3, iv, 439
Comunidades, iv, 250
Inqn. not concerned in, i, 221
Concealment of finances, i, 330, 332
of property, ii, 322
Conception, the Immaculate, iv, 174, 359
Conclusion of case, iii, 71
Concordat of 1737, iv, 493
of 1753, iv, 291
Concordia Compromisoria of 1465, i, 123
Concordia of Castile, in 1553, i, 436
familiars in, ii. 275, 277
asked for by Aragon, i, 450
of Aragon in 1512, i, 270
confirmed by Ferdinand, i, 274
in 1520, i, 282
its guarantees, i, 465
ignored by Inqn., i, 283, 472
on jurisdiction, i, 432
on familiars, ii, 274
on violation of compositions, ii, 356
on bigamy, iv, 317
on blasphemy, iv, 329
on usury, iv, 373
of 1519, i, 276
of 1520, i, 466
of 1568, i, 442, 454
its printing forbidden, i, 445
Concordia of 1568 made a fuero, i, 455
on witnesses, i, 492
on commissioners, ii, 270
on familiars, ii, 281
of Zapata, i, 474
of 1646, i, 460, 464
of 1554 for Valencia, i, 440
Morisco, of 1528, iii, 357, 376, 378
Concordias, their observance commanded, i, 483
Concubinage of clergy, i, 10, 16; iv, 496
Concurrence, episcopal, i, 159, 230; ii, 11; iii, 71
effort to avoid it, ii, 14
its necessity, ii, 16
its decline, ii, 18; iii, 74
Concurrent witnesses required, ii, 562
Condemned, efforts to convert the, iii, 196
Conditions justifying torture, iii, 6
of patient in torture, iii, 14
Conditional acquittal, iii, 106
Con el Rey y la Inquisition, chiton! iv, 515
Confession, judicial, ii, 569
urgency to induce it, ii, 570
spontaneous, ii, 571
must be complete, ii, 573
imperfect, ii, 353; iii, 199
time of, ii, 580; iii, 143, 191
variable, ii, 582
revocation of, ii, 582; iii, 10, 200
relaxation after, iii, 190
under torture, ii, 581; iii, 26
must be ratified, iii, 27
retraction of, iii, 28
useless in relapse, iii, 202
under Edict of Grace, ii, 457, 459, 605
of witches, iv, 219, 223, 231, 232, 235,
237
Confession, sacramental, its divine origin, iii, 412
of heresy, i, 234; ii, 20
of prisoners, ii, 521
denied to negativos, iii, 198
not to be heard in houses, iv, 96
seal of, ii, 24; iv, 31, 377
Confessional, the, introduced, iv, 96
indecency in, by mystics, iv, 25, 31
its use in censorship, iii, 490
seduction in, see Solicitation
Confessional letters, ii, 104, 590
Confessions heard by laymen, iv, 344
Confessors, inqrs. are not, ii, 21
of tribunals, ii, 249
licensed to absolve for heresy, ii, 22, 24
elicit information as to property, ii, 322
require penitents to obey the Index, iii, 490
to denounce solicitors, iv, 101, 108
Confessors, royal, their influence, iv, 498
are members of Suprema, i, 323
Confidence, destruction of, ii, 91, 100
Confinement not solitary, ii, 518
Confirmation of commissions, ii, 162
of sentences, ii, 184
Confiscation, demanded by Ferdinand, i, 158
at Cordova, i, 191
of offices, i, 192
evils of, i, 218; ii, 343, 386; iv 504
offers for its suppression, i, 219, 221, 583; ii, 368
compositions for, see Composition
complaints of, in Valencia, i, 236
extensive, in Aragon, i, 256
debts of estates, i, 266
controlled by Suprema, i, 329
concealed from crown, i, 330
reclaimed by crown, i, 331, 336
revert to Inqn., i, 337
jurisdiction over, ii, 209
the most deterrent penalty, ii, 316, 336
included in sentence, ii, 318
operates from first act of heresy, ii, 316, 325, 331, 339, 348
in reconciliation, ii, 320; iii, 149
its enforcement, ii, 321, 334, 335, 341
professional informers, ii, 323
estates of the dead, ii, 327; iii, 82
creditors and debtors, ii, 328
dowries, ii, 332, 599
system of collection, ii, 341
of alienated property, ii, 339
of persons of heretics, ii, 340
Valencia court of, ii, 330
abuses, ii, 346
no appeal from Inqn., ii, 349
insurance against, ii, 353
productiveness, ii, 367
waste of property, ii, 363, 364, 370
malversation, ii, 365
use made of its products, ii, 371
grants from, i, 187; ii, 373, 380
investments from, ii, 433, 442
stimulus to condemn, ii, 377
prosecution of the wealthy, ii, 385
becomes obsolete, ii, 370
distinguished from penances, ii, 393
replaced by penance, ii, 394
of 1679 in Majorca, i, 335; iii, 306; iv, 512
of Morisco property, iii, 359
annual payment substituted, i, 331; iii, 361
of expelled Moriscos, iii, 409
Valencia register of, i, 581
for bigamy, iv, 316, 317
sequestration a preliminary, ii, 503
razing houses, iii, 129
Confiscation, account of a receiver, ii, 600
in Portugal, iii, 260, 281
Conflicts of jurisdiction, i, 427
in Valencia, i, 439
in Aragon, i, 450
in Catalonia, i, 465
in Majorca, i, 484
in Castile, i, 485
with spiritual courts, i, 493
with army, i, 504
methods of settlement, i, 517
See also Competencias.
Confrontation, ii, 553
Conjurators, iii, 113, 117
Congregation de S. Pedro Martir, ii, 282
presided over by Fernando VII, iv, 431
Católica, i, 207
Conjurations, iv, 188, 199, 203
Conquests by husband and wife, ii, 334
Conscience, jurisdiction over, ii, 19
Conscription, exemptions from, i, 414
Consent in solicitation not enquired into, iv, 122
Consejeros de la tarde, i, 323; ii, 195
Consejo de la Suprema y General Inquisicion, i, 173
de Poblaciones, iii, 340
Conspiracy of San Bias, iv, 303
Constantinople, Council of, on Jews, i, 39
Constitution of Bayonne, iv, 400
of Cádiz, iv, 406
restrictions on the crown, iv, 421
abrogated by Fernando VII, iv, 422
revived in 1820, iv, 436
in 1836, iv, 469
Consulta Magna, the, i, 512
Consulta de fe, ii, 266; iii, 72
preliminary, ii, 489
before auto de fe, iii, 210
votes on torture, iii, 4
its action, iii, 73
its obsolescence, ii, 268; iii, 74
fiscal present in, ii, 481
its service, iii, 75
Consultation of demons, ii, 170, 173
Consultores, ii, 266
their appointment, ii, 267
their functions, iii, 71, 73
become unnecessary, iii, 74
are not officials, i, 443
diminished number of, ii, 216
Contemplation, iv, 1, 6, 19,
28
condemned in Seville, iv, 30
taught by Molinos, iv, 50, 52
by S. François de Sales, iv, 62
its results, iv, 55, 74
Contestes, ii, 562
Continence, test of, iv, 2, 9, 10,
34
Contraband tobacco, search for, i, 425
trade, facilities for, i, 385
Contrafuero, cry of, i, 451; iv, 259
Contracts of heretics, ii, 325
of peace and truce, i, 445
Contreras, Ant. de, disregards quarantine, i, 264
Contumacy, absence is, iii, 86
proves heresy, iii, 89
Conventicles, houses used as, iii, 128
Convents used as prisons, iii, 151, 154
reclusion in, iii, 180
autillos held in, iii, 221
their multiplication, iv, 490
have licences for prohibited books, iii, 503
Conversion, forcible, doctrine of, i, 41; iii, 347
efforts at, i, 63
by preaching authorized, i, 91
in massacre of 1391, i, 111
of Jews in 1413, i, 118
checked by Inqn., i, 131
of Moors of Granada, iii, 319
of Valencian Moors, iii, 348, 355
of Moriscos, iii, 365
at autos, iii, 191, 193, 216, 218
after sentence, iii, 193, 194, 197
efforts to obtain, iii, 196
confirmed by torture, iii, 11
Conversos, see New Christians
Converts, favor shown to, i, 63
to Judaism, iii, 293
from Protestantism, iii, 476
Convicts transferred for execution, iii, 222
effort to convert, iii, 191, 196; iv, 525
Copper coinage, i, 564
Cordeles, iii, 19
Córdova, massacres of Jews, i, 51, 115
persecution of New Christians, i, 128
its tribunal, i, 166, 544
its inquisitors, i, 190
its struggle with Lucero, i, 192
ceremonial in the mass, i, 361
persecution of provisor of, i, 495
dispute over a house, i, 528
Confraternity of Christian Love, ii, 285
exclusion of Conversos, ii, 290
benefices of its officials, ii, 420
its doctoral canonry, ii, 421
tortures used in, iii, 20
houses rebuilt, iii, 129
conversion of Moors, iii, 324
Molinistas alumbrados, iv, 71
its school of magic, iv, 180
Córdova, Sancho de, case of, ii, 29
Córdovan martyrs, relics of, i, 47
Coria, Council of, on clergy, iv, 496
Corona, coin, i, 561
Coroza, iii, 215
Corregidor of Logroño, his punishment, i, 351
Correspondence of Chamorro and Uliff, i, 133
Corsairs, their ravages, iii, 383
Corte, tribunal of, i, 545
Córtes of Castile, representation in, i, 2
resist papal patronage, i, 12
of 1380 on Jews, i, 77
of 1385 on Jews, i, 99
of 1387 on Jews and Moors, i, 77
of 1462 ask for trade with Jews, i, 122
never ask for Inqn., i, 154, 157
of 1523 renounce power, i, 33
complain of Inqn., i, 217, 220, 222, 485; ii, 14
ask for fixed salaries, ii, 349
complain of courts, ii, 468
of wealth of Church, iv, 489
of number of convents, iv, 490
of 1532 define Old Christians, ii, 288
of 1570 ask for teaching of astrology, iv, 192
of 1789 on the succession, iv, 463, 465
of Cádiz convoked in 1810, iv, 403
suppress benefices, ii, 445
on sanbenitos, iii, 171
grant freedom of press, iii, 543; iv, 404
adopt Constitution, iv, 406
struggle over the Inqn., iv, 407
prolonged debate, iv, 411
Inqn. informally suppressed, iv, 412
alienate the clergy, iv, 413
contest with chapter of Cádiz, iv, 414
of 1813-14, iv, 418
prescribe terms to Fernando VII, iv, 419
are ejected, iv, 422
of 1823 move to Seville and Cádiz, iv, 446
of 1833 acknowledge Isabella II, iv, 465
Córtes of Aragon, their independence, i, 229
accept Torquemada, i, 238
of 1510, their demands, i, 269
on usury, iv, 373, 374
on episcopal concurrence, ii, 14
of 1519, their articles, i, 276
of 1526, demands evaded, i, 455
of 1528 and 1533, grievances, i, 285, 286
of 1533, members threatened, i, 452
of 1547 and 1553, their complaints, i, 440, 453
of 1564, their complaints, i, 441
of 1585, ask for new Concordia, i, 454
of 1646, their victory, i, 458
Córtes of Valencia oppose Inqn., i, 239
Coruña, noyade at, iv, 443
Cosas arbitrarias, ii, 401; iii, 173, 174, 179
de Luteranos, iii, 453
Cost of a tribunal, i, 478, 479; ii, 209
of autos and toros, ii, 198
of maintaining prisoners, ii, 529, 532
Costs collected from the accused, ii, 533
Costa, Pastor de, his pension, ii, 252
Cote, Juan, case of, i, 300; ii, 348; iii, 102
Cotoner, Inqr., i, 424, 478
Council of Castile, its protests, i, 487, 489
on temporal jurisdiction, i, 510
evades royal order, i, 531
its opinion of Inqn., i, 532
Council of Aragon trifles with Philip IV, i, 418
sustains the Bishops, i, 501
Councils, royal, organized, i, 172
Counsel allowed to accused, iii, 42
his functions, iii, 44, 69
secrecy enforced on, ii, 474
furnished at public expense, ii, 467
Counterfeiting, extent of, i, 563
an excepted crime, i, 438
Couriers, expense of, ii, 179
Court of confiscation, ii, 330, 350
of Justicia of Aragon, i, 450
its conflicts with tribunal, i, 452, 454, 456
acquits Antonio Pérez, iv, 258
Courts, secular, of Castile, ii, 468
use of torture in, iii, 3
Courts, spiritual, limitations on, i, 15
procedure in, ii, 469, 470
Credit, destruction of, ii, 331
Creditors, claims of, ii, 328, 330, 331
Creix, ii, 334
Crime, heresy as, ii, 4
unnatural, iv, 361
Cristina, María, de Bourbon, iv, 462
is appointed regent, iv, 464
her enforced Liberalism, iv, 466
Criticism of Inqn. punishable, i, 372
captious, of censors, iii, 491
Croce, Giov. Gius. della, his mysticism, iv, 68
Cromwell demands freedom of conscience, iii, 469; iv, 501
Crops, division of, by Moriscos, iii, 377
Cross, the, of Casar de Palomero, i, 133
of the sanbenito, iii, 162
green, procession of, iii, 214
white, at brasero, iii, 216
irreverence to, iv, 353, 355
Crosses of Luisa de Carrion, iv, 38
green, of the relaxed, iii, 214
Cross-examination, none of accusing witnesses, ii, 542
of witnesses for defence, ii, 544
of witnesses in Aragon, ii, 466
Crossing, forms of, ii, 568
Crown, impoverishment of, i, 7
its relations with Inqn., i, 289
its appointing power, i, 158, 290, 298, 300, 302
enforces resignations, i, 304
its relations with Suprema, i, 322
loses control over finances, i, 330
reclaims confiscations, i, 331; ii, 317
its demands on Inqn., i, 332
claims salary from Suprema, ii, 196
Crucifix, irreverence to, iv, 333
Crudeli, Tomaso, his works condemned, iii, 547
Cruelty and benignity, iii, 99
Crusades, Jewish massacres caused by, i, 83, 88
Cruz, Gerónimo de la, on limpieza, ii, 306
Cruzada indulgence, complaints of, ii, 24; iv, 511
Cruzado, value of, i, 566
Cuartel, i, 399
Cuesta, la, brothers, their persecution, v, 296
Cuenca, aljama of, its usury, i, 97
Bp. of, deprived of his palace, ii, 207
composition for, ii, 356
tribunal of, i, 546
troubles in 1520, i, 221
refuses to pay taxes, i, 377
judges its own case, ii, 428
fines for overcoming torture, iii, 31
sanbenitos hidden, iii, 168
Cult of uncanonized saints, iv, 356
Cum quorundam, bull, iii, 201
Cum sicut dilecti, brief, i, 499
Curador for minors, iii, 50
present at sentence of torture, iii, 6
for the insane, iii, 59
Curanderos, punishment of, iv, 200
Cure of souls, benefices with, ii, 419
Cures, superstitious, iv, 188
Curia, the, its treatment of Portuguese Conversos, iii, 239
Cushions, inqrs. deprived of, i, 364
Custos morum, Inqn. as, iv, 376
Customs duties, exemption from, i, 376, 384
Jewish and Moslem, i, 145; ii, 565
Cyril, St., persecutes Jews, i, 38
Daimiel, Moriscos of, iii, 330
Dameto, Jorje, case of, i, 500
Danger of using papal letters, ii, 105
of witnesses, ii, 550
Danger of denouncing solicitation, iv, 108
in mysticism, iv, 2
Daroca, tribunal of, i, 547
Date of heretical acts, ii, 325, 331, 348
Daubenton, Père, expels Alberoni, i, 318
Daughters, offices transmitted through, ii, 221
Davila Bp. of Segovia, case of, ii, 42
Day of judgement imitated in autos, iii, 209
Dead Hand, the, iv, 489
Dead, trials of the, iii, 80
suspension forbidden, iii, 109
form of sentence, iii, 85
reconciliation, iii, 149
confiscation of estates, ii, 327
property not sequestrated, ii, 503
Dean of Suprema, ii, 166
Death in prison, ii, 510, 522; iii, 197, 285
trial continued, iii, 85
through torture, iii, 23
during auto, iii, 218
of owners of libraries, iii, 502, 504
mystic, of Molinos, iv, 49
Death-penalty for Masonry, iv, 299
for seducing female prisoners, ii, 524
commuted for galley-service, iii, 139
confiscation equivalent to, ii, 316
Death-sentences reported in advance, iii, 187
De Auxiliis, controversy over, iv, 160
Debtors excommunicated, ii, 322
imprisoned, ii, 340
Debts of heretics, ii, 325, 328
of confiscated estates, i, 266
due to confiscated estates, i, 270
due to Jews, i, 103, 115
to reconciliados repudiated, ii, 335
of familiars, i, 453
buying up of, i, 430
collected through Inqn., i, 266, 434
Decadence and Extinction, iv, 385
change under the Bourbons, iv, 386
influence of Philip V, and his sons, iv, 387
rapid decadence, iv, 388
limitations under Carlos III, iv, 389
influence of French Revolution, iv, 390
amelioration of procedure, iv, 392
suppression proposed, iv, 394
the French invasion, iv, 399
Inqn. supports Napoleon, iv, 400
suppressed by Napoleon, iv, 401
condition during the war, iv, 402
the Córtes of Cádiz, iv, 403
struggle over the Inqn., iv, 407
Inqn. informally suppressed, iv, 412
protests of the clergy, iv, 414
reaction after the war, iv, 418
Decadence, restoration of Fernando VII, iv, 420
Inqn. re-established, iv, 424
financial troubles, iv, 426
resumes its functions, iv, 429
comparative feebleness, iv, 431
abolition decreed in 1820, iv, 436
French intervention, iv, 447
Fernando keeps it suspended, iv, 453
condition in 1830, iv, 459
replaced by Juntas de fe, iv, 460
final dissolution in 1834, iv, 467
Deceit forbidden, iii, 70
Decrees suppressing the Inqn., iv, 436 468, 541, 543, 545
royal, require assent of Suprema, i, 325
Defalcations of receivers, ii, 451, 454
Defamatory writings prohibited, iii, 531
Defaulters, receivers as, ii, 451, 454
Defence, facilities for, denied, ii, 482
suppression of witnesses’ names, ii, 552; iii, 66
witnesses for the, ii, 539
treatment of evidence, ii, 543
advocates allowed, iii, 43
perfunctory character of, iii, 56
pleas in abatement, iii, 57
by tachas and abonos, iii, 64
of non-baptism, iii, 69
in trials of the dead, iii, 84
no prescription of time against, iii, 89
Defendant entitled to his own court, i, 430 466
deprived of his own court, i, 467
Defensor de oficio, iii, 542
Definition of limpieza, ii, 288, 297
of solicitation, iv, 100, 112
Degradation of clerics, i, 179; iii, 181
for marriage in orders, iv, 339
Degrees, Conversos ineligible to, ii, 287
Dejamiento, iv, 4, 8, 9
of Molinos, iv, 50
Delation, habit of, ii, 99; iv, 138, 515
Delay in confession, ii, 580
Delays in trials, iii, 40, 75
forbidden by Ferdinand, i, 187
complaints of, i, 226; iii, 77
caused by temporal jurisdiction, i, 509, 512
by competencias, i, 525
by ratification, ii, 548
by evidence for defence, iii, 67
of Suprema in deciding cases, ii, 182
forbidden in trials of the dead, iii, 84
in cases of absentees, iii, 90
in expurgation, iii, 497, 508
Delegates of bishops, ii, 12
Delusion in Mysticism, iv, 79
in witchcraft, iv, 208, 212, 217, 219, 229, 231,
237
Demoniacal possession, iv, 348
jurisdiction, iv, 349
epidemics, iv, 350
imposture, iv, 351
Demoniacs, their utterances, ii, 134
their responsibility, iv, 349
Demons, revelations of, ii, 134
consultation of, ii, 170, 173
invocation of, iv, 199
pact with, iv, 185
illusive relations with, iv, 220
Denial of intention, ii, 576
Denial, pertinacity in, ii, 585; iii, 198
Denmark, treaty of commerce, iii, 467
De no obstancia, certificates of, iii, 178
Denunciation, Edict of, ii, 91
habit of, ii, 99
duty of, i, 168; ii, 93, 96, 485
in solicitation, iv, 101, 106
two required, iv, 120, 123
of accomplices, ii, 460, 462, 577; iii, 371
of self, ii, 571; iv, 130
of prohibited books, iii, 482, 490
danger relieves from duty, iv, 108
threats of, iv, 348
Depopulation, causes of, ii, 309; iv, 478
Depositario of sequestrations, ii, 499
de los pretendientes, ii, 304
sale of, ii, 214
delay in rendering accounts, ii, 449
money used to replace sanbenitos, iii, 170
Deposits in coffer, delays allowed, ii, 453
Deposition of Avila, i, 4
Deputados of Portuguese Inqn., iii, 262
Derecho de Inquisicion, iii, 520
Descendants of dead to be cited, iii, 84
Descendants, disabilities of, iii, 172, 557
of penitents, their hardships, iii, 177
Despatch urged in trials, iii, 76, 78
Despoblados, iv, 482
caused by confiscation, ii, 364
Details, supervision over by Suprema, ii, 184
suppressed in publication, iii, 54
Deterioration of officials, iv, 388
Devolutionary appeals, ii, 187
Deza, Diego, his Jewish blood, i, 120
appointed inq.-genl., i, 180
action in the case of Lucero, i, 196, 201, 202, 203
compelled to resign, i, 205
forbids officials to trade, i, 534
orders Edict of Denunciation, ii, 92
appeals referred to, ii, 116
Deza, Pedro de, his action in Granada, iii, 335
urges depopulation, iii, 339
Diana and Herodias, iv, 208
Díaz, Bernardino, case of, ii, 123, 550
Díaz, Blanquina, case of, ii, 122
Díaz, Froilan, case of, ii, 169
Diccionario crítico-burlesco, iv, 409
Diego de Uceda, case of, ii, 288, 553; iii, 28, 66, 415
Diminucio, ii, 573, 578; iii, 10, 199
Dinerillo, i, 566
Dinero, value of, i, 565
Diogo da Annunciasam, his sermon, iii, 302
Diputados of Aragon, i, 271
coerced by Inqn., i, 274
their powers restricted, iv, 270
Disabilities of Jews and Moors, i, 77, 95, 117, 119, 121, 124
of penitents, iii, 172
under Edict of Grace, i, 170
of Conversos, ii, 286
of culprits, ii, 401
of descendants, iii, 172, 177, 557
of Mallorquin New Christians, ii, 314
enforced by Inqn., iii, 175
fine for disregard of, iii, 179
composition for, ii, 358
removal of, ii, 407
Disabling of witnesses, iii, 64, 68
Disarmament of Moriscos, iii, 332, 378
Disarming a familiar, case of, i, 405
Disbursements under royal authority, i, 329
Discharge without sentence, iii, 112
Discipline, the, iii, 135; iv, 116
circular, iii, 138, 181
Discipline, relaxation of, ii, 225
in perpetual prisons, iii, 152, 154, 155
Discordia, ii, 163, 179
as to arrests, ii, 185
between calificadores, ii, 487
Discourtesy, prosecution for, ii, 132
Discretion as to torture, iii, 10, 30
Dismissal, power of, by inq.-genl., i, 177
controlled by Ferdinand, i, 291
Disobedience of Inqn., i, 616
Disorder of records, ii, 258
Dispensations, ii, 401
sale of, ii, 408
for lack of limpieza, ii, 297
for familiars, ii, 279
en lo arbitrario, ii, 408
from imprisonment, iii, 160
episcopal, iv, 396
papal, ii, 402, 405, 406
for non-residence, i, 303, 307; ii, 415
Dispensero, ii, 249, 526
Disputations between Jew and Christian, i, 90, 118
scholastic, iv, 150, 159
Disqualification of witnesses, ii, 536, 538
Disregard of papal letters, ii, 106, 108, 131
Disrepute of Barcelona tribunal, i, 481
Dissipation of the confiscations, ii, 434
Districts of tribunals, ii, 206
visitation of, ii, 238
Divination, punishment of, iv, 182
Dobla de la banda, i, 560
Doblon, i, 561
Doctoral canonries, ii, 421
Documents of the Inqn., i, 159
Dog, funeral rites for, iv, 432
Dogmatizers, fate of, iii, 200
Doli capaces, ii, 3
Dolores, Beata, case of, iv, 89
Domination of Inqn., iv, 513, 516
Dominicans employ Jewish physicians, i, 75
as inqrs., ii, 234
member of Suprema, i, 323
subjected to Inqn., ii, 31
on exclusion of New Christians, ii, 288
deny Immaculate Conception, iv, 359
persecuted by Inqn., iv, 380
Donec corrigatur, iii, 484
Don Quixote, correction of, iv, 16
Dos de Mayo, iv, 399
Doubts solved by torture, iii, 33
Dowry of Catholic wife, i, 270, 286; ii, 325, 328
illustrative cases, ii, 332, 333
husband liable for wife’s, ii, 334, 341
receipt given for, ii, 599
office regarded as, ii, 221
Dozy, his view of the Cid, i, 53
Dread inspired by Inqn., iv, 514, 516
of imprisonment, ii, 511
Dream-expounding, iv, 185
Drunkenness, inquiry as to, iii, 63
Dryander, Franciscus, iii, 424
Ducat, value of, i, 560
Duels forbidden to clergy, i, 11
subjection to Inqn. suggested, iv, 379
Duns Scotus on coerced baptism, iii, 349
Durango, tribunal of, i, 547
Durango, Vidau, i, 251, 256
Duration of torture, iii, 22
of imprisonment, iii, 159
Dutch, privileges granted to the, iii, 463, 465, 467
struggles in Brazil, iii, 262
aided by Portuguese refugees, iii, 279
Eboli, Princess of, iv, 254
Eckart, Master, case of, ii, 30; iv, 2
Ecclesiastical jurisdiction limited, i, 15
Ecclesiastics, see Clergy
Ecija, milder treatment of Judaism in, iii, 236
Edict of Faith, ii, 91, 587
as issued in 1696, ii, 93
solemnities of publication, ii, 94
Edict published in visitations, ii, 239
its distribution, ii, 97
its effectiveness, ii, 98, 486; iv, 516
gradual disuse, ii, 98
includes Lutheranism, iii, 422
prohibited books, iii, 482
mysticism, iv, 18, 24
solicitation, iv, 103, 104, 105
sorcery, iv, 184
astrology, iv, 194
export of horses, iv, 280
blasphemy, iv, 329
Edict of Grace, i, 165; ii, 457, 604
its conditions, ii, 459; iii, 371
penalties under, i, 169, 243, 337
sanbenitos of the reconciled under, iii, 165, 167
its advantages, ii, 460
shunned by Conversos, ii, 461; iii, 274
confession in, ii, 571
for mystics, iv, 30
for witches, iv, 211, 226, 228,
230
causes witch-craze, iv, 234
in Navarre, i, 224
in Barcelona, i, 263
in Majorca, i, 267
none in Saragossa, i, 244
for Moriscos, iii, 328, 371
revived in 1815, ii, 463
in Portugal, iii, 274
Edict of 1572, for Moriscos, iii, 340
of Morisco expulsion, iii, 394, 398, 400
of expurgation, iii, 498
prohibiting book, iii, 573
Edicts, reading of, in churches, i, 359
Education abroad prohibited, iii, 449
after expulsion of Jesuits, iv, 294
Edward I banishes Jews, i, 83
Efficacy of inquisitorial process, ii, 482
Effigies of dead burnt, iii, 81
reconciliation of, iii, 85, 149
preparation of, iii, 215
carried in autos, iii, 91, 226
relaxed in churches, iii, 223
no plea for mercy for, iii, 188
Egidio, Dr., case of, iii, 424, 445
Egiza exterminates Judaism, i, 43
Ejercicio de las tres Potencias, iv, 17
Elna, Bp. of, resists Inqn., i, 268
Elches, iii, 320
El Español Constitucional, iii, 544
Elizabeth, Queen, intercedes for a galley-slave, iii, 460
Elvira, Council of, on Jews, i, 37
Elvira del Campo, case of, iii, 24, 233
Embargo, ii, 504
Embezzlement, ii, 365, 451, 454
Embustero in mysticism, iv, 82
in sorcery, iv, 197, 201
Emigration of Conversos forbidden, i, 183
forbidden in Aragon, i, 246
of Portuguese forbidden, iii, 271, 303
permission for, sold, iii, 271, 277
to France, iii, 271, 278
of Moriscos forbidden, iii, 378
Emmerich, Katherine, iv, 94
Empleomanía, iv, 485
Ems, Congress of, iv, 292
Enchiridion Militis Christiani, iii, 412, 414
Encubierto, el, iv, 253
Endemoniadas, iv, 350
consulted in behalf of Carlos II, ii, 170
Endowment, scanty, of Inqn., i, 293; ii, 433
Enemies sought as witnesses, iii, 65
Energumens, iv, 351
Enforcement of sentences, iii, 101
England, Carranza’s labors in, ii, 49
treaties with, iii, 332, 464, 466, 470
protests against visitas de navíos, iii, 515, 517, 518
witchcraft in, iv, 246
burning of women, iv, 526
Inqn. in, iv, 532
Englishmen, privileges granted to, iii, 464, 467
English sailors prosecuted, iii, 462, 463
Enguera, Juan, Inq.-genl. of Aragon, i, 180
swears to Concordia, i, 271
En juicio plenario, ii, 545
Enmity disqualifies witness, ii, 538; iii, 64, 68
disregarded, iv, 156
Enmity towards Jews, iii, 272, 290
Enríquez, Ana, case of, iii, 90, 299
Ensalmadores, iv, 180
Enslavement of Moriscos, iii, 338
Enzinas, Francisco de, iii, 424
Epidemics of demoniacal possession, iv, 350
of witchcraft, iv, 214, 234
Episcopal Inquisition at work, i, 153; iv, 461
courts succeed the Inqn., iv, 468
jurisdiction, i, 497; ii, 5
concurrence, see Concurrence
Episcopi, canon, iv, 209, 217, 220,
239
Epocha de Calomarde, iv, 464
Epocha de Chaperon, iv, 453
Eppinger, Elizabeth, iv, 93
Equality of judges and inqrs., i, 520
Erasmists, their persecution, iii, 415
Erasmus, his freedom of utterance, iii, 412
his means of support, iii, 417
Errors ascribed to mysticism, iv, 24
Escalera, iii, 19
Escape from prison, ii, 513
from penitential prison, iii, 103
Escobar on limpieza, ii, 300, 309
on penalties of descendants, iii, 177
on single witnesses, ii, 562
Escobedo, Juan de, his murder, iv, 254
Escorial, its library expurgated, iii, 499
Escudo, coin, i, 561
Espada y Landa, Bp., accused of Masonry, iv, 305
España, Count de, iv, 444, 457
España, lodge, iv, 303
Esperandeu, Juan de, i, 251, 256, 596
Espina, Alonso de, his Fortalicium Fidei, i, 36, 75, 149
on the Sabbat, iv, 209
Espina, Alonso de, inq. of Barcelona, i, 263
Espino, Dr., attacks Jesuits, iv, 380
Espinosa, Diego de, Inq.-genl., i, 306; iii, 334
Espontaneados, ii, 571
spared public penance, i, 232
in solicitation, iv, 130
in witchcraft, iv, 236
confiscation enforced, ii, 320, 321
Estates of dead confiscated, ii, 327
confiscated, debts of, i, 266
books belonging to, iii, 502, 504
claims of Church on, iv, 488
Estella, tribunal of, i, 227, 547
Estilo of Inqn., ii, 475
Estrées, Card. d’, favors Borri, iv, 45
persecutes Molinos, iv, 51, 54
Ethenard, Raimundo, iv, 400, 407, 459
Estrada, Duke of, his torture, iii, 3
Etiquette, contests over, i, 359
Eugenius IV, oppresses the Jews, i, 119
Eulogio, St., of Córdova, i, 46
Evangelical Alliance stops persecution, iv, 470
Evidence, ii, 535
how obtained at Arjona, i, 212
for prosecution not sifted, ii, 543
its sufficiency, ii, 561
hearsay admitted, ii, 563
not to be investigated, iv, 261
ratification of, ii, 544
publication of, iii, 53
sufficient for torture, iii, 9
purged by torture, iii, 7, 30
for defence kept secret, ii, 543
obstructions to, iii, 64
carefully sought for, iii, 67
as to limpieza, ii, 300
against Judaizers, ii, 566; iii, 232
against Moriscos, iii, 329
against familiars, i, 447
in solicitation, iv, 120
in witchcraft, iv, 218, 235
Evils of temporal jurisdiction, i, 513
Examination of accused, iii, 70
of witnesses, ii, 479, 541
of imports, iii, 505
of book-shops and libraries, iii, 487, 495, 498, 574
in sorcery cases, iv, 196
of witches, iv, 218
Excellency, title of, contested, i, 358
Excepted crimes under Concordia, i, 436, 438
Exclusion from public office, i, 416
of foreigners, iii, 472
of Jews, iii, 311, 314
Excommunication, power of, i, 355
abuse of, i, 379, 484, 487, 489, 495, 511, 523
endurance of, proves heresy, i, 271; iii, 89
threats of, i, 519
in Edict of Faith, ii, 95
of the absent, iii, 86
of alcaldes de Corte, i, 382
of spiritual judges, i, 494
for concealing property, ii, 322
for refusal to burn heretics, iii, 185, 187
Excommunicates as witnesses, ii, 538
Excusado, iv, 494
Execution of sentence, ministerial, i, 354
of heretics compulsory, iii, 187
expenses of, iii, 187
under temporal jurisdiction, iii, 188
Executioners as torturers, iii, 17
bribery of, iii, 32
their fees, iii, 35
their skill, iii, 195
Executors, duty of, with regard to books, iii, 502
Exemptions, papal, issued in blank, ii, 110
from taxation, i, 376, 381; iv, 478
from billets of troops, i, 396
from prohibition to bear arms, i, 403
from military service, i, 412
Exempts, census of, ii, 217
number of clerical, iv, 493
Exequatur required for papal briefs, iii, 540
Exercises, spiritual, as penance, iii, 132
Exhumation, secret, special briefs for, i, 296
of heretic corpses, iii, 80
Exile, iii, 126
varieties of, iii, 127
infraction of, iii, 103, 128
Exiles, Jewish, their sufferings, i, 139
from Granada, their prosperity, iii, 341
Morisco, their fate, iii, 406
Exorcisers denounced, iv, 351
Exorcism of demons, ii, 170; iv, 349
Expatriation forbidden, i, 183, 246; iii, 238, 271
Expenses, offers to defray them, i, 220, 221
defrayed by the crown, i, 231, 293
met by penances, ii, 393
controlled by Suprema, ii, 189, 447
thrown on accused, ii, 494
of prisoners, ii, 528
of executions, iii, 187
of proving limpieza, ii, 302, 308
Experts, assembly of, ii, 265
Exponi nobís, bull, i, 275
Export of wheat from Aragon, i, 385
of horses, iv, 278
of books supervised, iii, 507
Expropriation of houses, ii, 207, 208
Expulsion of Jews in 1492, i, 135
of Moriscos proposed, iii, 390
determined on, iii, 392
terms of the edicts, iii, 394, 398, 401
of Protestants, iii, 572
Expurgation of books, iii, 484, 491, 492, 494, 497, 498
Expurgators, professional, iii, 497
Exsurge Domine, bull, iii, 184
External heresy, ii, 4
Extinction, decree of, 1834, iv, 545
See Decadence.
Extradition of heretics, i, 191, 253; iii, 278
Extremadura, tribunal of, i, 549
milder treatment of Judaizers, iii, 236
mystics of, iv, 20
Eymerich on friendship with Moors, i, 56
on mysticism, iv, 6
on sorcery, iv, 183
Fabrica de Sevilla, ii, 201
Factions, turbulent, in Valencia, i, 449
Faculties to absolve for heresy, ii, 24
Faith, Edict of, see Edict
matter of, its significance, i, 357, 406
not interfered with, i, 294
Philip III intervenes in one, i, 300
Faith, prosecutions not of, ii, 257
False-witness, i, 223, 271; ii, 554
detected in ratification, ii, 547
cognizance of, ii, 555
few cases of, ii, 559
in cases of limpieza, ii, 304
in Portugal, iii, 287
in witchcraft cases, iv, 233
Fame, common, as to limpieza, ii, 300
Familiars not subject to secular law, i, 265
Familiars, exclusive jurisdiction over, i, 429, 432 435
their privileges, i, 465
claim exemption from taxation, i, 381
from billets of troops, i, 397
from military service, i, 412
right of asylum, i, 422
their right to bear arms, i, 403
their right to hold office, i, 419
relegated to secular courts, i, 435
under Concordia of Castile, i, 436
their character, i, 447
their fuero in civil cases, i, 444
their fuero limited, i, 516
their qualifications, i, 443, 454; ii, 275, 279, 280, 281, 294
as witnesses, i, 492
as bankrupts, i, 445
their advantages in trade, i, 535
as feudal vassals, i, 537
imprisoned for resigning, ii, 212
their numbers, i, 270, 273, 436, 440, 443, 453, 454, 462, 467; ii, 217, 274, 276, 283
confraternity of, ii, 282
fines imposed on them, ii, 398
forbidden to make arrests, ii, 492
must be present at autos, iii, 214, 226
Moriscos as, iii, 379
in Portuguese Inqn., iii, 262
Familiarships, sale of, ii, 213
value of, ii, 279
Families, inquisitorial, ii, 221
of officials enjoy the fuero, i, 440
of prisoners, provision for, ii, 499
Fanaticism exultant over burnings, iv, 526
Farda, iii, 333
Farfanes, i, 45
Farmers of revenues, Jews as, i, 98
Farming of prebends, ii, 430
Farnese, Cardinal, iii, 252, 253, 255, 257
Fautorship of heresy, ii, 492
Favorites, royal, in 17th cent., iv, 474
Feast-days, autos celebrated on, iii, 212
Moriscos forbidden to work, iii, 370, 375
profanation of, iv, 502
Febronius de Statu Ecclesiæ, iv, 292
Fe de confiscacion, ii, 318
Fees in secular business, i, 463, 468
of officials, ii, 252
of Suprema, ii, 200
of secretaries, ii, 244
in litigation of officials, ii, 279
for dispensations, ii, 279
for investigating limpieza, ii, 302
for torturer, iii, 17, 35
for visiting ships, iii, 510, 511, 513, 520
Felix of Urgel, his heresy, i, 46
Female prisoners, ii, 523, 525, 526
succession to the throne, iv, 462
Fénelon, his persecution, iv, 64
Ferdinand and Isabella object to papal legates, i, 15
restrict spiritual jurisdiction, i, 16, 428
punish clerical malefactors, i, 17
their mutual relations, i, 20
defray cost of Hermandad, i, 33
re-enact oppressive laws, i, 75, 124
establish ghettos, i, 78
expulsion of Jews, i, 135
ask Sixtus IV for Inquisition, i, 157
investigate Valladolid Inqn., i, 169, 171
organize the Inqn., i, 172
claim the confiscations, ii, 317
elude the claims of Xeres, ii, 329
liberate slaves of heretics, ii, 339
capitulations of Granada, iii, 318
welcome Portuguese Moors, iii, 319
their law of censorship, iii, 480
on diviners, iv, 183
on export of horses, iv, 278
on unnatural crime, iv, 362
their influence, iv, 504
Ferdinand the Catholic, his claim to church patronage, i, 13
his character, i, 20
his conquest of Granada, i, 21
instances of liberality, i, 22; ii, 332, 336, 344, 378, 499
controls the Military Orders, i, 34
enforces decree of Vienne, i, 71
his Jewish blood, i, 120
enforces the señal, i, 124
banishes Jews of Saragossa, i, 132
requires Jews to denounce apostates, i, 168
divides the Inquisition, i, 180
rebukes excesses, i, 187, 265
insists on obedience, i, 188
his pleasure in autos de fe, i, 188; iii, 209
he supports Lucero, i, 196, 209
suspends the Inqn., i, 199
abandons Deza, i, 206
instructions to Charles V, i, 214
founds Inqn. of Navarre, i, 224
revives Inqn. of Aragon, i, 230
his struggle with Sixtus IV, i, 233
imposes Torquemada on Aragon, i, 238
breaks down resistance in Valencia, i, 239
his action in Aragon, i, 246, 254
forces Inqn. on Catalonia, i, 261
treatment of Concordia of 1512, i, 272
his control over Inqn., i, 290, 322
inculcates rectitude, i, 297
claims the fines and penances, i, 338
grants royal jurisdiction, i, 343, 439
exempts from taxation, i, 376
right to bear arms, i, 403
right to hold office, i, 415
limits privileges in Aragon, i, 466
Military Orders not exempt, i, 505
letter to Torquemada, i, 567
letter to Sixtus IV, i, 590
excludes bishops from jurisdiction, ii, 6
evades episcopal concurrence, ii, 11
opposes papal letters, ii, 110, 111, 116, 117
obtains papal letters, ii, 112
threats against refugees, ii, 115
troubled by citations to Rome, ii, 118
tribunals wherever necessary, ii, 205
tries to keep down salaries, ii, 209
approves hereditary transmission, ii, 219
leniency to official offenders, ii, 224
on qualifications of inqrs., ii, 234
orders consultores to serve, ii, 266
seeks to restrain familiars, ii, 274
explains why he confiscates, ii, 317
grants one-third to feudal lords, ii, 319
on concealment of property, ii, 322
pays informers, ii, 323
on debts due by heretics, ii, 329
Inqn. made judge of confiscations, ii, 350
bad faith as to compositions, ii, 353
enforces composition of Seville, ii, 359
struggles with receivers, ii, 365
pious gifts from confiscations, ii, 371
his lavish grants, ii, 373, 380
checked by Inqn., ii, 374
double dealing, ii, 376
appropriates from confiscations, ii, 378
spirit of justice, ii, 379
claims sale of dispensations, ii, 402
his use of benefices, ii, 415
obtains grant of prebends, ii, 416, 423
provides no endowment for Inqn., ii, 433
uses sequestrated property, ii, 497
protection of witnesses, ii, 549
letter to Torquemada, ii, 602
on diminished confiscations, ii, 603
objects to paying torturers, iii, 16
on razing houses, iii, 129
employs galleys as penance, iii, 140
enforces the fuero for penitents, iii, 150
orders prison built, iii, 151
exempts Moriscos from relapse, iii, 204
orders officials’ presence at autos, iii, 212
suppresses Granadan revolt, iii, 322
orders instruction of Moriscos, iii, 327
orders zealous inquisitors, iii, 328
his pledges as to Moors of Aragon, iii, 343
forbids enforced conversion, iii, 344
yields as to confiscation, iii, 358
depopulates the southern coast, iii, 384
favors the Beata de Piedrahita, iv, 7
on jurisdiction over sorcery, iv, 183
irregular use of Inqn., iv, 251, 378
Fermosa Fembra, la, i, 162
Fernández, Francisco, his letter of absolution, ii, 105
Fernández de Aguilar, Inq.-genl., his death, i, 314
Fernando de Aragon on clerical immunity, i, 428; iv, 497
Fernando I, his policy, i, 58
Fernando III assists the Almohades, i, 48
favors Jews, i, 69, 89
Fernando IV favors Hermandades, i, 29
protects Jews of Toledo, i, 94
Fernando VI rebukes Inqn., i, 364
forbids carrying arms, i, 411
limits jurisdiction of Inqn., i, 515; iv, 389
subjects familiars to taxation, ii, 281
on non-Catholic recruits, iii, 476
defends the Index of 1747, iv, 290
persecutes Masonry, iv, 301
makes bigamy mixti fori, iv, 323
encourages culture, iv, 387
taxes church acquisitions, iv, 493
Fernando VII places his confessor in Suprema, i, 323
restores the fuero, i, 521
Order of Knighthood for officials, ii 283; iv, 431
suppresses torture, iii, 34
exclusion of Jews, iii, 314
political use of Inqn., iv, 277
persecutes Masonry, iv, 304, 306
dispossesses his father, iv, 390
sent to Valençay, iv, 399, 418
his return—his character, iv, 420
overthrows the Córtes, iv, 422
sentences the Liberals, iv, 423
restores the Inqn., iv, 424
acts as inquisitor, iv, 430
his misgovernment, iv, 433
forced to abolish the Inqn., iv, 436
his policy, iv, 439
carried to Seville and Cádiz, iv, 446
liberated—his faithlessness, iv, 449
his ruthless proscriptions, iv, 451
his absolutism, iv, 454
keeps Inqn. in abeyance, iv, 455
suppresses Catalan rising, iv, 457
suppresses juntas de fe, iv, 462
marries Queen Cristina, iv, 462
revives law of succession, iv, 463, 465
his death, iv, 466
Fernando Noronha, captured by Jews, iii, 280
Ferrandez, Juan, his letter of absolution, ii, 105
Ferrer, Benito, case of, iii, 47, 60
Ferrer, Dr., of Tortosa, his appeal, i, 439
Feudalism, its rights undermined, i, 537
its disappearance, iv, 249
Feudal lords threatened, i, 161
Feyjoo, Padre, on Masonry, iv, 301
Fez, fate of exiled Jews there, i, 139
Fictitious confession, ii, 574
Fiestas de toros, ii, 197, 198
Figueroa, Bp., of Segorbe, instructs Moriscos, iii, 369
Filippo di Santa Pelagia, iv, 46
Filósofo Rancio, el, iv, 405
Finance, its influence on persecution, ii, 357; iv, 527
Finances, exhaustion of Spanish, ii, 374; iii, 337
of Inqn., ii, 433
contributions from the Church, i, 331
control of, i, 328, 336; ii, 190
of colonial tribunals, i, 332
its system, ii, 442
of Inqn. in 1731, ii, 609
under Restoration, iv, 428
decree of Sep. 9, 1814, iv, 540
during suppression, iv, 460
Financial services of Jews, i, 86
Fineness, standard of, i, 560
Fines under Edict of Grace, i, 169; ii, 320
of clergy of Murcia, i, 421
on officials, revenue from, ii, 279, 396
applied to tribunals, ii, 393
proportioned to their wants, ii, 396; iv, 219
their productiveness, ii, 398
enforced by punishments, ii, 399
substituted for confiscation, iii, 360, 361
for overcoming torture, iii, 31
for fraud in limpieza, ii, 304
for disregarding disabilities, iii, 175, 179
for solicitation, iv, 129
for propositions, iv, 144
Fines and penances, their abuse, ii, 397
See also Penances.
Fire-arms, length of barrel of, i, 402
their discharge prohibited, i, 408
Fire-locks prohibited, i, 404
Firma, i, 451
obtained by Villanueva, ii, 145
Fiscal, his position, ii, 241
his early subordination, ii, 242
assimilated to inqr., ii, 243
his duties, ii, 480
his right of appeal, ii, 481; iii, 96
presents clamosa, ii, 489
his fictitious functions, ii, 491
presents accusation, iii, 41
refuses counsel to accused, iii, 44
present in consulta de fe, iii, 72
not in compurgation, iii, 116
of Suprema, vote refused to him, i, 324
Fish not to be detained for inqrs., i, 534
Fitzwilliam, Ellen, pleads for her husband, iii, 460
Flagellation of penitents, iv, 116
Flanders, Jansenism in, iv, 287
Flemings, their greed under Charles V, ii, 381
Flemish sailors prosecuted, iii, 448, 462
Flight presumed in heresy, ii, 491
from prison, iii, 157
Florence, illuminism in, iv, 43
Masonry introduced, iv, 299
Floridablanca, his account of his services, iv, 486
Foch, Johann, case of, iii, 472, 473
Fonolleda, Damian de, sent to Rome, ii, 152, 155
Fonseca, Abp., favors Erasmus, iii, 417
Fontaine, Jacques de la, S. J., iv, 287
Fontainebleau, treaty of, iv, 399
Food for prisoners, ii, 524, 525, 527, 532
its cost, ii, 532
supplied by kindred, ii, 530
Forbearance to official offenders, ii, 223
Force, use of, in conversion, i, 41; iii, 348
Foreign merchants, their property seized, ii, 338
Foreigners ineligible for familiars, ii, 279
their losses by sequestration, ii, 332
self-confessed, ii, 573
their number in Spain, iii, 457
precautions against, iii, 461
privileges granted to, iii, 464
watched by spies, iii, 467
all registered, iii, 472
freedom of conscience for, iii, 473
Protestant, cases of, iii, 426, 447, 448 455, 458
regulations for, iii, 472
Forestry laws, iv, 481
Forgotten sins, ii, 574
Formal heresy, ii, 4
Formalities in torture, iii, 4
Fornication no sin, ii, 100; iv, 145
sequestration in, ii, 503
Fortalicium Fidei, i, 148
Forty years’ prescription, ii, 328
Forum of conscience, heresy in, ii, 20
Fourquevaux on French galley-slaves, iii, 459
Frailes not to be familiars, i, 443, 454
their confession of heresy, ii, 22
sent to the galleys, iii, 142
Frampton, John, case of, iii, 446
France, Catalonia submits to, i, 477
inquisitorial process in, ii, 465
transit to, iii, 271, 278
Morisco plots with, iii, 386
exiles pass through, iii, 400, 402, 407
complains of cruelty, iii, 459
relations with, iii, 470
protests against visitas de navíos, iii, 517, 518
mysticism in, iv, 62
indifference to solicitation, iv, 101
witchcraft in, iv, 246
export of horses to, iv, 280
Jansenism in, iv, 285
favors Masonry, iv, 300
intervention of 1823, iv, 447
the tithe in, iv, 495
Franch, Francisco, case of, iii, 44
Francis, St., latria due to him, iv, 175
Franciscans urge Inqn., i, 152
claim exemption, ii, 30
refuse admission to Converses, ii, 287, 293
Buchanan’s satire on, iii, 263
empowered to absolve Lutherans, iii, 422
Inqn. used to reform them, iv, 251
François de Sales, St., his Quietism, iv, 62
Fraud in office deprived of fuero, i, 444
in cases of limpieza, ii, 304
in confiscation, ii, 363
Frederic II on disabilities of descendants, iii, 172
burning for heretics, iii, 183
Free Companions, massacres by, i, 102
Freedom of press granted, iii, 543; iv, 404
Free-Masonry, its origin, iv, 298
condemned by Rome, iv, 299
prosecuted in Spain, iv, 300
its development, iv, 302
its political activity, iv, 303
under the Restoration, iv, 304
number of cases, iv, 305
influence in 1820-3, iv, 438
Free-quarters for troops, i, 394
Free-will in Quietism, iv, 57
Frejenal, struggle over sanbenitos, iii, 167
Frenchmen, their number in Spain, iii, 457
sent to galleys, iii, 459
not to be molested, iii, 473
Friendship with Jews and Moors, i, 75, 100, 111
Friday lighting of candles, ii, 566
Frigiliana, Count of, on finances of Inqn., i, 335; ii, 440
Fuero, active and passive, i, 429, 434
granted to all claimants, i, 468
protects those in trade, i, 535
under Valencia Concordia of 1554, i, 440
for penitents, iii, 150
Fuero Juzgo, Jews in, i, 84
sorcery in, iv, 179
Fugitives, number of, i, 263, 267
effigies of, burnt, i, 183
prosecution of, iii, 80, 86
Furtado de Mendonça, his narrative, iii, 311
Gabriel de Narbonne, case of, iii, 425
Gacis, iii, 332
Gain, incentive of, iv, 527
Gains, heretic incapable of making, ii, 335
Gag for prisoners, ii, 512
as punishment, iii, 139
Galés, Pedro, case of, iii, 454
Galicia pacified by Isabella, i, 25
opposes the Hermandad, i, 31
outrages of billeted troops, i, 396
tribunal of, i, 547
its methods of torture, iii, 21
severity of its tribunal, iii, 236
precautions against Lutheranism, iii, 422
witch-craze in, iv, 221
Galileo, his Dialogo, iii, 536
Gallardo, his Gabinete de Curiosidades, iii, 545
his Diccionario crítico-burlesco, iv, 409
Galley-service as penance, iii, 139
superseded by presidios, iii, 145
transfer of culprits, iii, 210
Frenchmen condemned to, iii, 459
for various offences, iv, 128, 129, 316, 321, 331, 334, 338,
342, 345
redemption of, ii, 411
Galley-slaves reclaimed by Inqn., iii, 143
Gallicanism, tendency to, iv, 292
influence of, iv, 386
Gallois, his statistics, iv, 518
Gambling, forbidden to priests, i, 10
inqrs. to be moderate in, ii, 227
its prohibition, as penance, iii, 133
Gams, Father, on Spanish peculiarities, i, 35
on Inqn., iv, 248
his statistics of burnings, iv, 517
Ganancias, ii, 334
Gandía, rout of, iii, 346
Gandía, Duke of, ships his Moriscos, iii, 396
Gaol-breaking, ii, 513; iii, 156
Gaoler, the, ii, 247
his duties, ii, 515, 519
pays expenses of prison, ii, 529
prebend granted to, ii, 417
Gaols, condition of, ii, 509
Gaon, Jewish, i, 87
Garau, Father, on Conversos, ii, 312
describes burnings, iv, 526
García, Pablo, his Orden de Procesar, ii, 475
on non-performance of sentence, iii, 102
on acquittal, iii, 107
on compurgation, iii, 117
Garments, Moorish, prohibited, iii, 332, 335, 342
Garrote before burning, i, 263; iii, 192, 193, 194
Garrotes, iii, 19
Garrucha, iii, 18
Gaspar de Toledo, confessor of Philip III, iv, 498
Gastos extraordinarios, ii, 393
Geltruda, burnt for Molinism, iv, 62
Genealogies of accused recorded, ii, 260; iii, 38
required of officials, ii, 296
importance of, ii, 256
registers of, ii, 288
General Inquisition, ii, 238
General utility, iv, 378
miscellaneous duties assumed, iv, 379, 382
Jesuits aided against Dominicans, iv, 380
wheat-famine in Granada, iv, 381
quarantine work, iv, 381
Generales de la ley, ii, 539
Genoa, mystics in, iv, 45
Gentility, privileges of, iii, 100
Gentlemen ineligible as familiars, ii, 281
sent to galleys, iii, 141
sent to presidios, iii, 144
Germaine, Queen, grant to her, ii, 377
Germanía of Valencia, iii, 346; iv, 362
Inqn. invoked against, iv, 252
Germany indifferent to solicitation, iv, 101
witchcraft in, iv, 246
priestly marriage in, iv, 337
Gerona, attacks on Jews, i, 92, 93, 119
auto de fe in, i, 264
Gerónimites defend New Christians, i, 153
exclude New Christians, ii, 286
of San Isidro, iii, 427, 447, 448
Gerónimo de la Madre de Dios, iv, 5, 26
Gerson, John, on visions, iv, 4
Gesner, Conrad, de Piscibus, iii, 488
Ghettos, establishment of, i, 77
Ghiberti, Matteo, his severity, iv, 97
Gibraltar, Jews offer to purchase, i, 123
Jews and Moors excluded, iii, 312
Gigantones, iv, 503
Gil, Juan, see Egidio
Giudice, Inq.-genl., i, 314, 318, 319
shields Canary tribunal, i, 349
Goa, its tribunal, iii, 261, 271, 310
God not to be asked for anything, iv, 8, 26, 28
Godoy, Manuel, his career, iv, 390
reaction under, iv, 295
his variable influence, iv, 313
plot against him, iv, 393
his fall from power, iv, 399
Goes, Damião de, his persecution, iii, 264
Gold coinage, i, 560
Gómez, Mari, her release, iii, 556
Gonsales, María, her confession, ii, 459
Gonsalvo the Painter, case of, iii, 413
González, Andrés, case of, ii, 2, 460
González, Diego, has charge of Carranza, ii, 68, 79
González de Mendoza urges expulsion of Moors, iii, 319
González, Tirso, combats Jansenism, iv, 288
Gosa, Dr. Juan de, his opinion, ii, 338
Gossip as evidence, ii, 563
Government by favorites, iv, 474
loans, investments in, ii, 439, 444
Gowrie, Earl of, his corpse tried, iii, 81
Goya, his Caprichos, iii, 547
Grace, Edict of, see Edict
Grain, import and export of, i, 385
price of, fixed, iv, 479
Granada pays tribute to Castile, i, 49
treaties with Aragon, i, 55
offer of Moriscos to Charles V, i, 222, 585
its Inqn., i, 548
right of asylum, i, 422
advantage of penitents in, iii, 150
discipline of its prison, iii, 155
sanbenitos removed from Cathedral, iii, 168
capitulations of 1492, iii, 318
forcible conversion, iii, 320
Moriscos relieved from Inqn., iii, 323
oppression of Moriscos, iii, 331
Edict of 1526, iii, 332, 335
rebellion of 1568, iii, 336
Granada, Morisco expulsion, iii, 398
Moriscos in 1728, iii, 406
quarrels with Chancillería, i, 364, 486, 488, 517; ii, 351, 360
solicitation subjected to Inqn., iv, 99
congregation of 1526, iv, 212
fictitious martyrs, iv, 357
wheat famine in, iv, 381
wealth of clergy of, iv, 494
Granata, la, in Seville, iv, 30
Grand Orient of Madrid, iv, 302
Grants from confiscations, ii, 373, 380
of commutations, ii, 410
Gratuities given by Suprema, ii, 197
Gravina, Nuncio, contest with Córtes, iv, 415, 417
Great Britain, witchcraft in, iv, 246
Grégoire, Bp., his letters on the Inqn., iv, 397
Gregory I on Jews, i, 39
Gregory IV on forcible conversion, i, 41
Gregory VII on office holding by Jews, i, 86
Gregory IX on badges for Jews, i, 69
Gregory XI on friendship with Moors, i, 56
Gregory XIII on Jews, i, 36, 75
on abuse of privileges, i, 454
exempts Jesuits from Inqn., ii, 33
revises Carranza’s trial, ii, 81
wishes to subordinate Spanish Inqn., ii, 128
excludes heresy from indulgences, ii, 25
admits refugees to Rome, ii, 129
seeks to limit limpieza, ii, 306
exempts from irregularity, iii, 189
confiscations in Portugal, iii, 260
licenses Jesuits to read prohibited books, iii, 522
encourages María de la Visitacion, iv, 84
grants jurisdiction in personating priesthood, iv, 341
Gregory XV causes Aliaga’s resignation, i, 308
orders expulsion of heretics, iii, 470
annuls all licences, iii, 523
on solicitation, iv, 100
on sorcery, iv, 244
Green cross, procession of, iii, 216
Guaccio, his Compendium Maleficarum, iv, 244
Guadalajara, number of cases in, i, 170
mystics of, iv, 4, 7
Guadalupe, Inqn. of, i, 171, 548; ii, 367
trials of the absent, iii, 88
Guadoc, iii, 329
Gualbes, Cristobal de, i, 230, 233, 235, 237
Guanzelli da Brisighella, his Index, iii, 492
Guerrero, Abp., on Carranza’s Commentaries, ii, 60, 81
causes rebellion of Granada, iii, 334
seeks to repress solicitation, iv, 99
Guevara, Ant. de, labors in Granada, iii 331
in Valencia, iii, 348, 355
Guevara, Inq.-genl., on unfitness of inqrs., i, 299
his resignation, i, 306
Guicciardini on Spanish indolence, iv 484
Guida spirituale of Molinos, iv, 49, 50, 54, 68
Guienne, seizure of refugees, iii, 278
Guilds and confraternities, i, 445
Guilt, assumption of, ii, 465, 482
Guimeras, the, their hardships, ii, 354
Guipúzcoa, complaints of clergy, i, 16
exclusion of Conversos, ii, 285
witch-craze in, iv, 221
Guiral, Inqr., his peculations, i, 190
Gutiérrez, Alfonso, seeks to remove secrecy, i, 221
Guyon, Madame de la Mothe, iv, 63
Guzman, his service with Moors, i, 56
Habilitation of mechanic arts, iv, 487
Habit, the penitential, ii, 401; iii, 162
Habitelli, iii, 172
Hansa, privileges of the, iii, 463, 467
Hardships from violated compositions, ii, 355
Half-pay in jubilation, ii, 224
Haro, sales of land forbidden in, i, 122
Haste in early trials, iii, 76
Hatred of Inquisition, i, 469, 538
of laity for clergy, iv, 496, 497
Havana, its capture planned by Jews, iii, 280
Frenchmen arrested in, iii, 459
Hebræomastix, i, 115
Hefele, Bp., on the Inqn., iv, 248
Heirs of dead, their citation, iii, 83
Henna, staining nails with, iii, 329, 335
use of, as evidence, ii, 566
Henríquez, Henrique, his book condemned, iii, 534
Henry of Portugal, iii, 242, 245, 247, 248, 249, 252, 259, 261, 265; iv 22
Henry, Infante, serves King of Tunis, i, 57
Henry I, his concessions, i, 3
Henry II orders badges for Jews and Moors, i, 69
persecutes Jews, i, 101, 103
represses Ferran Martínez, i, 104
Henry III represses Ferran Martínez, i, 105
promises protection to Jews, i, 115
claims half of confiscations, ii, 316
on divination, iv, 182
Henry IV, his deposition, i, 4
his improvident grants, i, 7
his treatment of his daughter, i, 19
encourages the Hermandad, i, 30
employs Moorish troops, i, 55
favors Jews, i, 122
on Judaizing New Christians, i, 152
punishment for blasphemy, iv, 328
Henry IV (France), his plots with Moriscos, iii, 386
Henry VIII (England), his list of prohibited books, iii, 484
Heredia, Diego de, iv, 259, 262, 263, 266, 271,
282
Hereditary offices, ii, 219
Hereges flagelantes, iv, 117
Heresiarchs, fate of, iii, 200
Heresy, its denunciation required, i, 168
it disables kings, i, 340
duty of exterminating it, ii, 1
in children, ii, 3
grades of, ii, 4
exclusive jurisdiction of, ii, 8; iii, 187
inferential, ii, 10; iii, 207
a reserved papal case, ii, 19
occult, absolution for, ii, 19, 22
formal, absolution for, ii, 23
in trials of dead, iii, 84
in clerics, iii, 181
absolution under indulgences, ii, 25
acquittal never final, ii, 137, 142; iii, 107
it infects everything, ii, 337
flight presumed in, ii, 491
fautorship of, ii, 492
a condition of sequestration, ii, 503
scourging for, iii, 136
burning for, iii, 183
requires reconciliation, iii, 146
in refusal to burn heretics, iii, 185
in revolutionary principles, iii, 543
in solicitation, iv, 99, 113, 121
in propositions, iv, 143, 146
in sorcery, iv, 185
in exporting horses, iv, 281
of Jansenism, iv, 285
in bigamy, iv, 316, 317, 319
in blasphemy, iv, 329, 331
in priestly marriage, iv, 338
or sanctity, iv, 16
Heretic, the last, executed in Spain, iv, 461
Heretics, extradition of, i, 252
never to be alluded to, ii, 55
their benefices enure to pope, ii, 319
invalidity of their acts, ii, 325, 327
claims of their creditors, ii, 328
incapable of making gains, ii, 335
forfeiture of ships carrying, ii, 338
confiscated in person, ii, 340
incapable of inheritance, ii, 348
outlawry of, iii, 388
their oaths not received, iii, 467
advocates must not defend, iii, 48
exhumation of corpses, iii, 80
foreign, regulations for, iii, 464, 472, 473, 475
Hergenrother, Card., on Inqn., iv, 248
Heriot, iv, 496
Hermandad de S. Pedro Martir, ii, 282
la Santa, i, 29
Hermaphrodites punished, iv, 187
Hernia, torture in cases of, iii, 15
Hernández Diego, iii, 416
Hernández, Francisca, iii, 416; iv, 9
Hernández, Julian, iii, 427, 429, 445
Herraiz, Isabel Maria, iii, 208; iv, 90
Herrera, prophetess of, her arrest, i, 186
her followers burnt, iv, 520
Herrezuelo, Antonio de, iii, 429, 431, 440
Hidalguía, privileges of, i, 375, 396; iv, 478
Hindu converts, iii, 261
Hojeda, Alonso de, urges Inquisition, i, 154, 163
Holy Alliance on Liberalism, iv, 444
intervenes in Spain, iv, 445
Holy See, its supreme jurisdiction, ii, 160
rupture with, iv, 441
Holland, emigration to, iii, 279
protests against visitas de navíos, iii, 517
Honestas personas, ii, 544
Honey and feathers as penance, iii, 133
Honey, case of load of, iii, 287
Honorary officials, ii, 216
Honorius III on badges for Jews, i, 69
Honorius IV on disabilities of descendants, iii, 173
Hornachos, Moriscos of, iii, 342
Horses, export of, iv, 278
Horstmann, J. Heinrich, case of, iii, 477
Hospitals, sick transferred to, ii, 523
insane sent to, iii, 59
service in, as penance, iii, 145
used as prisons, iii, 151
Host, sacrilege on, by Jews, i, 116
insults to it, iv, 355, 432
Hostegesis, Bp., of Málaga, i, 46
Hostility, racial, stimulated, i, 75, 81
to Inquisition, i, 214, 527
Hours of the Virgin in Romance prohibited, iii, 528
of work not observed, ii, 226
Houses, appropriation of, i, 527
rented for tribunals, ii, 206
private, used as prisons, iii, 151
furnished to officials, ii, 195, 208, 218
rents paid from penances, ii, 394
of officials and familiars as asylums, i, 422
razing of, iii, 128, 207; iv, 266
Huesca, tribunal of, i, 548
College of Santiago, i, 456
episcopal edict of faith, ii, 7
Huguenots in Spain, iii, 450, 458, 471
Humanity to prisoners, ii, 524, 525
Hunting licences granted, iv, 383
Husbands liable for wives’ dowries, ii, 334, 341
Hypnotism in mysticism, iv, 2
in witchcraft, iv, 220
Hysteria in demoniacal possession, iv, 350
Ideal of Inqn., ii, 483
Identification of accused, ii, 553
of witnesses prevented, iii, 53
Idiaquez, Fran. de, on Moriscos, iii, 391
Ignorance as extenuation, iii, 63
Illescas, Abbot, on Protestants, iii, 432, 440, 444
expurgation of his book, iii, 498
Illness, removal from prison during, ii, 505, 523
torture during, iii, 15
Illuminism, ii, 135; iv, 4, 9
in the Edict of Faith, iv, 18, 24
in Extremadura, iv, 20
taught by Caldera, iv, 29
errors ascribed to, iv, 30
is formal heresy, iv, 34
treatment of, iv, 35
in Italy, iv, 43
mystic, iv, 73
Illuminists of Llerena, iv, 23
of Seville burnt, iv, 34
Illusion in witchcraft, iv, 208, 212, 217, 219, 229, 231,
237
Iluso, iv, 79
Images, irreverent, suppressed, iii, 546
outrages on, iii, 100; iv, 352, 391
Immaculate Conception, iv, 359
controversy over it, iv, 359
jurisdiction, iv, 360
censorship over books, iv, 361
Immorality in mysticism, iv, 9, 23, 25, 31, 35, 42, 43,
56, 57, 61, 70, 74
of 17th century, iv, 510
Immunity of clergy disregarded, i, 16, 428; iv, 497
of officials, i, 265
for false-witness, ii, 557
Impartiality to be preserved, ii, 483
Impeccability of mystics, iv, 2, 8, 31, 43, 55, 56,
74
Impeding the Inqn., i, 341; ii, 472, 492
case of Ant. Pérez, iv, 260, 268, 269
Imperfect confession, ii, 574
Importation of grain, i, 385
Imports supervised by Inqn., iii, 505
of books, iii, 489, 505, 507, 508
of vellon coinage, iv, 283
Impostors, mystic, iv, 81, 86, 87,
88
in Italy, iv, 44
in sorcery, iv, 197, 201
Imposture of personating officials, iv, 345
of demoniacal possession, iv, 351
Imposts on Moriscos, iii, 377
Imprisonment destroys limpieza, i, 357, 510, 512; ii, 311, 334, 340; iii, 177
dread of, ii, 511
nature of, ii, 509, 514, 515, 518, 519
as torture, iii, 4
escape from, iii, 103
sentences to, iii, 158
cum and absque misericordia, iii, 159
Improvidence of the tribunals, ii, 435
Impurity of blood, consequences of, ii, 297
through penance, ii, 299
limitation on, ii, 306
its infection, ii, 310
In absentia, trials, iii, 86
In caput alienum, torture, iii, 12
Income from canonries, ii, 431
of Church of Toledo, iv, 493
Income-tax, exemption from, i, 384
Incomunicado, ii, 494, 513
In conspectu tormentorum, iii, 6
Incriminating questions forbidden, ii, 466
Incubus, an illusion, iv, 220, 231
Indecency of exorciser, iv, 352
Independence, financial, of Inqn., i, 328
claimed by Inqn., i, 342
of Spanish censorship, iii, 535
Index Librorum Prohibitorum, iii, 484
earliest Spanish, iii, 485
expurgatory, of Bibles, iii, 486
Tridentine, iii, 492
expurgatory, iii, 492, 494
of Brisighella, iii, 492
of Quiroga, iii, 493
successive Indexes, iii, 495
classification of authors, iii, 500
of defamatory writings, iii, 531
lascivious books, iii, 545
astrology placed in, iv, 193
uncanonized saints, iv, 357
Indexes to registers, ii, 256, 259
Indian Bibles suppressed, iii, 529
Indies, trading with, by Conversos, ii, 357
tribunals modify sentences, iii, 98
Indirectas, iii, 63
Indolence, Spanish, iv, 483
Indulgences not to include heresy, ii, 25
for disregarding papal letters, ii, 106
for bringing wood to stake, iii, 184
for attending autos, iii, 209
Industry, disdain for, i, 2; iv, 485
of Mudéjares, i, 66
effect of confiscation on, ii, 386
burdens on, iv, 479
In eminenti, bull, iv, 299
Infamy caused by prison, i, 510, 512
by arrest, ii, 311, 490, 492
of impurity of blood, ii, 297
perpetuated by sanbenitos, iii, 166
no disqualification for witnesses, ii, 538
Infantado, Duke del, shares in confiscations, ii, 319
Infanzones, their right of asylum, i, 422
Infection shed by heresy, ii, 337
Infidel, warlike exports to the, iv, 279
Influence of Edict of Faith, ii, 99
of confiscation, ii, 386
of unjust taxation, iv, 478
of intolerance, iv, 505
of Inquisition, iv, 138, 507
of delation, iv, 515
on intellectual development, iv, 528
Informacion de moribus, ii, 251
Informers, secrecy enforced on, ii, 473
as to property, ii, 323
Inhibition, power of, i, 355
certificates of, i, 495
Innocence, assertion of, ii, 584
information concerning, ii, 256
Innocent III on Jews, i, 81
prohibits vernacular Bible, iii, 527
Innocent IV orders expulsion of Moors, i, 60
on badges for Jews, i, 69
subjects friars to Inqn., ii, 30
on dowries, ii, 325
Innocent VIII recommissions Torquemada, i, 176
removes old inqrs., i, 239, 263
orders extradition of heretics, i, 253
on absolution of heresy, ii, 20
subjects friars to Inqn., ii, 30
reserves jurisdiction over bps., ii, 41
plays fast and loose with appeals, ii, 111, 591
on exclusion of Conversos, ii, 286
on qualifications of inqrs., ii, 234
asks mercy for the reconciled, ii, 335
his quinquennial indult, ii, 416
diminishes disabilities, iii, 173
on duty of burning, iii, 186
stimulates witchcraft, iv, 207
Innocent X, his action in Villanueva’s case, ii, 147, 150, 154, 156
encourages Inqn. of Portugal, iii, 282
Innocent XI reforms Portuguese Inqn., iii, 288
condemns the Mística Ciudad, iv, 40
favors Molinos, iv, 49
his bull Cœlestis Pastor, iv, 59
protects Card. Noris, iv, 285
condemns Plomos del Sacromonte, iv, 358
Innocent XII commends Fénelon, iv, 67
protects Jansenists, iv, 287
Innocent XIII restricts number of clergy, iv, 492
Inns, foreigners forbidden to keep, iii, 465
Inquisitio, ii, 478
in case of Ant. Pérez, iv, 258
Inquisition of Portugal—
negotiations with Rome, iii, 239
Inqn. established, iii, 245
has jurisdiction over bps., ii, 87
its activity, iii, 247, 259, 265, 273, 283, 290, 308, 310
non-residence of officials, iii, 248
investigation into, iii, 251
transaction establishing it, iii, 253, 257
suppression of names, iii, 257
confiscation, iii, 260, 282, 288
its organization, iii, 262
intellectual influence, iii, 263
under Spanish rule, iii, 265
obtains canonries, iii, 266
urges stronger action, iii, 275
under João IV, iii, 280
opposes reforms, iii, 286
resists papal interference, iii, 289
its suspension removed, iii, 290
Pombal’s reform, iii, 310
cédula of January 17, 1619, iii, 558
persecutes Masonry, iv, 302
unnatural crime, iv, 365
Inquisition of Rome—
protection of officials, i, 368, 436
annuls papal pardons, ii, 107
not to interfere with Spanish Inqn., ii, 128
rarely imposes fines, ii, 400
secrecy, ii, 470
sequestration, ii, 495
denies sacraments to prisoners, ii, 520
husbands and wives as witnesses, ii, 538
confrontation, ii, 553
use of torture, iii, 3
accused does not pay torturer, iii, 35
procedure reformed by Pius VII, iii, 92
acquittal, iii, 105
suspension, iii, 106
compurgation, iii, 119
scourging, iii, 136
galleys as penance, iii, 146
removes sanbenitos from churches, iii, 172
its judgements final, iii, 186
judgements of blood, iii, 189
strangulation before burning, iii, 193
personating priesthood, iii, 207; iv, 340
discards use of mitres, iii, 215
autos held in churches, iii, 222
intercourse with heretics, iii, 465
forbids residence of heretics, iii, 470
mystic extravagance, iv, 45
persecutes Pelagini, iv, 46, 48
solicitation, iv, 100, 108, 109, 112, 121, 122, 124, 128, 130
witchcraft, iv, 242
bigamy, iv, 321
blasphemy, iv, 333
prosecutes exorciser, iv, 352
seal of confession, iv, 377
Inquisition of Spain—
asked for in 1451, i, 147
episcopal Inqn. ordered in 1464, i, 153
attempt by Sixtus IV in 1475, i, 154
founded in 1480, i, 160
Castile receives it, i, 161
imposed on Navarre, i, 223
resistance in Valencia, i, 239
in Aragon, i, 244
in Catalonia, i, 260
received by Majorca, i, 266
relations with the State, i, 289
subordination under Ferdinand, i, 289
growth of independence under Hapsburgs, i, 325
culminating under Carlos II, iv, 512
Bourbons reassert control, i, 348
powers which gave it predominance, i, 351
excommunication and inhibition, i, 355
it defines its own powers, iii, 539
frames its own rules, i, 181; ii, 477
keeps them secret, ii, 475, 606
prescribes its punishments, iii, 393
a crime to examine its methods, iv, 261
superior to all law, i, 265, 365
has royal jurisdiction over its officials, i, 345, 429
privileges and exemptions, i, 375
resistance in Valencia, i, 435
in Aragon, i, 450
in Catalonia, i, 465
conflicts with civil authorities, i, 484
with spiritual courts, i, 493
popular hatred thence arising, i, 527
jurisdiction over heresy, ii, 1
enforced on regular Orders, ii, 29
bishops exempted, ii, 41
device of the Edict of Faith, ii, 91
appeals to Rome, ii, 103
organization, ii, 161
the Suprema becomes the governing power, ii, 167
organization of the tribunals, ii, 205
limpieza, or purity of blood, ii, 285
finances—are kept secret, i, 325
confiscation the chief support, ii, 315
fines and penances, ii, 389
dispensations, ii, 401
benefices, ii, 415
system of management, ii, 453
practice—the Edict of Grace, ii, 457
the inquisitorial process, ii, 465,
arrest and sequestration, ii, 485
the secret prison, ii, 507
character of evidence, ii, 535
confession of the accused, ii, 569
the use of torture, iii, 1
conduct of the trial, iii, 36
the defence, iii, 56
the consulta de fe, iii, 71
the sentence, iii, 93
compurgation, iii, 113
minor penalties, iii, 121
harsher penalties, iii, 135
sanbenitos in churches, iii, 164
the quemadero—burning, iii, 183
responsibility for it, iii, 184
the auto de fe, iii, 209
persecution of Jews, iii, 231
the Portuguese Inqn., iii, 237
disappearance of Judaism, iii, 311
persecution of Moriscos, iii, 317
their expulsion, iii, 393
persecution of Protestantism, iii, 411
policy with foreigners, iii, 457
censorship, iii, 480
censorship, the Indexes, iii, 484
visitos de navíos, iii, 510
independence from Rome, iii, 533
mysticism, iv, 1
in Italy, iv, 42
in France, iv, 62
Molinism, iv, 68
solicitation, iv, 95
propositions, iv, 138
sorcery and occult arts, iv, 179
astrology forbidden, iv, 192
witchcraft, iv, 206
rationalistic treatment, iv, 231
political activity, iv, 248
case of Antonio Pérez, iv, 253
subservience to the crown, iv, 276
export of horses, iv, 278
Jansenism, iv, 284
Free-Masonry, iv, 298
philosophism, iv, 307
bigamy, iv, 316
blasphemy, iv, 328
marriage in Orders, iv, 336
personation of priesthood, iv, 339
of officials, iv, 344
demoniacal possession, iv, 348
outrages on images, iv, 352
uncanonized saints, iv, 355
the Immaculate Conception, iv, 359
unnatural crime, iv, 361
usury, iv, 371
morals, iv, 375
the seal of confession, iv, 377
general utility, iv, 378
decadence under the Bourbons, iv, 386
action on the Dos de Mayo, iv, 400, 539
suppression by the Córtes in 1813, iv, 407
re-establishment in the Restoration, iv, 424
suppression in 1820, iv, 436, 541
dormant under the reaction, iv, 458
definitely abolished in 1834, iv, 467, 545
its object the saving of souls, ii, 482, 569; iii, 196
its service in preserving peace, iv, 507
contemporary opinion, iv, 508, 514
indifference to morals, iv, 509
influence on prosperity, iv, 504
on national character, iv, 138, 531
on Spanish intellect, iv, 138, 148, 528
statistics of its operations, iv, 517
its greed, iv, 527
Inquisidor de las Galeras, i, 541
Inquisitorial process, ii, 465
Inquisitors-general, list of, i, 556
four appointed, i, 178
formula of commission, i, 176, 303, 612
its duration, ii, 161
appointed by King, i, 302
resignations, i, 304
appointing power, i, 290, 298, 302; ii, 161, 167, 237
delegate power to Suprema, i, 322
appellate jurisdiction, ii, 129, 187
effect of their death, ii, 162
fix salaries, ii, 163
their salary, ii, 165, 196
their power diminished, ii, 166, 177, 178
have but one vote in Suprema, ii, 168
struggle with Suprema, ii, 173
lose control of finances, ii, 192
grant commutations, ii, 409
grant licences for prohibited books, iii, 522
Inquisitors, first appointment of, i, 160
their qualifications, i, 188; ii, 233, 237
their appointing power, i, 177; ii, 237, 280
their inviolability, i, 214, 368
their coercive powers, i, 355
claim superiority, i, 357
privileges in travelling, i, 395
judges in their own suits, i, 437
equality with judges, i, 520
proclamation on taking office, i, 617
delegated by bps., ii, 12
have no spiritual functions, ii, 21, 569
are excommunicated, ii, 120, 123
their commissions, ii, 161, 595
their early independence, ii, 179
their authority, ii, 205, 233
are judges of confiscations, ii, 209, 350
deputize their duties, ii, 218
rarely dismissed, ii, 224
cannot punish officials, ii, 225
must abstain from outside business, ii, 227
employed as inspectors, ii, 228
their visitations, ii, 238
two required for action, ii, 241
act as fiscals, ii, 243
are prosecutors, ii, 479
retain papers, ii, 257
cannot grant commutations, ii, 409
examine witnesses, ii, 541
conduct ratification of evidence, ii, 544
must draw up the publication, iii, 54
control defence, iii, 64, 543
must examine accused, iii, 70
cannot modify sentences, iii, 98
both must be present at auto, iii, 212
grant licences to print, iii, 483
Insaculacion, i, 415, 455
Insane, the, as witnesses, ii, 538
Insanity, punishment for, ii, 495
torture in cases of, iii, 8
as a defence, iii, 58
Insecurity of titles, ii, 327, 339, 346
caused by confiscation, ii, 345
Inspection, its routine, ii, 228, 229
of prisons, ii, 509, 524, 525; iii, 153
Inspectors, ii, 227
of books, iii, 501
Instruction of New Christians attempted, i, 155
of converts neglected, iii, 231
of Moriscos, attempts at, iii, 366
Instruciones Antiguas, i, 181
Nuevas, i, 182
of Mercader, i, 273
issued by command of the crown, i, 291; ii, 163
by Suprema, ii, 162
to inq.-genl., i, 299, 300, 301
of December, 1484, i, 571
of January, 1485, i, 576
of 1500, i, 579
kept secret, ii, 475, 606
for witchcraft cases, iv, 219
of 1614 on witchcraft, iv, 235
Roman, of 1657, iv, 244
Insult to Inq. of Valladolid, iv, 432
Insults to images, iv, 352
Insurance against confiscation, ii, 353
Intellect, Spanish, influence of Inqn. on, iv, 138, 148, 528
Intention, denial of, ii, 576; iii, 199
torture for, ii, 576
Intercommunication of records, ii, 260
Intercourse with Moors and Jews, i, 55, 75, 117
Interdict, power of, i, 355
abuse of, i, 120, 187, 495, 514
Interest, rates of, i, 97
Interim, priestly marriage in, iv, 337
Intermarriage of Moriscos, iii, 380
of New and Old Christians, i, 120
in Portugal, iii, 238
Inter multiplices, bull, iii, 107
Internal heresy, ii, 4
Interpreters, two required, ii, 182
Interrogatories in inspections, ii, 229
of witnesses, ii, 542
for defence, ii, 593; iii, 64
Interval before ratification, ii, 546
Intolerance, rise of, i, 59
its results, iv, 504
its prevalence, iv, 531
Intoxication, plea of, iii, 63
Invalidity of acts by heretics, ii, 325, 327
Invasion of secular jurisdiction, i, 431
the French, in 1823, iv, 447
Inventory at sequestration, ii, 496
charged to receiver, ii, 341
Investments of tribunals controlled by Suprema, ii, 191
converted to government loans, ii, 203
of Suprema, ii, 201
Investigation into limpieza, ii, 301
Inviolability, i, 367
Invocation of demon, iv, 199
Irregularity in judgements of blood, i, 273; iii, 184, 188
Irremissible prison redeemed, ii, 411
Irresponsibility of Inqn., i, 341; ii, 181, 478
Irreverence to sacred objects, iv, 353
Isabel de la Cruz, a mystic, iv, 7
Isabella the Catholic appoints Ximenes to Toledo, i, 14
her character, i, 22
her enforcement of jurisdiction, i, 24, 28
her vigilant justice, i, 26
her share in government, i, 27
expels Jews of Andalusia, i, 131
disregards appeals for Inquisition, i, 155
delays organization of Inquisition, i, 160
intercedes for a servant, ii, 114
seeks to avoid appeals to Rome, ii, 108
revision of criminal procedure, ii, 466
converts Moors of Castile, iii, 324
Isabella, Empress, violates privileges of Inqn., i, 304, 404
on fuero of servants, i, 433
Isabella II recognized as queen, iv, 465
Isidor of Seville (St.) on Jews, i, 40
Islam, toleration under, i, 45
disappears from Spain, iii, 405
Isolation of prisoners, ii, 515
of Spain, iii, 411, 449
Italy, Mendicant Orders subjected to Inqn., ii, 33
Portuguese Conversos invited, iii, 253
mysticism, iv, 42
witchcraft, iv, 242
unnatural crime, iv, 365
Itinerant tribunals, ii, 206
Jaen, tribunal of, i, 166, 548; iii, 332
its cruelties, i, 211, 213; ii, 526, 529
exclusion of Conversos, ii, 290
case of the chapter of, ii, 346
complaint of false witness, ii, 555
as to advocates, iii, 45, 48
Jaime I, his relations with Moors, i, 55
refuses to expel Moors, i, 70
presides over disputation, i, 90
authorizes conversion by preaching, i, 91
restrains persecution, i, 92
on confiscation, iii, 359
prohibits vernacular Bible, iii, 527
Jaime II, his treaties with Moors, i, 55
protects Jews, i, 89
the Jews of Palma, i, 93
his use of Inquisition, i, 94
Jansenism, iv, 284
nature of the heresy, iv, 285, 292
struggle in Flanders, iv, 287
Index of Prado y Cuesta, iv, 289
its development, iv, 293
reaction under Godoy, iv, 295
its disappearance, iv, 297
is Masonry, iv, 298
is Liberalism, iv, 455
Jeanne of Navarre pillages Jews, i, 100
Jehoshua Ha-Lorqui, i, 115
Jesi, Quietists in, iv, 54
Jesuit member of Suprema, i, 323
Jesuits of Palermo, their drama, i, 370
claim exemption from Inqn., ii, 33
case of Padre Briviesca, ii, 34
struggle to escape jurisdiction, ii, 36
licensed to read prohibited books, iii, 522
attacked by Universities, iii, 532
their mysticism, iv, 18
attack Molinos, iv, 51
defend Fénelon, iv, 66
attack Card. Noris, iv, 284
control Inqn., iv, 288
their expulsion, iv, 294
repatriated, iv, 295
aided against Dominicans, iv, 380
suppressed in 1820, iv, 441
Jew as a name of disgrace, iii, 291
Jewish observances, prosecution for, i, 147; ii, 565; iii, 232
Jews, their vicissitudes, i, 35
attitude of Church towards them, i, 36
forced conversions in Gothia, i, 39
persecutions in Gothic Spain, i, 41
they favor the Moorish conquest, i, 44
their position under Saracens, i, 50
are citizens in Castile, i, 60, 84
badges imposed on, i, 68
influence of Council of Vienne, i, 71
forbidden to hold office, i, 73, 94
to practise medicine, i, 74
intimacy with, forbidden, i, 75
their segregation ordered, i, 76
position in Middle Ages, i, 81
massacres, i, 83
toleration in Spain, i, 84
their services, i, 85
their numbers, i, 86
favor shown to them, i, 87
massacred by crusaders, i, 88
conversion by preaching, i, 91
commencement of hostility, i, 94
its causes, i, 96
massacre in Navarre, i, 100
caused by Black Death, i, 101
in 1366, i, 102
in 1391, i, 106
its effects, i, 110
increasing oppression, i, 115
extensive conversions, i, 118
reaction in their favor i, 121
oppression under Ferdinand and Isabella i, 124
diminished numbers, i, 125
not subject to Inquisition, i, 130
expulsion of 1492, i, 135
return forbidden, i, 141; iii, 311, 314
number of exiles, i, 142
settlements with the exiles, i, 569
hatred of them stimulated, i, 150
required to denounce New Christians, i, 168
foreign, their property seized, ii, 338
as witnesses, ii, 536
not for defence, ii, 539
neglect of instruction, iii, 231
character of proofs, i, 147; ii, 565; iii, 232
apparent extirpation, iii, 234
treatment in Portugal, iii, 237-50, 272
invited to Italy, iii, 254
influx from Portugal, iii, 266, 277
purchase pardon from Philip III, iii, 267
Judaizers are all Portuguese, iii, 270
enmity towards them, iii, 272, 290
dangers apprehended from them, iii, 276
their assistance to Holland, iii, 279
offers for relief in Portugal, iii, 283, 286
their admission proposed, iii, 292
proselytism ascribed to, iii, 293
persistent persecution, iii, 297, 303
concealment practised, iii, 300
persecution in Majorca, iii, 305
cessation of persecution, iii, 311
exclusion of foreign, iii, 311, 314
admitted to Spain, iii, 315
argument in their favor, iv, 506
Joan of Kent burnt, iv, 532
João II bargains with Jews, i, 137
João III bargains for Inqn., iii, 239
João III, his quarrel with da Silva, iii, 244
his struggle with Paul III, iii, 250
his payments to Rome, iii, 252
obtains unrestricted Inqn., iii, 254
his inquisitorial policy, iii, 256
founds no colonial Inqn., iii, 260
João IV, his policy, iii, 280
evades confiscation, iii, 281
Jocularity as extenuation, iii, 63
John of Austria, Don, sent to Granada, iii, 338
John of Austria (2d) expels Nithard, i, 311
John, King, his extortions, i, 83
John XXII persecutes sorcery, iv, 181
José, Dom, of Portugal, his reforms, iii, 310
Joseph ben Joshua ben Mier on the expulsion, i, 143
Joseph Bonapart, King of Spain, iv, 399
Jovellanos, Gaspar Melchor de, iv, 394
on lack of roads, iv, 480
on burden of Church, iv, 495
Juan I (Castile) regulates Hermandades, i, 29
prohibits employment of Jews, i, 99
avenges Yuçaf Pichon, i, 103
represses Ferran Martínez, i, 104
on sorcery, iv, 182
Juan II (Castile), his disastrous reign, i, 4
favors Hermandad, i, 30
favors Jews, i, 121
applies for Inquisition, i, 147
exemptions from military service, i, 412
applies to the pope, iv, 489
Juan I (Aragon) represses massacre of 1391, i, 108
Juan II (Aragon) relieved of cataract, i, 75
proposes expulsion of Moors, iii, 317
his oath as to usury, iv, 372
Juan de Avila on illusions, iv, 15
Juan de la Cerda serves king of Morocco, i, 57
Juan de la Cruz on observances, iv, 3
his persecution, iv, 17
Juan de la Cruz an alumbrado, iv, 25
Juan Manuel, his turbulence, i, 54
Juan de Olmillos a mystic, iv, 7
Juan of Seville, his fate, ii, 108, 109
Juana, daughter of Henry IV, i, 19
Juana and Philip, appealed to by Córdova, i, 196, 201
Juana, Princess, banishes Valdés, ii, 47; iii, 433
has Carranza arrested, ii, 64
Jubilation, ii, 174, 216, 224
restricted by Philip V, ii, 223
Jubilee indulgences objected to, ii, 24, 578
Judaism of New Christians, i, 151; ii, 232, 238, 300, 305
Judaism, its extirpation, iii, 234, 300
books on, burnt, iii, 480
converts to, iii, 293
Judaizers, their cases not calificado, ii, 488
are all Portuguese, iii, 270
Juderías, i, 64, 77
Judgements of blood, iii, 184, 188, 273
permitted, i, 367
in churches, iii, 223
Judge, secular, his sentence, iii, 185, 186, 219, 225
penalty for not executing sentence, iii, 187
Judges as prosecutors, ii, 465
recusation of, ii, 467
responsibility of, iii, 1
discretion as to torture, iii, 30
as consultores, ii, 266
Judges, royal, humiliation of, i, 518, 519
terrorism of, i, 439
must be present at autos, iii, 212
Juez de los bienes, ii, 250, 350
disappears, ii, 217, 371
Juglar, Gaspar, appoints inqrs., i, 231
his commission withdrawn, i, 233
his poisoning, i, 244, 592
Julian, St., on Jews, i, 43
Julius II asserts appellate jurisdiction, ii, 116
separates Inqn. of Aragon, i, 180
authorizes Talavera’s prosecution, i, 199
decides against Córdova, i, 203, 582
orders trial of Lucero, i, 206
renews quinquennial indult, ii, 417
subjects usury to Inqn., iv, 372
Julius III confirms sale of pardons for crime, ii, 107
renounces appellate jurisdiction, ii, 128
enforces limpieza, ii, 293
on profits of nuncios, iii, 243
gifts to him, iii, 252
protects Jews in Italy, iii, 254
stimulates the Inqn., iii, 426
annuls licences for prohibited books, iii, 521
Junta Apostolica, iv, 443, 456
Central orders Córtes convoked, iv, 402
de Estado, i, 525
Grande de Competencias, i, 524
de hacienda, ii, 230, 453
Magna, the, i, 511
of Ozarzun, iv, 447
Juntas de fe, iv, 460, 461, 468
Jurisdiction supreme, of Rome, ii, 103, 160
of bishops, i, 497; ii, 5, 12
cumulative, of Inqn. and bps., ii, 10
exclusive, of Inqn., i, 341, 437
the Inqn. defines its own, ii, 89
of Inqn., its superiority, i, 357
illegal extension of, i, 431
over officials, i, 429
claims made for it, i, 343, 490, 614
conflict with royal jurisdiction, iii, 539
over conscience, ii, 19
over confiscations, ii, 209, 350
over solicitation, iv, 99
over sorcery, iv, 183, 189
over witchcraft, iv, 213, 216, 222, 228,
236
over export of horses, iv, 279
over Masonry, iv, 300
over bigamy, iv, 316, 324
over blasphemy, iv, 329
over unnatural crime, iv, 362
over usury, iv, 372
over morals, iv, 375
military, conflicts with, i, 504
appellate, of Iñigo Manrique, ii, 108
of inq.-genl., ii, 187
ecclesiastical, struggle over, iii, 534
Jury relieves judges, iii, 1
Justice enforced by Isabella, i, 24
inculcated by Ferdinand, i, 297
perversion of, in Castile, ii, 468
Justicia of Aragon, i, 450; iv, 257, 270
Justification by works rejected by mystics, iv, 3, 8, 28
Juzgado, ii, 250
Kindliness to prisoners, ii, 524, 525
of Ferdinand, i, 22; ii, 332, 344, 378, 499
Kindred, infamy extends to, ii, 143, 311
duty of denunciation, ii, 96, 462, 578
as witnesses, ii, 537, 539
their consultation with counsel, iii, 44, 48
Kings must make inquiries through Suprema, i, 326
ask and do not command Inqn., i, 327
subject to Inqn., i, 340; ii, 29
their oaths at autos, i, 353; iii, 218
as ultimate judges, i, 356
inqrs. to consult with, ii, 163
Knighthood, Order of, for officials, ii, 283
Knives allowed to Moriscos, iii, 379
censorship of, iii, 546
Koran classed with Bible, iii, 529
La Almiranta, her martyrdom, iii, 197
La Barre, Jean de, case of, ii, 557
Labor, aversion for, i, 58; iv, 483
forced, of Moriscos, iii, 377
Labour, Pays de, witches in, iv, 228, 246
Labradores, i, 375; iv, 478
La Force, his plots with Moriscos, iii, 387
receives Morisco exiles, iii, 402
La Croix, Ursule de, her relapse, ii, 572
La Guardia, el Santo Ninom de, i, 134
Laity not subject to spiritual courts, i, 15
La Mancha, Morisco expulsion, iii, 400
La Mata, complaint of people of, ii, 347
Lancre, Pierre de, on witchcraft, iv, 228, 246
Lanuza, Juan de, iv, 262, 263, 264,
265
Lanuza, Martin de, iv, 263, 264, 266,
271
Lanz, Miguel, his cruelty, iv, 267
Lara, María, her heresy, ii, 23
Las Casas, Diego de, his mission to Rome, i, 276
Laæ sententiæ, excommunication, i, 393
Latançon, Marcos de, case of, iv, 131
Lateau, Louise, iv, 94
Lateran Council imposes badges, i, 68
on Jewish rites, ii, 565
on dealings with infidels, iv, 279
Latin schools, number of, iv, 485
Laws, codification of, i, 27
of the Moors, i, 65
Inqn. superior to, i, 365
enforced by Inqn., iv, 278
Lawyers, inqrs. must be, ii, 235
as consultores, ii, 266
Laxity of prison discipline, ii, 518
of rules of evidence, ii, 564
Laybach, Congress of, iv, 444
Laymen as inspectors, ii, 228
as assessors, ii, 232
as inquisitors, ii, 235
in judgements of faith, ii, 266, 267
as commissioners, ii, 269
acting as confessors, iv, 111, 344
Lazaeta, Inqr., case of, i, 461
Lee, Edward, on errors of Erasmus, iii, 414
Leganes, Marquis of, as alguazil mayor, i, 162; ii, 207
Legates, Spain objects to, i, 15
Legatine Inquisition of Sixtus IV, i, 154
Legitimacy as qualification, ii, 251, 279
Leguina, commissioner, his quarrels, iii, 514
Le Maître de Saci, his Bible, iii, 530
Lencastre, Inq.-genl., his contumacy, iii, 289
Leniency to official offenders, ii, 223
to espontaneados, ii, 573
towards clerics, iii, 100
in solicitation, iv, 127
in personating priesthood, iv, 344
in insults to images, iv, 354
in unnatural crime, iv, 369
of spiritual courts, ii, 469; iv, 97
Leo X orders Inqn. in Navarre, i, 224
permits judgements of blood, i, 273, 367; iii, 89
action in the Aragonese quarrels, i, 272, 274, 279, 280, 281, 284
limits jurisdiction, i, 432
orders episcopal concurrence, ii, 14
issues and annuls letters, ii, 118, 121
case of Miguel Vedreña, ii, 120
case of Blanquina Diaz, ii, 122
commits appeals to Adrian, ii, 125
confers appellate power on Suprema, ii, 164
confirms acts by heretics, ii, 328
on prosecuting the wealthy, ii, 385
his dispensations, ii, 405
refuses canonries to Inqn., ii, 424
on false witness, ii, 555
on burning heretics, iii, 184
suppression of Luther’s books, iii, 413
Leo XIII, canonization of María de Agreda, iv, 41
blesses Sor Patrocinío, iv, 93
Leon, tribunal of, i, 548
Leoni, the brothers, condemned, iv, 59
Leonor of Navarre, her borrowing, i, 98
Leopold I sends exorcist to Carlos II, ii, 172
Leopold of Tuscany, his Jansenism, iv, 286
Lequeitio complains of its priests, i, 16
Lérida, its surrender in 1149, i, 52
its tribunal, i, 549
Lerma, Duke of, his downfall, i, 307
his greed, iii, 410
Lerma, Pedro de, case of, iii, 419
Le Sauvage, Jean, favors reform, i, 218
Letrados as inqrs., ii, 234
Letters, papal, to Conversos, struggle over, ii, 104, 110, 111, 113, 114, 117, 121, 123, 125, 128, 131; iii, 245, 247, 249
regulated by Carlos III, i, 321
of exemption from conscription, i, 414
Leyes, Jacobo de las, on sorcery, iv, 179
Liberalism, its follies in 1820-23, iv, 438
Liberals, proscription of, iv, 433, 452
Liberties, popular, in Aragon, i, 229
Libra, value of, i, 565
Libraries, examination of, iii, 487, 489, 495, 498, 499, 501, 502
commission for examining, iii, 574
death of their owners, iii, 502, 504
Libro del Becerro, ii, 299
for property, ii, 454
Libro de manifestaciones, ii, 341
Verde de Aragon, ii, 298, 307
its statistics, iv, 521
of Fernando VII, iv, 452
Libros Vocandorum, ii, 260
Licences to trade with Saracens, i, 56
for emigration, i, 181, 216
to import wheat, i, 386
to absolve for heresy, ii, 21
to convey property, ii, 346
for rehabilitations, ii, 404
for Jews, iii, 312, 313, 315
papal, to Jews, i, 124
for residence of foreigners, iii, 472
to print, iii, 481, 483, 489
to keep writings, iii, 489
to convents for prohibited books, iii, 503
to sell new books, iii, 508
to read prohibited books, iii, 521, 524, 575
to hunt, iv, 383
Liége, mystic nuns of, iv, 2
Life-imprisonment for penitents, iii, 151
Lights forbidden to prisoners, ii, 519
Liguori, St. Alphonso, on sorcery, iv, 205
Lima, audacity of tribunal of, i, 317
quarrel with Abp. Barroeta, ii, 17
contributions from, ii, 201
sale of offices, ii, 215
case of sorcerer, iv, 201
officials deprived of fuero, iv, 389
Limitation of impurity of blood, ii, 297, 306
Limpieza as qualification, ii, 251
use of records as to, ii, 259, 261
early traces, ii, 285
development of mania, ii, 290
its general adoption, ii, 292
method of verification, ii, 295, 301
investigation of officials, ii, 296
difficulty of its proof, ii, 300
motives for proving, ii, 305
its influence, i, 357; ii, 309
stimulates dread of Inqn., ii, 310
under Restoration, ii, 311
stimulates false-witness, ii, 559
struggle over sanbenitos, iii, 167
applied to Moriscos, iii, 379
Limpo, Balthazar, Bp. of Porto, iii, 253
Linen, change of, ii, 566; iii, 232
Lippomano, Luigi, nuncio, iii, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249
Lisbon, massacre of 1506, i, 140
Lists of familiars, i, 440, 467; ii, 274, 277
Literature, discouragement of, iii, 549; iv, 528
Litigation, fees from, ii, 279
Llerena, New Christians punished, i, 153
tribunal established, i, 171, 549
its abuses, i, 213, 382; ii, 499, 526, 529; iii, 4, 5, 48
claims exemption from taxation, i, 380
receipts from penances, ii, 397
carrying effigies in auto, iii, 226
alumbrados of, iv, 21, 23
Llorente on licences for prohibited books, iii, 524
his statistics, iv, 517, 524
Llotger, Fray Juan, inquisitor, i, 94
Loan from Inqn. to king, i, 334
Loazes, Fern. de, i, 286, 287, 467; ii, 491; iii, 350
Loberos, iv, 200
Locksmith reckoned an official, ii, 211
Lodgement, free for officials, i, 395; ii, 206, 208
Logan, Robert, his corpse tried, iii, 81
Logroño, its tribunal, i, 227, 549
corregidor punished, i, 432
trouble over coaches, i, 531
trouble over shambles, i, 532
hatred of Inqn., i, 538
required to aid Suprema, ii, 193
abuse of fines and penances, ii, 397
its finances, ii, 436, 444
troubles in visitas de navíos, iii, 516
auto of 1610, iii, 219; iv, 225
witchcraft, iv, 224, 228
its reconstruction, iv, 426
Lombay, Marquis of, at Saragossa, iv, 265
Longas, Juan de, case of, iv, 76
López, Padre Luis, S. J., ii, 24
López, María de los Dolores, iv, 89
López, Abp. of Valencia, his junta de fe, iv, 460
Lords, feudal, obtain share of confiscations, ii, 319
of Moriscos obstruct their conversion, iii, 369
Lorenzana, Inq.-genl., his dismissal, i, 321; iv, 393
Louis IX, his treatment of Jews, i, 83
Louis XIV, his anger at Giudice, i, 316
persecutes Fénelon, iv, 65
Louis XVIII counsels moderation, iv, 450
Louvain, Indexes of, iii, 485
Jansenism in, iv, 287
Love-letters in confessional, iv, 112
Loyola, Ignatius, his persecution, iv, 14
on mysticism, iv, 17
Lucas of Tuy on Jews, i, 87
Lucena, Petronila de, case of, iii, 111; iv, 13
Lucero, his career at Córdova, i, 189
attacks Hernando de Talavera, i, 197
his trial ordered, i, 206
his retirement, i, 210
his use of perjury, ii, 555
Lucius III permits no exemption, ii, 30
prescribes confiscation, ii, 316
Luctuosa, iv, 496
Luis de Granada on good works, iv, 3
his works prohibited, iii, 530; iv, 17
endorses María de la Visitacion, iv, 84
Luis de Leon, sacraments denied to, ii, 520
his patrones teólogos, iii, 52; iv, 154
seeks to recuse judges, iii, 58
his first trial, iv, 149
his second trial, iv, 159
Luisa de Carrion, case of, iv, 36
Luminarias, ii, 195
Luna, Alvaro de, favors Jews, i, 121
asks for Inqn., i, 147
Luther’s books, seizure of, iii, 413, 421
Lutheran revolt, its influence, iii, 412; iv, 4
Lutherans invited to conversion, iii, 422
Lutheranism, seal for its suppression, iii, 413
factitious, iii, 426, 453, 458
statistics of, iii, 426, 455, 461
Macanaz, Melchor de, his career, i, 315
his defence of Inqn., i, 319
his confiscated estate, ii, 370, 455
on number of officials, iv, 486
on growth of Church, iv, 492
Machiavelli on Ferdinand, i, 21
on Jewish expulsion, i, 143
Madrid, fuero of, in 1202, i, 61
enforcement of police rules, i, 366
tribunal of, i, 545, 550
rebuked, ii, 186
cost of prisoners, ii, 532
auto of 1632, i, 353; iii, 130, 147, 150, 212, 214, 220, 228
auto of 1680, iii, 136, 139, 212, 218, 225, 228
insurrection of May 2, iv, 399
conflict with royal guard, iv, 443
relaxations in, iv, 523
Maestra de Espiritu, iv, 86
Maestre racional, ii, 446
Magdalena de la Cruz, iii, 94; iv, 82
Magic, its prevalence among Moors, iv, 180
Magicians persecuted by Ramiro I, iv, 179
Magistral canonries, ii, 421
Magistrates, their oaths, i, 352
their function in relaxation, iii, 186
Maimonides flies from Spain, i, 51
Maintenance of prisoners, ii, 500, 528, 531
Maistre, Joseph de, on the Inqn., iv, 248
Majestas, prosecution of the dead for, iii, 81
Majorca, massacre in 1391, i, 109
oppressive legislation, i, 117
its tribunal, i, 266
composition in, i, 267
Time of Mercy, ii, 461
military service of familiars, i, 413
right to hold office, i, 415, 418
extension of jurisdiction, i, 431
its temporal jurisdiction, i, 484
conflicts with spiritual jurisdiction, i, 498
tribunal humiliated, i, 504
conflicts with Military Orders, i, 506
appeals referred to bp., ii, 112
canons appeal to Rome, ii, 158
required to aid Logroño, ii, 193
inordinate number of officials, ii, 211
finances of tribunal, ii, 437, 441
reconciliations in, iii, 148, 149
sanbenitos in churches, iii, 172
fines on the reconciled, iii, 207
autos of 1679 and 1691, iii, 225, 306; iv, 526
confiscations of 1679, i, 335; iii, 306; iv, 512
Judaism extinguished, iii, 307
position of New Christians, ii, 312; iii, 305
Lutheranism in, iii, 413
seizure of Dutch vessel, iii, 467
attempt to seize French vessel, iii, 471
visitas de navíos, iii, 512
unnatural crime not subject to Inqn., iv, 364
condition of tribunal in 1830, iv, 458
operations of its tribunal, iv, 522
Mala doctrina, iv, 118, 121
Málaga, quarrel over canonry, i, 342, 348
Malfeasance in office forfeits fuero, i, 444
Malignity, gratification of, ii, 100
Mallani, Abp., case of, ii, 87
Maltreatment of inquisitors forbidden, i, 214, 367
Malversation, ii, 365, 438, 451
Mancha of impurity of blood, ii, 297
Mancuerda, iii, 20
Mandates to spiritual judges, i, 494
Manices, Moriscos of, iii, 345
Manicheism survives in Masonry, iv, 298
Manifestacion, i, 451
obtained by Villanueva, ii, 145
claimed by Ant. Pérez, iv, 157, 259
in export of horses, iv, 280
Manifesto of Córtes of Cádiz, iv, 413
Manjarre, Bp., case of, i, 500; ii, 87
Manoel (King), his treatment of Jews, i, 140, 191; iii, 227, 319
Mañozca, Juan de, i, 477; iii, 122
Manrique, Alfonso, prints the Instructions, i, 181
his disgrace, i, 304
converts Moors of Badajoz, iii, 326
dealings with Moriscos, iii, 328, 349, 376
favors Erasmus, iii, 414
puts sorcery in Edict of Faith, iv, 184
Manrique, Gerónimo, instructions to him, i, 299
Manrique, Iñigo, i, 178; ii, 108
Mantetas y insinias, iii, 169
Manuales, ii, 195
Manufactures, burden on, iv, 479
Manumission of baptised children of slaves, i, 325
Maragatos, i, 58
Maravedí, value of, i, 560
Marc, value of, i, 560
Marcen, Ant., Jesuit Provincial, ii, 34
Marchena, Abate, iv, 401
María de Agreda, i, 461; iv, 39
Maria Ana of Austria and Nithard, i, 310, 501
María Anna of Neuburg persecutes Froilan Díaz, ii, 172
María de la Visitacion, case of, iv, 83
Mariana, Padre, on influence of Inqn., ii, 91; iv, 515
licensed to read prohibited books, iii, 522
his essays suppressed, iii, 542
his prosecution, iv, 273
translates his history, iv, 529
Marin, Vidal, tries to reduce offices, ii, 216
his Index, iii, 495
Marina, Francisco M., on the tithe, iv, 495
Market-place of Valencia, i, 365
Markets, privileges of the, i, 533
Marranos, i, 111, 146
Spaniards all called, ii, 309
also Portuguese, iii, 283
Marranía, dispensation for, ii, 402
Marriage of New Christians, i, 120
of descendants of penitents, iii, 178
of Moriscos, iii, 380
better than celibacy, iv, 144
in Orders, iv, 336
Martignac, de, on Fernando’s rule, iv, 433
Martin de Arles on the Sabbat, iv, 210
Martin V confirms oppression of Jews, i, 119
Martínez, Ferran, provokes massacre, i, 103
as founder of Inqn., i, 111
Martínez, Juana, case of, iv, 201
Martini, his version of the Bible, iii, 530
Martyr, Peter, on Lucero, i, 198
pleads for Hern. de Talavera, i, 204
on greed of Flemings, ii, 381
on danger from pirates, iii, 384
Martyrdom, definition of, iii, 195
of negativos, ii, 586; iii, 198
Martyrs, Christian Morisco, iii, 409
fictitious, cult of, iv, 357
Mary of Hungary suspected, iii, 423
Marzilla, Juan Garcés, at Teruel, i, 249
Masonry, iv, 298
Masks, use of, by torturers, iii, 17
Masquo, Luis, opposes Inqn., i, 232
Mass, priests required to celebrate, i, 10
bowing to bishop in, i, 361
accidents in celebration, ii, 10
denied to prisoners, ii, 520
hearing, as penance, iii, 132
burlesque, iv, 355
Massacres of Jews in Middle Ages, i, 83
in 1210, i, 88
in Navarre, i, 100
caused by Black Death, i, 101
in 1366, i, 102
in 1391, i, 106
in Granada, iii, 322, 338
Matamoros, Manuel, persecuted, iv, 469
Mataflorida, Marquis of, iv, 422, 443
Material heresy, ii, 4
Matheo, Cath., case of, iv, 223, 537
Matheu, Joan, his defalcation, ii, 454
Matilla, Pedro, royal confessor, ii, 169
Matrimony, episcopal authority over, iv, 321
Matter of faith, i, 357, 406
Mattos, Vicente da Costa, his book, iii, 272
Maximilian I seeks regency of Castile, i, 205
Maximum, law of, i, 393
Maya, Antonio de, Inqr. of Navarre, i, 224
Mayans y Siscar, Gregorio, his library, iii, 503
on aversion for industry, iv, 485
Mayorazgos, iv, 443
Mayr, Don, his fate, i, 116
Meat, trading in, i, 389, 392
eating, on fast days, ii, 11
for prisoners, ii, 525, 527
of dead animals, ii, 566
soaking before cooking, ii, 567
butchering of, for Moriscos, iii, 381
Mechanics as officials, i, 442; ii, 249
ineligible as familiars, ii, 280
Medellin, Countess of, i, 6
Media añata, tax of, i, 377, 531
Medicine, astrology necessary in, iv, 192
Medina, Bart, de, iv, 151, 158, 510
Medina, Miguel de, case of i, 872; iii, 420
Medina del Campo, New Christians in, i, 151
Concordia of, i, 153
tribunal of, i, 550; ii, 210
Medina Sidonia, Duke of, protects his contador, ii, 105
resists assessments, ii, 360
Meditatio cordis, bull, iii, 255
Meditation, iv, 2, 17, 52
Medrano, Antonio de, case of, iv, 9
Melgares Marin, his statistics, iv, 518
Melo, Luys de, his Verdades Cathólicas, iii, 268, 274, 277, 278
Members of Suprema, how chosen, i, 322
of Córtes threatened, i, 452
prosecuted, i, 468
Membreque, Bachiller, case of, i, 195, 208
Memoria de diversos autos, i, 592
Memorial of 1623, on tax-exemption, i, 381
on abusive jurisdiction, i, 495
character of officials, i, 536
disabilities of descendants, iii, 177
insubordination of officials, ii, 225
disorder of records, ii, 258
suits of creditors, ii, 331
frauds in confiscation, ii, 363
financial mismanagement, ii, 438
losses through receivers, ii, 448, 454
Men, soliciting of, iv, 127
Méndez, Fernando, iv, 29, 33
Mendieta, his summons to appear, ii, 311
Mendoza, Card. de, his career, i, 9
his zeal for the faith, i, 155, 157
grants rehabilitations, ii, 402
on convents, iv, 490
Mendoza, Inq.-genl., his appointment, ii, 172
asserts control of Suprema, ii, 173
his resignation, i, 314; ii, 178
Mendizabal, Pedro, case of, iv, 114
Menghini, his book condemned, iv, 60
Menudos, perquisite of, i, 532
Mercader, Mateo, episcopal inqr., i, 230
quarrels with Gualbes, i, 237
dismissed by Ferdinand, i, 240
Mercader, Inq.-genl., his Instructions, i, 273, 465; ii, 432, 450
Mercenaries, heretic, iii, 475
Merchandise of foreign Jews seized, ii, 338
Merchants, English, arrested, iii, 468
Mercy of Inqn., its fallacy, ii, 311
adjuration for, iii, 184, 185, 188
tendency towards, iii, 99
none for relapse, iii, 202
Merida objects to Inqn., i, 187
Meritos, sentences with and without, iii, 93
Merola, Nicolas, inqr. of Majorca, i, 266
Mesa, Gil de, iv, 257, 259, 262, 263,
271
Meschudanim, i, 146
Mesengui’s Catechism, i, 320; iii, 540
Messengers, expense of, ii, 179
Mesta, the, iv, 309, 481
Mexia, Agustin de, sent to Valencia, iii, 393
Mexia, Inqr., suspended, i, 530
Mexico, Edict of Faith in, ii, 92
contributions from, ii, 201
inspection of, ii, 230
prison provided, iii, 154
cases of sorcery, iv, 195, 201
Mezquita, Miguel, case of, iii, 419
Middle Ages, condition of Jews in, i, 81
rates of interest, i, 97
Midwives forbidden to attend Jewesses, i, 81
Christian, required, iii, 332
Mier y Campillo, the last inq.-genl., iv, 425
Miguélez, M. F., his book on Jansenism, iv, 288, 292
Milan, pestilence of 1630, iv, 243
Military jurisdiction, conflicts with, i, 504
Orders absorbed by the crown, i, 34; iv, 370
limpieza in, ii, 298
service due by Moors, i, 63
of Jews, i, 85
as penance, iii, 134
compounded, i, 334
exemption from, i, 412
Millones, i, 377; iv, 487
Minims exclude New Christians, ii, 290
Mints, private, under Henry IV, i, 7
Minuarte, receiver, his defalcation, ii, 454
Miollis, Madame, iv, 94
Miramamolin, i, 49
Miraval, Martin de, his report on Inqn., i, 317
Miscegenation punished, i, 64
Misfortunes ascribed to witchcraft, iv, 215, 233
Mislata, penances levied on, ii, 396
Missionary work, Protestant, iii, 421, 425, 449
Mistica Ciudad of María de Agreda, iv, 40
Mitigation of penalties, iv, 432
Mitres for penitents, iii, 215
Moça de Herrera, la, i, 186; iv, 520
Mock-marriage, prosecution for, iv, 382
Moderation inculcated by Ferdinand, i, 297
Modification of sentences, iii, 97
Molina, Juan, quarrel over, iii, 494
Molinism, its persecution in Spain, iv, 68
Bp. Toro of Oviedo, ii, 88; iv, 72
abuse of the term, iv, 78
Molinistas alumbrados, iv, 71
Molinists burned in Palermo, iv, 62
Molinos, Miguel de, iv, 49
his sentence, iv, 59
circulated in Spain, iv, 68
Monarchy, absolutism of Spanish, iv, 473
Mondéjar, Capt.-Genl., iii, 333, 335, 338
Mondoñedo, Dean of, his appeal, ii, 109
Moneda de molino, i, 564
Money, its export prohibited, i, 12
Money-chest, the, ii, 231
Monfíes, iii, 334
Monitions, the three, iii, 38
Monroy, María de, i, 5
Monserrat, Mosen, case of, iii, 453
Montalvo, Alfonso Díaz de, i, 27, 127
Montañeses, their limpieza inferred, ii, 297
Montano, Arias, his books seized, iii, 499
his Biblia Regia, iv, 159
Montblanch governed by Inqn., iv, 516
Montemayor, Fran. de, case of, ii, 467
Montesa, Jayme, burnt, i, 607
Montesa, order of, incorporated with crown, iv, 370
Monthly reports required, ii, 183
Montijo, Count of, his Masonry, iv, 302, 305
Montoya, Isabel de, case of, iii, 98; iv, 195
Moors, toleration under, i, 45
not objects of hatred, i, 52
trade with, forbidden, i, 55
as slaves, i, 57
their laws, i, 65
forbidden to practise medicine, i, 74
intimacy with, forbidden, i, 76
segregation ordered, i, 77
their citizenship, i, 84
of Serra, treatment of, i, 187
enforced baptism by Inqn., i, 294
favored by Charles le Mauvaís, iii, 317
terms of capitulation of Granada, iii, 318
forcible conversion in Granada, iii, 320
in Castile, iii, 324
Ferdinand’s pledges to Aragon, iii, 343
voluntary conversions, iii, 344
conversion by Germanía, iii, 346
Christian friendliness, iii, 347
conversion attempted, iii, 348
treatment of those baptized, iii, 351
their baptism ordered, iii, 352
their expulsion ordered, iii, 354
their wholesale baptism, iii, 355
fruitless resistance, iii, 356
their importance in Aragon, iii, 356
their corsairs, iii, 383
their magic, iv, 180
Morabatin, i, 565
Morals, no jurisdiction over, iv, 375
gradually assumed, iv, 376
indifference to, iv, 509
not involved in solicitation, iv, 109, 115
of inqrs., watch over, ii, 237
Mordaza, ii, 512; iii, 139
Morerías, i, 64, 77
Morillo, Miguel de, the first inquisitor, i, 160
his quarrels with Torquemada, i, 177
Moriscos, arbitrary arrests forbidden, ii, 185
as familiars, ii, 294, 295
fines replace confiscation, ii, 395; iii, 361
effects of expulsion, ii, 436; iii, 410
shun Edicts of Grace, ii, 462
their cases not calificado, ii, 488
preliminary consulta de fe, ii, 489
not witnesses for defence, ii, 539
punished for overcoming torture, iii, 31
suspicion always vehement, iii, 123
exempt from penalties of relapse, iii, 203
forcible conversion in Granada, iii, 320
promised relief from Inqn., iii, 323
disarmament, iii, 323, 332, 378
forcible conversion in Castile, iii, 324
attempts at instruction, iii, 326
Edicts of Grace, iii, 328
evidence against them, iii, 329
persecution, iii, 330
condition in Granada, iii, 331
offer to Charles V, i, 122
rebellion of 1568, iii, 338
deportation from Granada, iii, 339
restrictions on the exiles, iii, 340
their prosperity, iii, 341
position in Aragon, iii, 342
their forcible conversion, iii, 354
of Valencia, their persecution, iii, 347, 362
no attempt to instruct them, iii, 358
their confiscations, iii, 359
an intermediate faith, iii, 364
attempts to convert them, iii, 366, 372
intervals of immunity, iii, 373
their miserable condition, iii, 375
emigration forbidden, iii, 378
their marriages, iii, 380
baptism of children, iii, 380
their discontent, iii, 382
connection with corsairs, iii, 384
plots with foreign powers, iii, 385
plans for getting rid of them, iii, 388
expulsion decided on, iii, 392
commenced in Valencia, iii, 395
number expelled, iii, 397, 399, 400, 402, 403, 406
final rooting out, iii, 403
Christians expelled, iii, 403, 409
in Granada in 1728, iii, 406
fate of the exiles, iii, 407
their confiscations, iii, 409
Morocco, bishopric of, i, 49
fate of exiles there, i, 139
Moros, cosas de, disappear, iii, 405
Mortmain, lands in, i, 375; iv, 488, 492
Moses, Rabbi, his conversion, i, 114
Mosque in Cartagena in 1769, iii, 406
Mosques converted into churches, iii, 347
use made of their property, iii, 366
Motin de la Granja, iv, 469
Motril, visitas de navíos, iii, 315
Motu proprio form of commissions, i, 303
Mourning furnished to officials, i, 362; ii, 190
Moya, his Opusculum, iv, 511
Mozárabes, i, 45
Mudéjares, i, 57; iii, 317
their status, i, 60
assert their rights, i, 61
become denationalized, i, 65
revenues derived from, i, 66
badges imposed on, i, 68
their forced conversion, iii, 324, 353
their value to Aragon, iii, 356
their descendants expelled, iii, 403
punish sorcery, iv, 182
Mugeres varoniles, i, 6
Muladíes, i, 49
Mule-tracks, iv, 480
Mules forbidden in coaches, i, 530
Muley Cidan, iii, 387
Multiplication of tribunals, ii, 205
of convents, iv, 490
of officials, ii, 212, 265, 270, 271
Munebrega, Bp., his severity, iii, 442
Municipal laws abrogated, i, 288
self-government abolished, iv, 454
Muñoz, Candido, his tract, iii, 198
Muñoz de Castilblanque, case of, i, 489, 506
Muñoz Torrero, iv, 404, 409, 413,
423
Munster, treaty of, iii, 467
Murcia, its isolation, i, 7
separation of races in, i, 64
its tribunal, i, 171, 550; ii, 593
case of Froilan Díaz, ii, 173, 174
military service of familiars, i, 412
milder measures for Judaism, iii, 235
Morisco expulsion, iii, 398, 404
Murder rite, Jewish, in Partidas, i, 90
case of el Santo Niño, i, 133
Murder of witnesses, ii, 551
Murga, Sor Lorenza, iv, 87
Murner, Thomas, his utterances, iii, 412
Musicians, ill-treatment of, i, 366
Mussulman legislation, i, 65
Mutton, removing fat from, ii, 567
Muzquiz, Archbp., persecutes the la Cuesta, iv, 296
his plot against Godoy, iv, 393
Mysticism, hypnotism in, iv, 2
its dangers, iv, 3
confused with Protestantism, iv, 4, 13
sexual aberrations, iv, 9, 23, 25, 31,
34
errors ascribed to, iv, 24
its practices condemned, iv, 28
in Italy, iv, 42
condemned by the Holy See, iv, 59, 66
Molinism persecuted, iv, 68
harmless, punished, iv, 77
delusion, iv, 79
in solicitation, iv, 118
Mystics of Seville, case of, iv, 31
Nachmanides, his disputation, i, 90
Nails, staining of, as evidence, ii, 566
Nájera, Duke of, his complaints, i, 537
Names of witnesses suppressed, ii, 548; iii, 53
offers for their revelation, i, 217, 221, 222
Nano, Agostino, on limpieza, ii, 310
political use of Inqn., iv, 273
Naples, fate of exiled Jews there, i, 141
ayudas de costa for, ii, 254
Napoleon, his invasion of Spain, iv, 399
suppresses Inqn., ii, 445; iv, 401
Nassi, Jewish, i, 87
Natives not to be employed in tribunals, i, 225
asked for as inqrs., i, 509
Naturalism, iv, 308
Navarre adopts the Hermandad, i, 32
rates of interest in, i, 98
destruction of Jews in, i, 100
receives exiled Jews, i, 138, 141
incorporated with Castile, i, 223
its tribunal, i, 224, 551
obtains Castile Concordia, i, 438
witch-crazes in, iv, 214, 219, 222, 225,
228
Royal Council of, on witchcraft, iv, 216
court of, on witchcraft, iv, 222, 228, 234
revolt in 1820, iv, 435
Navarrete on limpieza, ii, 310; iii, 380
on aversion for industry, iv, 485
on wealth of Church, iv, 493
Navarrez, Marquis of, his limpieza, ii, 301
Navy, Inqn. of, i, 541
Venetian estimate of, iii, 142
Nebrija, his prosecution, iv, 529
Necromancers condemned, iv, 183
Neglect of duty, ii, 226; iv, 388
Negativo, ii, 585
torture of, iii, 12
relaxation for, iii, 198; iv, 227
in Portugal, iii, 286
Nepotism in appointments, ii, 219
Nevers, Count of, rebuked, i, 82
New Christians, i, 111; ii, 298
career opened to, i, 113
their rapid advancement, i, 120
increasing hatred, i, 125, 150
sufferings in Toledo, i, 126, 128
persecution in Andalusia, i, 129
conversion doubted, i, 145, 151
attack Alvar de Luna, i, 147
Commission to investigate them, i, 156
of Seville propose resistance, i, 162
Jews required to denounce them, i, 168
forbidden to emigrate, i, 183, 246; iii, 271, 303, 323
in Bugia to be seized, i, 185
their political importance, i, 199, 205
offers to Charles V, i, 217, 219, 221, 222; ii, 368
bribe Jean le Sauvage, i, 218
conspire to kill Arbués, i, 249
their fate in Aragon, i, 259
dealings with, prohibited, i, 271
refugees in Rome, ii, 114
disabilities, i, 126; ii, 284, 285, 287, 288, 290
dread inspired by them, ii, 292; iii, 291
persistence under confiscation, ii, 315
avoid Edicts of Grace, ii, 461
not witnesses for defence, ii, 539
seek publication of witnesses, ii, 549
no attempt to instruct, iii, 231
struggle in Rome, iii, 288
their services to Spain, iii, 572
condition in Majorca, ii, 312; iii, 305
in Portugal, their wealth, iii, 268
their numbers, iii, 283
their complaints, iii, 286
efforts to expel them, iii, 276
Newfoundland, deportation to, for Moriscos, iii, 389
New Granada, case of bigamy in, iv, 323
Nicholas III on truces with Moors, i, 70
Nicholas IV seeks to convert Jews, i, 92
on permanence of inqrs., ii, 161
Nicholas V, his oppressive decree, i, 119
asserts privileges of converts, i, 127
grants Inquisition for Castile, i, 147; ii, 41, 103
subjects unnatural crime to Inqn., iv, 362
Nicholas de Rupella on the Talmud, i, 114
Niederbronn, the Ecstatic of, iv, 93
Nieva, Countess of, her complaint, i, 537
Night, weapons forbidden at, i, 404, 408
Nithard, Inq.-genl., his career, i, 310
his quarrel with church of Majorca, i, 500
claims jurisdiction over bps., ii, 87
his influence, iv, 498
Noailles, Card., condemns mysticism, iv, 64
Nobility, its Jewish blood, i, 120; ii, 298
not forfeited by work, iv, 487
Nobles, asylum in lands of, i, 161, 241, 421
as familiars, i, 443, 454; ii, 281
their feudal rights undermined, i, 537
punished by Inqn., ii, 29
greater severity towards, iii, 100
serve as alguazil mayor, ii, 246
Noffre Calatayut, his violario, ii, 343
Non-fulfilment of sentence, iii, 102
Non-residence, dispensation for, i, 303, 307; ii, 416
Noris, Card., quarrel over his books, iv, 284, 289
Notariat, price of, ii, 214
Notaries, ii, 243
of Valencia, case of, i, 242
prosecuted for serving papal briefs, ii, 117, 119, 149
of commissioners, ii, 270
fees in limpieza cases, ii, 302
Notario del secreto, ii, 231
de los secuestros, ii, 244, 392, 496
de lo civil, ii, 250
de açotaciones, iii, 137
Notoriety supersedes proof, iii, 88
Nuevas Poblaciones, iv, 309
Number of Jews in 1474, i, 125
Number of expelled Jews, i, 142
of expelled Moriscos, iii, 406
of officials in 1746, ii, 216
of calificadores, ii, 265
of commissioners, ii, 270, 271
of familiars, see Familiars
of exempt classes, iv, 478
of clergy, iv, 489, 492, 493
of convents, iv, 490
Nuncio, the, ii, 246
Nuncio, papal, his jurisdiction, i, 314; iii, 533
empowered to inflict death, iii, 186
objection to, in Portugal, iii, 244
the False, iii, 243
Nuns, their confession of heresy, ii, 22
their dowries seized, ii, 333
epidemics of possession, iv, 352
Nymphomania, case of, iii, 62
Oath of allegiance in Aragon, i, 229
taken to inqr., i, 182, 243, 245, 352
royal, at autos, i, 353; iii, 268
required of people, i, 353; iii, 218
of inqrs. in Catalonia, i, 467, 470
of secrecy of accuser and witnesses, ii, 473, 539
of officials, ii, 472
of penitents to pay costs, ii, 534
of accused, iii, 37
of advocates, iii, 43, 47
of curador, iii, 51
Oaths of heretics not received, iii, 467
Obedecer y no cumplir, i, 327; ii, 150; iv, 415
Obedience to Inqn., i, 188, 351, 617
Obedience better than the sacrament, iv, 35
Obligations of heretics invalid, ii, 325, 331
Obsequies, quarrels over, i, 362
of Fernando VII, iv, 466
Observances, Jewish, i, 146; ii, 565
forgotten, iii, 301
religious, necessity of, ii, 567
among mystics, iv, 3, 8, 28,
50
Obsession causes solicitation, iv, 72, 74
Obstructions to defence, iii, 64
Ocaña, contemplative fraile of, iv, 7
Occult heresy, ii, 4
arts, iv, 179
Occultation of property, ii, 322
Ochavo, value of, i, 566
Octroi, exemption from, i, 384, 389
O’Donnell, Count of la Bisbal, iv, 434, 435
Offences specified in Edict of Faith, ii, 93
statistics of, iii, 551
Offences exempt from torture, iii, 8
Offers made to Ferdinand, i, 217
to Charles V, i, 217, 219, 221, 222; ii, 368
Office, public, right to hold, i, 415, 419
onerous, refusal of, i, 420
Offices forbidden to Jews, i, 73
Jews indispensable, i, 99
Conversos disabled from, i, 126; ii, 285
removal of disabilities, ii, 407
confiscation of, i, 192, 581
sale of, ii, 212
life-tenure of, ii, 218
hereditary transmission of, ii, 219
transfer of, ii, 221
held without pay, ii, 223
become undesirable, iv, 388
Officials forbidden to trade, i, 270, 534, 535
their privileges, i, 265, 270, 367, 376, 377, 379, 412, 465; ii, 415, 417, 418, 419
their right to the fuero, i, 429, 522
their servants and slaves, i, 369
their character, i, 536
their perquisites, ii, 190, 252
of Suprema, their fees, ii, 200
to lodge in one house, ii, 207
houses furnished to them, ii, 208
their salaries, ii, 251
their number, i, 468, 516; ii, 209, 210, 211, 212, 215, 216
leniency shown to them, ii, 223
punished only by Suprema, ii, 225
they retain records, ii, 257
unsalaried, ii, 263
organized in confraternity, ii, 282
Order of Knighthood for, ii, 283
limpieza requisite, ii, 294, 296
collusion with informers, ii, 324
their penury, ii, 443, 444
sworn to secrecy, ii, 472
must be present at autos, iii, 214
personation of, iv, 344
their deterioration, iv, 388
of Portuguese Inqn., iii, 262
public, take oath to Inqn., i, 182, 352
Ointment, demonic, of witches, iv, 208, 214, 229,
231
Olavide, Pablo, case of, iv, 308
Old and New Christians, distinction recognized, ii, 288
Old Christians, definition of, ii, 288, 298
forfeit limpieza, ii, 300
involved in confiscations, ii, 346
only witnesses for defence, ii, 540
their descendants disabled, iii, 177
Old Inquisition, its organization, i, 172
Oliva, his letters to Molinos, iv, 51
Olivares, his despair over conflicts of jurisdiction, i, 489
proposes admission of Jews, iii, 292
suffers from revelations, iv, 39
his prosecution, iv, 274
Olligoyen, Fray, induces massacre, i, 100
Olmo, del, family of, ii, 221
Opinion in cases of limpieza, ii, 300
political, punished, iv, 276
Opposition to Inqn., i, 232, 239, 245, 260, 268, 439, 452, 465
to grant of canonries, ii, 417
Oran, tribunal of, i, 551
Orden de Procesar, ii, 475
Ordenamiento of Alcalá on usury, i, 98
de Doña Catalina, i, 116, 123
Ordenanzas Reales, i, 27
oppression of Jews in, i, 124
Order of Knighthood for officials, ii, 283
of S. María de la Espada Blanca, i, 507
Orders, holy, forbidden to descendants of penitents, iii, 176
marriage in, iv, 336
minor, abuses of, i, 17; iv, 497
Orders, Military, absorbed by crown, i, 34; iv, 370
competencias with, i, 505
Orders, Religious, their reform proposed, i, 317
represented in Suprema, i, 323
subjected to Inqn., ii, 36
pay cost of imprisoned frailes, ii, 533
suppressed in 1820-3, iv, 439
growth of, iv, 490, 492
Ordinaries, their jurisdiction, ii, 6, 10
effort to exclude them, ii, 12, 14
negligence as to concurrence, ii, 15
appointment as inqrs., ii, 16
their concurrence omitted, ii, 18
Organization of Jews in Spain, i, 86
of Inquisition, i, 172
of tribunals, i, 231, 244; ii, 208, 593
Orihuela, tribunal of, i, 551
composition for, ii, 356
slaughtering of cattle in, iii, 382
Ortiz, Blas, his negligence as to concurrence, ii, 15
punishes solicitation, iv, 97
made inqr. of Valencia, i, 384
Ortiz, Francisco, his temerity, i, 372
Ortiz, Francisco, case of, iv, 11
Orts, Juan, inqr. of Aragon, i, 230, 239
Ostentation of Jews, i, 96
in dowries, ii, 333
Ostrogoths, their tolerance, i, 38, 39
Osuna, tribunal of, i, 551
Osuna, Francisco de, on prayer, iv, 3
on scholastic theology, iv, 5
Osuna, disciple of Francisca Hernandez, iv, 9
escapes correction, iv, 17
Otadui, Dr., his advice to Philip II, iii, 334
Otrosi, demand for torture in, iii, 42
Ottoboni, Card., persecutes Pelagini, iv, 46
attacks Molinos, iv, 54
See Alexander VIII.
Outlaws, safe-conducts for, i, 444
Outlawry of heretics, iii, 388
Oven, royal, of Aljafería, i, 391
Overcoming torture, iii, 30
Oviedo, Gonzalo Fern. de, on heresy, ii, 2
Ownership of documents, ii, 220
Pacheco, Inq.-genl., punishes Bp. of Murcia, i, 420
his conflict with Seville, i, 489
prosecutes Granada judges, i, 487
has but one vote in Suprema, ii, 168
banishes Englishmen, iii, 466, 572
condemns mysticism, iv, 30
Pacheco, Pedro, his grant from sale of offices, ii, 215
his disgrace, ii, 438
Pact with demon, iv, 185, 188, 195,
205
Padilla, Inqr., suspended, i, 530
Padilla, Juan de, keeps clear of Inqn., i, 221
Padua, faculty of, on defence of accused, iii, 56
Paging of records of trials, ii, 259
Palafox, Bishop, his portrait borrado, iii, 498
Palencia, Bp. of, his appellate jurisdiction, ii, 110
Palermo, iniquity of tribunal, ii, 121
Pallavicini, Card., on persecution, iv, 500
Palm of victory for acquittal, iii, 108
Palma, massacre in 1391, i, 109
number of officials in, ii, 212
autos of 1679 and 1691, iii, 225, 306; iv, 526
Pampeluna, tribunal of, i, 552
relations with Saragossa, i, 225
political utility, i, 226
Pan asegurado, i, 388
Pan cotazo, i, 594
Paniagua, D. Pedro, case of, i, 514
Paños de la vergüenza, iii, 17
Papacy, popular disrespect for, i, 11
export of money to, i, 12
approves of Torquemada, i, 174
Paper, writing, for prisoners, ii, 517
Papers, all, returned to tribunal, ii, 474
detailed inventory of, ii, 497
Paradinas, inqr., stabbed, i, 214
Páramo on treatment of Jews, i, 36
his eulogy of Inqn., ii, 483
on acquittal, iii, 108
on Protestants, iii, 432
on mystics of Llerena, iv, 24
his abuse of women, iv, 121
Pardon of 1604, iii, 268
of 1627 and 1630, iii, 273
purchase of, iii, 363
Paredes, Fray Manuel de, his mysticism, iv, 71
Pareja tried for solicitation, iv, 98
Pariahs created by limpieza, ii, 310
Paris, Council of 1212, on midwives, i, 81
Parish churches, sanbenitos hung in, iii, 166
Parque Castrillo, Duke of, prosecuted, iv, 430
Parra, Juan Adan de la, iii, 271, 291
Participation in Sabbat, iv, 232, 243, 245
Partidas on trade with Moors, i, 56
on slavery, i, 57
restrictions on Jews, i, 69, 74, 89
on confiscation, iii, 316
on magic, iv, 180, 182
law on heresy revived, iv, 411
law as to succession, iv, 462
Parvitas materiæ, none in solicitation, iv, 110, 112
none in sorcery, iv, 196
Pascual of Aragon, his inqr.-generalship, i, 310
Passes for free goods, i, 376, 384
Passo Honroso, the, i, 5
Passover bread, eating of, ii, 566
Pastoralis officii, bull, i, 275, 432; iv, 317, 329
Pastrana, Judaizers of, ii, 494; iii, 300
mystics of, iv, 7
Paternoy, Sanchó de, i, 249, 257
Patiño, his services, iv, 486
Patrocinio, Sor, career of, iv, 92
Patronage, papal, resisted, i, 12
granted to sovereigns, ii, 416; iv, 291
royal, of canonries, ii, 429
of inquisitors, ii, 280
Patrones teólogos, iii, 51; iv, 154
Paul III exempts regulars from Inqn., ii, 32
confirms sale of pardons, ii, 107
Roman Inqn. not to interfere with Spanish, ii, 127
on exclusion of New Christians, ii, 289, 291
relieves Moriscos from confiscation, ii, 395
his dispensations, ii, 406
limits duration of torture, iii, 22
relieves from irregularity, iii, 186
his dealings with Portugal, iii, 241-58
creates da Silva cardinal, iii, 244
abandons him, iii, 253
invites Jews to Italy, iii, 254
suspends Inqn. as to Moriscos, iii, 373
aids Magdalina de la Cruz, iv, 82
Paul IV threatens Melchor Cano, ii, 51
subjects regulars to Inqn., ii, 33
his brief of January 7, 1559, ii, 61
on exclusion of Conversos, ii, 290
claims benefices of heretics, ii, 319
grants canonries to Inqn., ii, 425
orders torture to discover accomplices, iii, 11
heresies treated as relapse, iii, 201
prosecutes Jews, iii, 254
suppression of witnesses’ names, iii, 258
his bull against Q. Elizabeth, iii, 436
his Index, iii, 486
requires confessors to enforce it, iii, 490
withdrawn licences for prohibited books, iii, 521
subjects solicitation to Inqn., iv, 99
decrees relaxation for personating priesthood, iv, 340
Paul V confirms subjection of regulars, ii, 36
profession of faith of inqrs., ii, 420
exempts from irregularity, iii, 189
empowers Inqn. to issue licences, iii, 522
on solicitation, iv, 100
Payment for discovering property, ii, 323
Pay-roll, Ferdinand seeks to reduce it, ii, 209
of Suprema, ii, 191, 196, 202
Paz, Diogo da, iii, 239
Peace, internal, preserved by Inqn., iv, 507
Peace and truce, treaties of, i, 441
Peasants can prove limpieza, ii, 308
condition of, iv, 478
church burdens on, iv, 495
Pecheros, i, 375
familiars to be, ii, 281
Peculations of inq.-genl., i, 190
in confiscation, ii, 363, 365
Peculium of frailes, ii, 495, 504
Pedraça, his instructions for commissioners, ii, 302
Pedro II (Aragon) persecutes Waldenses, iii, 183
Pedro III (Aragon) summons his Moors to arms, i, 63
protects Jews, i, 93
Pedro the Cruel, his struggles with nobles, i, 3
employs Moorish troops, i, 54
favors Jews, i, 101
Pedro de Madrid, delator, ii, 323
Pedro Sánchez, Joan de, burnt, i, 596
Pedro de Valencia on witchcraft, iv, 229, 247
Peláez, Anton, his deposition, ii, 105
Pelagini, iv, 46
their successors, iv, 61
Peliag the Jew, i, 51
Pellegrini di San Rocco, iv, 47
Peña, Francisco, his edition of Eymerich, ii, 476
justification of secrecy, ii, 474
on insane convicts, ii, 59, 60
on death sentences, iii, 186
on conversion after sentence, iii, 193
Peña, Pedro, condemned for Molinism, iv, 59
Peñalosa, Benito de, on limpieza, ii, 309
on the peasantry, iv, 478
on education, iv, 529
Penalties. See Punishments.
Peñas, Benito, case of, ii, 494
Penas extraordinarias, iii, 101
Penas y penitencias, i, 337; ii, 389
Penance is punishment, ii, 389, 569
destroys limpieza, ii, 296, 299, 304, 307, 310, 311
its performance enforced, iii, 101
abridgement of, iii, 161
with suspension, iii, 109
spiritual, iii, 131
Penances, pecuniary, i, 337; ii, 389
Inqn. obtains them, i, 339
applied to tribunals, ii, 393
productiveness, ii, 397
proportioned to need of tribunal, ii, 396; iv, 219
replace confiscation, ii, 394
limited in Valencia, ii, 395
reconciliation a prerequisite, ii, 396
excessive, i, 226
Penca, iii, 135
Penitence, sacrament of, in solicitation, iv, 109
Penitents of Inqn., ii, 389
penalties imposed on, i, 169-70
entitled to fuero, i, 433; iii, 150, 153
maintenance of, i, 567
costs collected from, ii, 533
their pictures in churches, iii, 171
disabilities of, iii, 173
hardships of descendants, iii, 177
stripping and flagellating, iv, 117
Penitential prison, iii, 150
Penitentiary, papal, its absolutions, ii, 104
Penitentiary, its pardons for crime, ii, 107
taxes of, ii, 402
Penn, George, case of, iii, 468
Pensions granted on offices, ii, 222
in jubilation, ii, 224
on canonries, ii, 428, 429
Penury of royal treasury, ii, 373
of officials, ii, 443, 444
People, oath required of, i, 353
Pepper bought with heretic money, ii, 338
Perales, contract of, i, 19
Pérez, Alonso, his visitation of Barcelona, i, 528
Pérez, Antonio, case of, iv, 254
burnt in effigy, iv, 268
pensioned by Henry IV, iv, 271
postmortem absolution, iv, 272
his blasphemy, iv, 332
his writings suppressed, iii, 542
Perez de Pineda, Juan, iii, 427, 428, 445
Performance of sentences, iii, 101
Perjury in cases of limpieza, ii, 304
of witnesses, ii, 554, 556
detected in ratification, ii, 547
in secular courts, ii, 554; iv, 379
Pernambuco, its capture, iii, 279, 282
Perpignan, placed under interdict., i, 187
tribunal of, i, 552
auto de fe in, i, 264
violation of Concordia, i, 272
magistrates penanced, i, 285
arrest of officials, i, 469
sequestrated houses in, ii, 498
Perquisites of officials, ii, 190
of Suprema, ii, 195
Persecution, conscientious, ii, 1; iv, 525
financial element in, ii, 315, 357; iv, 527
Personas honestas, ii, 249
Personation of officials, iv, 344
punishment, iii, 189; iv, 345
frequency, iv, 348
Personation of priesthood, iv, 339
relaxation for, iv, 340, 342
doubt as to jurisdiction, iv, 341
penalties in Spain, iii, 207; iv, 341
confessions heard by laymen, iv, 344
Personnel of tribunals, ii, 209, 232
efforts for reduction, ii, 211
of Inqn. in 1746, ii, 597
Pertinacity entails relaxation, ii, 585; iii, 195
Peseta, value of, i, 561, 565
Peso ensayado, i, 562
de oro, i, 560
de plata, i, 562
Petition, Inqn. must be addressed by, i, 356
Petosiris, iv, 195
Petrucci, Card., iv, 52, 55, 60
Pharmacopœia of Schoderius, iii, 507
Phelippeaux, agent of Bossuet, iv, 66
Philip Augustus banishes Jews, i, 83
Philip I appealed to by Córdova, i, 196
admits papal appellate power, ii, 116
grants from confiscations, ii, 376
his death, i, 201
Philip II makes no appointments, i, 299
his control of Suprema, i, 322
reclaims confiscations, i, 331
enforces jurisdiction of Inqn., i, 341, 343, 437; ii, 352
on official oaths, i, 352
regulates tax-exemption, i, 376
billeting of troops, i, 397
forbids concealed weapons, i, 402
on right to hold office, i, 416
at Córtes of Monzon in 1564, i, 442
evades complaints of Córtes, i, 485
suppresses Order of Santa María de la Espada blanca, i, 508
revives tribunal of Galicia, i, 547
demands a forced loan, ii, 46
case of Carranza, ii, 50, 57, 62, 64, 69, 70, 73, 77, 79, 81, 86
impedes appeals to Rome, ii, 129, 130, 131
defines personnel of tribunals, ii, 210
objects to transfer of offices, ii, 221
requires inqrs. to be clerics, ii, 235
couples inqr. and fiscal, ii, 242
on nobles as familiars, ii, 281
on limpieza, ii, 291, 295, 306
restrains commutations, ii, 413
obtains canonries for Inqn., ii, 425
on denunciation of accomplices, ii, 462; iii, 373
on importance of secrecy, ii, 476
wants penitents for galleys, iii, 142
galleys for bigamy and blasphemy, iv, 316, 331
on sanbenitos in churches, iii, 169
on expenses of execution, iii, 187
on windows overlooking autos, iii, 213
autos celebrated for, iii, 227
at Valladolid auto, iii, 441
milder measures for Judaism, iii, 235
his conquest of Portugal, iii, 265
forbids expatriation, iii, 271
his financial exhaustion, iii, 337
debasement of coinage, i, 562; iv, 482
maintains commutation of confiscation, iii, 361
dealings with Moriscos, iii, 334, 339, 367, 371, 379, 381, 388
urges action against Protestants, iii, 435, 448
prohibits education abroad, iii, 449
his savage censorship, iii, 488
renews law against sorcery, iv, 190
political use of Inqn., iv, 250
prosecutes Jeanne d’Albret, iv, 253
case of Ant. Péres, iv, 254, 255, 262, 265, 267,
269
on unnatural crime, iv, 364
results of his reign, iv, 474
his intolerance, iv, 499
quarrel at his obsequies, i, 362
Philip III makes appointments, i, 300
forces resignations, i, 306
adds member to Suprema, i, 323
asks assent of Suprema, i, 326
reclaims confiscations, i, 331
on royal jurisdiction of Inqn., i, 343, 510
prohibits discharge of fire-arms, i, 408
duplicity with Catalonia, i, 471
on appeals to Rome, i, 494, 496; ii, 131
case of provisor of Córdova, i, 496
subjects Military Orders to Inqn., i, 505
forbids refusal of competencias, i, 522
denies episcopal cognizance of heresy, ii, 8
favors transfer of offices, ii, 221
inqrs. must be lawyers, ii, 235
exaggerates limpieza, ii, 311
restrains grants of canonries, ii, 420
sells pardon to Judaizers, iii, 267
sells right to emigrate, iii, 271
refuses to banish Conversos, iii, 275
seeks to convert Moriscos, iii, 372
his fear of Moriscos, iii, 387
his edict of expulsion, iii, 394
dissipates Morisco confiscations, iii, 409
makes treaty with England, iii, 463
prohibits the Annals of Baronius, iii, 534
asserts independence of Roman censorship, iii, 535
pardons Ant. Pérez’s family, iv, 270
his lavishness, iv, 475
debases the coinage, iv, 482
subjection to his confessor, iv, 498
his piety, iv, 500
Philip IV, appointments and resignations, i, 301, 307, 309, 323, 324
his demands on Inqn., i, 332
claims portion of fines, i, 340; ii, 399
struggles against bureaucracy, i, 346, 616
on royal jurisdiction of Inqn., i, 343, 344
withdraws exemptions from billets, i, 398
on bearing arms, i, 402, 408, 410
on military service of familiars, i, 413
on right to hold office, i, 418
on right of asylum, i, 423
crimes under coinage laws, i, 438
protects Valencia familiars, i, 448
evades reform in 1626, i, 455, 473
yields to Córtes of 1646, i, 459, 619
deprecates quarrels, i, 475
maintains Catalonian privileges, i, 479
orders Concordias enforced, i, 480
his subservience to Pacheco, i, 487, 489, 490
avoids quarrel with Majorca, i, 499
regulates sequestration, ii, 496
urged to check abuses, i, 510
orders excommunications raised, i, 523
on competencias, i, 522, 524
favors the Logroño tribunal, i, 531
on quarrels with bishops, i, 620
contests appeals to Rome, ii, 132
case of Villanueva, ii, 138, 140, 148, 154, 157
proposes a governor for Suprema, ii, 165
asks for expenses of Suprema, ii, 195
tries to diminish officials, ii, 211
resorts to sale of offices, ii, 212
his prodigality, ii, 215; iv, 476
attempts to reform limpieza, ii, 300, 307
yields to chapter of Córdova, ii, 422
proposes discharge of prisoners, iii, 155
refuses Cromwell’s demands, iii, 469; iv, 501
confirms censorship law, iii, 489
asks licence to read prohibited books, iii, 523
favors the Jesuits, iii, 532; iv, 380
asserts independence of Roman censorship, iii, 535
defends the regalistas, iii, 537
influenced by visions, iv, 39
his horoscope, iv, 194
competencia over bigamy, iv, 320
punishes blasphemy, iv, 333
urges the Immaculate Conception, iv, 359
his disastrous reign, iv, 475
debases the coinage, iv, 482
subservience to Inqn., iv, 501
his immorality, iv, 510
Philip V, his struggle with Giudice, i, 314
efforts to reform Inqn., i, 317, 336; ii, 202, 223, 560
orders a Jesuit member of Suprema, i, 323
asserts authority of Suprema, i, 325; ii, 177
reclaims confiscations, i, 336
enforces obedience, i, 348
taxes salaries, i, 383; ii, 440
limits exemptions from billets, i, 399
prohibits pistols, i, 402
admits right to bear arms, i, 411
restricts temporal jurisdiction, i, 515
seeks to hasten competencias, i, 525
prohibits appeals to Rome, ii, 159
appoints Vidal Marin, ii, 178
on false-witness, ii, 560
refuses honor of an auto, iii, 229
use made of Inqn., iv, 275
persecutes Masonry, iv, 301
curbs the Inqn., iv, 386
stimulates culture, iv, 387
his zeal for the faith, iv, 387
changes law of succession, iv, 463
on growth of Church, iv, 492
eulogizes Inqn., iv, 501
Philippe le Bel expels Jews, i, 83
Philippines, exile to, iii, 128
Philosophism, iv, 307
Philtres, punishment for, iv, 203
Physician of Inqn., ii, 190, 248
Physicians, Moorish, i, 66
Jewish and Moorish, forbidden, i, 73
accused of slaying Christians, i, 74; ii, 292
Pichon, Yuçaf, his murder, i, 103
Pictures, censorship of, ii, 400; iii, 547
Pico della Mirandola on Jewish expulsion, i, 143
Pié de amigo, ii, 512; iii, 135
Pietro Paolo di S. Giovanni, iv, 61
Pilgrimage as penance, iii, 131
Pimiento, Fr. Joseph Díaz, case of, iii, 182, 205
Pimp, confessor serving as, iv, 111
Pious gifts from confiscations, ii, 371
uses, penances applied to, ii, 393, 410
Pistoja, council of, iv, 286, 293, 295
Pistols, prohibition of, i, 402
Pius II exempts Franciscans from Inqn., ii, 30
Pius IV subjects regulars to Inqn., ii, 33
action in trial of Carranza, ii, 70, 74, 75, 76
condemns statute of limpieza, ii, 293
gifts to him, iii, 252
grants suppression of witnesses’ names, iii, 258
urges compulsion of Moriscos, iii, 334
his Index, iii, 492
subjects solicitation to Inqn., iv, 99
unnatural crime to Inqn. of Portugal, iv, 365
Pius V forces Valdés to resign, i, 305
his bull Si de protegendis, i, 368
his protection asked by Catalonia, i, 470
authorizes Inqn. of navy, i, 541
issues jubilee indulgence, ii, 25
action in Carranza’s case, ii, 77, 79, 80
invalidates acquittals, ii, 137, 142; iii, 107
seeks to limit limpieza, ii, 306
renews quinquennial indult, ii, 420
confirms suppression of canonries, ii, 427
orders torture to discover accomplices, iii, 11
exempts from irregularity, iii, 189
confiscation in Portugal, iii, 260
his intolerance, iv, 500
Pius VI approves of Italian Bible, iii, 530
beatifies Giov. Gius. della Croce, iv, 67
dispensation to Beata Clara, iv, 91
condemns council of Pistoja, iv, 286
Pius VII renews quinquennial indult, ii, 423
suppresses torture, iii, 35
reforms procedure of Inqn., iii, 92
denounces Masonry, iv, 303
breaks with the Liberal Government, iv, 441
supports the Regency of Catalonia, iv, 444
Pius VIII grants appeals from juntas de fe, iv, 462
Pius IX blesses Sor Patrocinio, iv, 93
Pla, Joseph, Inqr. of Catalonia, i, 479, 480
Place and time suppressed in publication, iii, 54
Plaintiff must seek court of defendant, i, 430, 466
Plasencia, wealth of see, ii, 154; iv, 494
Plata national and provincial, i, 562
Plata, salaries partly paid in, ii, 197
Plate of officials, seizure of, i, 333
Plaza, Fray Fernando de la, i, 152
Plea for mercy, iii, 184, 185, 188
Pleas in abatement, iii, 58, 63
Plomos del Sacromonte, iv, 357
Plots, Morisco, iii, 385
against Fernando VII, iv, 434
Pluralism of officials, ii, 418
Poblet, royal tomb in, ii, 374
Pole, Cardinal, his books examined, iii, 508
Police power during autos, iii, 213
rules disregarded, i, 365
Politics, Inqn. not an instrument for absolutism, i, 291; iii, 249
occasional service, iii, 251
case of Ant. Pérez, iii, 253
he is prosecuted for blasphemy, iii, 258
obstruction of royal policy, iii, 267
occasional cases, iii, 273
subservient to the Bourbons, iii, 275
export of horses, iii, 278
use of impostors, iv, 84, 92
political propositions, iv, 177
Poll-tax on Jews and Moors, i, 85, 86, 125
Pollution of churches, iv, 130
Polygamy tolerated, i, 87
Pombal, his reforms, iii, 310
denies existence of sorcery, iv, 202
Ponce de la Fuente, Constantino, iii, 427, 429, 445
Ponce de Leon, Juan, case of, iii, 176, 201, 427, 429, 443
Ponce de Leon, Martin, inq.-genl., i, 178; ii, 257
Pontificals prohibited, iii, 531
Poore, Richard, punishes solicitation, iv, 97
Popes, claim of patronage resisted, i, 12
their jurisdiction supreme, ii, 160
dispense for marriage in Orders, iv, 337
Population of Spain, iv, 476, 487
Pork, avoidance of, iii, 232
Portero, the, ii, 246
de camara, ii, 247
Portocarrero, Inq.-genl., his resignation, i, 306
on age of inqrs., ii, 236
Portocarrero, Juan D., on royal jurisdiction, i, 344, 345
defends mystics, iv, 31
becomes Bp. of Guadix, iv, 37
Portraits of penitents in churches, iii, 171
Portugal, oppression of Jews, i, 117, 140
New Christians fly to, i, 165
extradition with Castile, i, 191, 253; iii, 278
effect of its conquest, iii, 237, 266
emigration to Castile, iii, 277
infection of blood, iii, 283
offers for relief, iii, 283, 286
injury to commerce, iii, 288
treaty of 1668, iii 303
equality of New Christians, iii, 310
Jesuit mystics, iv, 22
solicitation, iv, 100
sorcery, iv, 202
unnatural crime, iv, 365
See also Inqn. of Portugal.
Portuguese refugees in Italy, iii, 254
regarded as Jews, iii, 270, 283, 296
emigration to France, iii, 271
forbidden to emigrate, iii, 271, 303
vigilantly tracked, iii, 297
Moors invited to Spain, iii, 319
Possadas, Fray Fran. de, on Molinism, iv, 70
Possession, demoniacal, iv, 348
Postage oppressive in 1815, iv, 428
Post-office, influence of, ii, 179
Potro, iii, 19
Poza, Juan Bautista, iii, 57, 536
Pozo, Juan del, opposes grants, ii, 382
Pozzo di Borgo sent to Madrid, iv, 451
Practice, ii, 457
Practices, Jewish and Moslem, i, 146; ii, 565
Prado y Cuesta revokes all licences, iii, 524
his Index, iii, 495; iv, 289
Pragmática del Exequatur, iii, 540
Pragmáticas, violation of, i, 438
of 1501, ii, 401, 404, 406
Prat, Juan, i, 276, 277, 281, 282
Prayer-test, ii, 568
Prayer at opening of sessions, iv, 523, 546
Prayer, mental, iv, 1, 2, 6, 28,
30
forbidden, iv, 46
practised by Pelagini, iv, 47
taught by Molinos, iv, 50, 52
by Beccarellisti, iv, 61
by S. François de Sales, iv, 62
by Madame Guyon, iv, 63
by Giov. Gius. della Croce, iv, 68
by Toro of Oviedo, iv, 74
Prayers, Jewish, i, 150
used as charms, iv, 188
Preachers at autos, iii, 216
Preaching authorised for conversion, i, 91
absurd, iv, 168
censorship of, iv, 173
Prebends, see Canonries
Precautions in solicitation, iv, 119
Precedence, contests over, i, 359; iii, 214
Precepts, in observance of, ii, 11
Predestination, debate over, iv, 284
Pre-eminence of Inqn., i, 351
Pregnancy in prison, ii, 524
torture in, iii, 15
Prelates, their character, i, 8; iv, 497
Preliminaries of torture, iii, 4
Premium on precious metals, i, 438, 563; iv, 482
Preparation of Index, iii, 493
Prescription of time, i, 270; ii, 377, 328
President of Suprema, ii, 164
Presidios, iii, 144
Press, freedom of, iv, 404
Price of papal absolutions, ii, 104
of offices, ii, 214
Priesthood, immunity of i, 428
personation of, iv, 339
Priests, marriage of, iv, 336
must absolve for heresy, ii, 21
Prince-bishops, their judges, iii, 184
Printers, foreign, prosecuted, iii, 457
Printing, decline of, iv, 530
regulation of, iii, 489
office, sequestration of, ii, 501
Prison, the secret, ii, 230, 507
only for heresy, i, 444
infamy caused by, i, 485, 510, 512
clerics not confined in, iii, 180
expenses paid by alguazil, ii, 210, 245
abuses in, i, 222; ii, 526
inspection of, ii, 509, 524, 525
humane regulations, ii, 524, 525
laxity of discipline, ii, 518, 520
sickness in, ii, 522
escape from, ii, 513
deaths in, ii, 522; iii, 285
Prisoners, kept incomunicado, ii, 493, 515
their existence concealed, ii, 473
their maintenance, i, 567; ii, 500, 528, 532
expenses thrown on them, ii, 494, 530, 533
allowance fixed by inqrs., ii, 531
their rations, ii, 524, 525, 527
cook their own food, ii, 519
clothes supplied to, ii, 528
female, ii, 523, 525, 526
pregnant, ii, 524
kept in ignorance of sentence, iii, 94
borrowing of, i, 481
denied sacraments, ii, 520
Prisons, perpetual or penitential, iii, 151
construction ordered, i, 567
gradually provided, iii, 152, 154
their inspection, iii, 153
their discipline, iii, 152, 154, 156
escape from, iii, 156
meaning of perpetual, iii, 159
irremissible, ii, 411; iii, 160
substitutes for, iii, 152
become obsolete, iii, 158
prisoners not to be supported, iii, 153
their mode of livelihood, iii, 155
Prisons, episcopal, harshness of, ii, 509
Prisons, character in Portugal, iii, 284
Priuli, Lorenzo, on limpieza, ii, 309
Privileges, Jewish, withdrawn, i, 117
of Majorca, i, 266
in the markets, i, 533
of Inqn., oath to uphold, i, 352
of officials, i, 375
in Portugal, iii, 262
Probabilism, iv, 510
Procedure, secular, in Castile, ii, 467
of Inqn., kept secret, ii, 475
uniformity attained in, iii, 37
delays in, iii, 76
in trials of the dead, iii, 83
of the absent, iii, 83
in cases of propositions, iv, 142
in unnatural crime, iv, 363
amelioration of, iv, 392
Process, the inquisitorial, ii, 465
Processions of penitents, i, 169
of the green cross, iii, 216
Proclamation on arrival of inqr., i, 617
of autos, iii, 214
Procurator del fisco, ii, 250
Procurators allowed to accused, iii, 43
denied to accused, iii, 49
for the absent and dead, iii, 50
Procuress, penitent serving as, iv, 111
Prodigality with confiscations, ii, 373, 376; iii, 409
of Philip IV, ii, 215
Profession of faith by inqrs., ii, 420
Professions forbidden to Jews, i, 117
to penitents, iii, 173
Profits of temporal jurisdiction, i, 462, 468, 508
of multiplying offices, ii, 212
of confiscation, ii, 367
of penances and fines, ii, 397, 398
of dispensations, ii, 403
of persecution, ii, 315; iv 527
Progress, intellectual, impeded, iii, 549; iv, 148, 528
Prohibition to collect taxes, i, 380
Promoter fiscal, see Fiscal
Proofs, character of, iii, 232
required for arrest, ii, 490
required for torture, iii, 9
in trials of the dead, iii, 84
Property, accused examined as to, ii, 321
its concealment, ii, 322
alienated, is confiscated, ii, 339
faculties to purchase, ii, 346
wasted in confiscation, ii, 364, 370
sequestrated is sacred, ii, 497
in hands of third parties, ii, 503
of Inqn., escheated, iv, 412, 437
restored in 1814, iv, 427, 540
Prophetess of Herrera, i, 186; iv, 520
Propinas of Suprema, ii, 195
Propositions, iv, 138
definitions, iv, 139
ever-present danger, iv, 140
abusive punishments, iv, 141
rules for procedure, iv, 142
marriage better than celibacy, iv, 144
fornication not sinful, iv, 145
influence on intellectual development, iv, 148
case of Luis de Leon, iv, 149
his second trial, iv, 159
case of Francisco Sanchez, iv, 162
case of Joseph de Sigüenza, iv, 168
theological trivialities, iv, 171
errors in preaching, iv, 173
proportion of business, iv, 176
intention in, ii, 577
Proprietorship in offices, ii, 219
Proscription of Liberals, iv, 433, 448, 450,
452
its effects, iv, 453
Prosecution in absentia, ii, 466, 467
Prosecutor, public, ii, 466, 479
Proselytism forbidden, i, 87
ascribed to Jews, iii, 293
Protection of officials, i, 242, 368
of witnesses, ii, 549
Protest attached to confessions, ii, 574
Protestantism, iii, 411
no danger to Spain, iii, 448
its disappearance, iii, 457, 461
foreign, its exclusion, iii, 472
converts from, iii, 476
confused with Mysticism, iv, 4, 13
modern propagandism, iv, 471
statistics of, iv, 525
its intolerance, iv, 532
Protestants, special severity for, iii, 200
successfully excluded, iii, 472, 473
persecute witches, iv, 246
Proveedor, ii, 249
Providas, bull, against Masonry, iv, 300
Provision for families of prisoners, ii, 499
Provisions, seizure of, i, 392
detention of, for inqrs., i, 534
Provisors, prosecution of, i, 495; ii, 9
Publication of Edict of Faith, ii, 94
of evidence, ii, 552; iii, 53
Public funds, investments in, ii, 439, 444
heresy, ii, 4
office, right to hold, i, 415, 419
Puente, Luis de la, iv, 18
Pugio Fidei, the, i, 114
Puigblanch, his Inquisicion sin Mascara, iv, 405
attacks Villanueva, iv, 442
Pulgar, Hern. de, his statistics, iv, 518
Pulpit, censorship of, iv, 173
Punishment is penance, ii, 389, 569
under Edict of Grace, i, 169
corporal, sentences of, ii, 184
reduced by Suprema, ii, 187
indelible stigma of, ii, 299
commutation of, ii, 402, 408
after overcoming torture, iii, 31
at discretion of inqrs., iii, 98
multiple, iii, 101
enforcement of, iii, 101, 104
with acquittal, iii, 107
with suspension, iii, 110
minor, iii, 121
accompanying abjuration, iii, 125
unusual, iii, 132
harsher, iii, 135
for using papal briefs, ii, 110, 117
for concealing property, ii, 321
for false-witness, ii, 554, 556, 561
for disobeying censorship, iii, 525
of mystics, iv, 35
of impostors, iv, 86, 88
of solicitation, iv, 97, 101, 119,
126
for propositions, iv, 141
of sorcery, iv, 197
of witchcraft, iv, 218, 224, 240
of bigamy, iv, 316, 318, 321
of blasphemy, iv, 328, 331, 334
of marriage in Orders, iv, 336, 337, 338
of personating priesthood, iv, 343
of personating officials, iv, 345
of insults to images, iv, 353
of unnatural crime, iv, 361, 365, 367
mitigation in 1815, iv, 432
statistics of, iii, 553
Purchase of papal letters, ii, 118, 121
of pardon, iii, 267, 363
Purging evidence, iii, 7, 30
Purification, iv, 408, 425
Purveyance and pre-emption, i, 393
Purveyors not to take provisions by force, i, 533
Pyrenees, peace of, iii, 471
Pyx, theft of, in Portugal, iii, 284
Qualifications of inquisitors, i, 158, 237; ii, 233
of familiars, ii, 275, 279
of officials, ii, 250
limpieza indispensable, ii, 296
of witnesses, ii, 536, 539
Quarantine broken by inqr., i, 264
work by Inqn., iv, 381
on ideas, iii, 505
Quarrels of Torquemada and inquisitors, i, 177
over precedence, i, 360; iii, 214
with secular courts, i, 434, 439, 452, 469, 481, 486, 492
of bishops and inqrs., i, 497, 620
between the Regular Orders, ii, 38
over house in Valladolid, ii, 208
over revenues of canonries, ii, 430
Quartering of troops, i, 394
Quarters, free, i, 395
Quarto and quartillo, i, 562
Queipo, Bp., tried by Inqn., ii, 88
Quemadero of Seville, i, 164
procession to, iii, 219
special, for unnatural crime, iv, 368
Queral, D. Pedro de, his grievances, i, 537
Querétaro, demoniacs in, iv, 350
Question préalable or définitive, iii, 11
Questions referred to Suprema, ii, 163
not put during torture, iii, 18
leading, forbidden, iii, 71
Quevedo, Bp. of Orense, iv, 401, 404, 407,
417
Quicksilver mines, service in, iii, 145
Quietism, iv, 4, 8, 9,
18
in Edict of Faith, iv, 18, 24
condemned, iv, 28
taught by Molinos, iv, 49
its errors, iv, 55
of Beccarellisti, iv, 61
of S. François de Sales, iv, 62
limited by Fénelon, iv, 65
of Giov. Gius. della Croce, iv, 68
of Toro of Oviedo, iv, 72, 535
Quietists, designs attributed to, iv, 53
Quinisext Council on Jews, i, 39
Quiñones, Suero de, i, 5
Quinquennial indults, ii, 416, 422, 423
Quintanilla revives Hermandad, i, 30
Quinto, Javier de, on oath of allegiance, i, 229
Quiroga, Inq.-genl., honors Carranza’s memory, ii, 85
his prosecution threatened, ii, 130
enforces secrecy, ii, 472
his Index, iii, 493, 528
protects Luis de Leon, iv, 157, 161
his gifts to Philip II, iv, 494
Quiroga, María (see Patrocinio), iv, 92
Quito, la Azucena de, iv, 39
omission of Edict of Faith in, ii, 98
Rábago, Padre, defies the Holy See, iv, 290
decries culture, iv, 530
Race, antagonism of, i, 121, 126
Rack, the, iii, 21
Raga, Martin de la, escapes assassination, i, 250
Ram, Mateo, i, 251, 257, 604
Ramírez of Guatemala organizes an Inqn., ii, 8
Ramírez de Haro, Bp., iii, 373
Ramiro I persecutes sorcerers, iv, 179
Ramon Martin, his Pugio Fidei, i, 114
Ramoneda, Estevan, case of, iv, 129
Ranke on political use of Inqn., iv, 248
Ransoms, commutations used for, ii, 411
Rapica, Mateo de, his persecution, i, 146
Rates of interest, i, 97
Ratification of evidence, ii, 544, 546; iv, 106
of confession in torture, iii, 7
Ratio of gold and silver, i, 560
Rations for prisoners, ii, 519, 525, 531
Razors, censorship of, iii, 546
Reaction in favor of Jews, i, 121
ten years of, iv, 450
Reading of edicts in churches, i, 359
Real, value of, i, 561
Real Compañia Maritima, ii, 444
Real, Dr., on unnatural crime, iv, 365
Real estate, insecurity of titles, ii, 327, 339, 346
Rebeldia, or contumacy, ii, 467; iii, 83
Rebukes of tribunals by Suprema, ii, 183, 186
Recabdores, i, 98
Receipt given for dower, ii, 599
Receiver of fines and penances, ii, 391
Receiver-general, his duties, ii, 366
of penances, ii, 392
Receivers of confiscations, ii, 250
sent to Seville in 1480, ii, 315
honor requisitions of Suprema, ii, 191
districts assigned to, ii, 206
become officers of Inqn., i, 328
powers and duties, ii, 342, 445
pay maintenance of prisoners, ii, 529
their accounts, i, 294; ii, 365, 446, 447, 600
deposits in coffer, ii, 450, 452
defalcations habitual, ii, 451
obstruct grants from confiscations, ii, 382
Receivership, price of, ii, 214
Recemund, Bishop, his embassy, i, 47
Reception of inqrs. in visitations, ii, 239
Reclamation of sequestrated property, ii, 497
Reclusion in convents, iii, 180
Recojimiento, iv, 6
Reconciliados, spoliation of, ii, 335
their Christian slaves liberated, ii, 340
forbidden to trade with Indies, ii, 357
Reconciliation, private, i, 296
as punishment, iii, 146
infers confiscation, ii, 320; iii, 149
of the dead, iii, 85
after relaxation, iii, 90
ceremony of, iii, 147
sanbenito prescribed for, iii, 162
during auto de fe, iii, 191
in relapse, iii, 206
in witchcraft iv, 213, 228, 230
Reconquest, toleration during, i, 52
Records of the Inquisition, i, 159
their development, ii, 255
retained by officials, ii, 257, 258
their arrangement, ii, 259
intercommunication of, ii, 280
final perfection, ii, 261
why never bound, ii, 474
of familiars, ii, 274
Rectories for Moriscos, iii, 367
Rectors, their character, iii, 367, 368
Recurso de fuerza, i, 341 428; iii, 533
Recusation of judges, ii, 69, 143, 467; iii, 57
Redemption of captives, ii, 411
of punishment, ii, 408
Reform, Charles V’s project of, i, 218
project of, in 1623, i, 381
efforts of Philip V, i, 317, 336; ii, 202, 223, 560
Reformation, the, its influence, iii, 412
clerical celibacy in, iv, 337
Reformistas antiguos espanoles, iii, 427
Refreshments at bull-fights, ii, 198
Refuge in lands of nobles, i, 241
Refugees in Rome, ii, 114
in Guienne to be seized, iii, 278
despoilment of, ii, 337
Refusal of onerous offices, i, 420
Regalías defended by Inqn., iii, 535
assailed by Inqn., iii, 540
control the Inqn., iv, 390
Regalistas, quarrel over, iii, 533
Regency of Maria Ana of Austria, i, 310
during War of Liberation, iv, 403, 416, 419,
422
of Catalonia, iv, 443
of 1823, iv, 443
of Cristina, iv, 456
Reggio, Alessandro, attacks Molinos iv, 52
Regimento of Portuguese Inqn., iii, 262, 310
Registers, ii, 266
Register of Valencia, iv, 458
of confiscations, i, 581
of familiars, i, 467; ii, 274
of solicitations, iv, 135
Registration of foreigners, iii, 472
Regla, Juan de, his prosecution, iii, 420
Regulars, subjected to Inqn., ii, 29, 36; iv, 100
solicitation by, iv, 135
quarrels between, ii, 38; iv, 380
Regulations of cárceles secretas, ii, 519
for foreign heretics, iii, 464, 473, 475
Rehabilitations, ii, 402
composition for, ii, 358
profits of, ii, 403, 408
papal and royal, ii, 404, 406
Reina Cassiodoro de, iii, 428, 447
Rejaule, Dr. Juan, case of, i, 405
Relapse, definition of, iii, 202
after abjuration de vehementi, iii, 124
after reconciliation, iii, 148
for non-performance of sentence, iii, 102, 173
relaxation for, iii, 125, 190, 202, 204
reconciliation in, iii, 206
in inferential heresy, iii, 207
in solicitation, iv, 129
Relapsed admitted to mercy, i, 267
Relator, ii, 194
Relaxation, iii, 183
for impenitence, iii, 190, 195
for denial, ii, 585; iii, 198
for diminucio, iii, 199
for revocation, ii, 582
for relapse, iii, 125, 190, 202, 204
for infraction of sentence, iii, 101, 173
sentences of, submitted to Suprema, ii, 181
in churches, iii, 224
have precedence, iii, 187
magistrates informed in advance, iii, 187
after confession, iii, 190
without burning, iii, 192
not for solicitation, iv, 128, 129
in witchcraft, iv, 214, 218, 227
in unnatural crime, iv, 367, 368
becomes obsolete, iii, 208
statistics, iii, 562; iv, 517
Relaxation of discipline, ii, 225
Relaxed, efforts to convert the, iii, 196
Religion subservient to politics, i, 50
character of, iv, 502
Remedies for witchcraft, iv, 213
Remittance, colonial, seized, i, 333
Removal of records forbidden, ii, 257
Remy, Nich., on witches, iv, 246
Rentas Provinciales, iv, 487
Rents collected through Inqn., i, 270
Renewal of commissions, ii, 162
Repartimiento of 1284, i, 86
of 1474, i, 125
Repentance, feigned, relaxation for, iii, 191
Repetition of torture, iii, 18, 28
Reports required from tribunals, ii, 183
of visitations, ii, 238
financial, ii, 448
of torture, iii, 24
Representation in Córtes, i, 2
of the Persians, iv, 421
Reprimand, iii, 109, 112, 113, 121; iv, 334
Repudiation of debts to reconciliados, ii, 335
Requesens, Juan de, case of, i, 537
Reserve engendered by Inqn., ii, 91; iv, 515
Residence, episcopal, required, i, 306
dispensation from, ii, 415
royal, exile from, iii, 126
Resignations in favor of descendants, ii, 220
of inqrs.-genl., i, 304, 613
Resistance, absence of, in Castile, i, 185
in kingdoms of Aragon, i, 239, 245, 261
to grant of canonries, ii, 416
to visitas de navíos, iii, 513
Respect, enforcement of, i, 366, 370
diminution of, iv, 392, 431
Responsibility, age of, ii, 3
absence of, ii, 478
for confiscation, ii, 317
for burning, iii, 183
of secrestador, ii, 502
Restoration of Fernando VII, iv, 420
revival of Inqn., iv, 424
finances of Inqn., iv, 426, 540
its moderation, i, 521; iv, 430
limpieza under, ii, 311
censorship under, iii, 544
political use of Inqn., iv, 277
disappearance of Jansenism, iv, 297
Masonry, iv, 304
Retraction, formula of, iv, 173
Retrenchment under Restoration, iv, 428
Retribution for intolerance, iv, 533
Revelations of demons, ii, 134
doubtful source of, iv, 4
Revenue of Castile, i, 8; iv, 487
derived from Jews and Moors, i, 66, 85, 110
farming of, i, 98
of canonries, ii, 430
of Inqn., ii, 440, 608; iv, 460
Revisores de libros, iii, 487, 501
in custom-houses, iii, 509
Revocante, ii, 582
in Valencia, ii, 584; iii, 129
punishment of, iii, 10, 28, 29, 200
in witchcraft, iv, 232, 235
Revocation of letters of absolution, ii, 591
Revolts in 1820-3, iv, 443
Revolution, French, influence of, iii, 509; iv, 390
of 1820, iv, 434
its failure, iv, 442
Ribas Altas, Maestre, story of, i, 132
Ribas Altas, Aldonza, burnt, i, 610
Ribbons, sacrilegious, iii, 546
Ribera, Abp., his edict of faith, ii, 8
dealings with Moriscos, iii, 342, 361, 368, 372, 382, 389, 393, 409
protests against English treaty, iii, 465
favors mysticism, iv, 20
Ricaldini, Agostino, iv, 47
Ricasoli, Pandolfo, iv, 43
Ricci, Giovanni, nuncio, iii, 249, 251
Ricci, Scipione de’, iv, 286
Rico, Medina, as inspector, ii, 230
Ricosomes, their allegiance, i, 1
Riego, Rafael de, his rising, iv, 434
Riesco, Francisco, iv, 398, 401, 404, 408,
409
Rigorism of Jansenists, iv, 285
Rios, Amador de los, his statistics, iv, 518
Ripaut, Archange, combats mysticism, iv, 63
Ripoll, Cayetano, case of, iv, 401
Rites, Judaic, their importance, i, 145
their obsolescence, iii, 300
Roa, Juan de, his book condemned, iii, 534
Roads, lack of, iv, 480
Roales, Francisco, attacks Jesuits, iv, 380
Robert the Pious burns heretics, iii, 183
Robinson Crusoe prohibited, iii, 497
Robles, Bart., his importations, iii, 512
his book-shop examined, iii, 488
Rocaberti, Inq.-genl., instructions to him, i, 301
his dispensation, i, 313
on strife between regular Orders, ii, 39
investigates bewitchment, ii, 170
Rodríguez, Miguel, on Catalonia, i, 474
Rodrigo, Fran. J. G., his statistics, iv, 517
Rodrigo of Toledo, his intolerance, i, 59
appoints Jews to office, i, 99
Roda, Manuel de, suspected, iv, 310
Roig, Martin, cost of proving his limpieza, ii, 302
Rojas, Bp. Cristóbal de, favors mystics, iv, 20
Rojas, Domingo de, ii, 53; iii, 430, 431, 442
Rojas, Juan de, his work on practice, ii, 476
on Concordia of 1568, i, 446
on ratification, ii, 547
on concurrent witnesses, ii, 563
on imperfect confession, ii, 575
on consulta de fe, iii, 73
on suicide in prison, iii, 197
on propositions, iv, 142
Rolle, Richard, the mystic, iv, 2
Romain, G., on Inqn., iv, 248
Roman law, confiscation in, ii, 316
Inqn., see Inqn. of Rome
Rome, its patronage resisted, i, 12
appeals to, i, 494, 496; ii, 103
concerning canonries, ii, 422
assists Mallorquin clergy, i, 498, 502, 503, 504
use of Edict of Faith, ii, 97
converso refugees, ii, 114
citations to, ii, 118
struggle over dispensations, ii, 405, 406
grants Inqn. to Portugal, iii, 239
reserves right to issue licences, iii, 522
allows vernacular Bible, iii, 529
Masonry condemned, iv, 229
condemns the Plomos del Sacromonte, iv, 358
payments withdrawn from, iv, 441
Romero, Alonso, case of, iv, 171
Romuald of Freiburg accuses Olavide, iv, 309
Romualdo burnt for Molinism, iv, 62
Rosary as penance, iii, 132
Rosellon, New Christians, in, i, 146
abandoned to France, i, 479
Rossi, Margarita, iv, 48
Rovere, Marco della, iii, 239, 241, 243
Royal Council, struggles with the Inqn., i, 487, 491
permits service of papal brief, ii, 128
grants licences to print, iii, 483, 489
consulta of, 1619, iv, 478, 490
Royal jurisdiction of Inqn., i, 343, 614
Royalist Volunteers, iv, 448
Royalists, ultra, risings of, iv, 456
Royz, Juan, ii, 253, 374, 375
Ruet, Francisco, his persecution, iv, 469
Rules of Inquisition, i, 181, 571-80
for examinations, iii, 70
Ruyz Padron, iv, 413, 423
Saavedra, the False Nuncio, iii, 243
Sabbat, the, of witchcraft, iv, 207, 214, 217, 227,
229
debate as to reality, iv, 209, 231
evidence as to participants, iv, 232, 243, 245
Sabbath, Jewish, held inviolate, i, 87
its observance, iii, 232, 300
Saco bendito, iii, 162
Sacrament, trampling on, iv, 355
sacrilege by Jews, i, 116
Sacraments, importance of, iv, 339
vitiated by heretics, ii, 2
denied to prisoners, ii, 520
denied to negativos, iii, 198
denied to witches, iv, 232, 237
Sacramentum Pænitentiæ, bull, iv, 112
Sacromonte, fictitious martyrs of, iv, 358
Saddlers, Morisco, wanted in Córdova, iii, 399
Saez, Victor Damien, iv, 449
Safe-conducts issued by inqrs., i, 270
to outlaws limited, i, 444
Sailors, foreign, prosecuted, iii, 446, 462
Saints, uncanonized, iv, 355
St. Victor, Richard of, on trances, iv, 4
St. John, Knights of, seek papal brief, i, 500
Sala, autos held in, iii, 221
Sala de media añata, i, 378
Salamanca, Council of, on Jewish physicians, i, 74
in 1565, on heretics, ii, 55
Salamanca, Univ. of, Conversos barred from, ii, 287
professors prosecuted, iv, 150
astrology suppressed, iv, 193
its Jansenism, iv, 293
Salaries, division of, ii, 220, 222
in Valencia, in 1482, i, 231
in Saragossa, in 1484, i, 244
of fiscal and notaries, ii, 241
paid by the king, i, 291, 294
his assent required for, i, 330
Ferdinand’s complaint, i, 568; ii, 209
taxed by Philip V, i, 383
fixed by inq.-genl., ii, 163
controlled by Suprema, ii, 189
of president of Suprema, ii, 165
of Suprema, ii, 196, 202
their inadequacy, ii, 217, 251; iv, 388
dependent on confiscations, ii, 349, 371, 393
have preference over grants, ii, 380
not relieved by benefices, ii, 418
Salas, Ramon de, case of, iv, 313
Salazar, Count of, expels Moriscos, iii, 399, 403, 404
Salazar, de Soto, his visitation, i, 369, 442, 468, 529; ii, 181
its cost, ii, 228
Salazar Frias on witchcraft, iv, 225, 227, 230
Sale of papal absolutions, ii, 104
of offices, ii, 213
of dispensations, ii, 402, 408
of property by penitents, i, 243
by heretics, ii, 325, 339
of books to be reported, iii, 501
Salgado de Somoza, his books condemned, iii, 535
Salic law, question of, iv, 462
Salidas, iii, 226
Salignac on invasion of Spain, iii, 388
Salt, trading in, by Inqn., i, 391
privilege of Valencia tribunal, i, 394
Salucio, Agustin, on limpieza, ii, 306
Saludadores, iv, 180
Salvatierra, Bp. of Segorbe, on Moriscos, iii, 341, 345, 389
Salvation the object of Inqn., ii 482, 569; iii, 196
torture as means of, iii, 11
Samaniego, Felipe, case of, iv, 311
Samuel ha Levi of Granada, i, 51
Samuel of Morocco assails Jews, i, 113
Sanbenito, ii, 401; iii, 162
its severity, ii, 409; iv, 527
cost of dispensation for, ii, 402
offer to Ferdinand, i, 280
de dos aspas, de media aspa, iii, 125, 163
its duration, iii, 163
worn in auto, iii, 209
discarding it, iii, 103, 156, 164
of assassins of Arbués, i, 258
hung in churches, iii, 165
becomes obsolescent, iii, 170
Sánchez, Francisco, case of, iv, 162
Sánchez, Juan, iii, 429, 431, 442
Sánchez, Juan, on solicitation, iv, 114
Sánchez, Tomás, on consultation of demons, ii, 170
Sancho I aided by Moors, i, 53
Sancho IV, his rebellion, i, 3
Hermandades under, i, 29
limits Jewish privileges, i, 95
Sancho, Francisco, labors on Index, iii, 487, 493
Sancho de Ciudad, trial of, iii, 87
Sanctity or heresy, iv, 16
Sanctuary afforded by Inqn., i, 421
Sanctus Diabolus, iv, 332
Sandoval, Index of, iii; 495
instructions to him, i, 300
San Hermengildo, college of, its bankruptcy, iv, 381
Sanity, investigation into, iii, 60
San Martin, Juan de, the first inquisitor, i, 160
quarrels with Torquemada, i, 177
San Miguel, Evaristo, iv, 403, 441, 445
San Placido, case of convent of, ii, 134, 137, 138, 157
San Roman, Francisco de, iii, 423
San Sebastian, appeals to Charles V, i, 33
foreigners in, iii, 461
import of books, iii, 517
Santafé, Francisco de, i, 257, 601
Santafé, Gerónimo de, i, 115, 117
Santa Hermandad, la, i, 29
Santa María de la Espada Blanca, Order of, i, 507
Santa María, Pablo de, i, 114
Santander, witch-craze in, iv, 223
Santangel, Luis de, penanced, i, 259
Sant Feliu, Juan, case of, i, 431
Santiago, college of, in Huesca, i, 456
Santiago, tribunal of, i, 552
its finances, ii, 441
visitas de navíos, iii, 315
chapter of, appeals to Rome, ii, 422
Santiguada, ii, 568
Santigueadores, iv, 233
Santis, Don Martin, his murder, i, 446
Santa Niño de la Guardia, i, 134
confrontation in case of, ii, 553
Santos, Inqr., and Fray Vinegas, i, 371
Santos, Fray Manuel, case of, iii, 456
Santos, Francisco, on indolence, iv, 495
on profanation of churches, iv, 503
Sanz, Mari, an alumbrado, iv, 23, 24
Saracens, their toleration, i, 45
aided by Christians, i, 49, 52
Saragossa, dispute over its archbishopric, i, 13
expulsion of Jews, i, 132
Córtes of, 1518, i, 275
quarrels with tribunal, i, 389
massacre of French troops, i, 396
its composition violated, ii, 355
revolt in 1820, iv, 435
Saragossa, its tribunal, i, 244, 552
its activity, i, 255, 592
rebuked by Ferdinand, i, 187
its relations with Navarre, i, 225
quarrel over precedence, i, 360
its temporalities seized, i, 452
its finances, i, 463; ii, 209, 437, 441
its contribution to Suprema, ii, 192
frauds of receivers, ii, 451
musicians illtreated, i, 366
is visitor of College of Santiago, i, 456
Córtes of 1646, i, 458
military service of officials, i, 413
persecution of Moriscos, iii, 358
case of Ant. Pérez, iv, 259
auto of Oct. 20, 1591, iv, 268
trade in horses, iv, 280
operations of Inqn., iv, 521
Sardinia, bishops deprived of jurisdiction, ii, 6
appeals to Rome, ii, 129
no ayudas de costa, ii, 254
visitas de navíos, iii, 512
solicitation, iv, 123
reform of Franciscans, iv, 252
competencia on bigamy, iv, 320
Sarmiento, Inqr., i, 529; iv, 218
Satisfying the evidence, ii, 575
Saynetes, censorship of, iii, 547
Scaglia, Card., on mysticism, iv, 42
on personating priesthood, iv, 340
on possession, iv, 352
Scandal more dreaded than crime, i, 368; iv, 119, 130, 137
Scaviella, people of, their complaint, ii, 347
Schäfer, Dr. Ernst, his statistics, iii, 426, 455; iv, 525
Schism threatened in Villanueva’e case, ii, 152
Schoderius, his Pharmacopœia, iii, 507
Schools for Moriscos, iii, 336
Scio de San Miguel, his Bible, iii, 580
Scotland, trials of dead, iii, 81
witchcraft, iv, 247
Scourging, iii, 135
execution of sentence, iii, 219
for propositions, iv, 142
for sorcery, iv, 187
for bigamy, iv, 321
for blasphemy, iv, 334
remitted by Suprema, iii, 187
its gradual disuse, iii, 137
Scriptures, vernacular, iii, 527
Scrivenerships, confiscation of, i, 192, 581
Scrutinium Scripturarum, i, 114
Sea-coast, prohibition to approach, iii, 127
Sea-ports, commissioners of, ii, 271
Seal of Confession in heresy, ii, 24
violation of, iv, 31
jurisdiction asked for, iv, 377
not granted, iv, 378
Sebastian, Dom, on confiscation, iii, 260
forbids emigration, iii, 271
Secrecy of Inqn., ii, 470
early proceedings public, ii, 471
gradual development, ii, 472
effort for its removal, i, 221
complaints, i, 222
in secular cases, i, 509
creates irresponsibility, ii, 181
in limpieza, ii, 302
as to procedure, ii, 475
enforced on all parties, ii, 473; iii, 37
estimate placed on it, ii, 476, 607
Secrestador, ii, 501
Secretaries, ii, 243
their salary, ii, 244
fees in limpieza, ii, 302
Secretario de las causas civiles, ii, 250
Secreto, the, ii, 230, 471
Secular arm, delivery to, iii, 185, 219, 225
Secular business, its predominance, i, 468
Secular clergy, solicitation by, iv, 135
Secular courts their procedure, ii, 467
use of torture in, iii, 3
Seduction of female prisoners, ii, 523
Segneri, Paolo, attacks Molinos, iv, 52
Segorbe, conversion of Moriscos, iii, 369
Segovia, Judería established in, i, 78
Jews accused of outrage, i, 116
tribunal of, i, 166, 552
false-witness in, ii, 555
Segregation of races, i, 64, 68, 72, 77
follows arrest, ii, 493
of prisoners, ii, 515
Seguro de Tordesillea, i, 4
Seizure of provisions, i, 393
Selection of episcopal delegates, ii, 17
Selemoh Ha-Levi, i, 114
Self-denunciation, ii, 571
confiscation in, ii, 320
in relapse, iii, 203
in solicitation, iv, 130
in witchcraft, iv, 236
Self-government of Inqn., i, 343; ii, 477
Selles, Fray Vicente, case of, iv, 70
Señal for Jews and Moors, i, 68, 115
Senior, Abraham, i, 131, 138
Sensuality as mortification, iv, 34, 42, 43
of Illuminism, iv, 57, 74
Sentence, the, iii, 93
execution of, ministerial, i, 354; iii, 185
enforcement of, iii, 101
includes confiscation, ii, 318
confirmed by Suprema, ii, 184
of torture, iii, 5
on the dead, form of, iii, 85
when revealed to culprits, iii, 94
delayed to prevent appeals, iii, 95
modification of, iii, 97
mitigated by Suprema, ii, 187
torture not alluded to, iii, 32
multiplex, iii, 101
of acquittal, iii, 105, 107
of suspension, iii, 109
of burning, iii, 185, 219, 225
of compurgation, iii, 113
of abito y cárcel, iii, 164
discretional, forbidden, iii, 160
confession prior to, iii, 191
conversion after, iii, 193
Sentences, reading of, at autos, iii, 217
box for, iii, 215
con méritos, their influence, iv, 510
Sentencia Estatuto, i, 126; ii, 285
Sentencia de diligencias, ii, 342
Seo de Urgel, massacre at, iv, 443
Separation of races, i, 64, 68, 72, 77
Sepúlveda, persecution of Jews in, ii, 42
Sequere me, mystics so called, iv, 45
Sequestration, ii, 485
reports required of, ii, 183
damage caused by, i, 236; ii, 331
its importance, ii, 495
its procedure, ii, 496
reclamation of others’ property, ii. 497
consumed by expenses, ii, 500, 530
its limitations, ii, 503
in trials of the dead, iii, 84
in cases of suspension, iii, 109
abolished in Portugal, iii, 282
Sequestrations, notary of, ii, 244
appropriated, i, 333; ii, 498
Serfdom, predial, of Moriscos, iii, 377
Sermo, the, iii, 209
Sermon of Abp. of Cranganor, iii, 302
Sermons, absurd, i, 10; iv, 168
Serra, arrest of its people, i, 187; iii, 343
Serra, Fray N., his sermon, iv, 175
Servants, their wages paid, ii, 329, 330, 332
not witnesses for defence, ii, 539
of officials, i, 270, 369, 429, 432, 440, 443, 444
Service, gratuitous, liability for, ii, 218
military, exemption from, i, 412
Serviles, iv, 443
Seso, Carlos de, iii, 429, 431, 442
Settlement of competencias, i, 524
Settlements in expulsion of Jews, i, 136, 569
Severity shown to nobles, iii, 100
Seville pacified by Isabella, i, 24
Jewish aljama founded, i, 89
massacre in 1391, i, 106
synod of, in 1478, i, 157
council of, in 1512, on bigamy, iv, 318
on instruction of Moriscos, iii, 327
on blasphemy, iv, 329
on the clergy, iv, 496
character of clergy, iv, 497
Audiencia of, its injustice, ii, 468
first Inqn. organized in, i, 160
first auto de fe, i, 163
number of burnings, i, 165
assembly of inquisitors, i, 181
quarrels in funerals, i, 362
right of asylum, i, 422
conflict with tribunal, i, 488
trouble in fish-market, i, 534
funds taken by Suprema, ii, 191
Hermandad de S. Pedro Martir, ii, 282
the great composition, ii, 357
protest in Córtes of Burgos, ii, 360
poverty of tribunal, ii, 363
receipts from penances, ii, 397
abuses in prison, ii, 526
false witnesses punished, ii, 561
auto of 1604 stopped, iii, 268
influx of Jews, iii, 314
Protestants of, iii, 427, 442
autos of Protestants, iii, 443, 445, 447
persecution of mystics, iv, 29
unnatural crime, iv, 362
restores the Inqn., iv, 424
operations of Inqn. in, iv, 519
Sexual relations, propositions concerning, iv, 146
in mysticism, iv, 9, 23, 25, 31, 35, 42, 43,
56, 57, 61, 70, 74
Sforza, Card., his promises, iii, 350
Shambles, Moorish, i, 62; iii, 381
Ships, seizure of, i, 184; ii, 338, 497
visitation of, iii, 505, 510, 520
Sicily, Edict of Faith in, ii, 92
financial disorders, ii, 194, 366, 451, 452
grants postponed to salaries, ii, 381
proposed endowment, ii, 433
galley service, iii, 140
sanbenitos, iii, 164, 165
treatment of English sailors, iii, 463
unnatural crime, iv, 364
Sickness in prison, ii, 521, 522
Si de protegendis, bull, i, 368; iii, 189; iv, 261, 269, 297
Signo, ii, 568
Sigüenza, Joseph de, case of, iv, 168
Sigüenza, quarrel over bishopric of, i, 13
its tribunal, i, 552
Silence, enforced, ii, 473; iv, 515
Siliceo, Abp., his statute of limpieza, ii, 290
Silva, Diego Rodríguez, iii, 90, 299
Silva, Diogo da, iii, 239, 241, 242
Silva, Miguel da, iii, 244, 246, 253, 257
Silver coinage, i, 561
scarcity of, iv, 482, 484
Simancas, Bishop, his works, ii, 476
as judge of Carranza, ii, 71, 80
on episcopal duties, ii, 7
on licences to absolve, ii, 21
on confiscations of clerics, ii, 318
on prescription of time, ii, 328
on beggaring children, ii, 336
on purchase-money, ii, 339
on duty of denunciation, ii, 485
on kindred as witnesses, ii, 537
on ratification, ii, 547
on imperfect confession, ii, 575
on confession in torture, ii, 581
on denial of guilt, ii, 585
on methods of defence, iii, 56
on consulta de fe, iii, 73
on returning absentee, iii, 89
on evasion of sentence, iii, 102
on compurgation, iii, 117
on duration of prison, iii, 159
on recantation at brasero, iii, 192
on martyrdom, iii, 195
on suicide in prison, iii, 197
on relapse, iii, 202, 203
he prosecutes mystics, iv, 20
on pact with demon, iv, 186
on astrology, iv, 192
on the Sabbat, iv, 220
on heresy in bigamy, iv, 319
on personation of officials, iv, 346
on usury, iv, 374
Simon, Francisco, his sanctity, iv, 356
Simony not subject to Inqn., iv, 372
Single witnesses, ii, 562
Sisa del córte, i, 379
Sisebut converts Jews, i, 41
Sixtus IV claims episcopal appointment, i, 14
on Jewish segregation, i, 124
orders legatine Inqn., i, 154
his bull for Inqn., i, 158
appoints additional inqrs., i, 166
assents to organization, i, 173
praises Torquemada, i, 174
revives Inqn. of Aragon, i, 230
asserts appointing power, i, 232
bull of April 18, 1484, i, 233, 587
appoints Torquemada for Aragon, i, 236
dismisses Gualbes, i, 237
insists on episcopal concurrence, ii, 11
on Franciscan and Dominican inqrs., ii, 30
plays fast and loose with Conversos, ii, 106-9
on requisites for inqrs., ii, 233
grants appointments to benefices, ii, 415
on doctoral and magistral canonries, ii, 421
originates censorship, iii, 480
Sixtus V protects Spanish Jesuits, ii, 35
grants jurisdiction over bps., ii, 87
on Morisco marriages, iii, 381
on magic and divination, iv, 189
Slaughtering, mode of, ii, 566
Slaves, Moorish, i, 57; iii, 325
Jewish, banished, i, 142
manumission of baptized children of, i, 325
Christian, of heretics, ii, 339
of officials inviolable, i, 369
witnesses against masters, ii, 537
not for defence, ii, 539
substitutes for the galleys, ii, 412
Morisco, baptized, iii, 405
Slave-girls, grants of, ii, 377
Smuggling, facilities for, i, 385
of books, iii, 510
prevalence of, iv, 480
Snuff-box, censorship of, iii, 547
Sobaños, Diego, his prosecution, ii, 61
Sodomy, iv, 361
Soldiers, foreign heretic, iii, 475
Soler on Mallorquin New Christians, ii, 314
Solicitante y flagelante, iv, 118
Solicitantes, registers of, ii, 261
their cases not calificado, ii, 488
Solicitation, iv, 95
subjects regulars to Inqn., ii, 33
is merely obsession, iv, 72
in Molinism, iv, 75, 77
in spiritual courts, iv, 97, 469
subjected to Inqn., iv, 99
definition, iv, 100, 110, 112
punishment, iv, 101, 119, 126
denunciation required, iv, 101, 106
is a technical offence, iv, 101, 108, 114
morals not involved, iv, 109, 115
bps. assert jurisdiction, iv, 102
devices to elude prosecution, iv, 103
in Edict of Faith, iv, 105
passive, iv, 111
absolution by solicitor, iv, 113
not a reserved case, iv, 114
procedure, iv, 119
two denunciations required, iv, 120, 123
light suspicion of heresy, iv, 121, 126
examination of accusers, iv, 122
communication between tribunals, iv, 125
special registers kept, iv, 126
self-denunciation, iv, 130
statistics, iv, 133
Solorzano, his book condemned, iii, 537
Sonnets, prosecutions for, iv, 430
Son must denounce father, ii, 485
succeeds to father’s office, ii, 220, 221
Sons-in-law, offices descend to, ii, 221
Sorano, Miguel, case of, iii, 208
Sorbonne condemns the Mística Ciudad, iv, 40
Sorcery, iv, 179
persecuted by Ramiro I, iv, 179
taught by the Moors, iv, 180
medieval treatment, iv, 181
question of jurisdiction, i, 271; iv, 183
of heresy, iv, 184
pact with demon, iv, 185
in commission of inq.-genl., iv, 189
astrology suppressed, iv, 192
procedure, iv, 196
punishment, iv, 197
persistent belief, iv, 203
number of cases, iv, 204
case of Carlos II, ii, 171
attributed to Jesuits, iv, 20
Sorell, Pedro, his frauds, ii, 452
Soriana, Anastasia, case of, iv, 220
Sotomayor, Duke of, prosecuted, iv, 430
Sotomayor, Inq.-genl., his resignation, i, 301, 309, 613
his pensions, ii, 132
his Index, iii, 495, 529
persecutes Dominicans, iv, 380
Sovereigns, their duty as to heresy, ii, 1
Sovereignty of the nation asserted, iv, 406
Spain, its relations to the Church, i, 11
Jews excluded, i, 141; iii, 292, 311
no danger from Protestantism, iii, 448
the home of magic, iv, 180
its vicissitudes, iv, 472
its exhaustion, iii, 337; iv, 474
misery in 17th century, iv, 475
its natural advantages, iv, 477
burdens of taxation, iv, 478
lack of roads, iv, 480
the Mesta, iv, 481
despoblados and baldíos, iv, 482
vitiation of coinage, iv, 482
aversion for labor, iv, 483
recovery under Bourbons, iv, 486
retrogression under Carlos IV, iv, 487
growth of population, iv, 487
influence of clericalism, iv, 488, 498
character of clergy, iv, 496
sensitiveness as to religion, iv, 502
character of religion, iv, 502
results of intolerance, iv, 504
influence of Inqn. on the popular character, iv, 507, 515
modern indifferentism, iv, 509
immorality, iv, 510
virtual anarchy, iv, 511
Inqn. independent, iv, 513
its predominance, iv, 516
statistics of its operations, iv, 517
intellectual isolation, iii, 411, 505; iv, 530
Spallacino, Domenico, burnt for personating priesthood, iv, 340
Spies on foreigners, iii, 467
domestic, iv, 138
Spiritual courts, conflicts of jurisdiction, i, 15, 493
limits of jurisdiction, i, 15, 497
their procedure, ii, 469, 470
on solicitation, iv, 97
Spiritual penance, iii, 131
Spiritual power, its supremacy, ii, 160
Spoliation in compositions, ii, 354, 355, 361
Spoils of refugees seized, ii, 337
Staging at autos de fe, iii, 212
Stake, the, iii, 183
Standard of fineness, i, 560
Standard of Inqn., iii, 215
Starvation of prisoners, iii, 153
Statistics of burnings, iv, 517
of torture, iii, 33
of offences and penalties, iii, 551
of Protestantism, iii, 426, 455, 461, 525
of solicitation, iv, 133
Statutæ duplicatæ, iii, 215
Statute of limpieza, ii, 290
Stephen VI on Jews, i, 81
Steward of tribunal, ii, 249
Stigmata, the, iv, 31, 85, 86, 92,
94
Stone-throwing at penitents, iii, 136
Stone-masons exclude Conversos, ii, 285
Strangulation before burning, i, 263; iii, 192-4
Strappado, iii, 19
Strauch, Bp. of Vieb, his murder, iv, 441
Stripping for torture, iii, 17
Suárez, Dr., insults the Inqn., iv, 431
Subsidio, iv, 494
Substitutes for confessional, iv, 96
for officials, ii, 222
Subvention to Suprema, ii, 441
Succession, law of, contest over, iv, 463
Sueldo, value of, i, 565
barcelonense, i, 565
Sugar perquisite of Suprema, ii, 195
Suicide in prison, ii, 522; iii, 85, 95, 197
Suitors seek jurisdiction of Inqn., iv, 379
Suits, civil, trial of, i, 270
Sumaria, ii, 486
submitted to Suprema, ii, 185
submitted to censors, ii. 263
Summis desiderantes, bull, iv, 207
Summons to spiritual judges, i, 494
Sumptuary disabilities, ii, 401, 403, 407; iii, 173, 174, 179
Sumptuary laws against Jews, i, 95
Sundays, autos celebrated on, iii, 212
observance of, iv, 502
Supereminence of Inqn., i, 351
Super illius specula, bull, iv, 181, 184
Support of family of prisoner, ii, 500
Suprema, the, founded, i, 173
number of members, i, 322
at first merely consultative, ii, 162
references to it discouraged, ii, 180
its appellate jurisdiction, i, 341, 356, 437; ii, 187, 188; iii, 95
growth of its power, ii, 163, 298
resents interference, ii, 278
becomes head of Inqn., ii, 166
acts without inq.-genl., ii. 167
its struggle with Inq.-genl. Mendoza, ii, 173
its authority assured by Philip V, ii,
its routine of voting, ii, 168, 178
its control over tribunals, ii, 179, 189
development of its supervision, ii, 181
routine in deciding cases, ii, 182
its scrutiny of reports, ii, 183
supervises arrests, ii, 184, 490
fixes rations of prisoners, ii, 531
controls sentences, ii, 184, 186
its labors, ii, 203
its delays, iii, 80
punishes officials, ii, 225
it orders suspensions, iii, 112
controls the holding of autos, iii, 211
insists on secrecy, ii, 476, 607
controls finances, ii, 190
supported by tribunals, ii, 192
audits accounts of tribunals, ii, 193
its income and outlay, ii, 201, 440; iv, 228
its pay-roll, ii, 191, 194, 196
increase of its wealth, ii, 369
its control of confiscations, i, 329
of fines and penances, i, 339; ii, 398
its control of commutations, ii, 409
absorbs the levy on the clergy, ii, 434
fees of its officials, ii, 200
its pluralist officials, ii, 418
its liberality, ii, 252
refreshments at bull-fights, ii, 198
negligent book-keeping, ii, 449
appointing power, i, 299, 301, 323, 324
its relations with crown, i, 322
countersigns royal cédulas, i, 291
assents to royal decrees, i, 325
evades royal decrees, i, 327
its royal jurisdiction, i, 345, 346, 513
struggle with Córtes of 1646, i, 459
its appeal in 1677, i, 463
argues away Concordias, i, 472, 474
complains of competencias, i, 491
admits excesses of tribunals, i, 488 497
prohibits abuses in 1705, i, 536
seeks to restrain familiars, ii, 275
defends Valencia familiars, i, 447, 449
denies right of asylum, i, 422, 423
forbids degrees to Conversos, ii, 287
action in witchcraft, iv, 216, 225
in bigamy cases, iv, 319
letter on Madrid insurrection, iv, 400
visited by Fernando VII, iv, 431
Supremacy of Inqn., i, 341, 357
Suppression of adverse memorials, iii, 532, 539
of the Valencia Concordia, i, 445
of canonries, ii, 426
of libros verdes, ii, 307
of witnesses’ names, ii, 548; iii, 53
permissory at first, ii, 549
becomes the rule, ii, 550
its effect, ii, 552; iii, 64, 66
importance attached to it, ii, 551
offers for its abandonment, i, 217, 221, 222; ii, 550
in Portugal, iii, 257
Surgeon of Inqn., ii, 249
Surgery forbidden to clerics, iii, 184
Suspects, lists of, iv, 452
Suspension of trials, iii, 108
forbidden in trials of the dead, iii, 84
releases sequestration, ii, 501
of witch cases, iv, 238
Suspensive appeals, ii, 187
Suspicion, classification of, iii, 123
vehement, relapse in, iii, 203
extinguished by death, iii, 85
galley service for, iii, 142
engendered by Inqn., ii, 91, 100
Sylva, Diego de, on limpieza, ii, 299
Synagogues, existing ones permitted, i, 38, 81
houses used at, iii, 129
Taboada, Felipe Sobrino, his persecution, iv, 402
Taboada, Inq.-genl., does not serve, i, 316
Tachas, iii, 63
Tails attributed to Jews, iii, 291
Talaru, his fruitless efforts, iv, 451
Talavera, Hernando de, his Jewish blood, i, 120
accused by Lucero, i, 197, 204
his missionary labors, iii, 319
Talio, the, for false witness, ii, 556, 558, 559
Taor, iii, 329
Tarascas, iv, 503
Tarazona, tribunal of, i, 553
Bp. of, delegates his powers, ii, 13
Córtes of, accept Torquemada, i, 238
on export of horses, iv, 281
of 1592, iv, 269
Tardy confession, ii, 580
Tariffs rendered uniform, iv, 486
Taronji on Mallorquin New Christians, ii, 314
Tarragona, council of, on badges for Jews, i, 69
on Moorish observances, i, 71
on friendship with Jews, i, 75
on jurisdiction over heresy, ii, 8
tribunal of, i, 478, 553
punished for enforcing quarantine, i, 264
Tassa of grain, iv, 479
Tatti mammillari, iv, 110
Tavera, his grants of ayuda de costa, ii, 254
tries to exclude Conversos, ii, 290
Tavern of Saragossa tribunal, i, 389
Tavira, Bp., on solicitation, iv, 136
Tax on confiscations, ii, 352
on accretion of church-property, iv, 489
Taxation, exemption from, i, 270, 376, 379, 380
burdens of, iv, 478
Tax-collectors, Jews as, i, 95, 98, 99
Tax-roll of Benedict XII, iv, 340
Taxes of Jews and Moors, i, 85, 125
of Penitentiary on Marrania, ii, 402
Teachers, penitents forbidden to be, iii, 176
Tello, Diego, on the Sabbat, iv, 240
Temporal jurisdiction, independence of, i, 490
its profits, i, 462, 468, 508; ii, 398
its evils, i, 510, 513
limited, i, 465, 515
Temporalities, seizure of, i, 469
Tenants ejected by tribunals, ii, 207
Tenderness for official delinquents, i, 369; ii, 451, 454
Tendilla, Count, rescues Ximenes, iii, 320
Teresa, St., her persecutions, iv, 16
Teresa de Silva, abbess of San Placido, ii, 134, 137
Term of Grace, ii, 320, 457
Terror of imprisonment, ii, 511
of Inqn., iv, 514
Tertullian on mystics, iv, 1
Teruel, expulsion of Jews, i, 132, 159
resistance to Inqn., i, 247
its tribunal, i, 553
belongs to Valencia, i, 444
public bath of, iii, 336
conversion of Moors of, iii, 345
Testa ferrea, iv, 505
Testimony presented by fiscal, ii, 491
in cases of limpieza, ii, 300
See also Evidence.
Tetuan, Christian Moriscos martyred, iii, 409
Theatre, censorship of, iii, 547
Theodorie tolerates Jews, i, 38
Theodosius II, his laws on Jews, i, 38
Theology, dangers of, iv, 150
trivialities of, iv, 171
mystic, superior to scholastic, iv, 5
Threat of torture, iii, 6
for non-performance of penance, iii, 104
Threatening of witnesses, ii, 552
Tigrekan, iv, 420
Time of Grace, ii, 320, 457
Time of Mercy, ii, 461
Time of making confession, ii, 580
Time and place suppressed in publication, iii, 54
Tithes paid by Jews, i, 86
and first-fruits of Moriscos, iii, 376
insecurity of, ii, 327, 339, 346
reduced one-half, iv, 440
burden of, iv, 480, 495
Titulados, i, 376
definition of, i, 491
Titulo de jubilacion, ii, 225
Tizon de la nobleza, ii, 298
Tobacco, use of, in churches, iv, 504
Tobacco revenue, frauds on, i, 425, 438
Toca, iii, 19
Toledo, Councils of, on Jews, i, 40
on heretic kings, i, 340
Muladíes dominant, i, 49
Moorish slaughter-house, i, 62
its chapter persecutes Jews, i, 94, 99
massacres of Jews, i, 88, 102, 108, 113
riots with Conversos, i, 126, 127
exclusion of Conversos, ii, 287, 290
its Huguenot colony, iii, 450
its convents, iv, 490
income of its Church, iv, 493
episcopal inquisitor in, i, 167
tribunal founded, i, 168, 553
it defies Rome, ii, 123
its activity, i, 169; iii, 81
its butcher-shop, i, 392
case of butcher, i, 491
case of D. Pedro Paniagua, i, 514
venality of its officials, ii, 306
amount of fines, ii, 399
amount of rehabilitations, ii, 403
financial mismanagement, ii, 438
its humanity, iii, 99
acquittals, iii, 107, 112
its prison, iii, 154, 155
sanbenitos hung, iii, 167
diminished activity, iii, 226; iv, 388
statistics of, iii, 551; iv, 520, 523
solicitation, iv, 135
witch cases, iv, 223
Masonry, iv, 302
bigamy, iv, 318
Toleration, Moorish, i, 45
during the Reconquest, i, 52
in Middle Ages, i, 84, 87
prior to Reformation, iii, 481
replaced by fanaticism, iv, 499
vicissitudes in 19th century, iii, 315; iv, 469
Toletus, Card., on coerced baptism, iii, 349
on the Sabbat, iv, 220
Tomás Admiral of Castile, ii, 169, 172, 176, 178
Tomás of Vilanova, St., on clerical immunity, i, 428; iv, 498
on Moriscos, iii, 374
on disarmament, iii, 378
Tongue cut out for blasphemy, iv, 328
Tonsure, abuses of, i, 17, 428
Toro, victory at, in 1476, i, 19
laws of, on ganancias, ii, 334
on false witness, ii, 556
Toro, Bp. of Oviedo, case of, ii, 88; iv, 72
Toros, perquisitos of, ii, 197, 198
Torpezas, iv, 109
Torpor, intellectual, of Spain, iv, 528
Torquemada, Card., on the Sabbat, iv, 210
Torquemada, Tomás de, made Inq.-genl., i, 173
for kingdoms of Aragon, i, 236, 263
his Jewish blood, i, 120
urges expulsion of Jews, i, 132, 135
his edict on the expulsion, i, 137
urges Inquisition, i, 157
his character, i, 174
his quarrels with inqrs., i, 177
his death and sanctity, i, 179
his Instructions, i, 181, 571, 576
fixes age of discretion, ii, 3
his appellate power, ii, 6
seeks jurisdiction over bps., ii, 41
opposes papal briefs, ii, 110
defines the tribunal, ii, 209
qualifications of inqrs., ii, 234
excludes Conversos, ii, 286
stops Ferdinand’s grants, ii, 374
on prosecution of the dead, iii, 82
orders the sanbenito, iii, 162
on disabilities of children, iii, 174
Torralba, Gaspar, case of, iii, 68
Torreblanca on pact with demon, iv, 188
on punishment of sorcery, iv, 198
on witchcraft, iv, 239
Torrejoncillos, P., his Centinela, iii, 290
Torres-Padmota, Nicolás de, ii, 170, 173
Torricella, his Consultas Morales, iv, 511
Torrubia, his book against Masonry, iv, 301
Tortosa, Council of, on Moorish observances, i, 71
tribunal of, i, 554
belongs to Valencia, i, 444
opposition to Inqn., i, 476, 478
episcopal edict of faith, ii, 8
sanbenitos in churches, iii, 170
jurisdiction over sorcery, iv, 191
Torture, iii, 1
preliminaries of, iii, 4
conditions required, iii, 6
one witness justifies, ii, 562
to purge imperfect confession, ii, 575
on intention, ii, 576
as test of insanity, iii, 61
at discretion of judge, iii, 10, 22
of witnesses, iii, 11
no privileged exemptions, iii, 13
stopped at order of physician, iii, 16
varieties of, iii, 18
frequently overcome, iii, 23, 30
reports of, iii, 24
confession under, ii, 581
must be ratified, iii, 27
repetition for revocation, iii, 28
not alluded to in sentence, iii, 32
statistics of, iii, 33
its suppression, iii, 34
not used in sorcery, iv, 195
used in witch-trials, iv, 223, 232, 245
in unnatural crime, iv, 367
Torturer, difficulty of finding, i, 568
gaoler serves as, ii, 248
official, iii, 16
his fees, iii, 17, 32
bribery of, iii, 32
Tostado, Alfonso, on the Sabbat, iv, 209
Tovar, Bernardino de, iii, 416; iv, 9
Trade with Moors, i, 55
with Jews, i, 117, 122, 123
forbidden to officials, i, 270, 466, 534
frauds and offences in, i, 443
carried on by Inqn., i, 389
with Indies by Conversos, ii, 357
burdens on, iii, 511; iv, 479
Traders not to be made familiars, i, 535
ruined by sequestration, ii, 501
Trades forbidden to Jews, i, 117
to penitents, iii, 173
Trampa and trampazo, iii, 20
Transactions prior to 1479, ii, 326
Transit of Conversos through Spain, iii, 271, 278, 303
Transfers of offices, ii, 212, 221
Transmission, hereditary, of offices, ii, 219
Transportation of Conversos forbidden, i, 184
Trashumantes, iv, 481
Travelling expenses reimbursed, ii, 254
privileges of officials, i, 395; ii, 206, 208
Treason, trials for, by Inqn., iv, 275
Treasure-seeking, iv, 196, 204
Treasurer of tribunal, ii, 250
Treaties as to foreign heretics, iii, 463-70
Trejo, Bp. of Murcia, prosecuted, i, 420
Trent, C. of, on occult heresy, ii, 19
favors Carranza, ii, 73
on non-residence, ii, 419
on celibacy, iv, 144, 337
on the Vulgate, iv, 151
on number of clergy, iv, 492
Tres actos positivos, ii, 307
Trial, the, iii, 36
conclusion of, iii, 53
delays, iii, 75
of absent and dead, iii, 80
cost paid by prisoner, ii, 533
Trials, records of, ii, 259
Triana, castle of, i, 162; ii, 207
inscription on, iv, 519
Tribunal, the, ii, 205
its organization, i, 231, 244; ii, 208
its buildings, ii, 230
its cost, i, 478, 479
its personnel, ii, 210, 232
Tribunals, list of, i, 541
establishment of, i, 166
multiplication of, ii, 205, 206
controlled by Suprema, ii, 179, 189
resist its encroachments, ii, 180
reports required from, ii, 183
become mere agencies, ii, 185, 186
funds controlled by Suprema, ii, 191
made to aid each other, ii, 193
their intercommunication, ii, 260
evasions respecting familiars, ii, 276
compile genealogies, ii, 288
expenses met by penances, ii, 394
subventions to Suprema, ii, 441
Tridentine Index, iii, 492, 528
Trincheras, iv, 303
Triple Aliansa, la, iv, 408
Trivial prosecutions, ii, 99; iv, 141
Troops, foreign heretic, iii, 475
Troppau, Congress of, iv, 444
Truxillo, clerical immunity in, i, 17
Tudela, tribunal of, i, 227, 554
Tudela penanced for harboring assassins, i, 254, 567, 610
Moors of, iii, 317
Tumult of Lackeys, iv, 390, 399
Turixi, Vicente, his fate, iii, 398
Turkey, refugee Jews in, i, 141
Morisco plots with, iii, 385
Tyrol, stigmata in, iv, 94
Tzevi, Zabathia, the false Messiah, iii, 303
Ubeda, slaughter of, i, 59
Uceds, Diego de, case of, iv, 139
Ucles, battle of, Jews in, i, 85
Ugolino, Giov., his mission, iii, 255
Uliff, his advice, i, 133
Ultramontanism, struggle with, iv, 292
its triumph, iv, 295
Umbilicarii, iv, 2
Unanimity, see Discordia
Uncanonized saints, iv, 355
jurisdiction over, conferred by Urban VIII, iv, 357
fictitious martyrs of Granada, iv, 357
Uniformity of procedure, iii, 37
Union with God, iv, 2, 8, 28, 63, 72,
74
Unity of faith, importance of, ii, 1
results of, iv, 477, 505, 534
Universi Dominici Gregis, bull, iv, 101, 102
Universities, limpieza required by, ii, 298, 313
attack the Jesuits, iii, 532
number of, iv, 485
University of Paris on pact with demon, iv, 185
Unnatural crime, iv, 361
in Spain, iv, 362
jurisdiction, only in Aragon, iv, 363
procedure secular, iv, 363, 366
in Sicily and Portugal, iv, 365
punishment, iv, 367
leniency to clerics, iv, 368
frequency, iv, 371
Unsalaried officials, ii, 263
seek exemption, i, 377, 382
jurisdiction over, i, 429
office-holders, ii, 223
Urban IV invalidates laws, i, 365
Urban V denounces Pedro the Cruel, i, 102
reserves cases of heresy, ii, 19
Urban VIII protects Mallorquin clergy, i, 499
objects to fines, ii, 400
revives brief of Sixtus IV, ii, 421
commutes relapse, iii, 261
annuls all licences, iii, 523
condemns the regalistas, iii, 537
on solicitation, iv, 101
on divination, iv, 244
on uncanonized saints, iv, 357
on reform of religious Orders, iv, 491
on tobacco in churches, iv, 504
Urgel, witchcraft in, iv, 211
Urquijo, Mariano Luis de, iii, 504, iv, 396
Urrea, Bp. Miguel de, a magician, iv, 180
Ursins, Princesse des, i, 317; ii, 176
Ursule de la Croix, case of, iii, 203
Usury, i, 95, 98; iv, 371
exorbitant in Middle Apes, i, 97
is heresy, iv, 372
struggle over it, i, 271, 285; iv, 373
jurisdiction abandoned, iv, 374
Utensilio, i, 399
Utility, general, iv, 378
Utrecht, treaty of, iii, 468, 470
Vaca, Licenciado, his visitation of Barcelona, i, 529
Vacancies occurring in Rome, ii, 429
Vacillation in confession, ii, 582
Val del Aguar, Moriscos massacred at, iii, 398
Val de Ricote, Moriscos expelled, iii, 404
Valcamonica, mystics of, iv, 46
Valdelamar, Alonso de, case of, iv, 97
Valdés, Inq.-genl., his Instructions, i, 182
condemns a book of Talavera, i, 204
forbids billeting troops, i, 396
on bandits as familiars, i, 453
limits Valencia familiars, ii, 276
his provisor as inqr., ii, 16
in danger of disgrace, ii, 46
resolves to prosecute Carranza, ii, 48
obtains power from Paul IV, ii, 61
wins over Philip, ii, 63
urges rupture with Rome, ii, 78
enforces limpieza, ii, 293
forbids prosecution for perjury, ii, 304
obtains canonries for Inqn., ii, 425
exploits discovery of Protestantism,
iii, 432, 433, 435
his letter of Sep. 9, 1558, iii, 566
his Index, iii, 486
his views on witchcraft, iv, 212
on clergy of Seville, iv, 497
his enforced resignation, i, 305; ii, 79
Valdés, Juan de, his heresies, ii, 53
on mysticism, iv, 14
Valençay, treaty of, iv, 419
Valencia, Council of, orders segregation, i, 77
massacre of 1391, i, 108, 111
complaints of confiscation, i, 236
fuero as to confiscations, iii, 359
they revert to feudal lord, ii, 395
public supply of wheat, i, 388
military service of familiars, i, 412
factional strife, i, 449
chapter appeals to Rome, ii, 132
limits on torture, iii, 2
sanbenitos in cathedral, iii, 168, 170, 171
conversion of Moors, iii, 345, 353
treatment of baptized Moors, iii, 351
expulsion of Moors decreed, iii, 354
number of Moriscos, iii, 355
their disarmament, iii, 378
their expulsion, iii, 393
number of Frenchmen, iii, 457
but two Protestants in, iii, 472
adoration of Francisco Simon, iv, 356
rejoicings over Immaculate Conception, iv, 360
its junta de fe, iv, 460
Valencia, tribunal of, its treatment of Serra, i, 187
salaries in 1482, i, 231
opposition to Inqn., i, 232, 239, 242
Torquemada appointed for, i, 236
resistance suppressed, i, 240
oath to tribunal, i, 352
quarrel over precedence, i, 360
over market-place, i, 365
taxation of officials, i, 379
importation of wheat, i, 385
its salt-privilege, i, 394
billeting of troops, i, 399, 401
right to bear arms, i, 402
complaint of familiars, i, 407
right of asylum, i, 422, 423
extension of jurisdiction, i, 431
collection of debts, i, 434
struggles over the fuero, i, 439
Concordias, i, 440, 443
character of familiars, i, 447
refusal of competencies, i, 516
number of Edict of Faith, ii, 97
discourtesy punished, ii, 132
commissioners required, ii, 268
number of familiars, ii, 276
nobles as familiars, ii, 281
court of confiscations, ii, 330
composition for confiscation, ii, 353
cost of tribunal, ii, 210
its productiveness, ii, 367
saved from bankruptcy, ii, 375
struggle over confiscation, iii, 360
confiscation commuted, ii, 395
fines on familiars, ii, 398
its finances, ii, 435, 436, 439, 441, 443
composition for imperfect confession, ii, 460
cost of prisoners, ii, 533
revocation of confessions, ii, 584; iii, 129
the perpetual prison, iii, 153, 155, 158
trials for Judaism, iii, 235
two Jews arrive there, iii, 293
foreign Jews, iii, 313
persecution of Moriscos, iii, 358
suspension as to Moriscos, iii, 373
visitas de navíos, iii, 519
unnatural crime, iv, 362, 363, 371
tribunal supports Napoleon, iv, 400, 539
its resources in 1814, iv, 428
its register, iv, 458
statistics of trials, iii, 561; iv, 522
Valenzuela, Fernando de, iv, 476
Valera, Cipriano de, iii, 427, 447
Valero, Rodrigo de, case of, iii, 424
Valladares, Inq.-genl., i, 313
yields to Mallorquin Church, i, 503
on quarrels of regular Orders, ii, 39
on exile of New Christians, iii, 304
tries to reduce officials, ii, 215
Valladolid, Council of, on Jews, i, 73, 74
child-murder at, i, 149
chapter of, appeals to Rome, ii, 160
Univ. of, enforces limpieza, ii, 287
Valladolid, its tribunal, i, 171, 554
royal oath at auto, i, 353
Carranza’s imprisonment, ii, 66
omission of Edict of Faith, ii, 98
quarrel over house, ii, 208
list of officials, ii, 210
Protestants of, iii, 429
auto of May 21, 1559, iii, 130, 437
of Oct. 8, 1559, iii, 441
case of Luisa de Carrion, iv, 37
of Luis de Leon, iv, 148
resumes in 1816, iv, 429
statistics, iv, 522
Van Halen, Juan de, his Memoirs, iv, 306
Vara of alguazil, sale of, ii, 213
Vargas, Alonso, iv, 263, 264
Varieties of torture, iii, 18
Vario, ii, 582
Vassalage of Moriscos, iii, 342, 377
Vatable Bible, the, iv, 151
Vedreña, Miguel, his appeal to Rome, ii, 120
Vega, Juan de la, case of, iv, 76
Velada, Marquis of, on Moriscos, iii, 390
Vélez, Archbp., iv, 297, 409, 410, 413,
441
Velez, los, Marquis of, on familiars, i, 446
Vellon coinage, i, 562; ii, 197; iv. 482
Venality of the curia, ii, 104; iii, 252
Veneration, diminution of, iv, 391
Venice, licences to trade with Moslems, i, 56
galley-service in, iii, 142
powers of nuncio in, iii, 186
Portuguese refugees in, iii, 254
writings in its favor suppressed, iii, 542
Vera, Lope de, case of, iii, 294
Vergara, Juan de, case of, iii, 416
Verqüenza, iii, 138, 219
Verona decree admits no exemptions, ii, 30
Congress of, iv, 444
Vibero, Leonor de, iii, 130, 430, 437
Vicalvero, tax-exemption in, i, 382
Vicente Ferrer, St., i, 112, 116
Vicente, Gregorio de, case of, iv, 312
Viceroys, circular letter to, i, 354
visits not to be paid to, i, 357
precedence claimed over, i, 358
of Majorca, i, 268; iv, 512
Vich, Pablo, Bp. of, his contumacy, iv, 457
Vicissitudes of Spain, iv, 472
Vidal Marin, Inq.-genl., i, 302, 314
exhorted by Clement XI, ii, 178
his Index, iii, 495
Vidau Durango, i, 251, 596
Vieira, Ant., S. J., opposes confiscation, iii, 282
champions New Christians, iii, 284
Vienne Council of, in 1312, its influence, i, 71
its rules, ii, 5
condemns Begghards, iv, 2
on usury, iv, 372
Vientres, perquisite of, i, 532
Villacis, Pedro de, prosecuted, i, 294
manages composition of Seville, ii, 358
opposes waste of confiscations, ii, 383
Villahermosa, Duke of, iv, 261, 264, 265,
266
Villalba, Fran, de, prosecuted, iii, 420
Villalpando, Juan de, case of, iv, 34
Villanueva, Gerónimo, case of, ii, 133
his sentence, ii, 142
appeals to Rome, ii, 145
his death, ii, 156
struggle over the papers, ii, 157
effect of his sentence, ii, 311
Villanueva, Lorenzo, on suppression of Bible, iii, 529
his reply to Grégoire, iv, 398
his speech against Inqn., iv, 413
his imprisonment, iv, 423
sent as envoy to Rome, iv, 441
Villar, Count of, excommunicated, i, 358
Villaroja, Eusebio, case of, iv, 77
Villela, holy bell of, i, 251
Villena, Marquis of, a mystic, iv, 8
Vinculaciones, iv, 443
Vinegas, Fray Diego, case of, i, 371
Vintras, Pierre-Michel, iv, 94
Violant, Queen, on massacre at Palma, i, 109
Violario, ii, 343
Violation of compositions, ii, 354
of secrecy, ii, 476
Virgin, denial of her virginity, iii, 201
Immaculate Conception, iv, 175, 359
irreverence to images, iv, 352, 354
Virués, Alonso de, ii, 127; iii, 418
Visions, doubtful source of, iv, 4
Visitas de navíos, iii, 311, 314, 474, 510, 519; iv, 432
Visitador, ii, 227
Visitations of tribunals, i, 369, 442, 468, 528; ii, 181, 227
Visitation of districts, ii, 238
Edicts of Faith in, ii, 97
repugnance for, ii, 240
renewal of sanbenitos, iii, 169
Visits of inqrs. regulated, i, 357
Vivés, Juan Luis, on enforced silence, iv, 515
Vocandorum, libros, ii, 260
Vote, the last, of Suprema, iv, 542
Voting in consulta de fe, iii, 73, 75
in Suprema, ii, 168, 178
Voto de Santiago, iv, 413
Vuelta de trampa, iii, 20
Vulgate, authority of the, iv, 151
Wafers, consecrated, insults to, iv, 355
Wager of law, iii, 113
Wages of servants paid, ii, 329, 330, 332
Wamba banishes the Jews, i, 43
War, munitions of, their export, iv, 281
of Succession, Inqn. in, iv, 275
War-ships subjected to visits, iii, 512
Washing as evidence, ii, 566
Waste of confiscations, ii, 364
Water torture, iii, 19
Wax perquisite of Suprema, ii, 195
Wealth a source of danger, ii, 385
fines proportioned to, ii, 396
of Church, iv, 488, 493, 495
of Portuguese New Christians, iii, 268
Weapons, prohibited, i, 402, 404
Wergild of Jews and Moors, i, 61
Wheat, importation of, i, 385
requisition of, i, 393
Wheel of Beda, iv, 195
Widow holds office as dowry, ii, 221
of officials and familiars, i, 444, 445
Wife, dowry of Catholic, ii, 325
as witness against husband, ii, 537
of officials, qualifications of, ii, 251, 296
Windows, overlooking, closed, ii, 472
overlooking autos, iii, 213
Wine, trouble over, in Saragossa, i, 389
Wisigothic laws on Jews, i, 40
on sorcery, iv, 179
Wisigoths, conversion of, i, 39
Witchcraft, cases referred to Suprema, ii, 180
character and causes, iv, 206
development, iv, 207
the Sabbat, iv, 208
congregation of 1526, iv, 212
caution ordered, iv, 216
enlightened instructions, iv, 219
zeal restrained, iv, 221
Logrofio auto of 1610, iv, 225
Salazar’s report, iv, 231
instructions of 1614, iv, 235
treated as illusion, iv, 238
cases become rare, iv, 241
in Roman Inqn., iv, 242
treatment throughout Europe, iv, 246
Witch-crazes, their cause, iv, 234
Witches reputed as insane, iii, 58
Witiza favors Jews, i, 44
Witnesses in mixed suits, i, 72
their perjury, i, 223; ii, 554
against familiars, i, 447
clerical, episcopal licence for, i, 491
protection of, i, 368; ii, 542, 549, 551
familiars as, i, 492
as to limpieza, ii, 301
their examination, ii, 466, 479, 541
sworn to secrecy, ii, 473
in secular law, ii, 535
presumed to be legal, ii, 536
for the defence, ii, 539; iii, 67
compelled to testify, ii, 540
suppression of their names, iii, 53, 64, 66, 548; iv. 106
offers respecting, i, 217, 221, 222; ii, 550
in Portugal, iii, 242, 257
number required, ii, 561, 562
de visu and de oidas, ii, 564
single, suffices for torture, iii, 9
torture of, iii, 11
disabled for enmity, iii, 64, 68
in solicitation, iv, 120, 123
enmity disregarded, iv, 156
can revoke in witchcraft, iv, 235
not to be investigated, iv, 261
Women exempt from galleys, iii, 140
service in hospitals as penance, iii, 145
prisoners, ii, 523, 525, 526
stripped for torture, iii, 17
monkish abuse of, iv, 120
burning of, in England, iv, 526
Wood, indulgences for contributing, iii, 184
Work, hours of, not observed, ii, 226
Workmen entitled to fuero, i, 434
Works, external, rejected by mystics, iv, 3, 8, 28,
50
Writing materials for prisoners, ii, 517
Writings, licence to keep, iii, 489
Xavier, St. Francis, urges colonial Inqn., iii, 260
Xavierr, Cardinal, on Morisco expulsion, iii, 392
Xea, Moriscos of, prosecuted, iii, 375
Xelder, Juan, arrested by impostor, iv, 346
Xeres, battle of, i, 44
complaint of arrest at, i, 185
tribunal of, i, 555
claims on fugitive heretics, ii, 329
Ximenes, Catalina, case of, ii, 347
Ximenes, Cardinal, his purchase of preferment, i, 13
Inq.-genl., of Castile, i, 180, 205
power of dismissal confirmed, i, 178
attempts reform, i, 215
his alhondiga at Toledo, i, 388
appoints president of Suprema, ii, 164
restrains familiars, ii, 274
no discrimination against Conversos, ii, 287
claims share of confiscations, ii, 320
his financial reforms, ii, 366
checks grants from confiscations, ii, 380
abolishes receivers of penances, ii, 391
reserves commutations, ii, 409
reforms office of receiver, ii, 446
on suppression of witnesses’ names, ii, 550
allows prisoners to live at home, iii, 152
prison must be perpetual, iii, 159
forbids discretional sentences, iii, 160
defines the sanbenito, iii, 163
his conversion of Granada, iii, 320
orders instruction of Moriscos, iii, 327
on seduction of female prisoners, ii, 523
favors the Beata de Piedrahita, iv, 7
fate of his MSS., iv, 530
Ximenez de Reynoso on Moriscos, iii, 389
Ximeno, Cristóbal, case of, iv, 116
Xorguina, iv, 210
Yáñez, Alvar, case of, i, 25
Yantar, i, 395
Youth as a defence, iii, 58
Youth liable to confiscation, ii, 321
to torture, iii, 14
to scourging, iii, 137
to reconciliation, iii, 150, 206
to prison, iii, 161
to disabilities, iii, 174
Zacharie, Jacques, case of, iii, 458
Zafar y Ribera, case of, ii, 579
Zafra, Francisco de, case of, iii, 427, 444
Zahori, iv, 187, 196
Zala, iii, 329
Zalaca, Jews in battle of, i, 85
Zamarra, iii, 163
Zambras and leilas, iii, 329, 335
Zamora, Council of, on Jews, i, 69, 72
struggle over canonry, ii, 417
Zapata, Inq.-genl., his resignation, i, 309
Concordia of, i, 474
Index of, iii, 495
Zapata, Garcia de, case of, ii, 2
Zapata, Melchor, his jubilation, ii, 225
Zaportas. Salomon and Bale, iii, 293
Zaragüelles, iii, 17
Zarza, compañia de la, iii, 216, 219, 228
Zayas, Josef de, his prosecution, iv, 429
Zelatores fidei as witnesses, ii, 540
Zofras, iii, 376
Zumarraga, Juan de, persecutes witches, iv, 215
Zuñiga, Juan de, seizes Jean de Berri, ii, 130
Zuñiga, Inq.-genl., his death, i, 306
Zurita, Gerónimo, on papal jurisdiction, ii, 131
as auditor of Suprema, ii, 194
reclaims early records, ii, 258
audits Sicilian accounts, ii, 367
accounts of fines and penances, ii, 392
his petition, ii, 194, 592
his statistics as to Seville, iv, 519
Zurita, Dr., his reception at Castellon, ii, 239
tenderness shown to him, i, 369, 530
his arrests of Frenchmen, iii, 458
Zurbano, president of Suprema, ii, 164
Zurra de rueda, iii, 181
| Typographical errors corrected by the etext transcriber: |
|---|
| Arcihvo de Simancas=> Archivo de Simancas {pg 25 n.} |
| The technicalties=> The technicalities {pg 115} |
| It if were religious=> If it were religious {pg 178} |
| Archvio de Simancas=> Archivo de Simancas {pg 304} |
| for a neice=> for a niece {pg 312} |
| pronouncd=> pronounced {pg 367} |
| After the battle of Liepzig=> After the battle of Leipzig {pg 419} |
| inquisitorial acivity=> inquisitorial activity {pg 501} |
| commerical era=> commericial era {pg 505} |
| Bernières-Louvigni, his Quietism, iv, 63=> Bernières-Louvigny, his Quietism, iv, 63 {pg 554 index} |
| conflicts of jurisdicition, i, 514=> conflicts of jurisdiction, i, 514 {pg 555 index} |
| Climent, Bp., of Barcelona, iv, 293=> Clíment, Bp., of Barcelona, iv, 293 {pg 561 index} |
| Días, Blanquina, case of, ii, 122=> Díaz, Blanquina, case of, ii, 122 {pg 567 index} |
| condemns the Mistíca Ciudad, iv, 40=> condemns the Mística Ciudad, iv, 40 {pg 579 index} |
